A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Vol 6 by Robert KerrForming a Complete History of the Origin and Progress of Navigation, Discovery, and Commerce, by Sea and Land, from the Earliest Ages to the Present Time (page 8)

the year 1332 of the Christian computation, after having lived sixty-one years, twenty two of which he was sovereign of that principality. Greaves has mistaken both the length of his reign, which he makes only three years, and the time of his death[339]. Abulfeda was much addicted to the study of geography and history, and wrote books on both of these subjects, which are in great estimation in the East. His geography written in 721, A.D. 1321, consists of tables of the latitudes and longitudes of places, in imitation of Ptolemy, with descriptions, under the title of _Takwin al Boldan_. No fewer than five or six translations have been made of this work, but by some accident or other none of these have ever been published. The only parts of this work that have been printed are the tables of _Send_ and _Hend_, or India, published in the French collection of Voyages and Travels by Thevenot; and those of _Khowarazm_ or _Karazm, Mawara’l-nahar_, or Great Bukharia, and Arabia. The two former were published in 1650, with a Latin translation by Dr Greaves; and all the three by Hudson, in the third volume of the _Lesser Greek Geographers_, in 1712; from which latter work this description of the Red Sea is extracted, on purpose to illustrate the two preceding journals, and to shew that there really is such a gulf on the coast of Arabia as that mentioned by the ancients, that geographers may not be misled by the mistake of Don Juan de Castro. In this edition, the words inserted between parenthesis are added on purpose to accommodate the names to the English orthography, or to make the description more strictly conformable to the Arabic. The situations or geographical positions are here thrown out of the text, to avoid embarrassment, and formed into a table at the end. We cannot however warrant any of them, as those which may have been settled by actual observation are not distinguished from such as may not have had that advantage; which indeed is the general fault of oriental tables of latitude and longitude. The latitude of _Al Kossir_ comes pretty near that formed by Don Juan de Castro; but that of _Al Kolzum_ must err above one degree, while that of Swakem is more than two degrees erroneous.–Ast.

[Footnote 338: Astley, I. 130. We have adopted this article from Astleys Collection, that nothing useful or curious may be omitted. In the present time, when the trade beyond the Cape of Good Hope is about to be thrown open, it might be highly useful to publish a series of Charts of all the coasts and islands of the great Eastern Ocean; and among others, a Chart of the Red Sea, with a dissertation on its geography and navigation, might be made of singular interest and utility.–E.]

[Footnote 339: See Gagnier’s preface to the life of Mahomet by Abu’lfeda; and the preface of Shulten to that of Saladin–Astl. I. 130. d.]

The author begins his description of the sea of _Kolzum_ or of _Yaman_ at _Al Kolzum_[340], a small city at the north end of this sea; which from thence runs south, inclining a little towards the east, as far as _al Kasir_ (_al Kossir_) the port of _Kus_[341]. Hence it continues its course south, bending somewhat westward to about _Aidab_ (Aydhab[342].) The coast passes afterwards directly south to _Sawakan_ (Swakem), a small city in the land of the blacks, (or _al Sudan_). Proceeding thence south, it encompasses the island of _Dahlak_, which is not far from the western shore. Afterwards advancing in the same direction, it washes the shores of _al Habash_ (_Ethiopia_ or _Abyssinia_), as far as the cape or mountain of _al Mandab_ (or _al Mondub_), at the mouth of the _Bahr al Kolzum_ or Red Sea, which here terminates; the _Bahr al Hind_, or Indian Sea flowing into it at this place. The cape or mountain of _al Mandub_ and the desert of _Aden_ approach very near, being separated only by so narrow a strait that two persons on the opposite sides may see each other across. These Straits are named _Bab al Mandab_. By some travellers the author was informed that these Straits lie _on this side_ of Aden to the north-west, a day and nights sail. The mountains of _al Mandab_ are in the country of the negroes, and may be seen from the mountains of _Aden_, though at a great distance. Thus much for the western side of this sea. Let us now pass over to the eastern coast.

[Footnote 340: Or _al Kolzom_, which signifies _the swallowing up_. Here, according to Albufeda in his description of _Mesr_ or Egypt, Pharaoh was drowned, and the town and the sea took this name from that event. _Kolzum_ is doubtless the ancient _Clysma_, as indicated both by the similarity of names, and the agreement of situation. It was in the road of the pilgrims from Egypt to Mecca, but is now destroyed. Dr Pocock places Clysma on his map about 15 min. south from Suez.–Ast. I. 131. b.]

[Footnote 341: _Kus_ is a town near the Nile, a little way south of _Kept_, the ancient _Koptos_; which shews that Kossir must be the ancient Berenice, as formerly observed in a note on the Journal of de Castro.–Astl. I. 131. c.]

[Footnote 342: In this name of _Aydhab_, the _dh_ is pronounced with a kind of lisp, like the English _th_ in the words _the_, _then_, &c. About 1150, in the time of _al Edrisi_, this was a famous port, and carried on a great trade. Both the king of _Bejah_ or _Bajah_, a port of Nubia, and the Soldan of Egypt, had officers here to receive the customs, which were divided between these sovereigns. There was a regular ferry here to _Jiddah_, the port of Mecca, which lies opposite, the passage occupying a day and a night, through a sea full of shoals and rocks. In his description of Egypt, Abulfeda says Aydhab belonged to Egypt, and was frequented by the merchants of Yaman, and by the pilgrims from Egypt to Mecca.–Astl. I. 131. d.]

The coast of _Bahr al Kolzum_ runs northward from _Aden_[343], and proceeds thence round the coast of _al Yaman_ (or Arabia Felix), till it comes to the borders thereof. Thence it runs north to _Joddah_. From _Joddah_ it declines a little to the west, as far as _Jahafah_, a station of the people of _Mesr_ (Egypt), when on pilgrimage to Mecca. Thence advancing north, with a small inclination towards the west, it washes the coast of _Yanbaak_ (_Yamboa_). Here it turns off north-westwards, and having passed _Madyan_ it comes to _Aylah_. Thence descending southwards it comes to the mountain _al Tur_[344], which thrusting forwards separates two arms of the sea. Thence returning to the north, it passes on to _al Kolzum_, where the description began, which is situated to the west of _Aylah_, and almost in the same latitude.

[Footnote 343: From Aden the coast leading to the Straits of Bab al Mandab runs almost due west, with a slight northern inclination, about 115 statute miles, or 1 deg. 45 min. of longitude to Cape _Arah_, which with Cape _al Mandab_ from the two sides of the Straits of Mecca or Bab al Mandab, having the island of Prin interposed, considerably nearer to the Arabian than the African shore.–E.]

[Footnote 344: A mountain so called near Sinai, which likewise goes by that name.–Ast. I. 151. h.–This mountain of _al Tur_ forms the separation between the Gulf of _Suez_ and that of Akkaba, its western extremity forming Cape Mahomed.–E.]

_Al Kolzum_ and _Aylah_ are situated on two arms or gulfs of the sea, between which the land interposes, running to the South; which land is the mountain _al Tur_ almost in the same longitude with _Aylah_, which stands at the northern extremity of the eastern bay, while _al Kolzum_ is at the northern extremity of the western gulf, so that _Aylah_ is more to the east, and mount _al Tur_ more to the south than _al Kolzum_. _Aylah_ is situated on the inmost part of the promontory which extends into the sea. Between _al Tur_ and the coast of _Mesr_ (Egypt), that arm of the sea or gulf extends on which _al Kolzum_ stands. In like manner that arm of the sea on which _Aylah_ is situated extends between _al Tur_ and _Hejaz_. From this mountain of _al Tur_ the distance to either of the opposite coasts is small by sea, but longer about by the desert of _Fakiyah_, as those who travel by land from _al Tur_ to _Mesr_ are under the necessity of going round by _al Kolzum_, and those who go by land from _al Tur_ to _Hejaz_ must go round by way of Aylah. _Al Tur_ joins the continent on the north, but its other three sides are washed by the sea. The sea of _al Kolzum_, after passing some way to the south-east from _al Tur_ begins to widen on either side, till it becomes _seventy_[345] miles broad. This wider part is called _Barkah al Gorondal_.

[Footnote 345: These are to be understood as Arabian miles, 56-2/3 to the degree, or each equal to 1-1/4 English miles according to Norwoods measure, 69-1/2 to the degree.–Astl. I. 132. b.

This would only give 80 English miles for the breadth of the Red Sea; whereas, immediately below the junction of the two northern guffs, it is 104 miles broad, and its greatest breadth for a long way is 208 miles.–E.]

_Table of Situations, from Abulfeda_[346].

Lat.
deg. min. deg. min Kolzum, 28 20 N. 54 15 E. ——-by some 56 30 Al Kossir, 26 0 59 0 Aydhab 21 0 58 0
Swakem, 17 0 58 0 Aden, 11 0 66 0
Borders of Yaman, 19 0 67 0 Jiddah, 21 0 66 0
Jahafah, 22 0 65 0 Yamboa, 26 0 64 0
Aylah, 29 0 55 0 —- 28 50 56 40

[Footnote 346: The longitude is reckoned by _Abulfeda_ from the most western shores on the Atlantic Ocean, at the _pillars of Hercules_; supposed to be 10 deg. E. of the _Fuzair al Khaladat_, or the Fortunate Islands.–Ast. I. 134.

These latitudes and longitudes are so exceedingly erroneous as to defy all useful criticism, and are therefore left as in the collection of Astley without any commentary; indeed the whole of this extract from Abulfeda is of no manner of use, except as a curiosity.–E.]

POSTSCRIPT.-_Transactions of the Portuguese in Abyssinia, under Don Christopher de Gama[347]._

While the Portuguese fleet was at Massua, between the 22d of May and 9th of July 1541, a considerable detachment of soldiers was landed at Arkiko on the coast of Abyssinia under the command of Don Christopher de Gama, brother to the governor-general, for the assistance of the Christian sovereign of the Abyssinians against Grada Hamed king of Adel or Zeyla, an Arab sovereignty at the north-eastern point of Africa, without the Red Sea, and to the south of Abyssinia. In the journal of Don Juan de Castro; this force is stated at 500 men, while in the following notices from De Faria, 400 men are said to have formed the whole number of auxiliaries furnished by the Portuguese[348]. This account of the first interference of the Portuguese in the affairs of Abyssinia by De Faria, is rather meagre and unsatisfactory, and the names of places are often so disguised by faulty orthography as to be scarcely intelligible. In a future division of our work more ample accounts will be given both of this Portuguese expedition, and of other matters respecting Abyssinia.–E.

[Footnote 347: From the Portuguese Asia of De Faria, II. 24.]

[Footnote 348: In an account of this expedition of the Portuguese into Abyssinia, by the Catholic Patriarch, Juan Bermudez, who accompanied them, this difference of the number of men is partly accounted for. According to Bermudez, the force was 400 men, among whom were many gentlemen and persons of note, who carried servants along with them, which increased the number considerably.–E.]

* * * * *

Some time before the expedition of De Gama into the Red Sea, Grada Hamed the Mahometan king of Adel or Zeyla, the country called _Trogloditis_ by some geographers, submitted himself to the supremacy of the Turkish empire in order to obtain some assistance of men, and throwing off his allegiance to the Christian emperor of Abyssinia or Ethiopia, immediately invaded that country with a numerous and powerful army. On this occasion he took advantage offered by the sovereign of Abyssinia, to whom he owed allegiance, being in extreme youth, and made such progress in the country that the emperor _Atanad Sagad_, otherwise named _Claudius_, was obliged to retire into the kingdom or province of Gojam, while his mother, _Saban_ or _Elizabeth_, who administered the government in his minority, took refuge with the _Baharnagash_ in the rugged mountains of _Dama_, a place naturally impregnable, which rising to a prodigious height from a large plain, has a plain on its summit about a league in diameter, on which is an indifferent town with sufficient cattle and other provisions for its scanty population. On one side of this mountain there is a road of difficult ascent to near the top; but at the last part of the ascent people have to be drawn up and let down on planks by means of ropes.

While in this helpless condition, the queen got notice that Don Stefano de Gama was in the Red Sea, and sent the Baharnagash to him, desiring his assistance against the tyrant, who had overrun the country, destroyed many ancient churches, and carried off numbers of priests and monks into slavery. The embassador was favourably listened to; and it was resolved by the governor-general, in a council of his officers, to grant the assistance required. Accordingly Don Christopher de Gama, brother to the governor-general, was named to the command on this occasion, who was landed with 400 men and eight field-pieces, with many firelocks and abundance of ammunition. He was accompanied by Don Juan Bermudez, Patriarch of Ethiopia, whose presence was much desired by the Abyssinian emperor, on purpose to introduce the ceremonies of the Roman church.

Don Christopher de Gama and his men set out on their march from Arkiko under the guidance of the Baharnagash for the interior of Abyssinia, and the men endured incredible fatigue from the excessive heat, though they rested by day and marched only in the night. A whole week was spent in passing over a rugged mountain, whence they descended into a very pleasant flat country, watered by many rivulets, through which they marched for two days to the city of _Barua_, the metropolis or residence of the Baharnagash. Though much damaged in the late invasion, yet this place had several sightly buildings, divided by a large river, with goodly villages and country houses in the environs. The Portuguese were received at the gates by a procession of several monks singing a litany, one of whom made a speech to welcome them, extoling their generosity in coming to the aid of their distressed country: After which the Portuguese visited the church and encamped.

Don Christopher sent immediate notice of his arrival to the Emperor, who was at a great distance, and to the queen mother who was near, upon the mountain of Dama already mentioned. The Baharnagash was sent to conduct her from the mountain, having along with him two companies of the Portuguese as an escort, and brought her to Barua attended by a great retinue of women and servants. On her arrival, the Portuguese troops received her under arms, and the cannon were fired off to do her honour. The queen was seated on a mule, whose trappings reached to the ground, and she was hidden from view by curtains fixed to the saddle. She was clothed in white, having a short black cloak or mantle with gold fringes on her shoulders. From her white head dress a flowing white veil fell down that concealed her face. The Baharnagash led her mule by the bridle, having his arms bare in token of respect, while his shoulders were covered by a tigers skin; and on each side of her walked a nobleman in similar attire. She opened the curtains that surrounded her that she might see the Portuguese troops; and on Don Christopher going up to pay his compliments, she lifted her veil that he might see her. The reception on both sides was courteous. Don Christopher went afterwards to visit her and consult with her, when it was resolved by the advice of the Abyssinians to winter at that place, and to wait an answer from the Emperor. The answer came accordingly, expressing his joy for the arrival of the Portuguese succours, and desiring Don Christopher to march in the beginning of summer.

The Portuguese accordingly marched at the time appointed, and in the following order. Some light horse led the van, to explore the road: Then followed the artillery and baggage: After which came the queen and her attendants, with a guard of fifty Portuguese musqueteers: Don Christopher brought up the rear with the remainder of the Portuguese troops; and the Baharnagash with his officers secured the flanks. In eight days, the army came to the mountain of _Gane_ of most difficult ascent, on the top of which was a city, and on the highest cliff a chapel, near which was a house hung round with three hundred embalmed bodies sewed up in hides. These external coverings were much rent with age, and discovered the bodies within still white and uncorrupted. Some supposed these were the _Roman_ conquerors of the country; while others, and among them the patriarch, supposed them to have been martyrs. Encouraged by the presence of the Portuguese auxiliaries, many of the natives resorted to the queen. Don Christopher marched on to the mountain of Canete, well watered and having abundance of cattle, which, almost impregnable by nature was still farther strengthened by artificial fortifications. The emperors of Abyssinia used formerly to be crowned at this place, which was now held for the tyrant by a thousand men, who used often to come down from the mountain and ravage the open country.

Contrary to the advice of the queen and her councillors, Don Christopher determined to commence his military operations by assaulting this den of thieves. For this purpose he divided his force into three bodies, one of which he led in person, and courageously endeavoured to force his way by the three several passes which led to the summit. But after the most valiant efforts, the Portuguese were forced to desist from the attack, in consequence of great numbers of large stones being rolled down upon them by the enemy. After hearing mass on Candlemas day, the 2d of February 1542, the Portuguese returned to the attack, playing their cannon against the enemy; and though they lost some men by the great stones rolled down among them from the mountain, they at length made their way to the first gates which they broke open, and forced their way to the second gates with great slaughter of the enemy, and the loss of three Portuguese. The enemy within the second and third gates, seeing only a few men of the vanguard, opened their gates, on which the Portuguese rushed in and maintained a hot contest with the enemy till Don Christopher came up with the main body, and pressed the enemy so hard that many of them threw themselves headlong from the rocks. Many women and children were made prisoners, and much plunder was taken. The queen and her retinue went up to the mountain, expressing great admiration of the Portuguese prowess, as the fortress had always been deemed impregnable by the Ethiopians. The patriarch purified a mosque, which he dedicated to the blessed virgin, and in which mass was celebrated to the great joy both of the Portuguese and Abyssinians.

Placing a garrison of Abyssinians in this place under a native officer, the army marched on into the country of a rebel named _Jarse_, who now submitted to the queen and brought his men to her service, thinking nothing could withstand men who had conquered nature, so highly did they esteem the conquest of the mountain _Canete_. The king of Zeyla came on now with his army, covering the plains and mountains with his numbers, and exulting in the hopes of an easy victory over so small a number of men. Don Christopher encamped in good order near a mountain in full sight of the enemy. Palm Sunday and Monday were spent in skirmishing, with nearly equal loss on both sides, but the Portuguese had so far the advantage as to compel the enemy to retreat to their camp. Don Christopher found it necessary to remove his camp, being in want of some necessaries, particularly water; and on the king of Zeyla observing the Portuguese in motion from his position on the high grounds, he came down and surrounded the Portuguese in the plain, who marched in good order, keeping off the enemy by continual discharges of their artillery and small arms. The enemy still pressing on, Don Christopher ordered Emanuel de Cuna to face about with his company, which he did so effectually, that he obliged a body of Turks to retire after losing many of their men. The Turks rallied and renewed their attack, in which they distressed De Cuna considerably, so that Don Christopher was obliged to come in person to his relief, and fought with so much resolution that he was for a considerable time unconscious of being wounded in the leg. At this time the king of Zeyla came on in person, thinking to put a favourable end to the action, but it turned to his own loss, as many of his men were cut off by the Portuguese cannon. Don Christopher was in great danger of being slain, yet continued the action with great resolution, till at length the tyrant was struck down by a shot which pierced his thigh. His men immediately furled their colours and fled, carrying him off whom they believed slain though he was still alive. This victory cost the Portuguese eleven men, two of whom were of note. After the battle, the queen herself attended Don Christopher and all the wounded men with the utmost alacrity and attention.

After the respite of a week, the Portuguese army marched towards the enemy, who came to meet them, the king of Zeyla being carried in an open chair or litter. This battle was resolutely contested on both sides. A Turkish captain, thinking to recover the honour which had been lost in the former action, made a charge with the men he commanded into the very middle of the Portuguese, and was entirely cut off with all his followers. Don Christopher on horseback, led his men with such fury into the heat of the action, that at length he compelled the enemy to turn their backs and seek safety in flight. The king of Zeyla had infallibly been taken in the pursuit, had there been a sufficient body of horse to pursue and follow up the victory. In this battle the Portuguese lost eight men. After the victory, the allied army of the Portuguese and Abyssinians, on marching down to a pleasant river found it possessed by the enemy, who immediately fled with their king. At this time the king of Zeyla sent an embassy to the Pacha of Zabit acquainting him with the distress to which he was reduced, and prevailed upon him by a large subsidy to send him a reinforcement of almost 1000 Turkish musqueteers.

Don Christopher wintered in the city of _Ofar_, waiting the arrival of the Abyssinian emperor. While there a Jew proposed to him, if he were in want of horses and mules, to shew him a mountain at no great distance, inhabited by Jews, where he might find a large supply of both. On that mountain the king of Zeyla had a garrison of 400 men. Having inquired into the truth of this information, and found that it was to be depended upon, Don Christopher marched thither with two companies of Portuguese and some Abyssinians, and came to the foot of the mountain which is twelve leagues in compass. Some Moors who guarded the passes were slain in the ascent, and on the top the Moorish commander met him with all his men, but Don Christopher running at him with his lance thrust him through the body. The shot of the Portuguese soon constrained the Moors to make a precipitate flight, after losing a great number of men, and the mountain was completely reduced. Great numbers of horses and mules were found in this place, which was inhabited by about 800 Jews in six or seven villages, who were reduced to obedience. According to tradition, these Jews, and many others who are dispersed over Ethiopia and Nubia, are descended from some part of the dispersion of the ten tribes. The Jew who acted as guide to the Portuguese on this occasion, was so astonished at their valour that he was converted and baptised, and by common consent was appointed governor of this mountain. Before this it had the name of _Caloa_, but was ever afterwards known by the name of _the Jews mountain_.

On the second day after the return of Don Christopher to the army, the king of Zeyla began to shew himself more bold than usual, trusting to the great reinforcement of Turkish musqueteers he had procured from Zabid. The youth and inexperience of Don Christopher allowed his valour to transport him far beyond the bounds of prudence. He ought to have retired to some strong position on the mountains, till joined by the emperor with the military power of Abyssinia, as it was impossible for him to contend against such great superiority, now that the king of Zeyla had so strong a body of musqueteers: But he never permitted himself to consider of these circumstances, till too late. On the 29th of August, the Turks made an attack upon the camp, and were repulsed, on which occasion Don Christopher was wounded in the leg and lost four men. In that part of the entrenchments defended by Emanuel de Cuna, the Turks were likewise repelled, with the loss of three men on the side of the Portuguese. In another part Francisco de Abreu was killed while fighting like a lion, and his brother Humphrey going to fetch off his body was slain and fell beside that he went to rescue. On this Don Christopher came up to relieve his men and performed wonders, till his arm was broken by a musquet-ball and he was carried off by a brave soldier. He was scarcely dressed when news was brought that the enemy had entered the entrenchments, and had slain Fonseca and Vello, two of his officers, on which he ordered himself to be carried to the place of danger. As the enemy were now decidedly victorious, some of the Portuguese abandoned their ranks and fled, as did the queen and the patriarch, both being mounted on fleet mares, each taking a different way, he from fear not knowing where he went, but she from choice as being well acquainted with the country. Don Christopher sent immediately to bring back the queen, as her flight was entirely ruinous, occasioning the disbanding of all the Abyssinian troops. But at length, seeing that all was lost, he grasped in despair a sword in his left hand, saying, _Let who will follow me to die like heroes in the midst of the enemy_. He was carried however from the field by mere force, with only fourteen men, accompanied by the queen and Baharnagash, seeking some place of safety. The night being excessively dark they lost their way and separated, the queen and Baharnagash being fortunate enough to get up a mountain as they were better acquainted with the country; but Don Christopher wandering with some companions, fell into the hands of the enemy, who carried him to the tyrant who was quite elated with his prize. The victors used their good fortune with the utmost barbarity, cruelly cutting down every one who fell in their way, which occasioned one to set a quantity of powder on fire that was in one of the tents belonging to the queen, by which all who were in or near it were blown up.

The king of Zeyla was quite elated by the capture of Don Christopher, whom he caused to be brought into his presence, and questioned him as to what he would have done with him, if defeated and made prisoner. “I would have cut off your head,” answered Don Christopher, “and dividing your body into quarters, would have exposed them as a terror and warning to other tyrants.” The king caused him to be buffeted with the buskins of his slaves; his body to be immersed in melted wax, and his beard interwoven with waxed threads, which were set on fire, and in this manner he was led through the army as a spectacle. Being brought back, the king cut off his head with his own hand, and caused the body to be quartered and exposed on poles. Where the head fell, it is said that there gushed out a spring of water which cured many diseases. On the same hour, a tree was torn out by the roots in the garden of a certain convent of monks, though the air was at the time perfectly calm. Afterwards, at the same hour, the emperor of Abyssinia having vanquished the tyrant and caused his head to be struck off, the tree which was then dry replanted itself in the former place, and became covered with leaves.

Most of the Portuguese who were taken on occasion of this defeat, perished in slavery. Alfonso Chaldeira followed the queen with thirty men. Emanuel de Cuna with forty got away to the Baharnagash and was well received. Sixty more followed the Patriarch Bermudez, making in all 130 men. Ninety of these went to the emperor, who was then near at hand, and very much lamented the slaughter among that valiant body of auxiliaries, and the loss of their brave commander. De Cuna with his forty men were too far off to join the Abyssinian emperor at this time. The emperor marched soon afterwards against the king of Zeyla, accompanied by ninety of the Portuguese who had joined him after the former defeat, to whom he gave the vanguard of his army, in consideration of the high opinion he had of their valour. At the foot of the mountain of _Oenadias_ in the province of _Ambea_, they met a body of 700 horse and 2000 foot going to join the king of Zeyla. Fifty Portuguese horse went immediately to attack them, and Antonio Cardoso who was foremost killed the commander of the enemy at the first thrust of his lance. The rest of the Portuguese followed this brave example, and slew many of the enemy, and being seconded by the Abyssinians, first under the Baharnagash and afterwards by the king in person, eight hundred of the enemy were slain and the rest put to flight, when they went rather to terrify the tyrant with an account of their defeat, than to reinforce him by their remaining numbers.

The king of Zeyla was only at the distance of a league with his army in order of battle, consisting of two bodies of foot of three thousand men in each, while he was himself stationed in the front at the head of five hundred horse. The emperor of Abyssinia met him with a similar number, and in the same order. The ninety Portuguese, being the forlorn hope, made a furious charge on the advanced five hundred of the enemy, of whom they slew many, with the loss of two only on their own side. The emperor in person behaved with the utmost bravery, and at length the horse of the enemy being defeated fled to the wings of their infantry. The king of Zeyla acted with the utmost resolution, even shewing his son to the army, a boy of only ten years old, to stir up his men to fight valiantly against the Christians. The battle was renewed, and continued for long in doubt, the emperor being even in great danger of suffering a defeat; but at length a Portuguese shot the king of Zeyla in the belly by which he died, but his horse carried him dangling about the field, as he was tied to the saddle, and his army took to flight. Only a few Turks stood firm, determined rather to die honourably than seek safety in flight, and made great slaughter among the Abyssinians: But Juan Fernandez, page to the unfortunate Don Christopher, slew the Turkish commander with his lance. In fine, few of the enemy escaped by flight. The head of the king of Zeyla was cut off, and his son made prisoner. Being highly sensible of the great merit of the Portuguese to whom he chiefly owed this and the former victories over his enemies, the emperor conferred great favours upon them. De Cuna returned to Goa with only fifty men; and the other survivors of the Portuguese remained in Abyssinia, where they intermarried with women of that country, and where their progeny still remains.

CHAPTER IV.

CONTINUATION OF THE PORTUGUESE TRANSACTIONS IN INDIA, AFTER THE RETURN OF DON STEFANO DE GAMA FROM SUEZ IN 1341, TO THE REDUCTION OF PORTUGAL UNDER THE DOMINION OF SPAIN IN 1581.

In our remaining account of the early Transactions of the Portuguese in India, taken chiefly from the Portuguese Asia of De Faria, we have not deemed it necessary or proper to confine ourselves rigidly to the arrangement of that author, nor to give his entire narrative, which often contains a number of trifling incidents confusedly related. We have therefore selected such incidents only from that work as appeared important or curious: And, as has been already done in the two immediately preceding chapters, containing the Voyages of Solyman Pacha, and Don Stefano de Gama, we propose in the sequel to make such additions from other authentic and original sources, as may appear proper and consistent with our plan of arrangement. These additions will be found distinctly referred to their respective authors as we proceed.–E.

SECTION I.

_Incidents during the Government of India by Don Stefano de Gama, subsequent to his Expedition to the Red Sea._

During the expedition of Don Stephano de Gama up the Red Sea, some circumstances are related by De Faria which are not noticed in the Journal of Don Juan de Castro, who either thought proper to confine his narrative to nautical affairs, or his abreviator Purchas has omitted such as were military. On his voyage up the Red Sea, De Gama found most of the islands and cities abandoned, as the people had received notice of the expedition. The chief island was Massua, and the principal city Swakem, in about 19 deg. of north latitude[349], which was well built and rich. The sheikh or king had withdrawn a league into the interior, and endeavoured to amuse De Gama with proposals of peace and amity, that he might save his insular city from being destroyed. The greatest injury occasioned by this delay was that it prevented De Gama from destroying the ships at Suez, the main object of his expedition, as so much time was gained that the news of his approach was carried to Suez, and the Turks were fully prepared for his reception. In revenge, De Gama marched into the interior with 1000 men, accompanied by his brother Don Christopher, and defeated the sheikh with great slaughter, making a considerable booty. Then returning to Swakem, that city was plundered; on which occasion many of the private men got to the value of five or six thousand ducats, after which the city was burnt to the ground.

[Footnote 349: Lat. 19 deg. 40′.]

Sending back the large ships from thence to Massua under the command of Lionel de Lima, de Gama proceeded on his expedition to Suez with 250 men in 16 catures or barks. At Al-Kossir, in lat. 25 deg. N.[350] that place was destroyed. Crossing over to Toro, some vessels belonging to the enemy were taken. The Turks first opposed their landing; but some of them being slain, the rest fled and abandoned the city, in which nothing of value was found; but De Gama refrained from burning the city from reverence to St Catharine, as there was a monastery at that place dedicated to her, which he visited at the instance of the friars. Being to his great glory the first European commander who took that city, he knighted several officers, who very justly held this honour in great esteem, which was even envied afterwards by the emperor Charles V. The friars of this monastery of St Catharines at Toro are of the Greek church, and of the order of St Basil. The city of Toro is in lat. 28 deg. N.[351] and is thought by learned cosmographers to be the ancient _Elana_.

[Footnote 350: Lat. 26 deg. 15′.]

[Footnote 351: Lat. 28 deg. 15′.]

Proceeding onwards to Suez, after many brave attempts to sound and examine the harbour, all of which failed, De Gama resolved in person and in open day to view the Turkish gallies. He accordingly landed with his soldiers; but the enemies shot from the town was well kept up, and 2000 Turkish horse broke out from an ambush; and, though some of the enemy were slain by the Portuguese cannon, De Gama and his men were forced to retire, much grieved in being unable to accomplish the great object of the expedition.

On his return to the fleet at Massua, he there found that owing to the severity of _Emanual de Gama_[352] a mutiny had taken place, and that 80 men had run away with a ship, designing to go into Ethiopia. They were met however by a captain belonging to the king of Zeyla, and most of them slain after a vigorous resistance. Five of the mutineers were found hanging on a gallows, executed by order of Emanuel de Gama, for having concealed the design of the other 80 who deserted. At their execution, these men cited De Gama to answer before _the great tribunal_, and within a month De Gama died raving mad.

[Footnote 352: In preceding passage, Lionel de Lima is mentioned as commanding the fleet; Emanuel de Gama may therefore be supposed to have commanded the ship that mutinied.–E.]

About July 1541, while on its return from Massua to India, the fleet commanded by the governor Don Stefano de Gama encountered so severe a storm that one of the galliots sunk bodily, a bark was lost, and all the other vessels dispersed. During the continuance of this dreadful tempest, many religious vows were made by the people; but that made by one of the soldiers afterwards occasioned much mirth. He vowed, if he survived the tempest, that he would marry Donna Isabel de Sa, daughter to Don Garcia de Sa afterwards governor of India, which lady was one of the most celebrated beauties of the time. At length De Gama arrived at Goa; and as the ships from Portugal did not arrive at the expected time, and the public treasure was much exhausted by the late charges, he loaded the goods provided for the home voyage in four galleons, and dispatched them, for Lisbon.

About this time _Nizamoxa_[353] wished to gain possession of the forts of _Sangaza_ and _Carnala_, held by two subjects of Cambaya, on the frontiers of that kingdom, which were formidable from their strength and situation; and took them by assault in the absence of their commanders, who applied to Don Francisco de Menezes, the commander at Basseen to assist in their recovery, offering to hold them of the Portuguese. Menezes went accordingly with 300 Portuguese and a party of native troops, accompanied by the two proprietors, each of whom had 200 men. The fort of Carnala was taken by assault, and the garrison of Sangaza abandoned it on the approach of De Menezes. Having thus restored both commanders to their forts, De Menezes left Portuguese garrisons with both for their protection. Nizamoxa sent immediately 5000 men who ruined both districts, and the owners in despair resigned their titles to the Portuguese, and withdrew to Basseen, whence De Menezes sent supplies to the two forts, meaning to defend them. Nizamoxa sent an additional force of 6000, men, of which 1000 were musqueteers and 800 well equipped horse. This great force besieged Sangaza, to which they gave two assaults in one day, and were repulsed with great slaughter. Menezes went immediately to relieve the place with 160 Portuguese, 20 of whom were horse, together with several _naigs_ and 2000 Indians. After a sharp encounter, in which the Portuguese were nearly defeated, the enemy fled from Sangaza, leaving all the ground about the fort strewed with arms and ammunition. In this engagement the enemy lost 500 men and the Portuguese 20. During the action a Portuguese soldier of prodigious strength, named _Trancoso_, laid hold of a Moor wrapped up in a large veil as if he had been a buckler, and carried him before his breast, receiving upon him all the strokes from the enemies weapons, and continued to use this strange shield to the end of the battle.

[Footnote 353: In Portuguese _x_ has the power of _sh_ in English orthography; hence the name of this prince was perhaps Nizam Shah, and may be the same prince called in other places of De Faria _Nazamaluco or Nizam al Mulk.–E.]

The governor Don Stefano de Gama happened at this time to be in _Chual_, visiting the northern forts; and considering that the maintenance of Sangaza and Carnala cost more than they produced, and besides that Nizamoxa was in alliance with the Portuguese, delivered them to that prince for 5000 pardaos, in addition to the 2000 he paid before, to the great regret of De Menezes. Soon afterwards a fleet arrived from Portugal under Martin Alfonso de Sousa, who was sent to succeed Don Stephano de Gama in the government. This fleet had the honour to bring out to India the famous _St Francisco Xaviar_, one of the first fathers of the society of Jesus, both in respect to true piety and virtue. He was the first ecclesiastic who had the dignity of _Apostolic Legate_ of all Asia, and was very successful in converting the infidels: But we shall afterwards have occasion to enlarge upon his great virtues and wonderful actions.

On his arrival in the port of Goa, Martin Alfonso de Sousa sent notice to Don Stefano de Gama at the dead hour of the night, which induced De Gama to return an answer unworthy of them both. Martin Alfonso found nothing to lay to the charge of Don Stefano, as those desired who instigated him to seek for offences; for Alfonso was a gentleman of much honour, and could never have thought of any such thing of himself. But, though he ought now to have checked himself, finding nothing against De Gama, he became the more inveterate; as it is natural for men when they are in the wrong to persist with obstinacy. Alfonzo vented his malice by refusing conveniences to De Gama for the voyage home, which so disgusted him that he never waited upon Alfonso after resigning to him the sword of command.

Don Stefano arrived safe in Portugal, where he was received with much honour by the court, and with favour by the king; but refusing a wife offered by his majesty, he was disgraced, on which he went to reside at Venice. The Emperor Charles V. persuaded him to return to Portugal, assuring him of the kings favour; but he found none; for princes are more fixed in punishing a little omitted to please, than in rewarding much done for their service. On assuming the government of India, Don Stefano made an inventory of all he was worth, being 200,000 crowns; and when he left the government his fortune was found 40,000 crowns diminished. He was of middle stature, thick and strong built, with a thick beard and black hair, and a ruddy completion. On his tomb was inscribed at his own desire, _He who made knights on Mount Sinai ended here_.

SECTION II.

_Exploits of Antonio de Faria y Sousa in Eastern India_[354].

We have placed these exploits in a separate Section, because, although they appear in the Portuguese Asia as having taken place during the government of Don Stefano de Gama, yet is their chronology by no means well defined: and likewise because their authenticity is even more than problematical. In themselves they appear to carry evidence of overstepping the modest bounds of history; and there is reason to believe that they rest principally, if not altogether, on the authority of Fernan Mendez de Pinto, of notorious character. Yet they seem sufficiently curious to warrant insertion in this work; and it is not at all improbable that Antonio de Faria may have been a successful freebooter in the Chinese seas, and that he may have actually performed many of the exploits here recorded, though exaggerated, and mixed in some places with palpable romance.–E.

[Footnote 354: De Faria, II. 29 & seq.]

About this time Pedro de Faria, who was governor of Malacca, sent his factor MENDEZ DE PINTO with a letter and a present to the king of _Patane_, desiring him to procure the liberty of five Portuguese who were then slaves to his brother-in-law at Siam. Pinto was also entrusted with goods to the value of 10,000 ducats, to be delivered to the factor of De Faria at _Pam_. Having at that place made up a valuable cargo of diamonds pearls and gold, to the extent of 50,000 crowns, it was all lost one night in a tumult, occasioned by the following circumstance. There resided in Pam an ambassador from the king of Borneo, who one night detected the king of Pam in bed with his wife, and immediately slew him. On the death of the king becoming public, the people rose in commotion, more for the purpose of plunder than revenge. In this tumult about 4000 men were slain, and the Portuguese factors were robbed, and some of their companions slain. They made their escape to _Patane_, where they and other Portuguese asked leave of the king to make reprisals on three vessels belonging to merchants of Pam, which were then riding at anchor in the river _Calantam_ 18 leagues off, richly laden from China. Getting the kings permission, they set out to the number of 80 persons in three vessels, and after a sharp engagement took and brought in these ships to Patane, where their cargoes were valued at 300,000 ducats. The people of Patane urged the king to take these ships from the Portuguese; but he decided that the 50,000 crowns should be made good to them of which they had been plundered at Pam; on which the merchants paid that sum and were allowed to continue their voyage.

About the same period, _Pedro de Faria y Sousa_ sent his kinsman _Antonio de Faria y Sousa_ to treat of important affairs with the king of _Patane_, and in particular to preserve peace with that prince. Antonio carried goods with him to the value of 12,000 ducats, and finding no sale for them at that place, he sent them to the port of _Lugor_ in the kingdom of Siam, a place of great trade, where he was informed they would sell to great advantage. He intrusted the charge of this valuable cargo to _Christopher Borallo_, who was surprised while at anchor in the mouth of the Lugor river by, Khodjah Husseyn, a Moor of Guzerat, who commanded a vessel well stored with artillery, and manned with 80 Turks and Moors. Borallo thought himself happy in escaping from these pirates by swimming on shore, and brought the news of this disaster to Antonio de Faria at Patane, who vowed that he would never desist till he had destroyed Husseyn, in revenge for this loss. Husseyn was equally inveterate against the Portuguese, ever since Hector de Silveyra had taken a ship belonging to him in the sea of Guzerat, killing his father and two brothers, and had continually exerted himself in robbing and murdering the Portuguese. Owing to this loss and his determination of revenge, Antonio de Faria was led to the performance of those brave actions which I now mean to relate with all my usual sincerity, without affection for my kindred.

Antonio accordingly fitted out a small vessel with 50 men, in which he sailed from Patane on Saturday the 8th May 1540, and steered north-east towards the kingdom of _Champa_ or _Tsiompa_, to examine that coast. He here saw the island of _Pulo Condor_, in lat. 3 deg. 20′ N[355]. and then to the eastwards rounded one six leagues from the coast of Cambodia. Entering the port of _Bralapisam_, he found there a vessel of the _Lequii_, having on board an ambassador from the prince of the island of _Lossa_[356] in 36 deg. of north latitude, for the king of Siam. As soon as this vessel espied the Portuguese ship, it weighed anchor and sailed away. Faria sent after them a Chinese pilot with a civil message, who brought back this remarkable answer, “We return thanks: The time will come when our nation shall have commerce with that captain in real friendship, through the law of the supreme God, whose clemency is boundless, since by his death he gave life to all mankind, and remains an everlasting faith in the house of the good. We confidently hold that this will be when half the times are past[357].” The pilot also brought back a rich cymeter in a scabbard of beaten gold, with a handle of the same, splendidly ornamented with pearls of great value. Antonio would have made a return, but the vessel could not be overtaken. From thence Antonio proceeded to the river _Pulo Cambier_, which divides the kingdoms of _Cambodia_ and _Tsiompa_. At the town of _Catimparu_, he was informed that great river took its rise in the lake of _Pinator_, 260 leagues westwards in the kingdom of _Quitirvam_, encompassed with high mountains, around which lake there are 38 towns, 13 of which are considerable, where was a gold mine that yielded 22 millions of crowns yearly. It belonged to _four_ lords, who were engaged in continual wars for its possession. At _Bauquerim_ likewise there is a mine of the finest diamonds: and from the disposition of the people they might easily be conquered by the Portuguese.

[Footnote 355: Pulo Condor, off the mouths of the Japanese river, is in lat. 8 deg. 40′ N. perhaps the figure 3 in the text is a typographical error.–E.]

[Footnote 356: Possibly Luzon in lat. 16 deg. N. may be here meant. Unless we can suppose some part of Japan may be intended, which is in the latitude of the text–E.]

[Footnote 357: This strange oracular message, and indeed most of the wonderful deeds of Antonio de Faria, smells strongly of _Mendez de Pinto_, the factor of Pedro de Faria, who has been characterised as the _prince of liars_. Indeed the editor of Astleys Collection says that his name ought to be _Mendax_ de Pinto.–E.]

Coasting along, Antonio came to anchor in the mouth of the river _Toobasoy_, fearing to go up. At this place he espied a large vessel to which he made signs of peace, but received a rude answer. As night drew on, it was thought proper to wait for day; but in the dark first one vessel and then three more were descried coming towards them, and forty men from the first vessel boarded them, but were all slain, their vessel taken and the others burnt. A black, who was taken on this occasion, declared himself a Christian, saying he had been slave to Gaspar de Melo, who had been taken by the pirate _Similau_ along with 26 other Portuguese, all of whom he had barbarously put to death. The black said that Similau had another vessel in the port richly laden, having only a few men on board. Similau with the other prisoners were put to the same death they had used to inflict on others. As soon as day appeared that other vessel was taken, and the booty in silver only amounted to 60,000 ducats, besides other goods. Thus enriched, Antonio went on to the river _Tinacoreu_ or _Varela_, where the ships of Siam and Malacca, trading with China, barter their goods for gold, _calamba_, and ivory, with which that country abounds. He anchored off a small town called _Tayquileu_, the inhabitants of which called the Portuguese the _bearded people_; for though these people had beards, theirs were short and thin, whereas those of the Portuguese were at their full growth, many of them reaching to their girdles. By the inhabitants of this place, Antonio was informed that their river was formerly called _Tauralachim_ or the Great Stock, to express its greatness: That it is deep and navigable for 80 leagues, up to a town named _Moncalor_, and then becomes wide and shallow, coming from the great country of _Chintaleuho_, where the country for eight days journey had been depopulated 40 years before _by a multitude of birds!_ In the middle of that country is the great lake of _Cunabetee_ or _Chiamay_, whence spring four great rivers. That lake is 180 leagues in circumference, and the country round abounds in mines of silver, copper, tin, and lead.

From thence Antonio proceeded to the island of _Hainan_, passing in sight of _Champiloo_, in lat. 18 deg. N. at the entrance of the bay of Cochin China. Farther on he discovered the promontory of _Pulocampas_, whence the island of Hainan may be seen. To the west of this they found a river, up which Borallo was sent in a small vessel with 16 men, who discovered at least 2000 sail of vessels and a large walled town. On their return they saw a large vessel at anchor. The captain supposing this might be Husseyn took it; but learnt from an ancient Christian of Mount Sinai, who was among the prisoners, that it belonged to a pirate named _Quioy Tayjam_, who had killed above an hundred Portuguese, and now lay hid in the forecastle with six or seven others, all of whom were drawn from their hiding place and slain. In this vessel were found 60,000 quintals[358] of pepper, with a great deal of other spices, besides ivory, tin, wax, and powder, the whole valued at 60,000 crowns; besides several good cannon, some valuable baggage, and silver. In the hold were nine children, the biggest only about nine years old, all loaded with irons, and starving of hunger.

[Footnote 358: This is either an enormous exaggeration, or a gross error. The quantity in the text is equal to 3500 tons.–E.]

Coasting along the island of Hainan, Antonio met some fishers of pearls, whom he used courteously. They told him that the island belonged to China. Hence he went to the river _Tananquir_, where he was suddenly attacked by two large vessels, both of which were taken, after a long struggle, in which 80 of the enemy were slain, with the loss of 14 men belonging to Antonio, only one of whom was a Portuguese. After a while they heard lamentable cries in the hold of one of these ships, in which 17 prisoners were found, two of whom were Portuguese. From one of these Antonio was informed that these vessels had belonged to _Necoda Xicaulem_, who, after becoming a Christian at Malacca and marrying a Portuguese woman, had killed her and many more of her nation. The booty in these two ships was valued at 50,000 crowns. One of the vessels was burnt, as Antonio had not a sufficient number of men to navigate her. In both vessels there were seventeen brass guns, most of which had the arms of Portugal. Antonio anchored at Cape _Tilaumere_, where four vessels came up to his squadron likewise now consisting of four vessels, and in one of these was the bride of a young nobleman, who had engaged to meet her at that place with a like number of ships, owing to which they had come up to the Portuguese vessels. Three of these ships were taken, in one of which was the bride. Some of the seamen were retained, and all the others were set on shore. Antonio then went to _Mutipinam_, as a convenient place for selling his prizes; but as the governor of that city somewhat obstructed the sale, Antonio was obliged to hasten it, and received in payment of the goods he had to dispose of to the value of 200,000 crowns in uncoined silver.

In the beginning of the year 1541, Antonio sailed in search of the port of _Madel_ in the island of _Hainan_, and by the way took some prizes. Here he met with _Hinymilau_, a bold pirate and a great enemy to the Christians, whom he delighted to put to cruel deaths. With him they had a desperate engagement, and at last took him. He gave a bold account of the many cruelties he had practised upon the Portuguese, and was therefore immediately slain with four more. The prize was valued at 70,000 ducats. This action struck such terror into all who were in that river, that they sent a message to Antonio, calling him _King of the Seas_, offering him 30,000 crowns to take them under his protection, and desiring to have passes for their safe trading. He accepted the money and gave the passes, only for writing which his servant received 6000 crowns in the space of twelve days. So great a reputation had he acquired in these parts, that the governor of the city offered to make him admiral of those seas for the emperor of China, with a salary of 9000 crowns yearly. Antonio ran all along this coast without any remarkable occurrence, only that he saw many towns, none of which were large, and a fruitful country, and was informed that there were mines of silver, tin, saltpetre, and brimstone.

Being now weary of looking out for the pirate _Husseyn_, the soldiers demanded their shares of the prizes and to be discharged. This was agreed to, and their course was directed towards Siam; but by a furious storm they were cast away upon the _Ladrones_, where out of 500 men, only 86 got on shore naked, 28 of whom were Portuguese. At this place they were fifteen days with hardly any thing to eat. While in utter despair, as the island was uninhabited, they discovered a small vessel making for the shore where it cast anchor, and presently thirty Chinese landed, some of whom went to procure wood and water, while the others diverted themselves. Our men ran furiously and possessed themselves of the vessel and put to sea as quickly as possible. In this vessel they found only an old man and a child, but were quite delighted upon finding plenty of provisions and much silk. Sailing for _Xamoy_ in _Liampo_, they took another Chinese vessel and went to the island of _Luxitay_[359], where they remained fifteen days refitting both vessels, and then proceeded on their voyage. On the coast of _Lamau_ they discovered a large vessel having fifteen guns, which began to fire upon them as soon as within range; but on coming close it was observed to have several crosses and some men in Portuguese habits, on which they hailed each other, and the vessel was found to belong to _Quiay Panjau_ a Chinese and a great friend of the Portuguese, having thirty soldiers of that nation on board. He came on board of Antonios vessel, bringing a present of amber, pearls, gold, and silver, worth 2000 ducats. Among other discourse, Antonio told him that he was bound for _Liampo_ to furnish himself with necessaries, meaning to attempt the mines of _Quamjaparu_, where he was told he might get much treasure. _Quiay Panjau_ offered to accompany him, demanding only a third part of what might be taken, which was agreed to.

[Footnote 359: The names in this strange relation of the adventures of Antonio de Faria are so extremely corrupt as to defy even conjectural commentary.–E.]

They refitted at the river Ainay, and going from there to _Chincheo_, Faria hired 35 Portuguese whom he found at that place. Soon after putting again to sea he found eight Portuguese, almost naked and all wounded in a fishing-boat, who told him that the pirate Khojah Husseyn had taken their ship, worth 200,000 ducats, in the harbour of the isle of _Cumbor_, and that they had escaped with difficulty in that miserable condition. Faria was quite rejoiced to hear of that pirate, and immediately turned back eight leagues to _Layloo_ to prepare for engaging him. He there changed his old vessels for new ones, and provided men arms and ammunition, paying generously for every thing. In four vessels which he there fitted out, he had 40 pieces of cannon, 160 muskets, 6000 darts, with abundance of other arms and ammunition, and a force of 500 men, 95 of whom were Portuguese. In a day and a half sail from _Layloo_ he came to the fisheries where those Portuguese had been robbed, and was informed by some fishermen that Husseyn was only at the distance of two leagues in the river _Tinlau_. To make quite sure, he sent a person to see if that were the case, and finding the information accurate he proceeded immediately to the place. The engagement began before day-light upon four ships belonging to the pirate, which were soon reduced to great straits, when four small vessels came up to their assistance. One of the Portuguese cannon was so well pointed that it sank the first of these at the first fire, and killed several men in another vessel. At length Antonio boarded Husseyns vessel, and gave him such a cut over the head as struck him down on the deck, and by another stroke cut his hamstrings so that he could not rise. The pirates wounded Antonio in three places; but being succoured by his men the victory was complete, almost 400 of the enemy being slain or drowned by leaping overboard, while it cost 43 men on the side of Antonio, 8 of whom were Portuguese. Antonio immediately landed to bury his dead, and finding 96 men belonging to Husseyn in a house where they were left to be cured, he set the house on fire, and destroyed them all. He here restored the Portuguese ship to her owners, and gave liberty to all the slaves, as he vowed on going upon this enterprise, paying their masters the value. After all this generosity, the remaining booty was worth 100,000 crowns.

On the night after sailing from _Tinlau_ so violent a storm arose that two of the ships were cast away, and most of the goods in the others had to be thrown overboard, to the value of 200,000 ducats. One hundred and eleven men were lost, eleven of whom were Portuguese. Thirteen men who escaped the shipwreck were carried prisoners to _Nauday_, where Faria came with the five remaining ships to anchor. He immediately offered 3000 crowns to the governor of the city for the liberty of the prisoners, and meeting with an unfavourable answer, he determined to liberate them by force. His men were fearful of the issue of so dangerous an enterprise; but he so encouraged them, that they agreed. He had at this time, which was in the beginning of the year 1542, a force of 470 men in all, 60 of whom were Portuguese. Of these he chose 300 men to accompany him on shore. After sending another civil message to the governor, who answered by hanging the messenger, he landed with his small but resolute band. While marching towards the city, 12,000 foot and 100 horse came out to meet him. His musqueteers killed at least 300 of them, and pursued the rest to a bridge which led into the city. The governor was on the inside with 600 men, and defended the passage of the bridge till he was slain by a musquet shot, immediately on which his men fled, and were pursued with great slaughter till they ran out at the opposite side of the city. The city was plundered, on which occasion he who even got least was enriched, after which the place was reduced to ashes. Having thus gloriously redeemed his prisoners, Antonio returned to his ships with many beautiful female captives, having only lost eight men, one of whom was a Portuguese.

Antonio now resumed his intended expedition for the mines, but in the first place went to pass the winter at _Pulo Hindor_, an inhabited island fifteen leagues from _Nauday_. When near the islands of _Commolem_, he was attacked by two large ships in which were 200 resolute men commanded by a pirate named _Premata Gundel_, a mortal enemy to the Portuguese, to whom he had done much harm, but thought now he had only to encounter Chinese merchant ships. One of the pirate ships came up to board one of those belonging to Antonio, but _Qiay Panjau_ came up against her in full sail and ran so furiously upon the pirate ship that both went down instantly, but _Quiay_ and most of his men were saved. The other pirate ship commanded by _Premata_ in person boarded Faria, who was in great danger of being taken, but was at length victorious and slew 90 of the enemy; then boarding in his turn, he put the whole to the sword. This action cost Antonio 17 men, 5 of whom were Portuguese, and above 40 were wounded, among whom Antonio himself had two great cuts and a thrust of a spear. The prize was valued at 120,000 ducats. After staying 20 days in the island of _Buncalen_ to cure the wounded men, they steered for the gates of _Liampo_, which are two islands three leagues from the city of that name which was built by the Portuguese who there governed in the nature of a commonwealth.

Anchoring at the gates of _Liampo_, Antonio sent to ask leave to come into the port, when he received a courteous answer, praying him to wait six days till the inhabitants had prepared a house for his reception. On Sunday morning, the time being expired, he hoisted sail and went up the river accompanied by many boats sent to receive him, in which were 3000 of the citizens, who saluted him with the sound of musical instruments. About 200 ships then in the port were ranged in two lines forming a lane through which de Faria passed, all the cannons in the vessels and on shore firing a salute. Some Chinese who saw this magnificent reception asked whether this was a brother or near kinsman to the king of Portugal, and being answered he was only his smiths son, they concluded that Portugal must be the greatest kingdom in the world. From his ship, Antonio was received into a barge shaded by a natural chestnut tree full of ripe fruit, and was seated on a silver chair raised on six steps adorned with gold, six beautiful maids richly clad standing on each side, who played and sang melodiously. When he landed on the quay, he was placed in a still richer chair on mens shoulders under a canopy, guarded by 60 halberdiers, and preceded by 16 men on fine horses, and before these eight with silver maces, all in splendid attire. In this manner he was conducted to a large scaffold covered with fine tapestry, where being placed in his chair of state, he received the compliments of the magistracy and principal inhabitants of the city. From the quay to the city, which was a considerable distance, there was a closely covered lane formed of chestnut, pine, and laurel trees, and the ground was strewed with flowers. And all the way, at regular distances, there were companies of dancers, and perfumes burning, with astonishing multitudes of people the whole way.

At the entrance into the city, a temporary castle was built for the occasion, having the arms of the Faria family in front, being _Sanguin, a tower argent; in base, a man torn in pieces_. At this place he was received by a reverend old man, attended by four mace-bearers, and after some ceremonies the old man made a long speech in praise of the family, concluding with a panegyric on his own actions, and bidding him welcome to the city. The orator then offered him, in the name of the city, five chests full of silver in bars, worth twenty thousand pieces of eight, which he refused, saying he would endeavour to deserve in some measure the honours which wore heaped on him. From thence he walked on foot, passing through many splendid arches, to the church of our Lady, where he assisted at mass under a canopy, and heard a sermon full of his own praises. After this he was conducted by above 1000 Portuguese to a large open space before the house in which he was to reside, shaded by a variety of fine trees, the ground strewed with flowers and sweet herbs, where three long tables were splendidly decorated and richly covered with a sumptuous entertainment. When Antonio was seated, the whole multitude departed, except about 80 of the principal citizens who were to dine along with him, and 50 soldiers who attended, while the halberdiers stood at a distance to keep off the people. As soon as the company was seated, the music began to play, and eight beautiful maids came forwards playing on instruments and dancing, eight others being placed beside Antonio singing. The dishes were brought in by a number of fine women, and set upon the tables by men, the abundance and costliness of the entertainment being wonderful. After dinner the company adjourned to another place, where there was a bull-feast, with several wild horses among them, and at the death of each animal there followed dancing music and other entertainments.

De Faria continued here five months, entertained in great splendour, having dogs and horses to go a hunting, as the environs abounded in game. The time being come for going to the mines of _Quamgiparu_, Quiay Panjau who was to have accompanied him thither was carried off by sickness. After this another Chinese named _Similau_ dissuaded Antonio from attempting the adventure of the mines, as attended with too much difficulty and danger, and proposed to him to undertake an expedition to the island of _Calempluy_, in which were the tombs of the ancient kings of China, which were said to contain great treasures. To this Antonio gave ear, as covetousness had great sway even upon his generous mind. Happy had it been for him if he had returned to India, satisfied with the victories he had already achieved. About the middle of May 1542, he set sail accompanied by _Similau_ in two galliots with 146 men, 52 of whom were Portuguese, and among these the priest _Diego Lubato_. Next day they discovered the islands of _Nangnitur_, and then entered upon seas till then unknown by the Portuguese. Having crossed a gulf of 40 leagues, they discovered the high mountain, of _Nangalaci_, and held on their course northwards. At the end of ten days they anchored in a river where they saw white people like the Chinese, but differing in language, and could never prevail to have any intercourse with them. After eight days sailing they entered the strait of _Silcapaquim_, in which they spent five days in sight of many populous towns. But this course appearing dangerous, they steered up the river _Humbepadam_ by the advice of _Similau_, passing to the east of the mountain _Fangus_, and came thirteen days afterwards to the bay of _Buxipalem_ in the latitude of 30 deg., which produces fish, serpents, and crocodiles of wonderous size, and many sea-horses. Farther on they came to the bay of _Calinclam_, surrounded with high mountains, whence four great rivers fall into the sea. They next sailed under the great mountain _Botinasora_, abounding in lions, rhinoceroses, tigers, ounces, and other wild beasts, and then past _Gangitanu_, inhabited by the _Gigahui_, a wild gigantic people, some _ten_ and some _eleven spans_ high, of whom they saw fourteen of both sexes. They have good complexions, being white and red, but very ill-favoured features. Antonio gave them some procelain dishes and silk, for which they seemed thankful, and brought some cows and deer in return, but their language could not be understood.

At length they arrived in the bay of _Nanking_, and six days afterwards to the great city of _Pamor_, whose bay was almost hid under three thousand vessels. Fearing danger here they stood off and came to _Tanquilem_, where Similau and 36 Chinese seamen ran away for fear; because Antonio, weary of the voyage, and finding that Similau could give no good account of where they were, threatened to kill him. Similau was not indeed ignorant, but he was so terrified by the ill usage of the Portuguese that he knew not what he said, and they were afraid that either he knew not the coast or meant to betray them. It was a great error to believe him at _Liampo_, and to use him ill at _Nanking_ where they had most need of him. In fine the Portuguese gave themselves up for lost, not knowing where they were till some of the natives informed them that they were only ten leagues from the island of _Calempluy_, on which they sore repented the ill usage they had given to _Similau_. Doubling Cape _Guinaytarau_, after a tedious voyage of two months and a half, they discovered the island of which they were in search in the middle of the river. This island is quite plain and seemed four miles round. Next morning Antonio sailed round it in his galliots, and found it surrounded by a wall of jasper so closely built that it seemed all one stone. The wall rose 19 feet above the surface of the water, and was terrassed on the inside. On the top of the wall was a _massy twist_, on which was a brass rail, having little columns at regular distances, on which were the statues of women having balls in their hands, all likewise of brass. At some distance from these were figures of iron, of monstrous shapes, that seemed to give each other their hands; and further on were several curious arches of stones of various colours. On the inside there were afterwards seen a delightful assemblage of small groves of orange trees, among which were 366 chapels dedicated to the gods of the year. On one side was a great building, not all of a piece, but divided into seven parts, all over splendidly ornamented with gold.

In the evening Antonio entered the island by one of its eight gates, accompanied by sixty men, four of whom were Portuguese. On entering one of the chapels, they saw a man who seemed an hundred years of age, who fell down with fear; but, on recovering, rebuked the soldiers for taking the bars of silver from the tombs. Having received information of what was in the other chapels, Antonio went on board with a considerable quantity of silver taken from the first chapel, meaning to return next day to plunder them all. About midnight, lights were seen on the top of the great building, and numbers of bell were heard all over the island. Antonio went again on shore, though advised to make off as the alarm was given. He brought away two old men with some candlesticks and a silver idol, and was informed that the island would soon be relieved, as the first hermit had given the alarm; on which Antonio found that he had erred in not bringing away that old man as he was advised. He departed therefore from the island, much dissatisfied at having missed the acquisition of so much treasure by his own fault. After sailing a month, there arose so great a storm on the 5th of August, that his galliot was swallowed up. The other galliot perished a few days afterwards, and only fourteen of the crew escaped. Thus perished the brave Antonio de Faria; a just judgment, doubtless, for the sacrilegious robbery he intended to have committed.

No less unfortunate was the end of the city of _Liampo_, where Antonio had been so nobly received, falling a sacrifice to the base and insatiable avarice of its inhabitants. Lancelot Pereyra, judge of that city, having lost a thousand ducats by some Chinese, went out with a body of troops to rob and plunder others in satisfaction of the debt. This unadvised and barbarous procedure brought the governor of the province against the city with 80,000 men, and in four hours burnt it to the ground, together with 80 ships that were in the port. Twelve thousand men were slain, among whom were 1000 Portuguese, and three millions of gold were lost. Thus scarce any thing was left of _Liampo_ but the name; and thus what the Portuguese gained by their valour was lost by their covetousness. _Liampo_ had above three thousand catholic inhabitants, almost the half of whom were Portuguese. Those who survived this cruel execution, obtained leave in 1547, by great presents, to settle in the province of _Chincheo_, in a village which began to flourish in consequence of a rich trade, but it came to the same end with the other.

SECTION III.

_Transactions during the Government of Martin Alfonso de Sousa, from 1542 to 1543_.

In the year 1542, but whether under the government of De Gama or De Sousa is uncertain, Antonio de Mota, Francisco Zeymoto, and Antonio Peixoto, while on a voyage to China, were driven by a storm among the islands of _Nipongi_ or _Nijon_, called _Gipon_ by the Chinese, and known in Europe by the name of _Japan_. They were well received in one of these islands, of which they had the honour to be the first discoverers, though accidentally. These islands of Japan are far to the eastward of all India, being even beyond China, and lie between the latitudes of 30 deg. and 40 deg. N[360]. These islands are numerous, the principal and largest island being that peculiarly called _Niphon_, _Nifon_, _Nipongi_, or _Japan_, which gives name to the group, and in which is the city of _Meaco_ the imperial residence. According to the natives this principal island is 366 leagues in length, but by our computation only 266[361]. The chief islands around the large one, are _Cikoko_, _Toksosi_, _Sando_, _Sisime Bacasa_, _Vuoki_, _Taquixima_, or _Takishima_, and _Firando_[362]. Fernan Mendez Pinto in his travels assumes the merit of this discovery to himself; pretending that he came to the island of _Tanixima_, by which I suppose he meant _Taquixima_, not by stress of weather, but by design, in the service of a pirate who had relieved him and his companions when cast away, naming Christopher Borallo and Diego Zeymoto as those who accompanied him. In both relations _three_ names are mentioned as the discoverers of Japan, one only, _Zeymoto_, being the same in both, and both agree in the date of the discovery being in 1542. According to Pinto, the prince of the island of _Tanixima_ was named _Nautaquim_ who stood amazed on seeing the three Portuguese strangers, and uttered the following mysterious words: “These are certainly the _Chinchicogies_, spoken of in our records; who, flying over the waters, shall come to be lords of the lands where God has placed the greatest riches of the world. It will be fortunate for us if they come as friends!”

[Footnote 360: More rigidly from lat. 31 deg. 28′ to 40 deg. 80′ N. and between the longitudes of 127 deg. 47′ and 142 deg. 33′ E. from Greenwich.–E.]

[Footnote 361: Meaning probably a different denomination of measure. The island of Niphon measures 824 English miles in extreme length, from S.W. to N.E. in a somewhat bent line. Its breadth varies from 55 to 240 miles, averaging about 100; but it is extremely irregular, owing to many deep bays and considerable peninsulae. _Jedo_ is now the capital and residence of the temporal sovereign, _Meaco_ of the once spiritual sovereign, now reduced to chief priest of the national religion.–E.]

[Footnote 362: The only islands of magnitude besides Niphon, are _Kiusiu_, which does not appear to have any representative in the text, and _Sicocf_, probably the _Cikoko_ of De Faria. The other numerous islands are of little importance, and several of the names in the text cannot be referred to any of the islands. _Firando_ and _Taquixima_ remain unchanged, and the others cannot be traced.–E.]

The first action of the new governor De Sousa was to diminish the pay of the soldiers. The saving of charges is a great means of gaining the favour of princes; _yet ministers never express their zeal by retrenching their own large allowances_, but by cutting off the small ones from the poor; and, as was natural, this alteration occasioned much discontent among the troops. At this time the queen of _Batecala_, a well-built city on the banks of a river, on the coast of Canara, in a fertile country, refused to pay her tribute, and entertained pirates in her port to the great prejudice of trade; on which account De Sousa went with 2000 men in 60 vessels of different kinds to reduce her to obedience. On entering the port of Batecala where he demanded payment of the tribute, and that the pirate ships should be delivered up, the queen endeavoured to procrastinate till such time as she knew it would be necessary for the governor to retire with his armament to Cochin. But being aware of this artifice, the governor landed with 1200 men in two battalions, and ordered twenty light vessels to go up the river to attack the city on that side, while he assailed it on the land side. While marching through a wood, the governor was opposed by a body of musqueteers; but his troops drove them to the gates of the city, which they entered along with the fugitives, in spite of every opposition from the enemy who were encouraged by the queen in person. It was night when the Portuguese got possession of the city; and in the morning they began to plunder, not even sparing the Portuguese who were settled there. They even fell out among themselves, and came to blows, in which all were hurt and none enriched. The enemy noticed this contention among the Portuguese from a neighbouring hill to which they had retired, and endeavoured to take advantage of this circumstance, by discharging incessant flights of arrows into the town. On receiving orders from De Sousa to march against the enemy, the discontented troops exclaimed, “That the rich gentry might march if they would; but that they only came to make up by plunder for the pay of which they had been unjustly deprived.” Gracia de Sa went out against the enemy with a few lances; but after several charges, almost the whole of the Portuguese shamefully took to flight, endeavouring in such haste to reimbark that several were drowned in the confusion. Indignant at this cowardice, the governor reproached them as not being the same brave men he had left in India only two years before. To this they answered, thinking he meant it as a reflection on his predecessor, “That the men were the same, but the governor was changed; and that this was the fruit of lessening their pay, to enable him to give gratuities to those who knew better how to beg favours than to deserve them.” De Sousa retired to the ships for the night, but landed next day, when he utterly destroyed the city and surrounding country with fire and sword, and made all the woods be cut down[363]. Unable any longer to resist, the queen purchased peace by submitting to a heavier subjection than before.

[Footnote 363: The cutting down of the woods mentioned in the text, probably refers to cocoa nut trees, on which the natives of the coast of India appear to have greatly depended for food.–E.]

The king of Ormuz had fallen into arrears of life tribute, and was due 500,000 ducats, which he was unable to pay; for the tribute had been successively raised from 12,000 ducats originally imposed by Albuquerque, to 100,000, so that from a tributary he became a slave, not having even a competent maintenance remaining. Finding him unable to discharge the debt, De Sousa proposed to him to make over the customs of Ormuz to the Portuguese, which he agreed to, that he might get rid of the oppression. But the Persians soon afterwards deprived them of this source of revenue, which they had unjustly appropriated to themselves.

In the year 1544, De Sousa fitted out a fleet of 45 sail, in which were embarked 3000 seamen and soldiers. The design of this armament was kept a profound secret, which was to rob the pagoda of _Tremele_, 12 miles inland from St Thomas of Meliapour, in the kingdom of Bisnagar, for which express orders had been given by King John, under pretence that India was wasted, as if any pretence could justify robbery. The design was however discovered, or as others say it was disappointed by contrary winds. Yet the governor was persuaded to plunder other pagodas, where it was thought there were equal riches. By the way, he sent a message to the king of Jafnapatam in the island of Ceylon, commanding him either to become tributary to the crown of Portugal, or to prepare for opposing the armament. The king agreed to pay 4000 ducats yearly, glad to get off so easily. A king called _Grande_ near Cape Comorin, being in fear of the Portuguese, sent a present to the governor. De Sousa proceeded to a pagoda named _Tebelicate_[364], near _Calecoulam_, although the Portuguese were at peace with the king of that country, and went into it with a small number of his confidants, whence they brought out two casks so heavy that they loaded many men. These casks were reported to contain water, though some affirmed that it was gold and jewels; but the truth was never known. It has been alleged by some writers that nothing was found but a golden vessel worth 4000 crowns, in which the idol used to be bathed, and which was ordered to be restored by the king of Portugal, who was much displeased at the conduct of De Sousa on this occasion; as if it were a greater crime to rob the pagoda of _Tebilicare_ without orders, than that of _Tremele_ with orders. While the Portuguese were returning to their ships, the town and pagoda were set on fire, and they were attacked in a narrow defile by 200 Nayres, who killed 30 of them; but on getting into the open field, the Nayres were put to flight. No danger terrifies avarice. The Portuguese went on to another pagoda, from which a chest was brought out and opened publicly, and some silver money which it contained was distributed among the troops; but of so small account, that many believed the liberality was owing to that circumstance.

[Footnote 364: Called afterwards _Tebilicare_.]

De Sousa was obliged to return in all haste to Goa, owing to the following circumstance, communicated to him by a message from Don Garcia de Castro. _Aceda Khan_, lord of the lands around Goa, intending to depose Adel Khan, prevailed on Don Garcia, by means of presents to deliver up to him _Meale Khan_ the brother of Adel Khan, pretending that he held the kingdom wrongfully. This gave just cause of complaint to Adel Khan, and occasioned considerable danger to the Portuguese. The governor listened to the arguments and offers of both sides; but inclined more to favour Aceda Khan, who offered to cede the kingdom of Concan, giving a revenue of about a million, then possessed by Abraham, a good man and a friend of the Portuguese. As this territory was very valuable, particularly from its neighbourhood to Goa, the governor declared in favour of Meale Khan, and prepared to possess himself of the Concan which was offered by Aceda Khan. This was a notorious act of injustice; and as De Sousa was naturally of a haughty disposition, none of his officers dared to remonstrate; but Pedro de Faria, then four-score years of age, trusting to his quality and the great offices he had held, repaired late one night to the governors tent, and prevailed upon him to desist from so unjust an undertaking. Next day the governor abandoned his design, pretending various reasons of delay, and returned to Goa, carrying Meale Khan along with him.

At this time Aceda Khan died, who was the contriver of this discord, and Adel Khan descended the gaut mountains with a powerful army to reduce the rebels, recovering possession of the Concan in a few days. But as Adel Khan was still fearful of Meale Khan, he offered the lands of _Salsete_ and _Bardez_ to De Sousa, on condition of delivering him up, which were valued at 50,000 ducats of yearly revenue. De Sousa refused to give up this man who had confided in him for protection; but offered, if put in possession of these districts, that he would remove Meale to some place where he could give no disturbance to Adel Khan. These conditions were agreed to and performed by Adel Khan, but evaded by De Sousa, who sent Meale to Cananor and brought him back to Goa. Some alleged that this was done to overawe Adel Khan, while others said it was meant as a bait to extort presents; and it was certain that some were actually sent.

In this treaty, Adel Khan had agreed that De Sousa was to be put into possession of the vast treasures which had been left by the rebel Aceda Khan, said to amount to ten millions of ducats, and which at his death had fallen into the hands of Khojah Zemaz-oddin, who persuaded De Sousa that it was only one million, and delivered that sum to him. Adel Khan afterwards gave notice to De Sousa of the vast fraud which had been used in the pretended delivery of the treasure; but all his efforts to secure the defaulter were in vain.

Sultan Mahmud, sovereign of Cambaya or Guzerat, was desirous of recovering possession of the castle built by the Portuguese at Diu, and of freeing himself by that means from the trammels which had been thrown in the way of the trade of his dominions. In the late treaty between him and the Portuguese, it had been stipulated, with the consent of the viceroy Don Garcia, that the government of Cambaya might erect a wall between the city of Diu and the castle. This wall was accordingly commenced; but as Emanuel de Sousa, who commanded in the castle of Diu, considered that the wall now building was of a very different description from a mere boundary, as intended in the treaty, and appeared to be destined for hostile purposes, he drove away the workmen, threw down the wall, and made use of the materials for strengthening the defences of the castle. Mahmud was highly offended at this procedure, and at the instigation of his great minister Khojah Zofar, he secretly used every possible means to stir up enemies to the Portuguese, endeavouring to form an union of the Indian princes to expel them not only from Diu but from all India.

In the course of this year 1544, the great Khan of the Tartars invaded China and besieged _Peking_ with a prodigious army, amounting to millions of men. A large detachment from this vast army, among which were 60,000 horse, was sent against the city of _Quamsi_, which was plundered, and an immense number of the inhabitants put to the sword. While on his return with this part of the army, _Nauticor_ the Tartar general attempted to reduce the fortress of _Nixiancoo_, but was repulsed with the loss of 3000 men, on which he was disposed to desist from the enterprise, deeming the place impregnable. Among the prisoners taken at Quamsi were nine Portuguese, one of whom named George Mendez made offer to the Tartar general to put him on a plan for gaining the fortress of _Nixiancoo_, on condition that he and his companions were restored to liberty. The general agreed to his proposal, and gained the fort by the advice of Mendez, with the slaughter of 2000 Chinese and Moguls. In pursuance of his promise, the general obtained the liberty of the Portuguese from his sovereign, but prevailed on Mendez to continue in his service by a pension of 6000 ducats. The Tartar emperor was constrained to raise the siege of Peking and retire to _Tuymican_ his residence in Tartary, after having closely invested the metropolis of China for almost seven months, with the loss of 450,000 men, mostly cut off by pestilence, besides 300,000 that deserted to the Chinese.

In 1545, Martin Alfonso de Sousa became exceedingly dissatisfied with his situation as governor-general in India, being threatened on every side by a combination of the native princes, and having no adequate means of defence either in men or money. Only a few days before the arrival of his successor, he declared to Diego Silveyra who was going to sail for Portugal, that if the king did not immediately send out a successor, he would open the patents of succession, and resign the government to whoever he might find nominated for that purpose. He was soon afterwards relieved by Don Juan de Castro, whose journal of the expedition into the Red Sea we have laid before our readers in the preceding chapter, and who arrived at Goa in August or September 1545, to assume the government of India.

SECTION IV.

_Government of India by Don Juan de Castro, from 1545 to 1548._

Khojah Zofar, who was now chief minister and favourite to the king of Cambaya, though he continued to keep up a fair correspondence with the Portuguese, yet, with the perfidy so natural to a Moor, never ceased persuading his sovereign to endeavour to shake off the yoke by a second attempt to reduce the castle of Diu. For this purpose he collected a powerful army, yet endeavoured in the first place to attain his ends by the most infamous means of secret policy. With this view he gained over a Portuguese of a base character, named _Ruy Freire_, to poison the great cistern or reservoir of water, to set the magazine of the castle on fire, and to admit him by a concerted signal into the place. But this treacherous design was frustrated by the information of an Ethiopian, a Turk and a female slave, who revealed the plot to the commander, Don Juan Mascarenhas, who had succeeded Emanuel de Sousa. As Mascarenhas became aware of the storm that was gathering against him, he prepared to meet it as well as possible, and sent notice of his danger to the governor-general, Don Juan de Castro, and to all the neighbouring Portuguese commanders. The garrison in the castle of Diu at this time amounted only to 210 men: Of these Mascarenhas assigned 30 for the defence of each of the four bastions; his lieutenant had charge of a tower or bulwark over the gate with 20 men; other 20 were placed in a small detached work; and he retained 50 men as a body of reserve under his own immediate command, to act wherever the greatest danger might call for his presence.

By this time a considerable number of men were collected by the enemy in the city of Diu, among whom were 500 Turks sent from Mokha by the king of Zabid, and Khojah Zofar came on with all his power, resolving to attack the sea bastion by means of three castles well stored with cannon and ammunition, which were built upon a ship of vast size; within the castles were 200 Turks, who were intended to distract the attention of the defendants by continually pouring in all sorts of artificial fireworks. This device was however abortive, as Jacome Leite went by night in two small vessels with twenty men, and though discovered he succeeded in setting the floating castle on fire, a great part of which blew up with all the Turks, and the remainder of the ship burnt with so great a flame that the enemy was seen in whole battalions running to quench the fire. Seeing the enemy in clusters, Jacome pointed his cannon among them and killed many: After this exploit, he proceeded to the mouth of the river, where he took some vessels loaded with provisions belonging to the enemy, with which he returned to the fort to the great admiration of the whole garrison, having seven of his men wounded in this gallant and successful exploit.

Though frustrated in this design, Khojah Zofar persisted in his intentions of besieging the castle, for which purpose he began to rebuild the wall which had been destroyed by De Sousa.[365] This could not be prevented, though many of the workmen were killed by the cannon of the fort, and being at last brought to perfection Zofar planted upon it sixty pieces of large cannon, besides many of a small size. One of these cannons was of such extraordinary magnitude that it shook the whole island every time it was discharged, and it was managed with much expertness by a renegade Frenchman in the service of Zofar. At this time Don Ferdinand de Castro, son to the governor arrived with a reinforcement. Mascarenhas having expressed a desire of acquiring some intelligence from the enemys camp, one Diego de Anaya Coutinno, a gentleman of note and of great strength, put on a helmet with a sword by his side and a spear in his hand, and let himself down from the wall under night. He soon discovered two Moors at some distance from the fort, one of whom he slew with his spear, and taking up the other in his arms ran with him to the gate of the fort, calling out for admission, and threw him in, to the great surprise and admiration of his companions. Coutinno had borrowed a helmet, which he had engaged his word to restore or die in its defence. It happened to fall off in the scuffle, and he did not miss it till demanded, by its owner. He immediately let himself down again from the wall to look for the helmet, which he found and restored.

[Footnote 365: This second siege of Diu appears to have commenced about the beginning of March 1545.–E.]

Shortly afterwards an extraordinary movement was observed in the besieging army, of which Mascarenhas was desirous to know the cause. On this account six men sallied out at night from the castle, and fell upon an advanced party of sixty Moors, some of whom they killed; but the rest awaking, and being joined by others, the Portuguese were forced to retreat after losing two of their number; but the remaining four brought in a prisoner along with them, who reported that the king of Cambaya was arrived from _Champanel_ with 10,000 horse, on purpose to see the capture of the castle, which he was assured by Zofar must soon fall. This exploit so incensed the king and Zofar, that they pressed the siege with the utmost fury, and did much harm to the works of the castle by incessant discharges from their numerous artillery. But the renegade Frenchman, who managed their greatest gun, was slain by a chance shot, and the gunner who succeeded him was so ignorant that he did more harm to his own party than to the Portuguese. All the neighbourhood continually resounded with the incessant noise of the cannon, mixed with the cries and groans of dying men; when a ball from the fort happened to go through the kings tent, and sprinkled him all over with the blood of one of his favourites, who was torn to pieces close by him. This so terrified the king, that he immediately abandoned Diu, leaving the command of the horse to Juzar Khan a valiant Abyssinian.

Khojah Zofar continued to press the siege, and there was much slaughter and destruction on both sides; but this was more evident and prejudicial in the castle, owing to the small space and the weakness of the garrison. Mascarenhas on his part exerted every means for defence, always repairing to wherever there was most danger, as desirous of gaining equal honour with Silveyra who had so gallantly defended the same place only a few years before. He was no less fortunate in courageous women than Silveyra, as those now in the castle encouraged the men to fight valiantly, and both assisted and relieved them in the labour of repairing the walls. On one occasion that some Turks had got within the walls and had taken post in a house, one of these valiant females ran there with a spear and fought against the enemy, till Mascarenhas came up with his reserve and put them all to the sword. Zofar used every effort and device to fill up the ditches and to batter down the walls of the castle; but equal industry was exerted by the besieged to repair the breaches and to clear out the ditches, the prime gentry doing as much duty on those occasions as the private soldiers and masons; repairing every night such parts of the walls and bastions as had been ruined in the day.

Astonished to see all the defences thus restored, and angry at the obstinate resistance of so small a garrison, Zofar made a furious assault upon the castle, but had his head carried off by a cannon-ball. “In this violent death he fulfilled the prediction of his mother at _Otranto,_ who having in vain endeavoured to prevail upon him to return into the bosom of the church, used to superscribe her letters to him in the following manner. _To Khojah Zofar my son, at the gates of hell._” He was succeeded by his son _Rumi Khan_, who inherited his fortune and command, and was as eager as his father to reduce the castle of Diu. Being in great straits, Mascarenhas was under the necessity of applying to the governor-general at Goa and the commanders of the neighbouring garrisons for reinforcements, on which occasion a priest was employed, who run great danger, as the sea was at this season scarcely navigable: But then Portugal had some _decii_ and _reguli_, while it now has only the grief of wanting such patriots[366].

[Footnote 366: It is hardly necessary to observe that this is the expression of D. Faria in the _seventeenth_ century, when Portugal groaned under the yoke of the Austrian sovereigns of Spain.–E.]

In the mean time Rumi Khan and Juzar Khan gave a general assault, particularly directing their efforts against the bastions of St John and St Thomas, where they found a vigorous resistance and lost a prodigious number of men. Yet numbers at length prevailed, and the enemy gained a temporary possession of the bastion of St Thomas. The garrison adding fury to despair, made so desperate an effort to recover the bastion, that they made a wonderful slaughter of the numerous assailants who had penetrated their works, throwing headlong from the wall such as had escaped the sword, insomuch that the bastion and the ditch below were heaped with dead bodies. Rumi Khan spent the succeeding night in prayers and processions to propitiate Mahomet, and next morning renewed the assault with equal fury. But after mounting the two bastions, he was at length forced to retreat with the loss of near 2000 men, among whom was Juzar Khan the Abyssinian general, who was succeeded in his command by his uncle of the same name. In this action the Portuguese lost seven men. Several other assaults were given with similar success. In one of these the fire was so close and furious that several of the Portuguese who were clad in cotton garments had their clothes set on fire, on which they ran and dipt themselves in water, after which they returned to their posts. Such as happened to have skin coats escaped this danger; and as Mascarenhas noticed this circumstance, he caused the gilt leather hangings of his apartments to be made into coats for his soldiers.

As the enemy had raised a mount near the castle which overlooked the walls, whence they greatly annoyed the enemy, Don Juan and Don Pedro de Almeyda sallied out with an hundred men and destroyed that work, killing 300 Moors. At another time Martin Botello went out with ten men to endeavour to make some prisoners, to procure intelligence. This party fell upon a post of the enemy occupied by eighteen men, all of whom fled except one _Nubian_, who bravely endeavoured to defend himself against the whole eleven. Botello closed with him, and finding him hard to overcome while he touched the ground with his feet, raised him in his arms as Hercules did Anteus, and carried him to the fort by main strength. The assaults were frequently renewed, and the besieged were worn out with fatigue and reduced to the last extremity by famine, being forced to feed even upon naseous vermin. A crow or a vulture taken while feeding upon the dead bodies was so great a dainty for the sick that it sold for five crowns. Even the ammunition was almost spent. In this extremity, the enemy gave a fresh assault and forced their way into the bastion of St John, whence they were driven out. Scarcely had they retired when the bastion blew up with a vast explosion, carrying up 73 of the garrison into the air, ten of whom came down alive. Among these was Diego de Sotomayor, who fell into the fort with his spear still in his hand. One soldier fell in a similar manner among the enemy, and was immediately slain. _It was no fable that armed men were seen in the air on this occasion_[367]. Foreseeing the danger, as he believed from the retirement of the enemy so suddenly that they had secretly caused it to be undermined, Mascarenhas gave orders for the Portuguese soldiers to retire from the bastion; but one Reynoso prevented them from doing so, unaware of what was intended, upbraiding them for cowardice.

[Footnote 367: This is an evident allusion of De Faria to the ridiculous reports so often propagated among the Portuguese and Spaniards of those days, of heavenly champions aiding them in battle against the infidels.–E.]

Thirteen thousand of the enemy immediately attacked the breach which was formed by the explosion, and were at first resisted only by five men, till Mascarenhas came up with fifteen more. Even the women came forward to assist in defending the breach: and the priest, who had returned from carrying advice to the neighbouring Portuguese forts, appeared carrying a crucifix aloft, and encouraging the men to behave themselves manfully. After a long and furious contest, the enemy retired on the approach of night, after losing 300 men, and Mascarenhas employed the whole night in repairing the breach. The enemy renewed their attacks every day, but with no better success, trusting to their vast superiority in numbers, that they would at last wear out and destroy the garrison. Rumi Khan began again to undermine the works, even piercing through rocks that were in the way; but Mascarenhas by means of a countermine disappointed his expectations, as the mine exploded back upon the enemy and killed many of their own men.

Don Alvaro de Castro, son to the governor-general, was at this time sent with supplies and reinforcements, and had to contend against the winds and waves through almost incredible storms, yet arrived at Bassen without loss. From thence Antonio Moniz Baretto with eight gentlemen crossed over to Diu in a boat, being the first reinforcement; who though few were no small comfort to the besieged by their bravery. Next came Luis de Melo with nine men; then Don George and Don Duarte de Menezes with seventeen; after them Antonio de Ataide and Francisco Guillerme with fifty each; and Ruy Freyre the factor of Chaul with twenty-four. With these reinforcements Mascarenhas fell upon the enemy who then possessed some of the works of the castle, and had even established themselves in the bastion of St James. The enemy had now lost 5000 men and the besieged 200, but having as many more left, scarcely half of whom were fit for duty, when Don Alvaro de Castro arrived with 400 men and a sufficient supply of ammunition, having taken by the way a ship belonging to Cambaya richly laden.

The joy of this relief was soon damped by the mutinous disposition of the soldiers brought by Don Alvaro; who fearful of the mines of the enemy, clamorously demanded to be led into the field against the enemy; and when the governor prudently refused compliance, they broke out into open mutiny in defiance of all discipline, then scarce known or at least not respected by the Portuguese. Being in danger of perishing in the castle by his own men, Mascarenhas chose rather to die in the field among the enemy, and made a sally with almost 500 men in three bodies. At the first push the advanced post of the enemy was gained, and they were forced to retire to their main works. Those who had insolently compelled their commander to this extravagant measure, now stood heartless at the foot of the trenches, while others who had taken no part in the mutiny acted courageously. After a severe reproof from Mascarenhas they took heart and mounted the works, but the whole army of the enemy attacking them, the Portuguese were forced to retire in disorder. The enemy followed up the runaways, and 5000 of them under Mojate Khan endeavoured to gain possession of the bastion of St Thomas, but were bravely repulsed by Luis de Sousa. In this action sixty men were slain on the side of the Portuguese, among whom were Don Alvaro de Castro, who was mortally wounded in the head. About this time likewise the enemy gained temporary possession of the bastion of St James and even turned its cannon against the garrison, but were driven out by Vasco de Cuna and Luis de Almeida, who had just arrived with a reinforcement. The latter went out soon afterwards with Payo Rodriguez and Pedro Alfonso in three caravels, and soon returned with two great ships belonging to Mecca and several other vessels, whose cargoes were worth 50,000 ducats.

In the beginning of October 1545, when the siege had lasted eight months, Don Juan de Castro set out from Goa with a powerful armament for its relief. As the fleet, consisting of above 90 vessels, was scattered during the voyage, Don Juan put in at _Baseen_ to wait for its reunion, and sent in the mean time Don Emanuel de Lima with a squadron to scour the coast, who took several vessels. At length the Portuguese fleet made its appearance in the sea of Diu, to the great amazement and dismay of the enemy, who had recently received a supply of 5000 men from the king of Cambaya. Having landed his troops, it was resolved by Don Juan de Castro to march and attack the enemy, chiefly on the suggestion of the experienced Don Garcia de Sa. The Portuguese army was accordingly marshalled in the following order. Don Juan Mascarenhas, the valiant defender of the castle, led the van consisting of 500 men. Two other bodies of equal force were led by Don Alvaro de Castro[368], and Don Emanuel de Lima. Don Juan de Castro led the reserve, composed of 1000 Portuguese and a body of Indian soldiers. Among the men were several Portuguese women in men’s clothes, who went principally to assist those that might be wounded. The lieutenant-governor was left in charge of the fort with 300 men.

[Footnote 368: This gentleman has been said only a little way before, to have been _mortally_ wounded. He must only have been _severely_ wounded on that former occasion; or perhaps it might have been Don Ferdinand, another son of the governor, who was killed.–E.]

Having prepared for battle by the sacraments of the church, this small army marched out at break of day of the 11th November 1545, to attack the numerous forces of the enemy, who were strongly entrenched and defended by a powerful train of artillery. At this time two Portuguese gentlemen who had challenged each other, agreed that he who first mounted the works of the enemy should be deemed conqueror: both honourably strove to gain the victory, and both died gloriously in the attempt. After a severe conflict, in which the Portuguese sustained some loss, they at length mounted the works, and Mascarenhas and Don Alvaro de Castro, having each gained possession of a tower or bulwark, made room for the army drawing up in the open field in the rear of the hostile works. Twice was the ensign carrying the royal standard thrown down from the enemy’s works, and twice remounted. Rumi Khan used every effort, backed by his numerous army, to drive the Portuguese from his entrenchments, but unsuccessfully. Being joined by Juzar Khan, who had been worsted by Mascarenhas, they united their troops and renewed their fight, and distressed the Portuguese exceedingly, when father Antonio de Cazal appeared in the ranks carrying a crucifix aloft on the point of a lance, encouraging the troops to behave courageously. By great and valiant exertions, after covering the field with dead and wounded Moors, Rumi Khan was constrained to retreat in disorder; but having rallied his troops, the Portuguese in their turn were thrown into disorder. Don Juan, however exerted himself to admiration, and restoring his men to order renewed the battle. At this time a stone or bullet broke off an arm from the crucifix, and the priest calling on the soldiers to avenge the sacrilege, they fell on with such fury, that after incredible efforts they drove the enemy into the city with vast slaughter. Mascarenhas, Don Alvaro de Lima, and Don Juan de Castro, successively forced their way into the city with their respective battalions, by several avenues, making the streets and houses run with blood. The women shared the fate of the men, and even children were slain at their mothers breasts. In plundering the houses, gold, silver, and jewels were alone attended to by the soldiery, other things though of value being slighted as cumbrous.

Rumi Khan and the other officers of the enemy sallied with about 8000 men, against whom Don Juan de Castro, with the assistance of his son and Mascarenhas again engaged, and after a bloody battle gained a complete victory. In this last engagement, Gabriel Teixeyra killed the standard-bearer of the enemy, and dragged the standard of Cambaya about the field proclaiming victory. George Nunez brought out the head of Rumi Khan from among the dead, and presented it to Don Juan. Juzar Khan was wounded and made prisoner. In this great battle the enemy lost 5000 men, among whom, besides Rumi Khan, Azede Khan, Lu Khan, and other men of note were slain. The Portuguese, according to one account, lost 100 men, while others say only 34. Many thousands were taken, with forty pieces of cannon of extraordinary size, besides 160 others, and a prodigious quantity of ammunition. Free plunder was allowed to the troops, by which many acquired great riches and all were satisfied. Many of the Portuguese signalized their valour in this action. The governor-general acted the part of a valiant soldier, as well as that of a prudent general. Mascarenhas, after sustaining a siege of eight months, distinguished himself above all others. Of Don Alvaro de Castro, it is sufficient to say that he acted like his father. The ensign Barbado, though several times thrown down, as often remounted the works of the enemy. Father Antonio del Cazal, by presenting to view the _image of life_ banished the _fear of death_. Many others distinguished their valour, some of whom survived and others were slain. The enemy confessed that, one day during the siege, they saw over the church in the castle a beautiful woman in the air, clothed in white, and so brilliantly illuminated with rays of light that they could not look upon her; and that this day there were some men in the field armed with lances who did them much harm. The king of Cambaya was so enraged with the loss he had sustained in this siege, that he ordered twenty-eight Portuguese prisoners to be torn in pieces in his presence.

Great was the joy at Goa on the news being received of the events at Diu, which were carried thither by Diego Rodriguez de Azevedo, who likewise carried a message from Don Juan de Castro requesting the city to lend him 20,000 pardaos for the use of the army, sending a lock of his whiskers in pawn for the faithful repayment of the money. The city respectfully returned the proposed pledge, and sent him more money than he wanted, and even the ladies of Goa on this occasion sent him their earrings, necklaces, bracelets, and other jewels to be applied to the public service. But the governor punctually restored all exactly as sent, having been amply supplied by the capture of a rich ship of Cambaya. Having restored the castle to a better condition than before the siege, Don Juan de Castro sailed for Goa, leaving a garrison of 500 men in the castle under Don George de Menezes, with six ships to secure the coast. The city also was now better inhabited than ever, through the good usage of the governor to the Moors.

Don Juan de Castro returned from Diu to Goa on the 11th of April 1546, where he was received with universal demonstrations of joy, and was conducted into the city in a splendid triumph, prepared on purpose after the manner of the ancient Romans. The city gates and the houses of the streets he had to pass through were hung with silk, all the windows were thronged with women splendidly dressed, and every part of the city resounded with music and the din of cannon, all the ships in the bay being richly adorned with numerous flags and streamers. Don Juan entered the city under a splendid canopy; and at the gates his hat was taken off, and his brows adorned by a crown of laurel, of which likewise a branch was put into his hand. Before him went the priest, carrying the crucifix, as he had done in the late battle, and next to him was the royal standard. Juzar Khan followed with his eyes fixed on the ground, perhaps that he might not see the standard of his sovereign trailing in the dust, while those of the Portuguese floated triumphant in the air. After him came 600 prisoners in chains. In the front were all the captured cannon, and great quantities of arms of all sorts in carts artificially disposed. The governor walked upon leaves of gold and silver and rich silks, all the ladies as he passed sprinkling him from their windows with odoriferous waters, and strewing him with flowers. On hearing an account of this triumph, queen Catharine said “That Don Juan had overcome like a Christian, but had triumphed like a heathen.”

Scarcely was this triumph ended when the governor found it necessary to send a force of 120 horse, 800 foot, and 1000 Indians, to expel some troops sent by Adel Khan to possess the districts of Salsete and Bardes, because the conditions on which he had ceded these to the Portuguese had not been fulfilled. Diego de Almeyda, who commanded these troops, easily executed his commission, as 4000 men belonging to Adel Khan, who were stationed at _Cowlii_ fled at his approach. Adel Khan however sent them back again, with 9000 additional men, together with a company of renegado Portuguese, commanded by Gonzalo Vaz Coutinno, who, to avoid the punishment due to his crimes, had deserted to the enemy. As Almeyda found himself too weak to resist this great force, he was forced to retire; on which the governor marched in person against the enemy with 3000 men in five battalions, and was soon afterwards joined by Francisco de Melo with about 1500 more. On the approach of this force the enemy retired to the fort of Ponda followed by the Portuguese army, on which occasion Don Alvaro de Castro, who led the van, gained possession of a ford defended by 2000 musqueteers. The main body of the enemy, twelve or thirteen thousand strong, were drawn up in good order about the fort, but fled at the first fire, leaving the fort entirely empty.

The victorious are sure to find friends. _Cidoza_ king of Canara sent to congratulate Don Juan de Castro upon this victory, and to propose a new alliance with the Portuguese, which was accordingly concluded upon advantageous terms, as always happens upon such occasions. This kingdom of _Charnataca_, corruptly named _Canara_, had no sovereign prince before the year 1200, when one _Boca_, a shepherd, assumed the government, styling himself _Rao_ which signifies emperor, a title that has been continued by all his successors. This king, in memorial of a victory gained by him over the king of Delhi, built the famous city of Visajanagur, corruptly called Bisnagar. The crown continued in his line till usurped by Narsinga, from whom the kingdom took that name, having been formerly called Bisnagar from that of the city. Afterwards king Malek sent also to confirm the peace between him and the Portuguese, more through hatred to Adel Khan who was defeated, than from love to the victorious Portuguese.

Hearing in 1546 that the king of Cambaya intended again to besiege Diu with a larger army than ever, Don Juan de Castro prepared with all diligence to relieve it, borrowing money from the city of Goa for the expences of the expedition; and on this occasion the women of Goa sent him their jewels by the hands of their young daughters, complaining that he had not used them before, and requesting him to do so now; but he sent all back accompanied with presents. Having fitted out 160 sail of various kinds of vessels with a large military force, Don Juan sailed for _Basseen_ and thence to Surat, where Don Alvaro had arrived before the fleet, and had taken a work with several cannon from the Moors. Sailing thence to Baroch, the army of the king of Cambaya was seen covering the whole plain, to the amount of 150,000 men, with 80 large cannon in front. Don John was anxious to land with his small army of 3000 men to give battle to the king, but was dissuaded from the rash attempt by his most experienced officers. He went on therefore to Diu, where he appointed Luis Falcam to command the castle, as Mascarenhas was then about to return to Portugal. After this he went along the coast of the Guzerat dominions, landing in many places, and destroying every thing with fire and sword. The strong and beautiful cities of _Pate_ and _Patane_, being abandoned by the inhabitants, were utterly destroyed; two hundred vessels were destroyed in their ports, and a prodigious booty was obtained. Dabul also, though in the dominions of Adel Khan, was treated in a similar manner, in revenge for the ravages committed by the orders of that sovereign in the districts of Salsete and Bardes, which were occupied by Calabate Khan at the head of 20,000 men.

As Calabate Khan seemed disposed to retain possession of these districts, Don Juan went against him with 1500 horse and 4000 foot; but the enemy fled in all haste to the gauts, leaving their tents and baggage behind. The Portuguese army pursued; and being resisted by Calabate Khan in person, with 2000 horse at a ford or pass, that general was unhorsed and slain by a Portuguese officer named Almeyda, after which the enemy were defeated with great slaughter. The cymeter, dagger, chain, and rings of the slain general were estimated at the value of 80,000 crowns. After this victory, Don Juan ravaged the whole country below the gauts belonging to Adel Khan, destroying every thing before him, burning all the towns and woods, and carrying off the cattle and provisions. From this destructive expedition he returned to Goa, which he again entered in triumph.

About this time the king of Acheen in Sumatra, an irreconcilable enemy to the Portuguese, sent a fleet of sixty vessels against Malacca with 5000 soldiers, among whom were 500 men called _Orobalones_ or _the golden bracelets_, from wearing that ornament in distinction of their bravery; but the principal force consisted of a regiment of Turkish janisaries commanded by a valiant Moor. This man landed in the night near Malacca, and it is said that the garrison was alarmed and put on their guard by a flock of geese, as the capitol was in ancient times. The garrison of Malacca was then very weak, yet the enemy were forced to reimbark, after burning two Portuguese ships then ready to sail. On returning from their intended attack on Malacca, the enemy took seven poor fishermen, whose noses, ears, and feet they cut off and sent them in that mutilated condition to the commander at Malacca, George de Melo, with a letter written with their blood, challenging him to come out and fight them at sea. Melo was by no means disposed to accept this challenge, having a very inadequate force, and because he had only eight small vessels which lay aground in a state unfit for service. But the great St Francis Xavier, who was then in Malacca, prevailed on some merchants to be at the expence of fitting out these vessels, and upon Melo to go out against the enemy, promising that two galliots would come by a certain time to his aid. When the time was near expired, two galliots actually made their appearance and came into the harbour, though intended upon a different course. The saint went on board, and found that they were commanded by Diego Suarez de Melo, commonly called the _Gallego_, and his son Baltazar, whom he prevailed upon to join in the attack of the Acheenese. The ten small vessels were accordingly fitted out and manned by 230 men, and set sail in search of the enemy under the command of Don Francisco Deza. After ranging about for two months in search of the Acheen fleet, when at length about to return to Malacca, Deza found them in the river _Parles_, where he resolutely attacked them one Sunday morning, and, after an obstinate engagement, gained a complete victory, in which 4000 of the enemy were slain. Several of the Acheen ships were sunk, and almost all the rest taken, of which the Portuguese brought in twenty-five to Malacca, with 300 pieces of cannon, and about 1000 firelocks, having only lost twenty-five men according to one account, while some said only four. St Francis was preaching at Malacca when this battle took place, and suddenly pausing in the middle of his discourse, he distinctly related all the particulars of the victory to his auditors, who were in great anxiety for the fate of their ships, having received no news of them during two months. His prophecy was verified a few days afterwards by their triumphant arrival.

Don Juan de Castro began his operations in January 1548, by the entire destruction of all that part of the western coast of India which belonged to Adel Khan. From the river _Charopa_ two leagues from Goa, to that of _Cifardam_, which divides the dominions of Adel Khan from that of the Nizam, he spared neither living creature, vegetable, nor dwelling of any kind.

When the news of the glorious termination of the siege of Diu was received at Lisbon, the king sent out a greater fleet than usual to India, and honoured Don Juan with extraordinary favours for his good services. Besides a present in money, he continued him in the government, raising his rank from governor-general to the dignity of viceroy, and appointed his son Don Alvaro admiral of the Indian seas. But Don Juan was almost dead when these honours reached him, being sick of a disease which now-a-days kills no one, for even diseases die! He was heart-broken by the cowardly behaviour of a Portuguese force that had been sent to Aden, and the rash conduct of his son at Xael, in both of which they had suffered severe losses. Finding himself dying, he publicly asked pardon of many for having written against them to the king; and being unable to manage the affairs of government, he appointed a select council to supply his place. Calling the members into his presence, he said “Though he neither hoped nor wished to live, yet it behoved him to be at some expence while he remained alive; and having no money, he entreated they would order him a small supply from the royal revenues, that he might not die for want.” Then laying his hand on a missal, with his eyes lifted up to heaven, he solemnly swore, “That he had on no occasion converted the money belonging to the king, or to any other person, to his own use; and that he had never engaged in trade to increase his own fortune.” He desired that this his solemn declaration might be recorded. He soon afterwards expired in the arms of St Francis Xavier, on the 6th of June 1548, in the 48th year of his age. All the treasure found in his private cabinet was three _ryals_ and a _bloody scourge_.

Don Juan was an excellent scholar, being particularly skilled in Latin and the mathematics. During his government of India he did not allow himself to be actuated by pride, as others had done before and after him, and always valued and promoted his officers for their merits. He so much loved that every one should act becomingly, that seeing one day a fine suit of clothes on passing a tailors shop, and being told that it was intended for his son, he cut it in pieces, desiring some one to tell the young man to provide arms, not fine clothes.

SECTION V.

_Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1548 to 1564, under several Governors,[369]_