A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Vol 10 by Robert KerrForming a Complete History of the Origin and Progress of Navigation, Discovery, and Commerce, by Sea and Land, from the Earliest Ages to the Present Time

Produced by Robert Connal, Graeme Mackreth and PG Distributed Proofreaders. This file was produced from images generously made available by the Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions. A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION of VOYAGES AND TRAVELS, ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER: FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA
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Produced by Robert Connal, Graeme Mackreth and PG Distributed Proofreaders. This file was produced from images generously made available by the Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions.




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CHAP. I–Early Circumnavigations, or Voyages round the World,


CHAP. I.–Voyage of Ferdinand Magellan round the World, in 1519-1522,

SECT. I. Some Account of Magellan, previous to the Commencement of the Voyage,

II. Proceedings of the Voyage from Seville to Patagonia, and wintering there,

III. Prosecution of the Voyage, till the Death of Magellan,

IV. Continuation of the Voyage to its Conclusion,

CHAP. II. Voyage by Sir Francis Drake round the World, in 1517-1580,

SECT. I. Introduction, and Preparation for the Voyage,

II. Narrative of the Voyage from England to the Straits of Magellan,

III. Incidents of the Voyage, from the Straits of Magellan to New Albion,

IV. Continuation of the Voyage, from New Albion to England.

V. Reception of Sir Francis Drake in England, and some Notices of his remaining Actions,

SECT. VI First Supplement to the Voyage of Sir Francis Drake; being an Account of Part of the foregoing Navigation, by Nuno da Silva,

VII Second Supplement, being the Voyage of Mr John Winter, after parting from Sir Francis Drake,

CHAP. III–Voyage of Sir Thomas Candish round the World, in 1586-1588,


SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage from England to the Pacific,

II. Transactions on the Western Coast of America,

III. Voyage Home to England,

IV. Second Voyage of Sir Thomas Candish, intended for the South Sea, in 1591

Sec. 1. Incidents in the Voyage, till the Separation of the Ships,

Sec. 2. Disastrous Result of the Voyage to Sir Thomas Candish,

Sec. 3. Continuation of the Voyage of the Desire, Captain Davis, after parting from Sir Thomas Candish,

CHAP. IV. Voyage of Oliver Van Noort round the World, in 1538-1601,


SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage.

II. Voyage of Sebald de Weert, to the South Sea and Straits of Magellan, in 1598,

Sec. 1. Incidents of the Voyage from Holland to the Straits of Magellan,

Sec. 2. The Fleet passes through the Straits of Magellan into the South Sea, and is forced to return,

Sec. 3. Incidents daring their second Residence in the Straits of Magellan,

Sec. 4. Voyage from the Straits to Holland,

CHAP. V–Voyage of George Spilbergen round the World, in 1614-1617,

SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage, from Holland to the South Sea,

II. Transactions in the South Sea, along the Western Coast of America,

III. Voyage Home from America, by the East Indies and Cape of Good Hope,

CHAP. VI–Voyage round the World, in 1615-1617, by William Cornelison Schouten and Jacques Le Maire, going round Cape Horn,


SECT. I. Journal of the Voyage from the Texel to Cape Horn,

II. Continuation of the Voyage, from Cape Horn to the Island of Java,

CHAP. VII–Voyage of the Nassau Fleet round the World, in 1623-1626, under the Command of Jaques Le Hermite,


SECT. I. Incidents of the Voyage from Holland to the South Sea,

II. Transactions of the Fleet on the Western Coast of America,

III. Voyage Home from the Western Coast of America,

CHAP. VIII–Voyage round the World, in 1683-1691, by Captain John Cooke, accompanied by Captain Cowley, and Captain William Dampier,


SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage by Captain Cowley, till he quitted the Revenge on the Western Coast of America,

II. Continuation of the Narrative of Captain Cowley, from leaving the Revenge, to his Return to England,

III. Sequel of the Voyage, as far as Dampier is concerned, after the Separation of the Nicholas from the Revenge,

CHAP. IX–Voyage round the World, by William Funnell, in 1703-1706,


SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage, till the Separation of Funnell from Dampier,

II. Sequel of the Voyage of William Funnell, after his Separation from Captain Dampier,

III. Brief Account of Stradling, Clipperton, and Dampier, after their respective Separations, till their Returns to England,

CHAP. X–Voyage round the World, by Captain Woods Rogers, and Stephen Courtney, in 1708-1711,


SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage, from England to the Island of Juan Fernandez,

II. Proceedings of the Expedition on the Western Coast of America,

III. Sequel of the Voyage, from California, by Way of the East Indies, to England,

CHAP. XI–Voyage round the World, by Captain John Clipperton, in 1719-1722,


SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage, from England to Juan Fernandez,

II. Proceedings of the Success in the South Seas,

III. Voyage of the Success from the Coast of Mexico to China,

IV. Residence of Captain Clipperton at Macao, and Returns from thence to England,

CHAP. XII–Voyage round the World, by Captain George Shelvocke, in 1719-1722,


SECT. I. Narrative of the Voyage from England to the South Sea,

II. Proceedings in the South Sea, till Shipwrecked on the Island of Juan Fernandez,

III. Residence on the Island of Juan Fernandez,

IV. Farther Proceedings in the South Sea, after leaving Juan Fernandez,


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In this _fourth_ book of the _second_ part of our arrangement, it is proposed to give a history of the principal Circumnavigations, or Voyages Round the World, previous to the reign of our present venerable sovereign. This book, therefore, comprises a period of 226 years, from the year 1519, when Magellan sailed from Spain on the first circumnavigation of the globe, till the year 1744, when Commodore Anson returned to England from a similar expedition. The more recent circumnavigations, which have taken place since the year 1760, chiefly under the munificent and enlightened patronage of GEORGE III. or in imitation of these, and which have largely contributed to extend, and almost to render perfect, the geography and hydrography of the terraqueous globe, are intended to form a separate division, in a subsequent part of our arrangement.

The accurate knowledge which we now possess of the form and dimensions of this globe of earth and water which we inhabit, has been entirely owing to the superior skill of the moderns in the mathematical sciences, as applicable to the practice of navigation, and to the observation and calculation of the motions of the heavenly bodies, for the ascertainment of latitudes and longitudes. It would require more space than can be conveniently devoted on the present occasion, to give any clear view of the geographical knowledge possessed by the ancients, together with a history of the progress of that science, from the earliest times, neither do the nature and objects of the present Collection of Voyages and Travels call for any such deduction, of which an excellent epitome will be found in the History of Geography, prefixed to Playfair’s System of Geography.

The ancients laboured under almost absolute incapacities for making extensive voyages or discoveries by sea, proceeding from ignorance of the form and dimensions of the earth, and other causes. They were but indifferently versed in the practical part of astronomy, without which, and those instruments which have been invented almost exclusively by the moderns, for measuring the paths, distances, and relative positions of the heavenly bodies, it is impossible to launch out with any tolerable success or safety on the trackless ocean. They were ignorant also of that wonderful property of the magnet or loadstone, which, pointing invariably towards the north, enables the modern mariner to know his precise course, at all times of the day of night, though clouds and thick mists may hide the luminaries of heaven from his observation, which were the only means of direction known to the ancients.

Various systems and theories appear to have prevailed among the ancients respecting the figure and motion of the earth; some justly enough supposing it to be a ball or sphere, suspended in infinite space, while others conceived it to be a flat surface, floating upon and surrounded by an interminable ocean. The just conceptions of some ancient philosophers, respecting the spherical figure of the earth, and its diurnal motion around its own axis, were superseded by others of a more popular nature, and forgotten for many ages. Lactantius and Augustine, two fathers of the catholic church, unfortunately adopted the idea of the earth being a flat surface, infinitely extending downwards; grounding this false notion upon a mistaken interpretation of the holy scriptures, or rather seeking assistance from them in support of their own unphilosophical conceptions. So strongly had this false opinion taken possession of the minds of men, in our European world, even after the revival of learning in the west, that Galileo was imprisoned by the holy inquisitors at Rome for asserting the sphericity of the earth, and the doctrine of _antipodes_, and had to redeem his liberty and life, by writing a refutation of that heretical doctrine, which satisfied the inquisitors, yet convinced the world of its truth.

Columbus assuredly grounded his grand discovery of America upon the knowledge of the earth being a sphere; and had not the new western world intervened, his voyage had probably been the first circumnavigation. In modern times, an idea has been advanced that Columbus only retraced the steps of some former navigator, having seen certain parts of the grand division of the world which he discovered, already delineated on a globe. It were improper to enter upon a refutation of this idle calumny on the present occasion; yet it is easy to conceive, that the possessor of that globe, may have rudely added the reported discoveries of Columbus, to the more ancient delineations. At all events, Columbus was the first person who conceived the bold idea that it was practicable to sail round the globe. From the spherical figure of the earth, then universally believed by astronomers and cosmographers, in spite of the church, he inferred that the ancient hemisphere or continent then known, must of necessity be balanced by an equiponderant and opposite continent. And, as the Portuguese had discovered an extensive track by sailing to the eastwards, he concluded that the opposite or most easterly coast of that country might certainly be attained, and by a nearer path, by crossing the Atlantic to the westwards. The result of this profound conception, by the discovery of America, has been already detailed in the _Second_ Book of this collection; and we now proceed in this _Fourth_ Book to detail the various steps of other navigators, in prosecution of this grand design of surrounding the globe, in which many curious and interesting discoveries have been made, and by which geographical knowledge and practical navigation have been brought to great degrees of perfection.

Before commencing the narrative appropriated for this division of our arrangement, it is proper to give the following complete table of all the circumnavigators, within the period assigned to the present portion of this collection; with the names of the ports from which they sailed, and the dates of their respective voyages, and returns.–Ed.

|_Sailed from_| |_Returned_. 1. Ferdinand, | Seville, | Aug. 10, 1519. | Sept. 8, 1522. Magellan, | in Spain, | | 2. Sir Francis | Plymouth Sound, | Dec. 30, 1577. | Sept. 16, 1580. Drake, | | |
3. Sir Thomas | Plymouth, | July 25, 1586. | Sept. 9, 1588. Candish, | | |
4. Oliver van | Goeree, | Sept. 13, 1598. | Aug. 26, 1601. Noord, | | |
5. George | Texel, | Aug. 8, 1614. | July 1, 1617. Spilbergeny,| | |
6. Shouten and | Texel, | June 24, 1615. | July 1, 1617. LeMair, | | |
7. Nassau | Goeree, | April 29, 1623. | Jan. 21, 1626. fleet, | | |
8. Cowley,[A] | Achamack, in | Aug. 23, 1683. | Oct. 12, 1686. | Virginia, | |
9. William | Achamack, | Aug. 28, 1683. | Sept. 16, 1691. Dampier,[A] | | |
10. Dampier and | the Downs, | Aug. 9, 1703. | Aug. 1706. Funnel, | | |
ll. Wood Rogers,| Bristol, | June 15, 1708. | Oct. 1, 1711. and Courtney,| | |
12. John | Plymouth, | Feb. 15, 1719. | June, 1722. Clapperton, | | |
13. George | Plymouth, | Feb. 15, 1719. | Aug. 1, 1722. Shelvocke | | |
14. Roggewein, | Texel, | July 17, 1721. | July 11, 1723. 15. George | St Helens, | Sept. 18, 1740. | June 15, 1744. Anson, | | |

[Footnote A: These two are conjoined in Chap. VIII. of this book, for reasons which will appear there sufficiently obvious.–E.]

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_Some Account of Magellan, precious to the Commencement of his Voyage._

Owing to the discoveries made under the authority of the sovereign of Castile, the Portuguese were excessively jealous of the safety of their possessions in the East Indies. At length, after various negociations, the authority of the pope was interposed, then considered as supreme among the princes of Europe who were in communion with the church of Rome. By a bull or papal decree, all countries discovered, or to be discovered, in the East, were declared to belong to the crown of Portugal, and all that were found in the west were to be the property of Spain. Yet this measure rather smothered than extinguished the flames of contention; as both courts readily listened to any proposals that tended to aggrandise the one at the expence of the other. This spirit of contention between the courts of Spain and Portugal, gave occasion to several men of enterprise, who happened to be dissatisfied by the delays or refusal of either of these courts, in countenancing their projects, to apply themselves for employment to the other. Among those who took this method of advancing their fortunes, was Ferdinand Magalhaens, now generally known by the name of Magellan. He was a gentleman of good family in Portugal, who had addicted himself from his youth to maritime affairs, and had acquired great skill both in the theory and practice of navigation. He seemed formed by nature for the achievement of great exploits, having all the qualities requisite to compose the character of a truly great man. With a courage which no danger could appal, he possessed the utmost calmness of temper and sweetness of disposition, by which all who conversed with him were engaged to love and esteem his character. He was naturally eloquent, both in illustrating and proving the reasonableness of his own opinions, and in converting others from their erroneous preconceived notions. Above all, he possessed that steady and persevering resolution, which not only enabled him to vanquish the greatest difficulties, but gave such appearance of success to every thing be promised or undertook, as secured the confidence of all who were under his command. As these extraordinary qualities would have distinguished him in any station of life, so they were remarkably useful in the present enterprise, by which he gained immortal reputation, although he lost his life before its completion.

[Footnote 1: Harris’ Collection, I. 6. The utmost pains have been taken to narrate this expedition in the clearest manner, by comparing all the different relations of the Spanish and Portuguese writers. We regret much, however, the loss of a large history of this voyage, by P. Martyr, which was burnt in the sack of Rome, when taken by the Constable de Bourbon.–_Harris_.]

Don Ferdinand Magellan had served with much credit in India, under the famous Albuquerque, and thought that he merited some recompence for his services; but all his applications were treated with coldness and contempt by the great, which was intolerable to a person of his spirit. He associated, therefore, with men of like fortunes, whose merits had been similarly neglected, and particularly with one Ray Falero, a great astronomer, whom the Portuguese represented as a conjuror, retiring along with him to the Spanish court, where be made propositions for new discoveries to Cardinal Ximenes, who was then prime minister of Spain. The Portuguese ambassador used all imaginable pains to counteract these designs, and solicited the court to deliver up Magellan and his companion as deserters, even representing Magellan as a bold talkative person, ready to undertake any thing, yet wanting capacity and courage for the performance of his projects. He even made secret proposals to Magellan, offering him pardon and great rewards to desist from his present purpose, and to return to the service of his own sovereign. All these arts were unavailing, as the Spanish ministry, now competent judges of these matters, were satisfied of the probability of the discoveries proposed by Magellan and his coadjutor Falero, who were both received into favour, made knights of the order of St Jago, and had their own terms granted to them.

The grounds on which this expedition was founded were as follow. The opinion advanced by Columbus, of the possibility of reaching the East Indies by sailing to the west, was assumed as certainly well founded, though he had not been able to accomplish it; and it was asserted, that it could not be attended with any insuperable difficulty to sail from the South Sea, then recently discovered, to the Molucca Islands. The grand desideratum was to find a passage westwards, from the Atlantic Ocean into the new-found South Sea, which they expected might be met with through the Rio de la Plata, or by some other opening on that eastern coast of South America. Should this succeed, Spain might then reap the benefit of both the Indies; since, if this discovery were made by way of the _west_, it would then fall expressly within the grant of the papal bull to Spain.

In consequence of these proposals, it was agreed that Magellan and the other adventurers were to be furnished by the crown of Spain with five ships, manned by 234 men, with provisions for two years; and that the adventurers should reap a twentieth part of the clear profit, the government of any islands they might discover to be vested in them and their heirs for ever, with the title of Adelantado. The agreed, fleet of five ships was accordingly fitted out for the expedition at Seville, consisting of the Trinidada, in which Magellan sailed as admiral, and having a Portuguese pilot named Stephen Gomez; the Santa Vittoria, commanded by Don Luis de Mendoza; the St Antonio, Don Juan de Carthagena; the St Jago, Don Juan Serrano; and the Conception, Don Gaspar de Quixada. According to some authors, the number of men in these five ships amounted to 237, though by most they are said to have been 250, among whom were thirty Portuguese, upon whom Magellan chiefly depended for naval skill; as he likewise did greatly upon Serrano, who had left the service of Portugal in like manner with himself, after having served for many years in India, and some time in the Moluccas, of which islands they were now going in search.


_Proceedings of the Voyage from Seville to Patagonia, and wintering there_.

Great hopes of success were entertained from this voyage, from the known experience of the commanders, although its real object was carefully concealed by Magellan, who merely gave out to the other adventurers that it was intended for the discovery of new countries, by which they believed themselves bound to the certain acquisition of gold. They set sail from Seville, in high expectations of acquiring riches, on the 10th of August, 1519. The 3d October, the fleet arrived between Cape Verd and the islands of that name. After being detained by tedious calms on the coast of Guinea for seventy days, they at last got to the south of the line, and held on their course to the coast of Brazil, of which they came in sight in about the latitude of 23 deg. S. They here procured abundant refreshments of fruits, sugar-canes, and several kinds of animals.

Proceeding about 2 1/2 degrees farther south, they came into a country inhabited by a wild sort of people, of prodigious stature, fierce and barbarous, and making a strange roaring noise, more like the bellowing of bulls, than human speech. Notwithstanding their prodigious bulk, these people were so nimble that none of the Spaniards or Portuguese were swift enough to overtake them. At this place there was a fine river of fresh water, the mouth of which was fully seventeen leagues wide, in which there were seven islands, the largest of which they named the island of St Mary, where they procured some _jewels_.[2] Proceeding along this coast towards the south, they fell in with two islands so abounding in seals and penguins, that they might have laden all their five ships with them in a short time. The penguins are a black, heavy, unwieldy fowl, extremely fat, covered with a sort of down instead of feathers, and having a bill like that of a raven; drawing their entire subsistence from the sea, as fish is their only food.

[Footnote 2: These jewels may possibly have been a few pearls. The indications in the text are too vague to afford even a guess at the situation of the river and its seven islands; only it may be mentioned, that the most northern part of the coast of Patagonia is in lat. 38 deg. S. and that no river answering the description in the test is to be found on all that coast–E.]

They next advanced to about the latitude of 49 deg. 30′ S. where they were forced to remain for five months, owing to the severity of the weather, it being now winter in these southern parts. They here passed their time very unpleasantly, and for a long time believed the country to be uninhabited, but at length a savage came to visit them. He was a brisk jolly fellow, very merrily disposed, and came towards them singing and dancing. On coming to the shore of the haven in which the ships had taken refuge, he stood there for some time, throwing dust upon his head. This being observed, some persons were sent ashore to him in a boat, and making similar signs of peace; and he came along with them on board, without any appearance of fear or hesitation. The size and stature of this person was such as in some measure entitled him to be deemed a giant, the head of one of the ordinary-sized Spaniards only reaching to his waist, and he was proportionally large made. His body was painted all over, having a stag’s horn delineated on each cheek, and large circles round the eyes. The natural colour of his skin was yellow, and his hair was white. His apparel consisted of the skin of a beast, clumsily sewed together, covering his whole body and limbs from head to foot. The beast of which this was the skin, was as strange as the wearer, being neither mule, horse, nor camel, but partaking of all three, having the ears of a mule, the tail of a horse, and the body shaped like a camel. The arms of this savage consisted of a stout bow, having for a string the gut or sinew of that strange beast; and the arrows were tipped with sharp stones, instead of iron heads.

The admiral made this man be presented with meat and drink, of which he readily partook, and seemed to enjoy himself very comfortably, till happening to see himself in a mirror which was given him among other toys, he was so frightened that he started back and overturned two of the men, and did not easily recover his composure. This giant fared so well, that several others came to visit the ships, and one of them behaved with so much familiarity and good humour, that the Europeans were much pleased with him. This person shewed them one of the beasts in the skins of which they were cloathed, from which the foregoing description must have been taken.[3] Being desirous to make prisoners of some of these giants, Magellan gave orders for this purpose to some of his crew. Accordingly, while amusing them with toys, they put iron shackles on their legs, which at first they conceived had been fine ornaments like the rest, and seemed pleased with their jingling sound, till they found themselves hampered and betrayed. They then fell a bellowing like bulls, and imploring the aid of _Setebos_ in this extremity, whom they must therefore have conceived some good and compassionate being, as it is not to be conceived they would crave relief from an evil spirit. Yet the voyagers reported strange things, of horrible forms and appearances frequently seen among these people, such as horned demons with long shaggy hair, throwing out fire before and behind: But these seem mere dreams or fables.

[Footnote 3: This must have been a Lama, Paca, or Chilihueque, of the camel genus, vulgarly called Peruvian sheep.–E.]

Most of the natives of this country were dressed in the skins of beasts, similarly to the one who first visited them. Their hair was short, yet tied up by a cotton lace or string. They had no fixed dwellings, but used certain moveable huts or tents, constructed of skins similar to those in which they were cloathed, which they carry with them from place to place, as they roam about the country. What flesh they are able to procure, they devour quite raw without any kind of cookery, besides which their chief article of food is a sweet root, which they name _capar._ The voyagers report that these savages were very jealous of their women; yet do not mention having seen any. Their practice of physic consists in bleeding and vomiting: The former being performed by giving a good chop with some edge tool to the part affected; and the latter is excited by thrusting an arrow half a yard down the throat of the patient. These people, to whom Magellan gave the name of _Patagons_, are so strong, that when one only was attempted to be made prisoner of by nine Spaniards, he tired them all; and, though they got him down, and even bound his hands, he freed himself from his bonds, and got away, in spite of every endeavour to detain him. Besides _capar_, the name of a root already mentioned, and which likewise they applied to the bread or ship’s biscuit given them by the Spaniards, the only words reported of their language are _ali_ water, _amel_ black, _cheiche_ red, _cherecai_ red cloth; and _Setebos_ and _Cheleule_ are the names of two beings to whom they pay religious respect, _Setebos_ being the supreme, and _Cheleule_ an inferior deity.

The haven in which they remained there five months, was named by Magellan, Port St Julian, of which and the surrounding country they took solemn possession for the crown of Spain, erecting a cross as a signal of sovereignty. But the principal reason of this long stay was in consequence of a mutiny which broke out, not only among the common men, but was even joined or fomented rather by some of the captains, particularly by Don Luis de Mendoza, on whom Magellan had placed great reliance. On this occasion Magellan acted with much spirit; for, having reduced the mutineers to obedience, he brought their ringleaders to trial for plotting against his life; hanged Don Luis de Mendoza and a few others of the most culpable; leaving Don Juan de Carthagena and others, who were not so deeply implicated, among the Patagons. The weather growing fine, and the people being reduced to obedience, Magellan set sail from Port St Julian, and pursued his course to the latitude of 51 deg. 40′ S. where finding a convenient port, with abundance of fuel, water, and fish, he remained for two months longer.


_Prosecution of the Voyage, till the Death of Magellan_.

Again resuming the voyage, they proceeded along the eastern shore of Patagonia to the latitude of 52 deg. S. when the entrance into the famous straits still known under the name of Magellan were discovered, through which the squadron continued its voyage, finding these straits about 110 leagues in length, from east to west, with varying breadths, in some places very wide, and in others not more than half a league across; the land on both sides being high, rugged, and uneven, and the mountains covered with snow. On reaching the western end of these straits, an open passage was found into the great South Sea, which sight gave Magellan the most unbounded joy, as having discovered that for which he had gone in quest, and that he was now able practicably to demonstrate what he had advanced, that it was possible to sail to the East Indies by way of the West. To the point of land from which he first saw this so-long-desired prospect, he gave the name of _Cape Desiderato._ This prospect was not, however, so desirable to some of his followers; for here one of his ships stole away, and sailed homewards alone.

Magellan entered the great South Sea on the 28th November, 1620, and proceeded through that vast expanse, to which he gave the name of the Pacific Ocean, for three months and twenty days, without once having sight of land. During a considerable part of this period they suffered extreme misery from want of provisions, such as have been seldom heard of. All their bread and other provisions were consumed, and they were reduced to the necessity of subsisting upon dry skins and leather that covered some of the rigging of the ships, which they had to steep for some days in salt water, to render it soft enough to be chewed. What water remained in the ships was become putrid, and so nauseous that necessity alone compelled them to use it. Owing to these impure and scanty means of subsistence, their numbers daily diminished, and those who remained alive became exceedingly weak, low-spirited, and sickly. In some, the gums grew quite over their teeth on both sides; so that they were unable to chew the tough leathern viands which formed their only food, and they were miserably starved to death. Their only comfort under this dreadful state of famine was, that the winds blew them steadily and gently along, while the sea remained calm and almost unruffled, whence it got the name of Pacific, which it has ever since retained.

In all this length of time, they only saw two uninhabited islands, which shewed no signs of affording them any relief Sometimes the needle varied extremely, and at other times was so irregular in its motions, as to require frequent touches of the loadstone to revive its energy. No remarkable star was found near the south pole, by which to ascertain the southern ordinal point, or to estimate the latitude. Instead of an antarctic polar star, two clusters of small stars were observed, having a small space between them, in which were two stars of inconsiderable size and lustre, which seemed to be at no great distance from the pole, by the smallness of the circle they described in their diurnal course. When at the distance of 20 deg. from the south pole, they saw a high island to which they gave the name of _Cipangue_; and at 15 deg. another equally high, which they named _Sinnodit_.[4] They sailed in one gulf; or stretch of sea, at least 4000 leagues, and made their longitude, by estimation or reckoning, 120 deg. W. from the place of their original departure. By this time they drew near the equinoctial line, and having got beyond that into 13 deg. N. latitude, they made for the cape called _Cottigare_ by old geographers; but missing it in that old account of its latitude, they understood afterwards that it is in the latitude of 12 deg. N.[5]

[Footnote 4: The text is evidently here erroneous, as Magellan entered the Pacific Ocean in lat. 47 deg. S. and there is not the smallest reason to suspect he had been forced into the latitudes of 70 deg. and 75 deg. S. Instead therefore of the south pole, we ought probably to understand the equator. As these two islands were uninhabited, the names given them must have been imposed by Magellan or his associates. Cipangue is the name given to Japan by Marco Polo, and is of course a singular blunder. The other is unintelligible, and the voyage is so vaguely expressed, as even to defy conjecture.–E.]

[Footnote 5: This cape Cottigare in the South Sea, in lat. 12 deg. or 13 deg. N. is utterly unintelligible, unless it refer to the southern part of Guam, Guaham, or Goad, one of the Ladronea, which they soon discovered, and which is actually in 13 deg. N.–E.]

On the 6th March, 1521, they fell in with a cluster of islands, being then in lat. 12 deg. N. and 146 deg. of west longitude from the place of their first setting out.[6] These islands were called by Magellan _Islas de los Ladrones_, or the islands of robbers, and are called in modern geography the Ladrones or Marian islands. They here went on shore to refresh themselves, after all the fatigues and privations of their tedious voyage through the Pacific Ocean; but the thievish disposition of the islanders would not allow them any quiet repose, as they were continually stealing things from the ships, while the sick and worn-out mariners were endeavouring to refresh themselves on shore. Resolving therefore to deliver themselves from the disturbance of these pilferers, they marched a small party of armed men into the interior of one of these islands, where they burnt some houses, and slew some of the natives. But, though this correction awed them a little for the present, it did not mend their thievish disposition; for which reason they resolved to seek out some other place, where they might enjoy some repose in safety.

[Footnote 6: By the reckoning in the text, the longitude of the Ladrone islands, which they now discovered, would be 151 deg. 25′ W. from Greenwich. But their true longitude is 216 deg. 30′ W. Their latitude is between 13 deg. and 20 deg. 50′ N.–E.]

No order or form of government was observed to subsist among these natives of the Ladrones, but every one seemed to live according to his own humour or inclination. The men were entirely naked, the hair both of their heads and beards being black, that on their heads so long as to reach down to their waists. Their natural complexion is olive, and they anoint themselves all over with cocoa-nut oil. Their teeth seemed coloured artificially black or red, and some of them wore a kind of bonnet made of palm leaves. The women are better favoured and more modest than the men, and all of them wore some decent coverings made of palm leaves. Their hair was black, thick, and so very long as nearly to trail on the ground. They seemed careful industrious housewives, spending their time at home in fabricating mats and nets of palm leaves, while the men were occupied abroad in stealing. Their houses are of timber, covered with boards and great leaves, and divided within into several apartments. Their beds are of mats laid above each other, and they use palm leaves by way of sheets. Their only weapons are clubs, and long poles headed with bone. Their food consists of cocoa-nuts, bananas, figs, sugar-canes, fowls, and flying-fishes. Their canoes are oddly contrived and patched up, yet sail with wonderful rapidity, the sails being made of broad leaves sewed together. Instead of a rudder they use a large board, with a staff or pole at one end, and in sailing, either end of their canoes is indifferently used as head or stern. They paint their canoes all over, either red, white, or black, as hits their fancy. These people are so taken with any thing that is new, that when the Spaniards wounded several of them with their arrows, and even pierced some quite through, they would pluck out the arrows from their wounds, and stare at them till they died. Yet would they still continue to follow after the ships, to gaze upon them as they were going away, so that at one time they were closely surrounded by at least two hundred canoes filled with natives, admiring those wonderful contrivances.

The 10th of March, the Spaniards landed on the island of _Zamul_, about 30 leagues from the Ladrones.[7] Next day they landed on _Humuna_, an island not inhabited, yet well deserving of being so, where they found springs of excellent water, with abundance of fruit-trees, gold, and white coral. Magellan named this _the island of good signs_. The natives from some of the neighbouring islands, a people of much humanity, came here to them shortly after, very fair and of friendly dispositions, who seemed well pleased at the arrival of the Spaniards among them, and came loaded with presents of fish, and wine made from the cocoa-tree, promising speedily to bring other provisions. This tree somewhat resembles the date palm, and supplies the natives with bread, oil, wine, vinegar, and even physic. The wine being drawn from the tree itself, and all the rest from the fruit or nut. To procure the wine, they eat off part of a branch, and fasten to the remaining part a large reed or hollow cane, into which the liquor drops, being like white-wine in colour, and of a grateful tartish taste. When a good quantity of this is drawn off, it is put into a vessel, and is their cocoa-wine without farther preparation.

[Footnote 7: In this voyage the term Ladrones seems confined to the most southern islands of this group, as there are no other islands for a very considerable distance in any direction. The entire group stretches about 6 deg. 10′ nearly N. and S. or 125 leagues. In modern geography, Guaham and Tinian are the largest islands of the group. Urac, Agrigan, Analajam, and Saypan, are the names of some others of the Ladrones. The names in the text do not occur in modern maps. Thirty leagues from Guaham, the southernmost island, would bring them to Tinian.–E.]

The fruit, which is as large as a man’s head, has two rinds or coats. The outermost is green, and two fingers thick, entirely composed of strings and threads, of which they make all the ropes that are used in their canoes. Under this there is another rind, or shell rather, of considerable thickness, and very hard. This they burn and pulverize, and use it in this state as a remedy for several distempers. The kernel adheres all round the inside of this shell, being white, and about the thickness of a finger, having a pleasant taste, almost like an almond: this, when dried, serves the islanders instead of bread. In the inside of this kernel there is a considerable hollow space, containing a quantity of pure limpid liquor, of a very cordial and refreshing nature, which sometimes congeals into a solid, and then lies like an egg within the hollow kernel. When they would make oil, they steep the fruit in water till it putrifies, and then boil it over the fire to separate the oil, the remaining water becoming vinegar, when exposed some time to the sun. Lastly, by mixing the kernel with the liquor lodged within its cavity, and straining it through a cloth, they make a very good milk. The cocoa-nut tree resembles the date palm, except in not being so rugged and knotty. They will continue to thrive for an hundred years, or more, and two of them will maintain a family of ten persons in wine plentifully, if used by turns, each tree being drawn for seven or eight days, and then allowed to rest as long.

According to their promise, the islanders returned with a farther supply of provisions, and entered into much familiar cordiality with the Spaniards. A number of them having been invited on board the admiral’s ship, a gun was discharged by way of entertaining them, but put them in such terror, that they were ready to leap over board, yet were soon reconciled by good usage and presents. The name of their island was _Zulvan_, of no great compass; yet considerable for its productions. They had in their barks various kinds of spices, as cinnamon, cloves, nutmegs, ginger, and mace, with several ornaments made of gold, which they carried up and down to sell as merchandise. Although without apparel, these people were dressed, or ornamented rather, in a more costly manner than Europeans; for they had gold earrings in each ear, and various jewels fastened by means of gold to their arms; besides which, their daggers, knives, and lances were richly ornamented with the same metal.[8] Their only cloathing consisted of a kind of apron, of a species of cloth made very ingeniously from the rind of a tree. The most considerable men among them were distinguished from the common people by a piece of silk ornamented with needle-work, wrapped round their heads. These islanders were gross, broad; and well set on their limbs, of an olive complexion, having their bodies constantly rubbed over with cocoa-nut oil.

[Footnote 8: It is highly probable that the valuable spiceries, gold, and jewels, of the text, are mere fables, invented by Pigafetta, to enhance the value of his voyage, as such productions are now unknown to the Ladrone islands.–E.]

Departing from this place on the 21st March, 1521, and steering between west and south-west, they passed among the islands named _Cenalo, Huinanghan, Hibussan,_ and _Abarian._[9] The 28th, they came to the isle of _Buthuan,_ where they were kindly received by the king and prince, who gave them considerable quantities of gold and spices; in return for which, Magellan presented the king with two cloth vests, giving knives, mirrors, and glass beads to the courtiers. Along with the king and his nobles, Magellan sent two persons on shore, one of whom was Antonio Pigafetta, the historian of the voyage. On landing, the king and his attendants all raised their hands to heaven, and then the two Christians, who imitated this ceremony, which was afterwards observed in drinking. The king’s palace was like a great hay-loft, mounted so high upon great posts of timber, that they had to go up by means of ladders, and was thatched with palm-leaves. Though not Christians, these islanders always made the sign of the cross at their meals, at which they sat cross-legged like tailors. At night, instead of candles, they burnt a certain gum of a tree, wrapped up in palm-leaves. After entertaining them in their respective palaces, the king and prince of _Buthuan_ dismissed Pigafetta and his companion with noble presents, filled with admiration of their guests, whom they believed to be men above the rank of common mortals, being especially astonished at Pigafetta’s writing, and reading what he had written, which was too mysterious for their comprehension.

[Footnote 9: Not one of these islands is known to modern geography; and the whole of this voyage is related so loosely and unsatisfactorily, that it is impossible to trace its course, except at well-known places.–E.]

In this island, by sifting the earth of a certain mine, they procured great lumps of gold, some as large as walnuts, and some even as big as eggs; all the vessels used by the king at table being made of this precious metal.[10] The king of this island was a very comely personage, of an olive complexion, with long black hair, his body being perfumed with the odoriferous oils of storax and benzoin, and painted with various colours. He had gold-rings in his ears, and three rings of that metal on each of his fingers. His head was wrapped round by a silken veil or turban, and his body was cloathed to the knees in a cotton wrapper, wrought with silk and gold. He wore at his side a sword or dagger, with a haft of gold, and a scabbard of carved wood. This country is so rich, that one of the natives offered a crown of massy gold in exchange for six strings of glass beads; but Magellan would not allow such bargains, lest the Spaniards might appear too greedy of gold.

[Footnote 10: These stories of gold in such wonderful abundance, are obvious falsehoods contrived by Pigafetta, either to excite wonderment, or to procure the command of an expedition of discovery; a practice we have formerly had occasion to notice in the early Spanish conquests and settlements in America.–E.]

The natives were active and sprightly, the common men being quite naked, except painting their bodies; but the women are cloathed from the waist downwards, and both sexes wore gold ear-rings. They all continually chewed _areka_, a fruit like a pear, which they cut in quarters, rolling it up in a leaf called _betel_, resembling a bay-leaf, alleging that they could not live without this practice. The only religious rite observed among them, was looking up to heaven, to which they raised their joined hands, and calling on their god _Abba_. Magellan caused a banner of the cross, with the crown of thorns and the nails, to be exposed and publicly reverenced by all his men in the king’s presence; desiring the king to have it erected on the top of a high mountain in the island, as a token that Christians might expect good entertainment in that country, and also as a security for the nation; since, if they prayed to it devoutly, it would infallibly protect them against lightning and tempests, and other evils. This the king promised should be done, knowing no better, and glad to be so easily defended from thunderbolts.

Leaving this island, and conducted by the king’s pilots, the Spaniards came to the isles of _Zeilon, Zubut, Messana,_ and _Caleghan_, of which _Zubut_ was the best, and enjoyed the best trade. In _Massana_, they found dogs, cats, hogs, poultry, goats, rice, ginger, cocoa-nuts, millet, panic, barley, figs, oranges, wax, and plenty of gold. This island lies in lat. 9 deg. 40′ N. and in long. 162 deg. from their first meridian.[11] After remaining here eight days, they sailed to the N.W. passing the islands of _Zeilon, Bohol, Canghu, Barbai_, and _Caleghan_; in which last islands there are bats as large as eagles, which they found to eat, when dressed, like poultry. In this island, among various other birds, there was one kind resembling our hens, but having small horns, which bury their eggs in the sand, where they are hatched by the heat of the sun. _Caleghan_ is about twenty miles W. from _Messana_; and _Zubut_, to which they now directed their course, fifty leagues W. from _Caleghan_. In this part of the voyage they were accompanied by the king of _Messana_, whom Magellan had greatly attached to him by many services.

[Footnote 11: This is 16 deg. of longitude beyond the Ladrones, which are in 216 deg. 30′ W. and would consequently give the longitude of Zubut as 232 deg. 30′ W. or 107 deg. 30′ E. from Greenwich. Yet from what appears afterwards, they seem to have been now among the Philippine islands, the most easterly of which are in long. 126 deg. E. from Greenwich.–E.]

They entered the port of _Zubut_ on the 7th April, and on coming near the city all the great guns were fired, which put the inhabitants into great consternation. This, however, was soon quieted, by the arrival of a messenger at the city from the ships, who assured the king of _Zubut_ that this was an ordinary piece of respect to his dignity, whom they had come to visit on their way to the Moluccas, hearing of his fame from the king of _Messana_. The messenger also desired that the Spaniards might be furnished with provisions, in exchange for their commodities. The king then observed, that it was customary for all ships that came to his port to pay tribute, which custom he expected they would comply with as well as others. To this the messenger replied, that the Spanish admiral was the servant of so powerful a sovereign, that he could make no such acknowledgment to any prince whatever. That the admiral was willing to be at peace with him, if he thought proper to accept his friendship: but if otherwise, he should soon have his fill of war. A certain Moor, who happened to be present, told the king that these people were certainly the Portuguese, who had conquered Calicut and Malacca, and advised him therefore to beware of provoking them to hostilities; whereupon the king referred the matter to his council, promising to give an answer next day, and in the meantime sent victuals and wine aboard the ships.

The king of Messana, who was a potent prince, went ashore to confer with the king of Zubut, who in the end became almost ready to pay tribute instead of demanding it; but Magellan only asked liberty to trade, which was readily granted. Magellan persuaded the king and his principal people to become Christians, which they did after some religious conferences, and were all afterwards baptised. This example spread over the whole island, so that in eight days the whole inhabitants became Christians, except those of one village of idolaters, who absolutely refused. The Spaniards therefore burnt this village, and erected a cross on its ruins.[12]

[Footnote 12: This incredible story has been considerably abridged on the present occasion, and is too absurd to merit any commentary.–E.]

The people of this island deal justly with each other, having the use of weights and measures. Their houses are of timber, raised high in the air on posts, so that they ascend to them by ladders. They told us of a certain sea-fowl in this country, called _Lughan_, about the size of a crow, which the whales sometimes swallow alive, in consequence of which their hearts are eaten by this bird; and many whales are killed in this manner, the bird being afterwards found alive in the carcase of the whale. The Spaniards drove a most advantageous trade at this place, receiving from the natives ten pesos of gold, of a ducat and a half each, in exchange for fourteen pounds of iron; and procured abundance of provisions for mere trifles.

Not far from Zabut is the isle of _Mathan_, the inhabitants of which go quite naked, except a slight covering in front, all the males wearing gold-rings hanging to the preputium. This island was governed by two kings, one of whom refused to pay tribute to the king of Spain, on which Magellan determined to reduce him by force of arms. The Indian had an army of between six and seven thousand men, armed with bows and arrows, darts and javelins, which Magellan attacked with sixty men, armed with coats of mail and helmets. The battle was for a long time doubtful, when at last Magellan advanced too far among the barbarians, by whom he was at first wounded by a poisoned arrow, and afterwards thrust into the head by a lance; which at once closed the life and actions of this noble commander. About eight or nine of the Christians were slain in this engagement, besides many wounded. After this disaster the Spaniards ineffectually attempted to redeem the body of their unfortunate admiral; and the other king, who had embraced the Christian religion without understanding its tenets, abandoned it upon this reverse of fortune to the Spaniards, and made peace with his rival, engaging to put all the Christians to death. With this view, he invited the Spaniards to a banquet, when he made them all be cruelly murdered, only reserving Don Juan Serrano alive, in order to procure a supply of artillery and ammunition for his ransom. With these conditions the Spaniards would have willingly complied, but found so much prevarication and treachery in the conduct of the natives, and were so intimidated by the miserable fate of their companions, that they put to sea, leaving the unfortunate Serrano to his miserable fate.


_Continuation of the Voyage to its Conclusion_.

A little before the death of Magellan, news were received of the Moluccas, the great object of this voyage. Leaving Mathan, they sailed for the island of _Bohol_, where they burnt the Conception, one of their ships, transferring its men, ammunition, and provisions into the other two. Directing their course from thence to the S.W. they came to the island of _Paviloghon_, inhabited by negroes. From thence they came to a large island named _Chippit_, in lat. 8 deg. N. about 50 leagues W. from Zabut, and about 170 deg. of longitude from their first departure.[13] This island abounds in rice, ginger, goats, hogs, hens, &c. and the Spaniards were kindly received by the king, who, in token of peace, marked his body, face, and the tip of his tongue, with blood which he drew from his left arm; in which ceremony he was imitated by the Spaniards. Sailing about 40 leagues from thence between the W. and S.W. or W.S.W. they came to a very large island, named _Caghaian_, thinly inhabited. The inhabitants were Mahometans, exiles from Borneo, rich in gold, and using poisoned arrows; a common practice in most of these islands. Sailing W.N.W. from this island 25 leagues, they came to _Puloan_, a fruitful island in lat. 9 deg. 20′ N. and 179 deg. 20′ of longitude W. from their first departure.[14] This island yields much the same productions as Chippit, together with large figs, battatos, cocoa-nuts, and sugar-canes; and they make a kind of wine of rice, which is very intoxicating, yet better than palm-wine. The natives go entirely naked, use poisoned arrows, and are greatly addicted to cock-fighting.

[Footnote 13: Bohal is one of the Philippine islands, in lat. 10 deg. N. and long. 123 deg. 50′ E. from Greenwich. Paviloghon and Chippit must accordingly refer to some islands of the same group farther west.–E.]

[Footnote 14: Pulcan, Pulowan, or Paragua, the westermost of the Philippines, an island of considerable extent, in lat. 10 deg. N. and long. 119 deg. E. from Greenwich. From the direction of the voyage, the great island of Chaghaian of the text, was probably that now called Magindano.–E.]

They came next to the great and rich island of Borneo, in lat. 5 deg. 5′ N. the chief city containing not less than 25,000 houses. The king was a Mahometan of great power, keeping a magnificent court; and was always attended by a numerous guard. He sent several presents to the Spanish captains, and made two elephants be led out with rich silk trappings, to bring the Spanish messengers and presents to his palace. He has ten secretaries of state, who write every thing concerning his affairs on the bark of trees. His household is managed by women, who are the daughters of his principal courtiers. This country affords camphor, which is the gum of a tree called _Capar_; as also cinnamon, ginger, myrabolans, oranges, lemons, sugar, cucumbers, melons, and other fruits, with abundance of beasts and birds, and all other products of the equinoctial climate. The natives continually chew betel and areka, and drink arrack.

Leaving Borneo, they went to the island of _Cimbubon_, in, lat. 8 deg. 7′ N.[15] where they remained forty days, caulking and repairing their ships, and taking in a supply of fresh water. In the woods of this isle they found a tree, the leaves of which, when they fall to the ground, move from place to place as if alive. They resemble the leaves of the mulberry, having certain fibres produced from their sides resembling legs, and suddenly spring away when touched. Pigafetta, the author of this relation, kept one of these leaf-animals in a dish for eight days.[16] This isle produces ostriches, wild hogs, and crocodiles. They caught here a fish having a head like a sow, with two horns, its body consisting of one entire bone, and having a substance on its back resembling a saddle.

[Footnote 15: Perhaps Balambangan, in 8 deg. 20′ N.]

[Footnote 16: Harris observes, that this account is quite incredible: Yet it is certainly true that an insect of this description exists, though not the leaf of a tree, as erroneously supposed by Pigafetta.–E.]

From hence they sailed to certain islands named _Salo Taghima_, which produce fine pearls, and from whence the king of Borneo once procured two large round pearls, nearly as big as eggs. They came next to a harbour in the island of _Sarangani_, reported to yield both pearls and gold. At this place they pressed two pilots to conduct them to the Moluccas; and passing the islands named _Ceana, Canida, Cabiaia, Camuca, Cabalu, Chiari, Lipan_, and _Nuza_, they came to a fair isle in lat 3 deg. 20′ N. named _Sangir_.[17] Passing five other islands, they at last espied a cluster of five islands, which they were informed by the pilots were the Moluccas. This was on the 6th November, 1521, twenty-seven months after their departure from Spain. Trying the depth of the sea in the neighbourhood of these islands, they found it no less than fifty-one fathoms; though the Portuguese report that this sea is too shallow for being navigated, and is besides rendered extremely dangerous by numerous rocks and shelves, and by continual darkness; doubtless to deter any other nation from attempting to go there.

[Footnote 17: Sangir is in lat. 8 deg. 35′ N. and long. 125 deg. 25 E. from Greenwich. The other islands enumerated in the text do not occur in modern maps.–E.]

They came to anchor in the port of _Tiridore_ [Tidore] on the 8th November, this being one of the chief of the Molucca islands. Although a Mahometan, the king of this island was so fond of the Spaniards, that he invited them to come on shore as into their own country, and to use the houses as their own, calling them his brethren and children; even changing the name of his island from Tidore to Castile. These Molucca islands are five in number, _Ternate, Tidore, Mortir, Makian_, and _Batchian_. Ternate is the chief of these islands, and its king once ruled over them all; but at this time Mortir and Makian were commonwealths, but Batchian was a separate monarchy. The clove-tree is very tall, and as big about as the body of a man, having large boughs, with leaves resembling those of the bay-tree, and the bark is of an olive colour. The cloves grow in large clusters at the extremities of the boughs; being at first white, but growing red when they come to maturity, and grow black when dried. While green, the flavour of the wood, bark, and leaves, is almost as strong as that of the cloves. These are gathered twice each year, in June and December, and if not taken in time, become very hard. Every man has his own particular trees, on which they bestow very little care. They have also in this isle a peculiar sort of tree, the bark of which, being steeped in water, may be drawn out in small fibres as fine as silk; of which the women make themselves a sort of aprons, which are their only cloathing.

Near Tidore is the large island of _Gilolo_, which is divided between the Mahometans and idolaters. The two Mahometan kings have themselves contributed liberally to the population of the island; one of them having 600 children, and the other 650. The pagans are more moderate in their conduct in this respect than the Mahometans, and are even less superstitious; yet it is said that they worship, for the rest of the day, whatever they first see every morning. In this island there grows a peculiar sort of reed, as big as a man’s leg, which is full of limpid wholesome water. On the 12th November, a public warehouse was opened by the Spaniards in the town of Tidore, for the sale of their merchandise, which were exchanged at the following rates. For ten yards of good red cloth, they had one bahar of cloves, containing four cantars or quintals and six pounds; the cantar being 100 pounds. For fifteen yards of inferior cloth, they had one bahar. Likewise a bahar for 35 drinking glasses, or for 17 _cathyls_ of quicksilver. The islanders also brought all sorts of provisions daily to the ships, together with excellent water from certain hot springs in the mountains where the cloves grow. They here received a singular present for the king of Spain, being two dead birds about the size of turtle-doves, with small legs and heads and long bills, having two or three long party-coloured, feathers at each side, instead of wings, all the rest of their plumage being of a uniform tawny colour. These birds never fly except when favoured by the wind. The Mahometans allege that these birds come from Paradise, and therefore call them the birds of God.

Besides cloves, the Molucca islands produce ginger, rice, sago, goats, sheep, poultry, popinjays, white and red figs, almonds, pomegranates, oranges and lemons, and a kind of honey which is produced by a species of fly less than ants. Likewise sugar-canes, cocoa-nuts, melons, gourds, and a species of fruit, called _camulical_, which is extremely cold. The isle of Tidore is in lat. 0 deg. 45′ N. and long. 127 deg. 10′ E.[18] and about 9 deg. 30′ W. from the Ladrones,[19] in a direction nearly S.W. Formerly the natives of these islands were all heathens, the Moors or Mahometans having only had footing there for about fifty years before the arrival of the Spaniards. Ternate is the most northerly of these islands, and Batchian is almost under the line, being the largest of them all.[20]

[Footnote 18: This is the true position, reckoning the longitude from Greenwich. In the original the longitude is said to be 170 deg. W. from the first meridian of the voyagers, being Seville in Spain, which would give 174 deg. E. from Greenwich; no great error, considering the imperfect way in which the longitude was then reckoned at sea.–E.]

[Footnote 19: This is a gross error, perhaps of the press, as the difference of longitude is 16 deg. 30′.–E.]

[Footnote 20: The northern end of Batchian is in lat. 0 deg. 28′, and its southern extremity in 0 deg. 40′, both south.–E.]

Departing from Tidore, the Spaniards were attended by several kings in their canoes to the isle of _Mare_,[21] where this royal company took leave of them with much apparent regret. In this isle they left one of their ships which was leaky, giving orders to have it repaired, for its return to Spain. Being now reduced to forty-six Spaniards and thirteen Indians, they directed their course from Mare towards the S.W. passing the isles named _Chacotian, Lagoma, Sico, Gioghi, Caphi, Sulacho, Lumatola, Tenetum, Bura_ [Bouro?] _Arubon_ [perhaps Amboina?] _Budia, Celaruri, Benaia, Ambalao, Bandon_ [perhaps Banda?] _Zorobua, Zolot, Moceuamor, Galian_, and _Mullua_, besides many others possessed by Mahometans, heathens, and canibals. They stopped fifteen days at _Mallua_ to repair their ship, being in 8 deg. N. lat. and 169 deg. long. according to their reckoning. This island produces much pepper, both long and of the ordinary round kind. The tree on which it grows climbs like ivy, and its leaf resembles that of the mulberry. The natives are canibals; the men wearing their hair and beards; and their only weapons are bows and arrows.

[Footnote 21: Marhee Foul, a small isle between Tidore and Motir.–E.]

Leaving _Mallua_ [Moa?] on the 25th January, 1522, they arrived at _Tima_ [Timor?] five leagues to the S.S.W. This island is in lat. 10 deg. S. and long. 125 deg. E. where they found ginger, white sanders, various kinds of fruits, and plenty of gold and provisions of all kinds. The people of the Moluccas, Java, and _Lozen_ [Luzon, or the principal island of the Philippines], procure their sanders-wood from hence. The natives are idolaters, and have the _lues venerea_ among them, which is a common distemper in all the islands of this great archipelago.

Leaving Timor on the 11th February, they got into the great sea called _Lantchidol_, steering W.S.W. and leaving the coast of a long string of islands on the right hand, and taking care not to sail too near the shore, lest the Portuguese of Malacca should chance to discover them; wherefore they kept on the outside of Java and Sumatra. That they might pass the Cape of Good Hope the more securely, they continued their course W.S.W. till they got into the latitude of 42 deg. S. though so sore pinched by hunger and sickness, that some were for putting in at Mosambique for refreshments; but the majority concluded that the Portuguese would prove bad physicians for their distempers, and determined therefore to continue the voyage homewards. In this course they lost twenty-one of their men, and were at length constrained to put in at the island of St Jago, one of the Cape Verds, to throw themselves on the mercy of the Portuguese. So, venturing ashore, they opened their miserable case to the Portuguese, who at first relieved their necessities; but the next time they went on shore, detained all who came as prisoners.

Those who still remained in the ship, now reduced to thirteen, having no mind to join their companions in captivity, made all the haste they could away, and being favoured by the winds, they arrived in the harbour of San Lucar, near Seville, on the 7th September, 1522. He who commanded this vessel, which had the good fortune to return from this remarkable voyage, was Juan Sebastian Cano, a native of Guetaria in Biscay, a person of much merit and resolution, who was nobly rewarded by the emperor Charles V. To perpetuate the memory of this first voyage round the world, the emperor gave him for his coat of arms the terrestrial globe, with this motto, _Prima me circumdedisti_. The newly-discovered straits at the southern extremity of South America, were at first named the _Straits of Vittori_, after the ship which returned; but they soon lost that name, to assume another which becomes them much better, in honour of their discoverer, and have ever since been denominated the _Straits of Magellan_.

This most celebrated voyage took up three years and twenty-seven days, having commenced on the 10th August, 1519, and concluded on the 7th September, 1522. By its success, the skill and penetration of the great Columbus, who, only twenty-seven years before, had first asserted the possibility of its performance, were fully established. One circumstance was discovered in this voyage, which, although reason have taught us to explain, could hardly have been expected _a priori_. On the return of the Spaniards to their own country, they found they had lost a day in their reckoning, owing to the course they had sailed; whereas had they gone by the east, and returned by the west, they would have gained a day in their course.

Another circumstance, which served to heighten the reputation of Magellan, who deserves the sole honour of this voyage, was the difficulty experienced by other able commanders, who endeavoured to fellow the course he had pointed out. The first who made the attempt were two Genoese ships in 1526, but unsuccessfully. In 1528, Cortes, the conqueror of Mexico, sent two ships with 400 men, to endeavour to find their way through the straits of Magellan to the Moluccas, but without effect. Sebastian Cabot tried the same thing, by order of Emanuel king of Portugal, but was unable to succeed.



* * * * *


_Introduction, and Preparation for the Voyage_.

In his Annals of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, the learned Cambden informs us, that the father of the celebrated Sir Francis Drake was the Rev. Edmund Drake, vicar of Upnore on the river Medway, and says he had this information from Sir Francis himself. Yet the industrious John Stowe says, that he was the eldest of twelve brethren, the sons of Edmund Drake, mariner, at Tavistock in Devonshire, and was born in 1540. Perhaps both accounts may be true; and Mr Edmund Drake, though a mariner originally, may have had a competent share of learning, and may have been admitted to orders on the final establishment of the Reformation.

[Footnote 22: Hakluyt, IV. 232. Harris, I. p. 14. Oxford Coll. II. sect. xvi. Callender’s Voy. I. 288. The original account of this voyage was published at London, in 4to, in 1600, and reprinted in 1618.–E.]

This celebrated naval hero received the Christian name of Francis from his godfather the earl of Bedford, but does not appear to have derived any great patronage from that nobleman. He was sent young to sea, as an apprentice to the master of a small bark, who traded with France and Zealand; and his master, a bachelor, taking a great affection for him, left him his bark at his death. At eighteen years of age, he was purser of a ship on a voyage to the Bay of Biscay, and at twenty made a voyage to the coast of Guinea. In all these voyages he distinguished himself by extraordinary courage, and by a sagacity beyond his years. In 1565, his laudable desire of glory induced him to venture his all in a voyage to the West Indies, which had no success. In 1567, he served under his kinsman Sir John Hawkins in the bay of Mexico, but was again unfortunate, returning from the voyage rich in character and fame, but with almost ruined circumstances. These disappointments served only to increase his desire of bettering his fortunes at the expence of the grand enemy of his country, against whom he made two other voyages into these parts; the first in 1570 with two ships, the Dragon and Swan and the second in 1571, in the Swan alone, chiefly for information, that he might qualify himself for undertaking some enterprize of greater importance; which he at length carried into execution with great courage and perseverance.

His character for bravery and seamanship being now established, he soon found a sufficient number of persons willing to adventure a part of their fortunes in a privateering voyage which he proposed. He accordingly sailed from Plymouth on the 24th May, 1572, in the Pasco, a ship only of seventy tons, having for his consort the Swan of 250 tons, commanded by his brother John Drake, with seventy-three men and boys, and provisions for a year. Such were the mighty preparations he had made for attacking the power of Spain in the West Indies, in which he considered himself justified, in order to make reprisals for the losses he had formerly sustained from the Spaniards. In this voyage he surprised and plundered the famous town of Nombre de Dios; and soon afterwards had a distant view of the South Sea from the top of a high tree, which inflamed him with the desire of conducting an English ship thither, which attempt he had perhaps never thought of but for that circumstance.

In this expedition he acquired immense riches for his owners, and considerable wealth for himself; and being of an honourable and generous disposition, he scorned to avail himself of advantages, which most other men would have considered as their right. Of this we have the following remarkable instance. Having presented a cutlass to a captain or cacique of the free Indians inhabiting the isthmus of Darien, the cacique gave him in return four large ingots of gold, which he immediately threw into the common stock, saying, “My owners gave me that cutlass, and it is just they should receive their share of its produce.” His return to England from this successful expedition was equally fortunate, as he sailed in twenty-three days from Cape Florida to the Scilly islands. Arriving at Plymouth on Sunday, the 9th August, 1573, during divine service, the news of his return was carried to church, on which few persons remained with the preacher, all the congregation running out to welcome the adventurous Drake, who had been absent fourteen months and sixteen days in this voyage.

The wealth he gained in this expedition he generously expended in the service of his country, equipping no less than three frigates at his own expence, which he commanded in person, and with which he contributed materially to the reduction of the rebellion in Ireland, under the supreme command of the earl of Essex. After the death of that nobleman, he chose Sir Christopher Hatton for his patron, then vice-chamberlain to the queen, and afterwards lord high-chancellor of England. By his interest, not without great opposition, captain Drake obtained a commission from queen Elizabeth for the voyage of which it is now proposed to give an account, and which he had long meditated. Being thus provided with the royal authority, his friends contributed largely towards the intended expedition, while he applied himself with all diligence to get every thing in readiness for the important undertaking; having in view to attack the powerful monarchy of Spain, in its richest yet most vulnerable possessions on the western coasts of America, with what would now be considered a trifling squadron of five small barks.

The ships, as they were then called, fitted out for this bold enterprize, were, the Pelican, afterwards named the Hind, of 100 tons, admiral-ship of the squadron, under his own immediate command as captain-general; the Elizabeth, vice-admiral, of 80 tons, commanded by Captain John Winter, who was lieutenant-general of the expedition; the Marigold, a bark of 30 tons, Captain John Thomas; the Swan, a fly-boat of 50 tons, Captain John Chester; and the Christopher, a pinnace of 15 tons, Captain Thomas Moon. These ships were manned with 164 able-bodied men, including officers, and were provided with an ample supply of provisions, ammunition and stores, for so long and dangerous a voyage. Captain Drake likewise provided the frames of four pinnaces, which were stowed on board in pieces, ready to be set up as occasion might require. He is also said to have made provision for ornament and delight, carrying with him a band of musicians, together with rich furniture and much silverplate, all the vessels for his table, and many of those belonging to the cook-room, being of that metal. This magnificence is stated by his biographers, to have been intended as a display for the honour of his country among foreign nations.


_Narrative of the Voyage from England to the Straits of Magellan_.

All things being duly prepared. Captain Drake sailed with his squadron from Plymouth Sound, about five in the afternoon of the 15th November, 1577, giving out that he was bound for Alexandria in Egypt, which had been made the pretended object of the voyage, to prevent the court of Spain from taking measures for its obstruction. In consequence of a violent storm, in which some of the ships sustained damage, he was forced to put into Falmouth haven, whence he returned to Plymouth. Having repaired all defects, he once more set sail on the 13th December of the same year. Avoiding as much as possible to come near the land too early, he fell in with Cape Cantin, on the Barbary coast, on the 25th, and came to the island of Mogadore on the 27th. In the channel of one mile broad, between that island and the main, he found a convenient harbour, where he caused one of his pinnaces to be built.

While thus engaged, some of the inhabitants came to the shore with a flag of truce, on which the admiral sent a boat to enquire what they wanted. One of his men remained as a pledge with the natives, two of whom came off to the ship. These informed the admiral by signs, that they would next day supply the ships with good provisions; in return for which proffered civility, the admiral rewarded them with shoes, some linen, and two javelins, and sent them again on shore. Next day, they came again to the shore, according to promise; on which occasion, an Englishman, named Fry, leapt on shore among them from the boat, considering them as friends; but they perfidiously made him a prisoner, threatening to stab him if he made any resistance. They then mounted him on horseback, and carried him into the interior; but he was afterwards sent back in safety to England.

The pinnace being finished, they sailed from Mogadore on the 30th December, and arrived at Cape Blanco on the 17th January, 1578. On the voyage from Mogadore to Cape Blanco, they took three _Canters_, or Spanish fishing-boats, and three caravels. Here they found a Portuguese caravel at anchor, bound to the Cape Verd islands for salt, in which there were only two mariners. They took possession of this ship, and carried her into the harbour of Cape Blanco, where they remained four days, during which time the admiral trained his men on shore, to prepare them for land service on occasion. At this place they took such necessaries as they wanted from the fishermen, as also one of their barks or canters of 40 tons, leaving behind a small bark of their own, called the Benedict. Leaving this place on the 22d January, they were told by the master of the Portuguese caravel, which they carried along with them, that abundance of dried _cabritos_ or goats might be procured at Mayo, one of the Cape Verd islands, which were yearly prepared there for the ships belonging to the king of Spain.

They arrived at Mayo on the 27th January, but the inhabitants refused to trade with them, being expressly forbidden to have any intercourse with foreigners, by orders from their sovereign. Next day, however, the admiral sent a company of 72 armed men on shore under the command of Mr Winter and Mr Doughty, to take a view of the island, and to see if any refreshments could be procured. They marched accordingly to the chief place of the island; and, after travelling three days through the mountains, they arrived there before day-break on the fourth day. The inhabitants were all fled, but this part of the island seemed more fertile and better cultivated than any of the rest. They rested here some time, banqueting on delicious grapes, which they found in perfection at that season of the year, though the depth of winter in England. Mayo abounds with goats, wild poultry, and salt; this last being formed in great quantities among the rocks, by the heat of the sun; so that the natives have only the trouble of gathering it into heaps, and sell it to their neighbours, from which they derive great profit. They found here cocoa-nut trees, which have no branches or leaves but at the top of the tree, where the fruit grows in clusters. They then marched farther into the island, where they saw great numbers of goats, but could not get any. They might have furnished themselves with some dried carcasses of old goats, which the natives laid purposely in their way; but not caring for the refuse of the island, they returned to the ships.

Leaving Mayo on the 31st of January, they sailed past the island of St Jago, whence three pieces of cannon were fired at them, but without doing any injury. This is a large fine island, inhabited by the Portuguese; but the mountains are said to be still occupied by Moors, who fled thither to deliver themselves from slavery, and have fortified themselves in places of difficult access. Near this island they saw two ships under sail, one of which they took, and it turned out a valuable prize, being laden with wine. The admiral detained this ship, which he committed to the charge of Mr Doughty, and took the Portuguese pilot, named Nuno da Silva into his service, sending the rest away in his pinnace, giving them some provisions, a butt of wine, and their apparel. That same night they came to the island of _Fuego_, or the burning island. It is inhabited by Portuguese, having a volcano on its northern side, which is continually throwing out smoke and flames; yet seems to be reasonably commodious. On the south of Fuego there is a very sweet and pleasant island, called by the Portuguese _Ilha Brava_, the brave or fine island. This is cloathed with evergreen trees, and has many streams of fresh water which run into the sea, and are easily accessible; but it has no convenient road for ships, the sea being every where too deep for anchorage. It is alledged that the summit of Fuego is not higher in the air, than are the roots of Brava low in the sea.

Leaving these islands, and approaching the line, they were sometimes becalmed for a long time together, and at other times vexed with tempests. At all times, when the weather would permit, they had plenty of dolphins, bonitos and flying-fish; several of the last dropping in their flight on the decks, unable to rise again, because their finny wings wanted moisture. Taking their departure from the Cape de Verd islands, they sailed 54 days without seeing land; and at length, on the 5th April, 1578, got sight of the coast of Brazil, in lat. 33 deg. S. The barbarous people on shore, discovering the ships, began to practice their accustomed ceremonies to raise a storm for destroying their ships, making great fires, and offering sacrifices to the devil.[23] The 7th April they had thunder, lightning, and rain, during which storm they lost sight of the Christopher, but found her again on the 11th; and the place where all the ships met together, which had been dispersed in search of her, was named Cape _Joy_, at which place the ships took in a supply of fresh water. The country here was pleasant and fertile, with a sweet and temperate climate; but the only inhabitants seen were some herds of deer, though some footsteps of men, apparently of great stature, were noticed on the ground. Having weighed anchor, and sailed a little farther along the coast, they came to a small and safe harbour, formed between a rock and the main, the rock breaking the force of the sea. On this rock they killed some sea-wolves, a species of seals, which they found wholesome food, though not pleasant.

[Footnote 23: This idea is uncharitable and absurd, as the navigators could not know any thing of the motives of these fires, and much less about the alleged sacrifices. The fires might have been friendly signals, inviting them on shore.–E.]

Going next to lat. 36 deg. S. they sailed up the Rio Plata, and came into 53 and 54 fathoms, fresh water, with which they filled their water casks; but finding no convenient harbour, went again to sea on the 27th of April. Sailing still onwards, they came to a good bay, having several islands, one of which was well stocked with seals and the others with sea fowl, so that they had no want of provisions, together with plenty of water. The admiral being ashore on one of these islands, the natives came about him, dancing and skipping in a friendly manner, and willingly bartered any thing they had for toys; but they had the strange custom of refusing to accept of any thing, unless first thrown down on the ground. They were a comely strong-bodied people, swift of foot, and of lively dispositions. The Marigold and Christopher were dispatched in search of a convenient harbour, and soon returned with news of having found one, into which all the ships removed. Here the seals were so numerous, that above 200 were killed in about an hour. The natives came boldly about them, while working ashore, having their faces painted, their only apparel being a covering of skin with the fur on, wrapped about their waists, and a kind of wreaths round their heads. Each man had a bow, about an ell long, and only two arrows. They even seemed to have some notion of military discipline, as they ranged their men in an orderly manner; and they gave sufficient proof of their agility, by stealing the admiral’s hat from his head, which could not be recovered.[24] While in this bay, the admiral took every thing out of the fly-boat that could be of any use; she was then laid on shore and burnt, and all her iron work saved for future use.

[Footnote 24: Harris observes, that these were of the nation named Patagons by Magellan. But no notice is taken of their stature being above the ordinary height.–E.]

Sailing from this place, the fleet came to anchor in Port St Julian on the 20th June, where they saw the gibbet still standing, on which Magellan had formerly executed some of his mutinous company. Here also Admiral Drake executed one Captain Doughty, the most suspected action of his life. Mr Doughty had been guilty of certain actions, tending towards contention or mutiny, and was found guilty partly on his own confession, and partly by proof, taken in good order and as near as might be according to the forms of the law of England. Having received the communion from Mr Fletcher, chaplain of the admiral’s ship, in which Captain Drake participated along with him; and after embracing Drake, and taking leave of all the company, Mr Doughty prayed fervently for the welfare of the queen and whole realm, then quietly laid his head on the block. The general then made a speech to the whole company assembled, exhorting them to unity and obedience, sacredly protesting that he had great private affection for Mr Doughty, and had been solely actuated in condemning him to an ignominious death, by his care for the welfare of the voyage, the satisfaction of her majesty, and the honour of his country.

Leaving this place on the 17th August, they fell in with the eastern entrance of the Straits of Magellan on the 20th of that month. The 21st they entered the straits, which they found very intricate, with various crooked turnings; owing to which, having often to shift their course, the wind was frequently adverse, making their passage troublesome and dangerous, especially in sudden blasts of wind; for, although there were several good harbours, the sea was too deep for anchorage, except in some narrow creeks or inlets, or between rocks. On both sides of the straits, there are vast mountains covered with snow, their tops reaching in many places to great heights, having often two or three ranges of clouds below their summits. The air in the straits was extremely cold, with almost continual frost and snow; yet the trees and plants retained a constant verdure, growing and flourishing in spite of the severity of the climate. At the south and east parts of the straits there are various islands, through between which the sea breaks in, as at the main entrance. The breadth of the straits in some places was only a league, which was the narrowest, but in most places two, and in some three leagues across. The 24th August, they came to an island in the straits, where they found vast quantities of penguins, a sort of water fowl, as large as a goose, but which does not fly, and of which they killed 3000 in less than a day.


_Incidents of the Voyage, from the Straits of Magellan to New Albion._

The 6th September, they reached the western extremity of the straits, and entered into the great South Sea or Pacific Ocean. On the 7th, the fleet encountered a storm, by which they were driven one degree to the southwards of the straits, and more than 200 leagues in longitude back from that entrance.[25] They were driven even so far as the lat. of 57 deg. 20′ S. where they anchored among the islands, finding good fresh water and excellent herbs.[26] Not far from thence, they entered another bay, where they found naked people, ranging about the islands in canoes, in search of provisions, with whom they had some intercourse by way of barter. Continuing their course towards the north, they discovered three islands on the 3d October, in one of which there was an incredible number of birds. On the 8th October, they lost company of the Elizabeth, the vice admiral, commanded by Captain Winter. At his return home, they found that Mr Winter had been forced to take refuge from the storm in the straits, whence he returned to England, though many of us feared he and his people had perished.

[Footnote 25: This is a gross error, probably a misprint for 20 leagues of longitude, as the quantity in the text would have driven them far to the eastwards of the straits, into the Atlantic, which is impossible, the whole of Tierra del Fuego being interposed.–E.]

[Footnote 26: This too is erroneous, as Cape Horn, not then known, is only in lat. 55 deg. 58′ 30′ S.]

Having now got back to the western entrance of the straits, they made sail for the coast of Chili, which the general maps represented as trending N.W. but which they found to the east of N. so that these coasts had not been fully discovered, or very inaccurately represented, for the space of 12 degrees at least, either for the purpose to deceive, or through ignorance. Proceeding northwards along the coast of Chili, they came to the island of Mocha, in 38 deg. 30′ S. latitude, on the 29th November, where they cast anchor. The admiral went here ashore with ten men, and found the island inhabited by a people who had fled from the extreme cruelty of the Spaniards, leaving their original habitations on the continent, to enjoy their lives and liberties in security. These people at first behaved civilly to the admiral and his men, bringing them potatoes and two fat sheep, promising also to bring them water, and they received some presents in return. Next day, however, when two men went ashore with barrels for water, the natives suddenly assailed and killed them. The reason of this outrage was, that they mistook the English for Spaniards, whom they never spare when they fall into their hands.

Continuing their course along the coast of Chili, they met an Indian in a canoe, who mistook them for Spaniards, and told them of a great Spanish ship at St Jago, laden for Peru. Rewarding him for this intelligence, the Indian conducted them to where the ship lay at anchor, in the port of Valparaiso, in lat. 33 deg. 40′ S.[27] All the men on board were only eight Spaniards and three negroes, who, supposing the English to have been friends, welcomed them with beat of drum, and invited them on board to drink Chili wine. The English immediately boarded and took possession; when one of the Spaniards leapt overboard, and swam ashore to give notice of the coming of the English. On this intelligence, all the inhabitants of the town, being only about nine families, escaped into the country. The admiral and his men landed, and rifled the town and its chapel, from which they took a silver chalice, two cruets, and an altar cloth. They found also in the town a considerable store of Chili wine, with many boards of cedar wood, all of which they carried on board their ships. Then setting all the prisoners on shore, except one named John Griego, born in Greece, who was detained as a pilot, the admiral directed his course for Lima, the capital of Peru, under the guidance of this new pilot.

[Footnote 27: More correctly, 33 deg. 00′ 30″ S. and long. 71 deg. 38′ 30″ W. from Greenwich.–E.]

Being now at sea, they examined the booty in their prize, in which they found 25,000 pezos of pure gold of Baldivia, amounting to above 37,000 Spanish ducats. Continuing their course for Lima, they put into the harbour of Coquimbo, in lat. 29 deg. 54′ S. where the admiral sent fourteen men on shore for water. This small company being espied by the Spaniards, they collected 300 horse and 200 foot, and slew one of the Englishmen, the rest getting back to the ship. From thence they went to a port named _Taropaca_ in Peru, in lat 20 deg. 15′ S. where landing, a Spaniard was found asleep on the shore, having eighteen bars of silver lying beside him, worth about 4000 Spanish ducats, which they carried away, leaving him to his repose. Going again on shore, not far from thence, in search of water, they met a Spaniard and an Indian, driving eight Peruvian sheep, laden with fine silver, each sheep having two leather bags on his back, in each of which were about fifty pounds weight. These they carried on board, finding in the whole of these bags 800 pounds weight of silver. From thence they went to _Arica_, in lat. 18 deg. 40′ S. in which port they plundered three small barks of fifty-seven bars of silver, each bar being in shape and size like a brick-bat, and weighing about twenty pounds. Not having sufficient strength, they did not assault the town, but put again to sea, where they met another small bark, laden with linen, part of which was taken out, and the bark dismissed.

They came to Calao, the port of Lima, in lat. 12 deg. 10′ S. on the 13th February, 1579, where they found twelve ships at anchor, with all their sails down, without watch or guard, all their masters and merchants being on shore. On examining the contents of these ships, they found a chest full of dollars, with great store of silks and linen, and carried away all the silver, and part of the other goods to their own ships. Here the admiral got notice of a very rich ship, called the Cacafuego, which had sailed for Paita, in lat. 5 deg. 10′ S. Pursuing her thither, they learnt, before arriving at Paita, that she had sailed for Panama. In continuing the pursuit to Panama, they took another, which paid them well for their trouble; as, besides her ropes and other tackle, she yielded eighty pounds weight of gold, together with a large golden crucifix, richly adorned with emeralds.

Continuing to pursue the Cacafuego, the admiral promised to give his gold chain to the first person who descried the chase, which fell to the share of Mr John Drake, who first discovered her, one morning about three o’clock. They came up with her about six, gave her three shots, which struck down her mizen-mast, and then boarded. They found this ship fully as rich as she was reported, having thirteen chests full of dollars, eighty pounds weight of gold, a good quantity of jewels, and twenty-six tons of silver in bars.[28] Among other rich pieces of plate found in this ship, there were two very large gilt silver bowls, which belonged to her pilot. On seeing these, the admiral said to the pilot, that these were fine bowls, and he must needs have one of them; to which the pilot yielded, not knowing how to help himself; but, to make this appear less like compulsion, he gave the other to the admiral’s steward. The place where this rich prize was taken was off Cape San Francisco, about 150 leagues from Panama, and in lat. 1 deg. N. [00 deg. 45′.] When the people of the prize were allowed to depart, the pilot’s boy told the admiral, that the English ship ought now to be called the _Cacafuego_, not theirs, as it had got all their rich loading, and that their unfortunate ship ought now to be called the _Cacaplata_, which jest excited much mirth.[29]

[Footnote 28: Without calculating on the jewels, for which there are no data, the silver and gold of this prize could hardly fall short of 250,000_l_–worth more than a million, in effective value, of the present day.–E.]

[Footnote 29: This forecastle joke turns on the meaning of the words, Cacafuego and Cacaplata, meaning Fartfire and Fartsilver.–_Harris_.]

Having ransacked the Cacafuego of every thing worth taking, she was allowed to depart; and continuing their course westwards, they next met a ship laden with cotton goods, China dishes, and China silks. Taking from the Spanish owner a falcon of massy gold, having a large emerald set in his breast, and chasing such other wares as he liked, the admiral allowed this ship to continue her voyage, only detaining her pilot for his own use. This pilot brought them to the harbour of Guatalca, in the town adjacent to which, he said, there were only seventeen Spaniards. Going there on shore, they marched directly to the town-house, where they found a judge sitting, and ready to pass sentence on a parcel of negroes, who were accused of plotting to set the town on fire. But the arrival of the admiral changed affairs, for he made both the judge and the criminals prisoners, and carried them all aboard the ships. He then made the judge write to the citizens, to keep at a distance, and make no resistance; after which the town was plundered, but the only thing valuable was about a bushel of Spanish dollars, or rials of plate. One of the people took a rich Spaniard fleeing out of town, who ransomed himself by giving up a gold chain and some jewels. At this place the admiral set some of his Spanish prisoners ashore, together with the old Portuguese pilot he took at the Cape Verd islands, and departed from thence for the island of Cano. While there, he captured a Spanish ship bound for the Philippine islands, which he lightened of part of her merchandise, and allowed her to proceed. At this place the admiral landed every thing out of his own ship, and then laid her on shore, where she was repaired and graved; after which they laid in a supply of wood and water.

Thinking he had in some measure revenged the public injuries of his country upon the Spaniards, as well as his own private losses, the admiral began to deliberate about returning home; but was in some hesitation as to the course he ought to steer. To return by the Straits of Magellan, the only passage yet discovered, he concluded would throw himself into the hands of the Spaniards, who would probably there waylay him with a greatly superior force, having now only one ship left, which was by no means strong, though very rich.[30] He therefore, on maturely weighing all circumstances, determined to proceed by way of the Moluccas, and following the course of the Portuguese, to get home by the Cape of Good Hope. Endeavouring to put this design in execution, but being becalmed, he found it necessary to steer more northwardly along the coast of America, in order to get a wind; in which view he sailed at least 600 leagues, which was all the way he was able to make between the 16th of April and the 3d June.

[Footnote 30: We have no account of the loss of any of the squadron, except that the Elizabeth was lost sight of after passing the Straits of Magellan. Perhaps the other vessels had been destroyed, to reinforce the crew of the Hind, weakened by the diseases incident to long voyages.–E.]

On the 5th June, being in lat. 43 deg. N. they found the air excessively cold, and the severity of the weather almost intolerable; for which reason they returned along the coast to the southward, till in lat. 38 deg. N. where they found a very good bay, which they entered with a favourable wind.[31] The English had here a good deal of intercourse with the natives, whose huts were scattered along the shores of this bay. These people brought presents of leathers and net-work to the admiral, who entertained them with so much kindness, that they were infinitely pleased. Though the country is very cold, the natives contrive to erect their houses in a very ingenious manner to defend themselves from the severity of the weather. Surrounding them by a deep trench, they raise great pieces of timber on its outer edge, which close all in a point at the top, like the spire of a steeple. Their fire is in the middle of this conical hut, and they sleep on the ground strewed with rushes, around the fire. The men go naked, but the women wear a kind of petticoat of bull-rushes, dressed in the manner of hemp, which is fastened round their waists, and reaches down to their hips; having likewise a deer-skin on their shoulders. The good qualities of these women make amends for their ordinary dress and figure, as they are very dutiful to their husbands.

[Footnote 31: This bay of Sir Francis Drake, on the western coast of North America, is nearly in lat 58 deg. N. as stated in the text, and long. 122 deg. 15′ W. from Greenwich. It is now named by the Spaniards, the Bay of San Francisco in California, on the southern side of which they have a mission of the same name–E.]

Soon after his arrival, the admiral received a present from the natives of feathers and bags of tobacco, which was given in much form by a numerous concourse of the Indians. These convened on the top of a hill or rising ground, whence one of their number harangued the admiral, whose tent was pitched at the bottom of the hill. When this speech was ended, they all laid down their weapons on the summit of the hill, whence they descended and offered their presents, at the same time civilly returning those which the admiral had before given them. All this time the native women remained on the top of the hill, where they seemed as if possessed, tearing their hair, and howling in a most savage manner. This is the ordinary music of their sacrifices, something of that nature being then solemnizing. While the women above were thus serving the devil, the men below were better employed, in listening attentively to divine service, then performing in the admiral’s tent These circumstances, though trivial in themselves, are important in ascertaining the first discovery of California by the English.

News of the arrival of the English having spread about the country, two ambassadors came to the admiral, to inform him that the king was coming to wait upon him, and desired to have a token of peace, and assurance of safe conduct. This being given to their satisfaction, the whole train began to move towards the admiral, in good order, and with a graceful deportment. In front came a very comely person, bearing the sceptre before the king, on which hung two crowns, and two chains of great length. The crowns were made of net-work, ingeniously interwoven with feathers of many colours, and the chains were made of bones. Next to the sceptre-bearer came the king, a very comely personage, shewing an air of majesty in all. This deportment, surrounded by a guard of tall martial-looking men, all clad in skins. Then followed the common people, who, to make the finer appearance, had painted their faces, some black, and some of other colours. All of them had their arms full of presents, even the children not excepted.

The admiral drew up all his men in line of battle, and stood ready to receive them within his fortifications. At some distance from him, the whole train of natives made a halt, all preserving the most profound silence, except the sceptre-bearer, who made a speech of half an hour. He then, from an orator, became a dancing-master, and struck up a song, being joined in both by the king, lords, and common people, who came all singing and dancing up to the fences which the admiral had thrown up. The natives then all sat down; and, after some preliminary compliments, the king made a solemn offer of his whole kingdom and its dependencies to the admiral, desiring him to assume the sovereignty, and professing himself his most loyal subject; and, that this might not seem mere empty compliment, he took off his illustrious crown of feathers from his own head, with the consent and approbation of all his nobles there present, and placing it on the head of the admiral, invested him with all the other ensigns of royalty, constituting the admiral, as far as in him lay, king of the whole country. The admiral, as her majesty’s representative, accepted of this new-offered dignity in her name and behalf; as from this donation, whether made in jest or earnest, it was probable that some real advantage might redound hereafter to the English nation in these parts. After this ceremony, the common people dispersed themselves about the English encampment, expressing their admiration and respect for the English in a most violent and even profane manner, even offering sacrifices to them, as in the most profound devotion, till they were repressed by force, with strong expressions of abhorrence, and directed to pay their adorations to the supreme Creator and Preserver of all things, whom only they ought to honour with religious worship.[32]

[Footnote 32: The whole of this story, of a king and his nobles, and the investiture of Drake in the sovereignty of California, which he named New Albion, is so completely absurd as not to merit serious observation.–E.]

After this ceremony, the admiral and some of his people penetrated to some distance into the interior country, which they found to be extremely full of large fat deer, often seeing about a thousand in one herd. There were also such immense numbers of rabbits, that the whole country seemed one vast warren. These rabbits were of the size of those of Barbary, having heads like our own rabbits in England, with feet like those of a mole, and long tails like rats. Under the chin on each side, they have a bag or pouch in the skin, into which they store up any food they get abroad, which they there preserve for future use. Their flesh is much valued by the natives, and their skins are made into robes for the king and nobles. This country seemed to promise rich veins of gold and silver; as wherever they had occasion to dig, they threw up some of the ores of these metals.[33] Partly in honour of England, and partly owing to the prospect of white cliffs which this country presented from the sea, the admiral named this region New Albion. Before his departure, he erected a monument, on which was a large plate, engraven with the name, picture, and arms of queen Elizabeth, the title of her majesty to the sovereignty of the country, the time of its discovery, and Drake’s own name. In this country the Spaniards had never had the smallest footing, neither had they discovered this coast of America, even for several degrees to the southwards of New Albion.

[Footnote 33: This surely is a gross falsehood, as even the Spaniards, so much experienced in mines of the precious metals, have found none in California, though possessing missions among its rude and scanty population in every corner, even in this very spot.–E.]


_Continuation of the Voyage, from New Albion to England._

Sailing from this port of New Albion, [now called by the Spaniards the Bay of San Francisco,] they had no sight of land till the 13th October, 1579, when, in the morning of that day, they fell in with certain islands in lat. 8 deg. N.[34] They here met many canoes, laden with cocoa-nuts and other fruits. These canoes were very artificially hollowed, and were smooth and shining, like polished horn. Their prows and sterns were all turned circularly inwards; and on each side there lay out two pieces of timber, or out-riggers, a yard and a half long, more or less, according the size of the canoes. They were of considerable height in the gunwales; and their insides were ornamented with white shells. The islanders in these canoes had large holes in the lower parts of their ears, which reached down a considerable way, by the weight of certain ornaments. Their teeth were as black as jet, occasioned by chewing a certain herb with a sort of powder, which they always carry with them for that purpose.[35]

[Footnote 34: These probably were some of the Caralines, being in the direct route from Port Sir Francis Drake to the Moluccas.–E.]

[Footnote 35: Areka nut and betel leaf, with pounded shell-lime.–E.]

The 18th October they came to other islands, some of which appeared to be very populous, and continued their course past the islands of _Tagulada, Zelon,_ and _Zewarra._ The first of these produces great store of cinnamon; and the inhabitants are in friendship with the Portuguese. Without making any stop at these islands, the admiral continued his course, and fell in with the Moluccas on the 14th November. Intending to steer for Tidore, and coasting along the island of Motir, which belongs to the king of Ternate, they met the viceroy of that king, who came fearlessly on board the admiral’s ship. He advised the admiral by no means to prosecute his voyage to Tidore, but to sail directly for Ternate, as the king, his master, was a great enemy to the Portuguese, and would have no intercourse with him, if at all connected with Tidore or the Portuguese. Upon this, the admiral resolved on going to Tidore, and came to anchor before the town early next morning.

He immediately sent a messenger to the king, with a present of a velvet cloak, and to assure him that his only purpose in coming to his island was to trade in a friendly manner. By this time the viceroy had been to the king, whom he had disposed to entertain a favourable opinion of the English, so that the king returned a very civil and obliging answer, assuring the admiral that a friendly intercourse with the English was highly pleasing to him, his whole kingdom, and all that it contained, being at his service; and that he was ready to lay himself and his dominions at the feet of the glorious queen of England, and to acknowledge her as his sovereign. In token of all this, he sent his signet to the admiral, delivering it with much respect to the messenger, who was treated with great pomp and ceremony at court.

Having a mind to visit the admiral on board ship, the king sent before hand four large canoes, filled with his most dignified attendants, all in white dresses, and having large awnings of perfumed mats borne over their heads on a frame of canes or bamboos. They were surrounded by servants, all in white; outside of whom were ranks of soldiers, and beyond them were many rowers in well-contrived galleries, three of these on each side all along the canoes, raised one above the other, each gallery containing eighty rowers.[36] These canoes were well furnished with warlike implements and all kind of weapons, both offensive and defensive, and were filled with soldiers well appointed for war. Bowing near the ship in great order, they paid their reverence to the admiral, saying that their king had sent them to conduct his ship into a safer road than that it now occupied.

[Footnote 36: This surely is a great exaggeration, employing 480 rowers to each canoe.–E.]

The king himself came soon afterwards, attended upon by six grave and ancient persons. He seemed much delighted with English music, and still more with English generosity, which the admiral expressed in large presents to him and his attendants. The king promised to come aboard again next day, and that same night sent off great store of provisions, as rice, poultry, sugar, cloves, a sort of fruit called _Frigo_, and _Sago_, which is a meal made out of the tops of trees, melting in the mouth like sugar, and tasting like sour curds, but when made into cakes will keep fit for eating at the end of ten years. The king did not come on board next day, according to promise, but sent his brother to excuse him, and: to invite the admiral on shore, while he remained as a pledge for his safe return. The admiral declined going ashore himself, but sent some gentlemen of his retinue along with the king’s brother, detaining the viceroy till their return.

They were received on shore by another of the king’s brothers with several nobles, and conducted in great state to the castle, where there was a court of at least a thousand persons, the principal of whom were sixty grave counsellors, and four Turkish envoys dressed in scarlet robes and turbans, who were there to negociate trade between the Turkish empire and Ternate. The king came in under a glorious canopy, embroidered with gold, and guarded by twelve men armed with lances. He was dressed in a loose robe of cloth of gold, having his legs bare, but with leather shoes or slippers on his feet. Several circular ornaments of gold were braided among his hair, a large chain of gold hung from his neck, and his fingers were adorned with rich jewels. A page stood at the right-hand side of his chair of state, blowing cool air upon him with a fan, two feet long and a foot broad, curiously embroidered, and enriched with sapphires. The English gentlemen were kindly received; and, having heard their message, he sent one of his counsellors to conduct them back to the ships. The king of Ternate is a prince of great power, having seventy islands under his authority, besides Ternate, which is the best of the Molucca islands. His religion, and that of all his subjects, is Mahometism, in obedience to which they keep the new moons and many fasts, during which they mortify the flesh all the day, but make up for their abstemiousness by feasting in the night.

Having dispatched all his affairs at Ternate, the admiral left the place, and sailed to a small island to the southwards of Celebes, where he remained twenty-six days. This island is all covered with wood, the trees being of large size, tall, straight, and without boughs, except at the top, the leaves resembling our English broom. There were here vast numbers of shining flies, no bigger than our common flies in England, which, skimming at night among the trees and bushes, made them appear as if all on fire. The bats in this island were as large as our ordinary poultry, and there was a sort of land cray-fish, which burrowed in the ground like rabbits, being so large that one of them was a sufficient meal for four persons.

Setting sail from thence, and being unable to proceed westwards on account of the wind, the course was altered to the southwards, yet with much danger, by reason of the shoals which lie thick among these islands. Of this they had most dangerous and almost fatal experience on the 9th January, 1580, by running upon a rock, on which they stuck fast from eight at night till four in the afternoon of next day. In this distress, the ship was lightened by landing three tons of cloves, eight pieces of ordnance, and some provisions on the rock; soon after which, by the wind chopping round, they happily got off.

On the 18th of February, they fell in with the fruitful island of _Baratene_,[37] having in the mean time suffered much from cross winds and dangerous shoals. They met with a friendly reception from the people of this island, who were handsomely proportioned, and just in all their dealings. The men wore no cloathing, except a slight covering round their middles, but the women were covered from the waist to the feet, having likewise many large heavy bracelets of bone, horn, or brass, on their arms, the smallest weighing two ounces, and having eight or ten of these on at once. This island affords gold, silver, copper, sulphur, nutmegs, ginger, long-pepper, lemons, cocoas, frigo, sago, and other commodities, and linen was found to be in much request by the natives,

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