A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Vol 9 by Robert KerrForming a Complete History of the Origin and Progress of Navigation, Discovery, and Commerce, by Sea and Land, from the Earliest Ages to the Present Time

Produced by Robert Connal, Graeme Mackreth and PG Distributed Proofreaders. This file was produced from images generously made available by the Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions. A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS, ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER: FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA
This page contains affiliate links. As Amazon Associates we earn from qualifying purchases.
Buy it on Amazon FREE Audible 30 days

Produced by Robert Connal, Graeme Mackreth and PG Distributed Proofreaders. This file was produced from images generously made available by the Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions.












CHAP. X. (_Continued_.)

Early Voyages of the English to India, after the Establishment of the East India Company

SECT. XV. (_Continued_)–Eighth Voyage of the English East-India Company, in 1611, by Captain John Saris

Sec.5. Further Observations respecting the Moluccas, and the Completion of the Voyage to Japan

Sec.6. Arrival at Brando, and some Account of the Habits, Manners, and Customs of the Japanese

Sec.7. Journey of Captain Saris to the Court of the Emperor, with his Observations there and by the Way

Sec.8. Occurrences at Firando during the Absence of Captain Saris

Sec.9. Continuation of these Occurrences

Sec.10. Conclusion of these

Sec.11. Occurrences at Firando, after the return of Captain Saris

Sec.12. Voyage from Japan to Bantam, and thence to England

Sec.I3. Intelligence concerning Yedso or Jesso, received from a Japanese at Jedo, who had been twice there

Sec.14. Note of Commodities vendible in Japan

Sec.15. Supplementary Notices of Occurrences in Japan, after the departure of Captain Saris

SECT. XVI. Ninth Voyage of the East-India Company, in 1612, by Captain Edward Marlow

SECT. XVII. Tenth Voyage of the East-India Company, in 1612, written by Mr Thomas Best, Chief Commander

Sec.1. Observations during the Voyage from England to Surat

Sec.2. Transactions with the Subjects of the Mogul, Fights with the Portuguese, Settlement of a Factory and Departure for Acheen

Sec.3. Occurrences at Acheen in Sumatra

Sec.4. Trade at Tecoo and Passaman, with the Voyage to Bantam, and thence to England

SECT. XVIII. Observations made during the foregoing Voyage, by Mr Copland, Chaplain, Mr Robert Boner, Master, and Mr Nicholas Whittington, Merchant

Sec.1. Notes extracted from the Journal of Mr Copland, Chaplain of the Voyage

Sec.2. Notes extracted from the Journal of Mr Robert Boner, who was Master of the Dragon

Sec.3. Extract from a Treatise by Mr Nicholas Whittington, who was left as Factor in the Mogul Country by Captain Best, containing some of his Travels and Adventures

SECT. XIX. Eleventh Voyage of the East-India Company, in 1612, in the Salomon

SECT. XX. Twelfth Voyage of the East-India Company, in 1613, by Captain Christopher Newport

Sec.1. Observations at St Augustine, Mohelia, and divers Parts of Arabia

Sec.2. Proceedings on the Coast of Persia, and Treachery of the Baloches

Sec.3. Arrival at Diul-ginde, and landing of the Ambassador: Seeking Trade there, are crossed by the slanderous Portuguese: Go to Sumatra and Bantam; and thence to England

CHAP XI. Continuation of the Early Voyages of the English East India Company to India


SECT. I. Voyage of Captain Nicholas Downton to India, in 1614

Sec.1. Incidents at Saldanha, Socotora, and Swally; with an Account of the Disagreements between the Moguls and Portuguese, and between the Nabob and the English

Sec.2. Account of the Forces of the Portuguese, their hostile Attempts and Fight with the English, in which they are disgracefully repulsed

Sec.3. Supplies received by the Portuguese, who vainly endeavour to use Fire-boats. They seek Peace, which is refused, and depart. Interview between the Nabob and Captain Downton, and Departure of the English

SECT. II. Relations by Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, in Supplement to preceding Voyage

Sec.1. Continuation of the Voyage from Surat to Bantam, by Captain Thomas Elkington

Sec.2. Brief Observations by Mr Edward Dodsworth, who returned to England in the Hope

SECT. III. Journey of Richard Steel and John Crowther, from Agimere, in India, to Ispahan, in Persia, in the Years 1615, and 1616

SECT. IV. Voyage of Captain Walter Peyton to India, in 1615

Sec.1. Occurrences during the Voyage from England to Surat

Sec.2. Occurrences at Calicut and Sumatra. Miscarriage of the English Ships, Abuses of the Dutch, and Factories in India

Sec.3. Brief Notice of the Ports, Cities, and Towns, inhabited by, and traded with, by the Portuguese, between the Cape of Good Hope and Japan, in the Year 1616

SECT. V. Notes, concerning the Proceedings of the Factory at Cranganore, from the Journal of Roger Hawes

SECT. VI. Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Ambassador from James I. to Shah Jehanguire, Mogul Emperor of Hindoostan


Sec.1. Journey from Surat to the Court of the Mogul, and Entertainment there, with some Account of the Customs of the Country

Sec.2. Occurrences in June, July, and August, 1616, from which the Character and Dispositions of the Mogul and his Subjects may be observed

Sec.3. Of the Celebration of the King’s Birth-day, with other Occurrences, in September, 1616

Sec.4. Broils about Abdala Khan, and Khan-Khannan: Ambitious Projects of Sultan Churrum to subvert his eldest Brother: Sea-fight with a Portuguese Carrack; and various other Occurrences

Sec.5. Continuation of Occurrences at Court, till leaving Agimere, in November, 1616

Sec.6. Sir Thomas Roe follows the Progress of the Court, and describes the King’s Leskar, &c.

Sec.7. A New-year’s Gift–Suspicion entertained of the English–Dissatisfaction of the Persian Ambassador–English Ships of War in the Indian Seas

Sec.8 Asaph Khan and Noormahal protect the English from Hope of Gain.–Arrival of Mr Steel.–Danger to the Public from private Trade–Stirs about a Fort

SECT. VII. Relation of a Voyage to India in 1616, with Observations respecting the Dominions of the Great Mogul, by Mr Edward Terry

Sec.1. Occurrences during the Voyage from England to Surat

Sec.2. Description of the Mogul Empire

Sec.3. Of the People of Hindoostan, and their Manners and Customs

Sec.4. Of the Sects, Opinions, Rites Priests, &c. of the Hindoos; with other Observations

SECT. VIII. Journey of Thomas Coryat by Land, from Jerusalem to the Court of the Great Mogul

Sec.1. Letter from Agimere to Mr L. Whitaker, in 1615

Sec.2. Do. from Agra to his Mother, in 1616

Sec.3. Some Observations concerning India, by Coryat

SECT. IX. Account of the Wrongs done to the English at Banda by the Dutch, in 1617 and 1618

SECT. X. Fifth Voyage of the Joint-stock by the English East India Company, in 1617, under the Command of Captain Martin Pring

Sec.1. Occurrences on the Voyage out, and at Surat, Bantam, and Jacatra

Sec.2. Dutch Injustice, and Sea-fight between them and Sir Thomas Dale

Sec.3. Departure for Coromandel, with Occurrences there, and Death of Sir Thomas Dale.–Capture of English Ships by the Dutch; and Occurrences at Tecoo

Sec.4. News of Peace between the English and Dutch

Sec.5. Voyage of Captain Pring from Bantam to Patania and Japan

Sec.6. Voyage from Japan to Bantam, and thence to England

SECT. XI. Voyage of the Ann-royal, from Surat to Mokha, in 1618

SECT. XII. Journal of a Voyage to Surat and Jasques in 1620

Sec.1. Voyage from England to Surat

Sec.2. Voyage from Surat towards Jasques

Sec.3. Account of a Sea-fight with the Portuguese

Sec.4. Second Sea-fight with the Portuguese

Sec.5. Sequel of the Voyage

SECT. XIII. Relation of the War of Ormus, and the Capture of that Place by the English and Persians, in 1622

SECT. XIV. Account of the Massacre of Amboina, in 1623

SECT. XV. Observations during a Residence in the Island of Chusan, in 1701, by Dr James Cunningham; with some early Notices respecting China

Sec.1. Voyage to Chusan, and short Notices of that Island

Sec.2. Ancient and modern State of the Country, and coming of the English to reside there

Sec.3. Manner of cultivating Tea in Chusan

Sec.4. Of the famous Medicinal Root called H-tchu-u

Sec.5. Removal of Dr Cunningham to Pulo-Condore, with an Account of the Rise, Progress, and Ruin of that Factory

Sec.6. Some Account of the Factory at Pulo-Laut, with the Overthrow of that Factory, and of the English Trade in Borneo

* * * * *
[Illustration: CHART OF

Published 1st July 1813


* * * * *



* * * * *

CHAPTER X.–_Continued_.


SECTION XV.–_Continued_.

_Eighth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1611, by Captain John Saris_.

Sec.5. _Farther Observations respecting the Moluccas, and the Completion of the Voyage to Japan_.

The 10th of April, 1613, the Spanish commandant sent me a message, requesting me to stop till the next morning, when he would visit me along with the sergeant-major of Ternate, who had arrived with a letter from Don Jeronimo de Sylva, allowing them to trade with me for different things of which they were in want, and to satisfy me in what I had requested; wherefore I resolved to stop a while longer, to see if we could do any good. Expecting Don Fernando next day, according to promise, and hearing nine guns from their fort, we supposed he was coming: But it proved to be for the arrival of the prince of Tidore from the wars, who was returned with the heads of 100 Ternatans. His force in the expedition in which he had been engaged, consisted of sixty men armed with matchlocks, two brass _bases_ and three or four _fowlers_. He had over-thrown _Key Chilly Sadang_, the son of the king of Ternate, whom the Dutch had brought over from Ternate to prevent the natives of Machian from supplying us with cloves. While on his return to Ternate after our departure, he was drawn into an ambush by the son of the king of Tidore, who lay in wait for the purpose, and slew him, together with 160 men who were along with him, not one of the whole being spared. The prince of Ternate brought home the head of Key Chilly Sadang to his wife, who was sister to the slain prince. Key Chilly Sadang in a great measure owed this discomfiture to a barrel of powder he had bought from us at Machian, as it exploded at the commencement of the rencounter, and threw his whole party into confusion. Along with the prince of Ternate, one of his younger brothers and the king of Gilolo were both slain. Towards evening, the sergeant-major of Ternate, who was also secretary of the government, came aboard, and made many compliments, requesting me to come to Ternate, where they would do for me every thing in their power. I consented to do this the more readily, as Ternate was in my way.

I received a message on the 12th from the prince of Tidore, apologising for not having yet visited me, and saying that he had a quantity of cloves which I might have, for which I thanked him, and requested they might be sent soon. They promised to send the cloves before next morning; wherefore, to guard against treachery, I kept double watch, with match in cock, and every thing in readiness: For this prince of Tidore was a most resolute and valiant soldier, and had performed many desperate exploits against the Dutch, having shortly before surprised one of their ships of war when at anchor not far from where we then lay. Before day, a galley, which the Spaniards told us they expected, came over from _Batta China_, and were very near us in the dark before we were aware. On hailing, they answered us that they were Spaniards and our friends, and then made towards the shore in all haste. She was but small, having only fourteen oars of a side. We this day found our latitude to be 0 deg. 50′ N.

We weighed on the 13th with the wind at N. and a current setting to the S. In passing the fort we saluted with five guns, which they returned. Several Spaniards came off with complimentary messages, and among these a messenger from the prince, saying we should have had plenty of cloves if we had waited twenty-four hours longer. But we rather suspected that some treachery was intended, by means of their gallies, frigates, and curracurras, which we thus avoided by our sudden departure. On rounding the western point of Tidore, we saw four Dutch ships at anchor before their fort of Marieca; one of which, on our appearance, fired a gun, which we supposed was to call their people aboard to follow us. We steered directly for the Spanish fort on Ternate, and shortened sail on coming near, and fired a gun without shot, which was immediately answered. They sent us off a soldier of good fashion, but to as little purpose as those of Tidore had done. Having little wind, our ship sagged in, but we found no anchorage. Having a gale of wind at south in the evening, we stood out to sea, but lost as much ground by the current as we had gained by the wind. The 14th, with the wind at S.S.W. we steered N.N.W. being at noon directly under the equinoctial. We had sight of a galley this day, on which we put about to speak with her; but finding she went away from us, we shaped our course for Japan.

Before leaving the Moluccas, it may be proper to acquaint the reader with some circumstances respecting the trade and state of these islands. Through the whole of the Moluccas, a _bahar_ of cloves consists of 200 _cattees_, the _cattee_ being three pounds five ounces _haberdepoiz_, so that the bahar is 662 pounds eight ounces English averdupois weight. For this bahar of cloves, the Dutch give fifty dollars, pursuant to what they term their perpetual contract; but, for the more readily obtaining some loading, I agreed to pay them sixty dollars. This increase of price made the natives very desirous of furnishing me, so that I certainly had procured a full lading in a month, had not the Dutch overawed the natives, imprisoning them, and threatening to put them to death, keeping strict guard on all the coasts. Most of these islands produce abundance of cloves; and those that are inhabited of any note, yield the following quantities, one year with another. Ternate 1000 bahars, Machian 1090, Tidore 900, Bachian 300, Moteer 600, Mean 50, Batta China 35; in all 3975 bahars, or 2,633,437 1/2 English pounds, being 1175 _tons_, twelve _cwts._ three _qrs._ and nine and a half _libs._ Every third year is far more fruitful than the two former, and is therefore termed the great monsoon.

It is lamentable to see the destruction which has been brought upon these islands by civil wars, which, as I learnt while there, began and continued in the following manner: At the discovery of these islands by the Portuguese, they found fierce war subsisting between the kings of Ternate and Tidore, to which two all the other islands were either subjected, or were confederated, with one or other of them. The Portuguese, the better to establish themselves, took no part with either, but politically kept friends with both, and fortified themselves in the two principal islands of Ternate and Tidore, engrossing the whole trade of cloves into their own hands. In this way they domineered till the year 1605, when the Dutch dispossessed them by force, and took possession for themselves. Yet so weakly did they provide for defending the acquisition, that the Spaniards drove them out next year from both islands, by a force sent from the Philippine islands, took the king of Ternate prisoner, and sent him to the Philippines, and kept both Ternate and Tidore for some time in their hands. Since then the Dutch have recovered some footing in these, islands, and, at the time of my being there, were in possession of the following forts.

On the island of Ternate they have a fort named: _Malayou_, having three bulwarks or bastions, _Tolouco_ having two bastions and a round tower, and _Tacome_ with four bastions. On Tidore they have a fort called _Marieka_, with four bastions. On Machian, _Tufasoa_, the chief town of the island, having four large bastions with sixteen pieces of cannon, and inhabited by about 1000 natives: At _Nofakia_, another town on that island, they have two forts or redoubts, and a third on the top of a high hill with five or six guns, which commands the road on the other side. Likewise at _Tabalola_, another town in Machian, they have two forts with eight cannons, this place being very strongly situated by nature. The natives of all these places are under their command. Those of _Nofakia_ are not esteemed good soldiers, and are said always to side with the strongest; but those of Tabalola, who formerly resided at _Cayoa_, are accounted the best soldiers in the Moluccas, being deadly enemies to the Portuguese and Spaniards, and as weary now of the Dutch dominion. In these fortified stations in Machian, when I was there, the Dutch had 120 European soldiers; of whom eighty were at _Tafasoa_, thirty at _Nofakia_, and ten at _Tabalola_. The isle of Machian is the richest in cloves of all the Molucca islands; and, according to report, yields 1800 bahars in the great monsoon. The Dutch have one large fort in the island of Bachian, and four redoubts in the isle of Moteer. The civil wars have so wasted the population of these islands, that vast quantities of cloves perish yearly for want of hands to gather them; neither is there any likelihood of peace till one party or the other be utterly extirpated.

Leaving them to their wars, I now return to our traffic, and shall shew how we traded with the natives, which was mostly by exchanging or bartering the cotton cloths of Cambaya and Coromandel for cloves. The sorts in request and the prices we obtained being as follows: _Candakeens_ of Baroach six _cattees_ of cloves; candakeens of _Papang_, which are flat, three cattees; _Selas_, or small _bastas_, seven and eight cattees; _Patta chere Malayo_ sixteen cattees; five _cassas_ twelve cattees; coarse of that kind eight cattees; red _Batellias_, or _Tancoulas_, forty-four and forty-eight cattees; _Sarassas chere Malayo_ forty-eight and fifty cattees; _Sarampouri_ thirty cattees; _Chelles, Tapsiels_, and _Matafons_, twenty and twenty-four cattees; white _Cassas_, or _Tancoulos_, forty and forty-four cattees; the finest _Donjerijus_ twelve, and coarser eight and ten cattees; _Pouti Castella_ ten cattees; the finest _Ballachios_ thirty cattees; _Pata chere Malayo_ of two fathoms eight and ten cattees; great _Potas_, or long four fathoms, sixteen cattees; white _Parcallas_ twelve cattees; _Salalos Ytam_ twelve and fourteen cattees; _Turias_ and _Tape Turias_ one and two cattees; _Patola_ of two fathoms, fifty and sixty cattees; those of four fathoms and of one fathom at proportional prices; for twenty-eight pounds of rice, a dollar; _Sago_, which is a _root_ of which the natives make their bread, is sold in bunches, and was worth a quarter of a dollar the bunch; velvets, sattins, taffetics, and other silk goods of China were much in request. This may suffice for the trade of the Moluccas.

Proceeding on our voyage, it was calm all day on the 16th of April, but we, had a good breeze at night from the west, when we steered N.N.W. In the morning of the 17th, we steered north, with the wind at E. by S. but it afterwards became very variable, shifting to all points of the compass, and towards night we had sight of land to the northwards. On the 18th we had calms, with much rain, and contrary winds at intervals, for which reason I resolved to go for the island of _Saiom_, which was to the westward, and to remain there and refresh the crew, till the change of the monsoon might permit me to proceed on my intended voyage. But almost immediately the wind came round to the west, and we stood N. and N. by E. On the 19th, with little wind at W. we continued our course N. by E. the weather being extremely hot, with much rain. It was quite calm in the morning of the 20th, but we had a constant current setting us to the eastwards, which indeed had been the case ever since we left Ternate. In the afternoon, the wind came round to the northward, a brisk gale, and we stood west to stem the current, bearing for a large island called _Doy_, where we proposed to rest and refresh.

In the morning of the 21st, we were fairly before that island, near its northern extremity, which was a low point stretching southwards. We stood in E. by S. with the wind at N. by E. and at noon sent our skiff in search of a convenient place for anchoring; but the current set so strong to the eastwards, that we were unable to stem it, and could merely see at a distance a very large bay, having a great shoal off its northern point half a league out to sea, while we had sixty fathoms water off the shore upon a bottom of sand. As night approached, we stood off till morning; and next day, about sun-set, we came to anchor in the large bay, having on standing in fifty-six, thirty-five, twenty-six, and twenty-four fathoms water.

I sent some people ashore in the skiff on the 23d, to look out for a convenient watering-place, and for a proper situation in which to set up a tent to defend our men from the rain when on shore. They accordingly found a fit place right over against the ship, and saw many tracks of deer and wild swine, but no appearance of any inhabitants. The country was full of trees, and, in particular, there were abundance of _cokers_,[1] _penang, serie_, and _palmitos_, among which were plenty of poultry, pheasants, and wood-cocks. I went ashore along with our merchants, and had a tent set up. Our carpenter made several very ingenious pitfalls for catching the wild-hogs. We took some fish among the rocks with much labour, and got one pheasant and two wood-Pigeons, which last were as large in the body as ordinary hens. Some of our company staid all night ashore to look for the wild-hogs coming into the traps, and some very large ones were seen on the 24th, but none were caught. This morning, about half past seven, the moon, being at the full, was eclipsed in a more extraordinary manner than any of us had ever seen, being three hours and a half obscured before she recovered her entire light, _which was very fearful_.

[Footnote 1: Cocoa-nut trees.–E.]

The 25th, our people searching about the woods, brought great store of _cokers_ to the ship, together with some fowls, and the heads of the palmito trees, which we boiled with our beef, and found them to eat like cabbages. The 28th, the company were busily employed in taking in wood and water. The skiff was sent out to sound the shoal, and found ten and twelve fathoms at the northern point of the bar, near the shoal. All this time we had prodigious rain both day and night. The 29th and 30th were employed in bringing wood aboard, which we found as good as our English billets. The skiff was sent on the 1st of May to sound the western point of the bay, where the water was found very deep. On landing at that part of the coast our people found the ruins of several huts, among which were some brass pans, which shewed the place had been lately inhabited, but, as we supposed, the inhabitants had been hunted from their houses by the wars.

We set sail on the 12th May, 1613, from this island of _Doy_, being the north-eastmost island of _Batta-China_, or Gilolo, in the Moluccas, in latitude 2 deg. 35′ N.[2] The variation here was 5 deg. 20′ easterly. By noon of this day we were fourteen leagues N. by E. from the place where we had been at anchor for twenty days.[3] The 1st June, passed the tropic of Cancer. The 2d, being in lat 25 deg. 44′ N. we laid our account with seeing the islands of _Dos Reys Magos._[4] Accordingly, about four p.m. we had sight of a very low island, and soon afterwards of the high land over the low, there being many little islands, to the number of ten or eleven, connected by broken grounds and ledges, so that we could not discern any passage to the westward. At night we stood off and took in our top-sails, and lay close by in our courses till morning. The islands stretch from S.W. to N.E. The 3d, we stood in for the land, which appeared to us a most pleasant and fertile soil, as much so as any we had seen from leaving England, well peopled, and having great store of cattle. We proposed to have come to anchor about its north-east point, and on sounding, had sixty fathoms. We saw two boats coming off to us, and used every means to get speech of them, wishing for a pilot, and desiring to know the name of the island, but the wind was so strong that we could not get in, wherefore we stood away N.W. and had sight of another island bearing N.N.W. for which we steered, and thence descried another, N.E. half E. about seven or eight leagues off. Coming under the western island, we observed certain rocks about two miles offshore, one of which was above water, and the other, to the north, under water, a great way without the other, and the sea breaking on it.

[Footnote 2: The latitude in the text, which we have reason to believe accurate, as Captain Saris was so long at this place, indicates the northern end of the island of _Morty_, east and a little northerly of the northern peninsula or leg of Gilolo.–E.]

[Footnote 3: We have omitted in the text the naked journal of daily winds, courses, and distances, as tending to no useful information whatever.–E.]

[Footnote 4: The indicated latitude, considering the direction of the voyage between Morty and Japan, nearly coincides with the small islands of Kumi and Matchi, west from the south end of the great Liqueo.–E.]

On the 7th, we supposed ourselves about twenty-eight or thirty leagues from _Tonan_.[5] In the morning of the 8th, we had sight of a high round island, bearing E. six leagues off, with various other islands, in six or seven directions westwards, five or six leagues off.[6] In the morning of the 8th we had sight of land bearing N.N.E. and of six great islands in a row N.E. from the island we descried the preceding evening; and at the northern end of all were many small rocks and hummocks. In a bay to the eastwards of these, we saw a high land bearing E. and E. by S. and E.S.E. which is the island called _Xima_ in the charts, but named _Maihma_ by the natives, while the former island is called _Segue_, or _Amaxay_.[7] The 10th, four great fishing-boats came aboard, about five tons burden each, having one large sail, like that of a skiff. They had each four oars of a side, resting on pins fastened to the gunwales, the heads of the pins being let into the middle of the oars, so that they hung in just equipoise, saving much labour to the rowers. These people make much more speed in rowing than our men, and perform their work standing, by which they take up less room. They told us we were just before the entrance to _Nangasaki_, which bore N.N.E.; the straits of _Arima_ being N.E. by N. and that the high hill we saw yesterday was upon the island called _Uszideke_,[8] making the straits of _Arima_, at the north end of which is good anchorage, and at the south end is the entrance to _Cahinoch_.[9] We agreed with two of the masters of these fishing-boats for thirty dollars each, and rice for their food, to pilot us to _Firando_, on which agreement their people came aboard our ship, and voluntarily performed its duty as readily as any of our own mariners. We steered N. by W. the pilots reckoning that we were thirty leagues from Firando. One of the boats which came to us at this time belonged to the Portuguese who dwelt at Nangasaki, being Christian converts, and thought our ship had been the Portuguese ship from Makao; but, on finding we were not, made all haste back again to advise them, refusing every entreaty to remain with us.

[Footnote 5: The island of Tanao-sima is probably here meant, being the most southerly of the Japanese islands. It may be proper to remark, that the termination _sima_, in the names of islands belonging to Japan, obviously means _island_, like the prefix _pula_ in the names of islands in the Malay Archipelago.–E.]

[Footnote 6: There is a considerable cluster of small islands south from Tanaosima, between the latitudes of 29 deg. 30′ and 30 deg. N.–E.]

[Footnote 7: Xima, or sima, only means island. Perhaps Mashama may be that named Kaba-sima in modern maps, and Amaxay may possibly be Amacusa, these islands being in the way towards Nangasaki.–E.]

[Footnote 8: This seems the same island called before Amaxay, or Amacusa.–E.]

[Footnote 9: Cochinotzu is the name of a town on the south-west peninsula of the island of Kiusiu; but Cochinoch in the text seems the sound leading to Nangasaki, and the straits of Arima appear to be the passage between the north side of Amacusa and Kiusiu.–E.]

Sec.6. _Arrival at Firando, and some Account of the Habits, Manners, and Customs of the Japanese_.

We came to anchor about half a league short of Firando, about three p.m. of the 11th June, 1613, the tide being then so much spent that we could not get nearer. I was soon afterwards visited by _Foyne Sama_, the old king of Firando, accompanied by his nephew, _Tone Sama_, who governed the island under the old king.[10] They were attended by forty boats or gallies, some having ten, and others fifteen oars of a side. On coming near our ship, the king ordered all the boats to fall astern, except the two which carried him and his nephew, who only came on deck, both dressed in silk gowns, under which were linen shirts and breeches. Each of them wore two _cattans_, or Japanese swords, one of which was half a yard long in the blade, and the other only a quarter of a yard. They wore neither turbans nor hats, the fore part of their heads being shaven to the crowns, and the rest of their hair very long, and gathered into a knot behind. The king seemed about seventy-two years of age, and his nephew, or grandchild, twenty-two, who governed under him, and each was attended by an officer, who commanded over their slaves as they directed.

[Footnote 10: As the Portuguese, who first visited Japan, chose to designate the sovereign of that country by the title of emperor, they denominated all its provinces kingdoms, and their governors kings.–E.]

Their manner of salutation was thus: On coming into the presence of him they mean to salute, they put off their shoes, so that they are barefooted, for they wear no stockings. Then putting their right hand within the left, they hold them down to their knees, bending their bodies, then wag or swing their joined hands a little to and fro, making some small steps to one side from the person they salute, and say _augh! augh!_ I immediately led them into my cabin, where I had prepared a banquet for them, and entertained them with a good concert of music, to their great delight. I then delivered the letters from our king to the king of Firando, which he received very joyfully, saying he would not open it till _Ange_ came, who would interpret it. _Ange_, in their language, signifies a pilot, and by this name was meant one _William Adams_, an Englishman. He had come this way in a Dutch ship from the South Seas, about twelve years ago; and, in consequence of a mutiny among the people, the ship was seized by the emperor, and Adams had remained in the country ever since. After staying about an hour and a half, the king took his leave, bidding us welcome to the country, and promising me kind entertainment.

He was no sooner ashore than all his nobility came to see the ship, attended by a vast number of soldiers, every person of any note bringing a present; some of venison, some of wild-fowl, and some of wild-boar, the largest and fattest we had ever seen, while others brought us fish, fruits, and various things. They greatly admired the ship, and seemed never to be satisfied with looking at her; and as we were much pestered by the number of these visitors, I sent to the king, requesting he would order them to remove, to prevent any inconveniences that might arise. The king immediately sent a principal officer of his guard, with orders to remain aboard, to see that no injury was done to us, and ordered a proclamation to that effect to be made in the town. The same night, Hendrik Brewer, who was chief of the Dutch factory at Firando, came to visit me, or rather to see what had passed between the king and us. I wrote this day to Mr Adams, who was then at _Jedo_,[11] nearly 300 leagues from Firando, to inform him of our arrival. King _Foyne_ sent my letter next day by his admiral, to _Osackay_ (_Osaka_,) the nearest port of importance on the principal island, whence it would go by post to Jedo, and he sent notice to the emperor by the same conveyance, of our arrival and purposes.

[Footnote 11: Called _Edoo_, in Purchas.]

In the morning of the 12th, we had fish brought to us in abundance, and as cheap as we could desire. We this day weighed to make sail for the road; and, on this occasion, the king sent at the least threescore large boats, or gallies, well manned, to tow us into the harbour. On seeing this multitude of boats, I was in some doubts of their intentions, and sent my skiff to warn them not to come near the ship. But the king was in the headmost boat, and observing my suspicions, waved his handkerchief for all the boats to wait, and came aboard himself, telling me that he had ordered all these boats to assist in bringing me round a point which was somewhat dangerous, on account of the strength of the tide, and could not be stemmed by even a good breeze of wind, and if the ship fell into the eddy, we should be driven upon the rocks. Having got this explanation, we sent our hawsers to the Japanese boats, on which they fell stiffly to work, and towed us into the harbour. In the mean time, the king breakfasted with me, and when I proposed rewarding his people for towing me in, after we were at anchor, he would not allow them to accept of any thing.

We now anchored in five fathoms, on soft ooze, so near the shore that we could have talked with the people in their houses. We saluted the town with nine guns, but had no return, as there are no cannon at this place, neither any fortifications, except barricades for small arms. Several nobles came off to bid me welcome, two of whom were men of high rank, named _Nobusane_ and _Simmadone_. I entertained them well, and, at their departing, they used extraordinary state, one remaining on board till the other was landed, their children and chief followers using the like ceremony. There came continually such numbers of people on board, both men and women, that we were not able to go about the decks. The ship likewise was quite surrounded by boats full of people, greatly admiring her head and stern. I permitted several women of the better sort to come into my cabin, where the picture of Venus and Cupid was hung, rather wantonly executed. Some of these ladies, thinking it to be Our Lady and her blessed Son, fell down to worship with appearance of much devotion, whispering our men, so that their companions might not hear, that they were Christians, having been converted by the Portuguese jesuits.

The king came aboard again, bringing four principal women along with him, who were attired in silken gowns, overlapped in front, and girt round them. Their legs were bare, except that they had half buskins bound about their insteps with silk ribbon. Their hair was very black and long, tied up in a knot on the crown, in a very comely manner, no part of their heads being shaven, like the men. They had comely faces, hands, and feet, with clear white complexions, but wanting colour, which they supplied by art. Their stature was low, but they were very fat, and their behaviour was very courteous, and not ignorant of the respect due according to their fashions. The king requested that no person might remain in the cabin except myself and my linguist, who was a native of Japan, brought along with me from Bantam. He was well skilled in the Malay language, in which he explained to me what was said by the king, in Japanese. The women were at first somewhat bashful, but the king desired them to be frolicsome. They sung several songs, and played on certain instruments, one of which resembled our lute, being bellied like it, but longer in the neck, and fretted like ours, but had only four gut strings. They fingered with their left hands, as is done with us, and very nimbly; but they struck the strings with a piece of ivory held in the right hand, as we are in use to play with a quill on the citern. They seemed to delight much in their music, beating time with their hands, and both playing and singing by book, prickt on lines and spaces much like our own. I feasted them, and gave them several English commodities, and after two hours stay, they returned on shore. At this interview I requested the king to let us have a house in the town, which he readily granted, taking two of my merchants ashore with him, to whom he pointed out three or four houses, desiring them to make their choice, paying the owners as we could agree.

On the 13th I went ashore, attended by the merchants and principal officers, and delivered our presents to the king, to the value of about L140, which he received with great satisfaction, feasting me and my whole company with several kinds of _powdered_ wild-fowl and fruits. He called for a standing cup, which was one of the presents, and ordering it to be filled with their country wine, which is distilled from rice, and as strong as brandy, he told me he would drink it all off to the health of the king of England, which he did, though it held about a pint and a half, in which he was followed by myself and all his nobles. As only myself and the Cape merchant sat in the same room with the king, all the rest of my company being in another room, he commanded his secretary to go and see that they all pledged the health. The king and his nobles sat at meat cross-legged, on mats, after the fashion of the Turks, the mats being richly edged with cloths of gold, velvet, sattin, or damask. The 14th and 15th were spent in giving presents; and on the 16th I agreed with _Audassee_, captain of the Chinese quarter, for his house, paying ninety-five dollars for the monsoon of six months; he to put it into repair, and to furnish all the rooms conveniently with mats, according to the fashion of the country, and we to keep it in repair, with leave to alter as we thought fit.

This day our ship was so pestered with numbers of people coming on board, that I had to send to the king for a guardian to clear them out, many things being stolen, though I more suspected my own people than the natives. There came this day a Dutchman in one of the country boats, who had been at the island of _Mashma_, where he sold good store of pepper, broad-cloth, and elephants teeth, though he would not acknowledge to us that he had sold any thing, or brought any thing back with him in the boat; but the Japanese boatmen told us he had sold a great quantity of goods at a mart in that place, and had brought his returns in bars of silver, which he kept very secret.

The 21st the old king came aboard again, bringing with him several women to make a frolic. These women were actors of comedies, who go about from island to island, and from town, to town, to act plays, which are mostly about love and war, and have several shifts of apparel for the better grace of their interludes. These women were the slaves of a man who fixes a price that every man must pay who has to do with them. He must not take a higher price than that affixed, on pain of death, if complained against. At the first, he is allowed to fix upon each woman what price he pleases, which price he can never afterwards raise, but may lower it as he likes; neither doth the party bargain with the women for their favours, but with the master. Even the highest of the Japanese nobility, when travelling, hold it no disgrace to send for these panders to their inn, and bargain with them for their girls, either to fill out their drink for them at table, as is the custom with all men of rank, or for other uses. When any of these panders die, although in their life they were received into the best company, they are now held unworthy to rest among the worst. A straw rope is put round their neck, and they are dragged through the streets into the fields, and cast on a dung-hill to be devoured by dogs and fowls.

The 23d, there arrived two Chinese junks at Nangasaki, laden with sugar. By them it was understood that the emperor of China had lately put, to death about 5000 persons for trading out of the country contrary to his edict. Yet the hope of profit had induced these men to hazard their lives and properties, having bribed the _Pungavas_, or officers of the sea-ports, who had succeeded those recently put to death for the same offence.

The 29th, a _soma_, or junk, belonging to the Dutch, arrived at Nangasaki from Siam, laden with Brazil wood and skins of all kinds. On their arrival, they were said to be Englishmen, as, before our coming, the Dutch used generally to pass by the name of English, our nation being long known by report in Japan, but much scandalised by the Portuguese jesuits, who represent us as pirates and rovers on the sea. In consequence of this report, the Japanese have a song, which they call _English Crofonio_, shewing how the English take the Spanish and Portuguese ships, which, while singing, they act likewise with catans, and so scare their children, as the French used to do theirs with the name of Lord Talbot.

The 1st July two of our company happened to quarrel, and had nearly gone out to the field to fight, which had greatly endangered us all, as it is the law here, that whoever draws a weapon in anger, although no harm be done, is presently cut in pieces; and if they do even but small hurt, not only they are so executed themselves, but all their relations are put to death. The 2d, I went ashore to keep house at Firando, my household consisting of twenty-six persons. At our first coming, we found that the Dutch sold broad-cloths of L15 or 16 a-cloth, for forty dollars, or L8 sterling the _mat_, which is a measure of two yards and a quarter. Being desirous to keep up the price of our cloth, and hearing that the Dutch had a great quantity, I had a conference with Brower, the chief of their factory, proposing that we should mutually fix prices upon such cloths as we both had, and neither of us, in any respect, sell below the prices agreed upon; for performance of which, I offered to enter into mutual bonds. In the morning, he seemed to approve of this proposal, but ere night he sent me word that he disliked it, alleging that he had no authority from his masters to make any such agreement. Next morning he shipped away a great store of cloth to different islands, rating them at low prices, as at twenty, eighteen, and sixteen dollars the _mat_, that he might the more speedily sell off his own, and glut the market before ours came forwards.

Pepper, ungarbled, which cost 1 3/4 dollars at Bantam the sack, was worth at our coming ten _tayes_ the _pecul_, which is 100 _cattea_ of Japan, or 130 pounds English. A _taye_ is worth five shillings sterling. A rial of eight, or Spanish dollar, is worth there in ordinary payment only seven _mas_, or three shillings and sixpence sterling, one mas being equal to a single rial. The _pecul_ of tin was worth thirty _tayes_; the _pecul_ of elephants teeth eighty _tayes_: Cast iron six tayes the pecul: Gunpowder twenty-three tayes the pecul: Socotrine aloes the cattee, six _tayes_: Fowling-pieces twenty tayes each: Calicos and such little commodities, of Guzerat or Coromandel, were at various prices, according to their qualities.

On the 7th of July the king of the Gotto islands, which are not far from Firando to the S.W. came upon a visit to king _Foyne_, saying he had heard of an excellent English ship being arrived in his dominions, which he greatly desired to go aboard of. King Foyne requested of me that this might be allowed, the king of Gotto being an especial friend of his; wherefore he was banqueted on board, and several cannon were fired at his departure, which he was much pleased with, and told me he would be glad to see some of our nation at his islands, where they should meet a hearty welcome. Three Japanese, two men and a woman, were put to death for the following cause: The woman, in the absence of her husband, had made separate assignations with both the men. He who was appointed latest, not knowing of the other, and weary of waiting, came too soon, and enraged at finding her engaged with another man, drew his _cattan_ and wounded both very severely, almost cutting the man’s back in two. Yet the wounded man, getting hold of his _cattan_, wounded the aggressor. This fray alarming the street, word was sent to king Foyne and to know his pleasure, who accordingly gave orders to cut off all their heads. After their execution, all who thought proper, as many did, came to try the temper of their weapons upon the dead bodies, which they soon hewed in small pieces, which were left to be devoured by the ravens.

The 10th three others were executed in the same way with the former, being beheaded and afterwards cut in pieces, for stealing a woman long since from Firando and selling her at Nangasaki. When any are to be executed, they are led out of town in the following manner: First there go two men, one having a mattock and the other a shovel, to dig the grave, if that be allowed to the criminal. Then a third person carrying a small table or board, on which is written the crime of the party, which is afterwards affixed to a post on the grave in which he is buried. Next comes the party to be executed, having his hands bound behind him by a silken cord, and having a small paper banner, much like one of our wind-vanes, on which the offence is written. The criminal is followed by the executioner, having his _cattan_ or Japanese sword by his side, and holding in his hand the cord with which the hands of the criminal are bound. On each hand of the executioner walks a soldier armed with a pike, the head of which rests on the criminal’s shoulder, to intimidate him from attempting to escape. In this manner I saw one man led out to execution, who went forwards with a most wonderful resolution, and apparently without fear of death, such as I had never seen the like in Europe. He was condemned for stealing a sack of rice from a neighbour, whose house was burning.

The 11th there arrived three Chinese junks at Nangasaki, laden with silks. The 19th the old king begged a piece of _poldavy_ from me; and though a king, and famed as the bravest soldier in Japan for his conduct in the wars of Corea, he had it made into coats, which he wore next his skin, some part of it being made into handkerchiefs. The 20th, a _soma_ or junk arrived at Nangasaki from Cochinchina, laden with silk and benzoin, which last was exceedingly clear and good. The 29th Mr Adams arrived at Firando, having been seventeen days in coming from Sorongo, while we had waited no less than forty-eight days for his coming.[12] After receiving him in a friendly manner, I conferred with him in the presence of our merchants, as to our hopes of trade in this country. He said the trade was variable, but doubted not we might do as well as the Dutch, and gave great commendations of the country, to which he seemed to be much attached.

[Footnote 12: The first messenger, for not making haste with the letters to Adams, was banished by the angry king.–_Purch._]

On the morning of the 30th, an officer of the young king was cut to pieces in the street, as it was thought for being too intimate with the young king’s mother; and one of the officer’s slaves was slain along with him, for endeavouring to defend his master. This day there came two Spaniards to Firando, who were acquainted with Mr Adams, to request a passage in our ship for Bantam. They had belonged to the crew of a Spanish ship, sent from New Spain about a year before to make discoveries to the north of Japan, and coming to Jedo to wait the monsoon which serves for going to the northward, which begins in the end of May, the crew mutinied against their captain, and every one went away whither he listed, leaving the ship entirely unmanned. On receiving this account of the Spaniards, I thought it best not to let them enter my ship.

On the 3d of August, king _Foyne_ sent to know what was the size of the present from our king to the emperor, as also the number of people I meant to take along with me to the court, that he might provide accordingly for my going up in good order, in regard to barks, horses, and palanquins. This day likewise I caused the presents to be assorted, for the emperor and those of chief consideration about him, of which presents respectively the values were as follow:–

For _Ogoshosama_, the emperor, ———————L87 7 6 _Shongosama_, the emperor’s son, —————-43 15 0 _Codskedona_, the emperor’s secretary, ———-15 17 6 _Saddadona_, secretary to the emperor’s son,—-14 3 4 _Iccocora Juga_, judge of _Meaco_, ———4 10 6 _Fongodona_, admiral of _Orungo_,———–3 10 0 _Goto Shozavero_, the mint-master, ————-11 0 0 ________
Total, L180 3 10

Sec.7. _Journey of Captain Saris to the Court of the Emperor, with his Observations there and by the Way_.

The 7th August, 1613, being furnished by king _Foyne_ with a proper galley, and having taken leave of him, I went aboard ship to put all things in order for my departure.[13] This galley rowed twenty-five-oars of a side, and was manned by sixty Japanese; and I fitted her out handsomely in our fashion, with waste cloths, ensigns, and all other necessaries. Leaving instructions with the master of the Clove and the cape merchant, for the proper regulation of the ship and the house on shore during my absence, and taking with me ten Englishmen and nine other attendants, as the before-mentioned sixty were only to take charge of the galley, I departed from Firando on my voyage and journey for the court of the Japanese emperor. We rowed through among various islands, all or most of which were well inhabited, and had several handsome towns upon them, one of which, called _Facata_, has a very strong castle built of freestone, but without any cannon or garrison. The ditch of this castle is five fathoms deep and ten broad, all round about the walls, and is passed by means of a drawbridge, and the whole is kept in good repair. The tide and wind were here so strong against us that we could not proceed, for which reason I landed and dined at this town, which was very well built, and seemed to be as large as London is within the walls. All its streets are so even, that one may see from one end to the other. This place is exceedingly populous, and the people very civil and courteous; only that at our first landing, and indeed at all places to which we came in the whole country, the children and low idle people used to gather about and follow us a long way, calling _core, core, cocore, Ware_ that is to say, _You Coreans with false hearts_; all the while whooping and hallooing, and making such a noise that we could not hear ourselves speak; and sometimes throwing stones at us, though seldom in any of the towns, yet the clamour and shouting was every where the same, as nobody reproved them for it. The best advice I can give to those who may come after me, is to pass on without attending to these idle rabblements, by which their ears only will be disturbed by the noise. All along this coast, and indeed the whole way to Osaka, we found various women who lived continually with their families in boats upon the water, as is done in Holland. These women catch fish by diving even in the depth of eight fathoms, that are missed by the nets and lines; and by the habit of frequent diving their eyes become excessively red and bloodshot, by which mark these divers may be readily distinguished from all other women.

[Footnote 13: The old king sent 200 tayes, worth five shillings each, to Captain Saris, for his expences in the journey.–_Purch._]

In two days we rowed from Firando to Facata. When eight or ten leagues short of the straits of _Xemina-seque_,[14] we came to a great town, where there lay in a dock a junk of 800 or 1000 tons burden, _all sheathed with iron_,[15] and having a guard appointed to keep her from being set on fire or otherwise destroyed. She was built in a very homely fashion, much like the descriptions we have of Noah’s ark; and the natives told us she served to transport troops to any of the islands in case of rebellion or war.

[Footnote 14: The editor of Astley’s Collection has altered the orthography of this name to _Shemina seki_. In modern maps, we find a town named _Sunono sequi_, on one side of these straits, which divide the island of Kiusiu from the south-west end of the great island of Niphon.–E.]

[Footnote 15: It is not a little singular, that metallic sheathing should have been observed by English mariners in Japan so long ago as 1613, and yet never attempted in the British or any other European navy till more than 150 years afterwards, and then brought forwards as a new invention.–E.]

We met with nothing extraordinary after passing through the straits of Xemina-seque till we came to Osaka, where we arrived on the 27th of August. Our galley could not get nearer the town than six miles; wherefore we were met by a smaller vessel, in which came the _goodman or host_ of the house where we were to lodge in Osaka, and who brought with him a banquet of wine and _salt fruits_ to entertain me. A rope being made fast to the mast-head of our boat, she was drawn forwards by men, as our west country barges are at London. We found Osaka a very large town, as large as London within the walls, having many very high and handsome timber bridges which serve to cross the river _Jodo_, which is as wide as the Thames at London. Some of the houses here were handsome, but not many. It is one of the chiefest sea-ports in all Japan, and has a castle of great size and strength, with very deep ditches all round, crossed by drawbridges, and its gates plated with iron. This castle is all of freestone, strengthened by bulwarks and battlements, having loop-holes for small arms and arrows, and various passages for throwing down stones upon the assailants. The walls are at least six or seven yards thick, all built of freestone throughout, having no packing with trumpery within, as I was told, but all solid. The stones are large and of excellent quality, and are so exactly cut to fit the places where they are laid, that no mortar is used, only a little earth being occasionally thrown in to fill up any void spaces.

In the castle of Osaka, when I was there, dwelt the son of _Tiquasama_, who was the true heir of Japan; but being an infant at the death of his father, he was left under the guardianship of four chiefs or great men, of whom Ogoshosama, the present emperor, was the principal. The other three guardians were each desirous of acquiring the sovereignty, and being opposed by Ogoshosama, levied armies against him; but Ogoshosama defeated them in battle, in which two of them were slain, and the other saved himself by flight. After this great victory, Ogoshosama attempted what he is said not to have thought of before. Seizing the true heir of the throne, he married the young prince to his own daughter, and confined them in the castle of Osaka, under the charge of such persons only as had been brought up from their childhood under the roof of the usurper, so that by their means he has regular intelligence of every thing they do.

Right opposite to Osaka, on the other side of the river Jodo, there is another town called _Sakay_, not so large as Osaka, but of considerable extent, and having great trade to all the neighbouring country. Having left samples and lists of prices of all our commodities with our host at Osaka, we departed from that place on the night of the 29th of August in a bark, and arrived at _Fusima_ next night, where we found a garrison of 3000 men, maintained there by the emperor, to keep Miaco and Osaka under subjection. This garrison is shifted every third year, and the relief took place while we were there, so that we saw the old bands march away and the new enter, which they did in a most soldier-like manner. They marched five abreast, and to every ten files or fifty men there was a captain, who kept his men in excellent order. Their shot marched first, being _calivers_, for they have no muskets and will not use any, then followed pikes, next swords or _cattans_ and targets, these were followed by bows and arrows, and then a band armed with weapons called _waggadashes_, resembling Welsh hooks: These were succeeded by calivers, and so on as before; but without any ensigns or colours; neither had they any drums or other warlike instruments of music. The first file of the band armed with cattans had silver scabbards, and the last file which marched next the captain had their scabbards of gold. The companies or bands were of various numbers, some 500, some 300, and some only of 150 men. In the middle of every band there were three horses very richly caparisoned, their saddles being covered by costly furs, or velvet, or stammel broad-cloths. Every horse was attended by three slaves, who led them in silken halters, and their eyes were hoodwinked by means of leathern covers.

After each troop or band, the captain followed on horseback, his bed and all his necessaries being laid upon his own horse equally poised on both sides, and over all was spread a covering of red felt of China, on the top of which sat the captain crosslegged, like a huckster between two paniers. Such as were old or weak in the back had a staff artificially fixed on the pannel, on which he could lean back and rest himself as if sitting in a choir. We met the captain-general of this new garrison two days after meeting his first band, having in the mean time met several of these bands in the course of our journey, some a league, and others two leagues from each other. The general travelled in great state, much beyond the other bands, yet the second band had their arms much more richly decorated than the first, and the third than the second, and so every successive band more sumptuous than another. The captain-general hunted and hawked all the way, having his own hounds and hawks along with him, the hawks being hooded and lured as ours in England. The horses that accompanied him for his own riding were six in number, and were all richly caparisoned. These horses were not tall, but of the size of our middling nags, short and well knit, small-headed, and very mettlesome, and in my opinion far excelling the Spanish jennet in spirit and action. His palanquin was carried before him, being lined with crimson velvet, and having six bearers, two and two to carry at a time.

Such excellent order was taken for the passing and providing of these soldiers, that no person either inhabiting or travelling in the road by which they passed and lodged, was in any way injured by them, but all of them were as cheerfully entertained as any other guests, because they paid for what they had as regularly as any other travellers. Every town and village on the way being well provided with cooks-shops and victualling houses, where they could get every thing they had a mind for, and diet themselves at any sum they pleased, between the value of an English penny and two shillings. The most generally used article of food in Japan is rice of different qualities, as with our wheats and other kinds of grain, the whitest being reckoned the best, and is used instead of bread, to which they add fresh or salted fish, some pickled herbs, beans, radishes, and other roots, salted or pickled; wild-fowl, such as duck, mallard, teal, geese, pheasants, partridges, quails, and various others, powdered or put up in pickle. They have great abundance of poultry, as likewise of red and fallow deer, with wild boars, hares, goats, and kine. They have plenty of cheese, but have no butter, and use no milk, because they consider it to be of the nature of blood.

They have great abundance of swine. Their wheat is all of the red kind, and is as good as ours in England, and they plough both with oxen and horses, as we do. During our residence in Japan, we bought the best hens and pheasants at three-pence each, large fat pigs for twelve-pence, a fat hog for five shillings, a good ox, like our Welsh runts, at sixteen shillings, a goat for three shillings, and rice for a halfpenny the pound. The ordinary drink of the common people is water, which they drink warm with their meat, holding it to be a sovereign remedy against worms in the _maw_. They have no other drink but what is distilled from rice, as strong as our brandy, like Canary wine in colour, and not dear: Yet, after drawing off the best and strongest, they still wring out a smaller drink, which serves the poorer people who cannot reach the stronger.

The 30th of August we were furnished with nineteen horses at the charge of the emperor, to carry up my attendants and the presents going in our king’s name to _Surunga_. I had a palanquin appointed for my use, and a led horse, well caparisoned, to ride when I pleased, six men being appointed to carry my palanquin on plain ground, but where the road grew hilly, ten were allowed. The officer appointed by king _Foyne_ to accompany me, took up these men and horses by warrants, from time to time, and from place to place, just as post-horses are taken up in England, and also procured us lodgings at night; and, according to the custom of the country, I had a slave to run before me, carrying a pike. We thus travelled every day fifteen or sixteen leagues, which we estimated at three miles the league, and arrived on the 6th of September at _Surunga_,[16] where the emperor resided. The road for the most part is wonderfully even, and where it meets with mountains, a passage is cut through. This is the main road of the whole country, and, is mostly covered with sand and gravel. It is regularly measured off into leagues, and at every league there is a small hillock of earth on each side of the road, upon each of which is set a fair pine-tree, trimmed round like an arbour. These are placed at the end of every league, that the hackney-men and horse-hirers may not exact more than their due, which is about three-pence for each league.

[Footnote 16: Suruga, Surunga, or Sununnaga, is a town in the province of that name, at the head of the gulf of Totomina, about 50 miles S.W. from Jedo.–E.]

The road is much frequented, and very full of people. Every where, at short distances, we came to farms and country-houses, with numerous villages, and frequent large towns. We had often likewise to ferry over rivers, and we saw many _Futtakeasse_ or _Fotoquis_, being the temples of the Japanese, which are situated in groves, and in the pleasantest places of the country, having the priests that attend upon the idols dwelling around the temples, as our friars in old time used to do here in England. On approaching any of the towns, we saw sundry crosses, having the dead bodies of persons who had been crucified affixed to them, such being the ordinary mode of punishment for most malefactors. On coming near Surunga, where the emperor keeps his court, we saw a scaffold, on which lay the heads of several malefactors that had been recently executed, with the dead bodies of some stretched on crosses, while those of others had been all hewn in pieces by the natives, trying the tempers of their _cattans_, as formerly mentioned when at Firando. This was a most unpleasant sight for us, who had necessarily to pass them on our way to Surunga.

The city of Surunga is fully as large as London, with all its suburbs.[17] We found all the handicraft tradesmen dwelling in the outward parts and skirts of the town, while those of the better sort resided in the heart of the city, not choosing to be annoyed by the continual knocking, hammering, and other noise made by the artisans in their several callings. As soon as we were settled in the lodgings appointed for us in the city of Surunga, I sent Mr Adams to the imperial residence, to inform the secretary of our arrival, and to request as speedy dispatch as possible. He sent me back for answer, that I was welcome, and that after resting myself for a day for two, I should be admitted to an audience of the emperor. The 7th of September we were occupied in arranging the presents, and providing little tables of sweet-smelling wood on which to carry them, according to the custom of the country.

[Footnote 17: It is hardly necessary to remark, that this applies to London in the year 1613, then vastly smaller than now, when Westminster was a separate city, at some miles distance from London; the Strand, Piccadilly, and Oxford Street, country roads; Whitehall a country palace; and the whole _west end_ of the town, fields, farms, or country villas.–E.]

On the 8th of September I was carried in my palanquin to the castle of Surunga, in which the emperor resides, and was attended by my merchants and others, the presents being carried before me. In entering the castle, we had to pass three draw-bridges, at each of which there was a guard of soldiers. The approach to the presence was by means of a fair and wide flight of stone stairs, where I was met and received by two grave and comely personages; one of whom was _Codske dona_, the emperor’s secretary, and the other named _Fongo dona_, the admiral. By these officers I was led into a handsome room, the floor of which was covered by mats, on which we sat down cross-legged. Shortly after, they led me into the presence-chamber, in which stood the chair of state, to which they wished me to do reverence. This chair was about five feet high, covered with cloth of gold, and very richly adorned on its back and sides, but had no canopy. We then returned to the former room, and in about a quarter of an hour word was brought that the emperor was in the presence-chamber. They then led me to the door of the room where the emperor was, making signs for me to go in, but dared not even to look up themselves. The presents sent from our king to the emperor, and those which I offered as from myself according to the custom of the country, had all been placed in a very orderly manner upon mats in the presence-chamber, before the emperor came there.

Going into the chamber, of presence, I made my compliments to the emperor according to our English fashion, and delivered our king’s letter to the emperor, who took it in his hand and raised it towards his forehead, and commanded his interpreter, who sat at a good distance behind, to desire Mr Adams to tell me that I was welcome from a long and wearisome journey, that I might therefore rest me for a day or two, and then his answer should be ready for our king. He then asked me if I did not intend to visit his son at _Jedo_.[18] Answering, that I proposed to do so, the emperor said, that orders should be given to provide me with men and horses for the journey, and that the letters for our king should be ready against my return. Then, taking leave respectfully of the emperor, and coming to the door of the presence-chamber, I found the secretary and admiral waiting to conduct me down the stairs where they formerly met me, when I went into my palanquin and returned with my attendants to our lodgings.

[Footnote 18: Always called _Edoo_ in Purchas, but we have thought it better to use the form of the name now universally adopted in geography; but which name, from the orthography used by Captain Saris, is probably pronounced in Japan, _Idu_, or _Eedoo_.–E.]

On the 9th I sent the present intended for the secretary to be delivered to him, for which he heartily thanked me, but would in no wise receive it, saying, the emperor had so commanded, and that it was as much as his life was worth to accept of any gift. He took, however, five pounds of Socotorine aloes, to use for his health’s sake. I this day delivered to him the articles of privilege for trade, being _fourteen_ in number, which we wished to have granted. These he desired to have abbreviated into as few words as possible, as in all things the Japanese are fond of brevity. Next day, being the 10th September, the articles so abridged were sent to the secretary by Mr Adams; and on being shown by the secretary to the emperor, they were all approved except one, by which, as the Chinese had refused to trade with the English, we required permission, in case of taking any Chinese vessels by force, that we might freely bring them into the ports of Japan, and there make sale of the goods. At the first, the emperor said we might take them, since they refused to trade with us; but, after conference with the Chinese resident, he altered his mind, and would not allow of that article. All the rest were granted and confirmed under his great seal, which is not impressed in wax as with us in England, but is stamped in print with red ink. These articles of privilege were as follow:–

_Privileges granted by OGOSHOSAMA, Emperor of Japan, to the Governor and Company of the London East India Company_.[19]

[Footnote 19: This copy Captain Saris brought home and gave me–_Purch._]

1. We give free licence to the subjects of the king of Great Britain, viz. To Sir Thomas Smith, governor, and the Company of the East Indian Merchants Adventurers, for ever, safely to come into any of the ports of our empire of Japan, with their ships and merchandize, without any hinderance to them or their goods; and to abide, buy, sell, and barter, according to their own manner, with all nations; to remain here as long as they think good, and to depart at their pleasure.

2. We grant to them freedom from custom for all such goods as they have brought now, or may hereafter bring into our empire, or may export from thence to any foreign part. And we authorise all ships that may hereafter arrive from England, to proceed immediately to sell their commodities, without any farther coming or sending to our court.

3. If any of their ships shall happen to be in danger of shipwreck, we command our subjects not only to assist them, but that such parts of the ship or goods as may be saved, shall be returned to the captain, or the cape merchant, or their assigns. That they may build one house, or more, for themselves, in any part of our empire that they think fittest for their purpose; and, at their departure, may sell the same at their pleasure.

4. If any English merchant, or others, shall die in our dominions, the goods of the deceased shall remain at the disposal of the cape merchant; and all offences committed by them shall be punished by the said cape merchant at his discretion, our laws to take no hold of their persons or goods.

5. We command all our subjects trading with them for any of their commodities, to pay them for the same without delay, or to return their wares.

6. For such commodities as they have now brought, or may bring hereafter, that are fitting for our proper use and service, we command that no arrest be made thereof, but that a fair price be agreed with the cape merchant, according as they may sell to others, and that prompt payment be made on the delivery of the goods.

7. If, in the discovery of other countries for trade, and the return of their ships, they shall need men or victuals, we command that our subjects shall furnish them, for their money, according as their needs may require.

8. Without other passport, they shall and may set out upon the discovery of _Yeadso_, or _Jesso_, or any other part in or about our empire.

From our castle in Surunga, this first day of the ninth month, in the eighteenth year of our _dary_, or reign. Sealed with our broad seal, &c.


_Yei. Ye. Yeas_.[20]

[Footnote 20: Kempper writes this other name of _Ongosio Sama_, as he calls him, _Ijejas_; which, according to the English orthography, is _Iyeyas_.–Astl. I. 489. b.]

On the 11th of September, the present intended for the mint-master was delivered to him, which he received very thankfully, and sent me in return two Japanese gowns of taffeta, quilted with silk cotton. The 12th Mr Adams was sent to the mint-master, who is the emperor’s merchant, having charge of the mint and all the ready money, being in great estimation with the emperor, as he had made a vow, whenever the emperor dies, to cut out his own bowels and die with him. The purpose of Mr Adams waiting upon him at this time, was to carry a list of the prices of our English commodities. About noon of this same day, being furnished with horses and men by the emperor, as formerly specified, we set out for Jedo. The country between Surunga and Jedo we found well peopled, with many _Fotoquis_, or idol temples. Among others which we passed, was one having an image of great reputation, called _Dabis_, made of copper, hollow within, but of substantial thickness. We estimated its height to be twenty-one or twenty-two feet, being in the form of a man kneeling on the ground, and sitting on his heels; the whole of wonderful size, and well proportioned, and being dressed in a gown cast along with the figure. Some of our men went into the inside of this idol, and hooped and hallooed, which made an exceeding great noise. It is highly reverenced by all native travellers who pass that way. We found many characters and marks made upon it by its visitors, which some of my followers imitated, making their marks in like manner. This temple and idol stand in the main road of pilgrimage to _Tencheday_, which is much frequented for devotion, as both night and day people of all ranks and conditions are continually going or returning from that place.

Mr Adams told me that he had been at the _Fotoqui_, or temple dedicated to Tencheday, to which image they make this devout pilgrimage. According to his report, one of the fairest virgins of the country is brought monthly into that _Fotoqui_, and there sits alone in a room neatly fitted up, in a sober manner; and, at certain times, this _Tencheday_, who is thought to be the devil, appears unto her, and having carnally known her, leaves with her at his departure certain scales, like unto the scales of fishes. Whatever questions she is desired by the _bonzes_, or priests of the _Fotoqui_, to ask, _Tencheday_ resolves. Every month a fresh virgin is provided for the temple, but Mr Adams did not know what became of the former.[21]

[Footnote 21: The editor of Astley’s Collection, vol. I. p. 487, note b. very gravely informs his readers what they certainly are aware of, that the gallant must have been one of the _bonzes_, or priests.–E.]

We arrived at _Jedo_ on the 14th September. This city is much larger than _Surunga_, and much better and more sumptuously built, and made a very glorious appearance to us on our approach; all the ridge-tiles and corner-tiles of the roofs being richly gilded and varnished, as also the door-posts of the houses. They have no glass in their windows, but have large windows of board, opening in leaves, and well adorned with paintings, as in Holland. In the chief street of the town there is a great _cawsay_ all through from end to end, underneath which flows a river, or large stream of water; and at every fifty paces there is a well-head, or pit, substantially built of free-stone, having buckets with which the inhabitants draw water, both for their ordinary uses and in case of fire. This street is as broad as any of our best streets in England.

On the 15th I gave notice of my arrival to _Sadda-dona_, the secretary of the young king, or son of the emperor, requesting him to inform the king. I had access to the king on the 17th, and delivered to him the presents sent by our king, as also some from myself, as is the custom of the country. The king holds his court in the castle of Jedo, which is much stronger and more sumptuous than that of Surunga; and the king was besides better guarded and attended than his father the emperor. _Saddadona_, his secretary, is father to _Codskedona_ the emperor’s secretary, his years and experience fitting him to have the government and direction of the king or prince successor, who appeared to us to be about forty-two years of age.

My entertainment and access to the king here at Jedo was much like that formerly mentioned with the emperor his father at Surunga. He accepted very kindly the letters and presents from our king, bidding me welcome, and desiring me to rest and refresh myself, and that his letters and presents in return should be made ready with all speed. On the 19th I delivered the presents to _Saddadona_. This day, thirty-two men being committed prisoners to a certain house, for not paying their debts, and being in the stocks within the same, it took fire in the night by some casualty, and they were all burnt to death. Towards evening, the king of Jedo sent me two suits of varnished armour, as a present to our king; and sent likewise for myself a _tatch_ and a _waggadash_, the former being a long sword which is only worn in Japan by soldiers of the highest rank, and the latter being a singular weapon resembling a Welsh hook. I was informed that the distance from Jedo to the norther-most part of Japan, was estimated at twenty-two days journey on horseback.

I left Jedo on the 21st September by boat, and came to _Oringgaw_,[22] a town upon the sea-side, where is an excellent harbour, in which ships may ride with as much safety as in the river Thames, and the passage from which by sea to Jedo is very safe and good; so that it would be much better for our ships to sail to this port than to Firando, as Oringgaw is on the main island of Japan or _Niphon_, and is only fourteen or fifteen leagues from Jedo, the capital and greatest city of the empire. Its only inconvenience is, that it is not so well supplied with flesh and other victuals as Firando, but is in all other respects much preferable. From thence we proceeded on the 29th to Surunga, where we remained in waiting for the letters and presents from the emperor. On the 8th of October I received the emperor’s letter, of which a translation is subjoined, and I then also received the privileges of trade, formerly quoted, the original of which I left with Mr Cocks.[23]

[Footnote 22: No such place as Oringgaw is to be found in modern maps of Japan. Jedo is situated at the head of a deep gulf of the same name, in the south-east corner of Japan. About the distance indicated in the text, there is a town and bay named _Odavara_, on the western side of the gulf, and in the direct way back to Surunga, which may possibly be the _Oringgaw_ of the text.–E.]

[Footnote 23: The characters have by some been thought to be those of China, but I compared them with Chinese books, and they seemed to me quite different, yet not _letters_ to compound words by spelling, as ours, but _words_ expressed in their several characters, such as are used by the _Chinais_ and as the brevity manifesteth. I take them to be characters peculiar to Japan.–_Purch._

In a marginal reference in the plate given by Purchas, the lines are said to read downwards, beginning at the right hand. It may possibly be so: But they appear _letters_, or literal characters, to _compound words by spelling_, and to be read like those used in Europe, from left to right horizontally. In a future portion of our work, the subject of the Japanese language and writing will be farther elucidated; when, we believe, it will appear that they have two modes of writing, one by _verbal_ or _ideal_ characters like the Chinese, and the other by _literal_ signs like all the rest of the world.–E.]

_Letter from the Emperor of Japan to the King of Great Britain_.

Your majesty’s kind letter, sent me by your servant Captain Saris, who is the first of your subjects that I have known to arrive in any part of my dominions, I heartily embrace, being not a little glad to understand of your great wisdom and power, as having three plentiful and mighty kingdoms under your powerful command. I acknowledge your majesty’s great bounty, in sending me so undeserved a present of many rare things, such as my land affordeth not, neither have I ever before seen: Which I receive, not as from a stranger, but as from your majesty, whom I esteem as myself, desiring the continuance of friendship with your highness: And that it may consist with your good pleasure to send your subjects to any part or port of my dominions, where they shall be most heartily welcome, applauding much their worthiness in the admirable knowledge of navigation, as having with much facility discovered a country so remote, not being amazed by the distance of so mighty a gulf, nor the greatness of such infinite clouds and storms, from prosecuting the honourable enterprises of discovery and merchandising, in which they shall find me to encourage them as they desire. By your said subject, I return to your majesty a small token of my love, desiring you to accept the same as from one who much rejoices in your friendship. And, whereas your majesty’s subjects have desired certain privileges for trade and the settlement of a factory in my dominions, I have not only granted what they desired, but have confirmed the same to them under my broad seal, for the better establishment thereof. Given from my castle of _Surunga_, this fourth day of the ninth month, in the eighteenth year of our reign, according to our computation; resting your majesty’s friend, the highest commander in the kingdom of Japan.


Minna Muttono_[24]. _Yei. Ye. Yeas_.

[Footnote 24: In the copy of the privileges, Purchas gives this name _Mottono_ while the editor of Astley’s Collection has altered it to _Monttono_. In the privileges formerly inserted, the date is made in the _nineteenth_ month, perhaps an error of the press in the Pilgrims, which we have therefore corrected to _ninth_.–E.]

At my return to Surunga, I found a Spanish ambassador from the Philippine islands, who had only been once introduced to the emperor, and delivered his presents, being certain Chinese damasks, and five jars of European sweet wine, and could not obtain any farther access to the emperor. The purpose of his embassy was, to require that such Portuguese and Spaniards as were then in Japan, not authorised by the king of Spain, might be delivered up to him, that he might carry them to the Philippines. This the emperor refused, saying his country was free, and none should be forced out of it: But, if the ambassador could persuade any to go with him, they should not be detained. The cause of the ambassador making this request was on account of the great want of men to defend the Molucca islands against the Dutch, who were then making great preparations for the entire conquest of these islands. After the ambassador had waited for an answer till the time limited by his commission was expired, and receiving none, he went away much dissatisfied: And when at the sea side, an answer was returned, as mentioned above, together with a slender present of five Japanese gowns, and two _cattans_ or swords.

About a month before I came to Surunga, being displeased with the Christians, the emperor issued a proclamation commanding that they should all remove immediately, and carry their churches to Nangasaki, a maritime town about eight leagues from Firando, and that no Christian church should be permitted, neither any mass be sung, within ten leagues of his court, on pain of death. Some time after, twenty-seven natives, men of good fashion, being assembled in an hospital or Christian Leper-house, where they had mass performed, and this coming to the knowledge of the emperor, they were all commanded to be shut up in a house for a night, and to be led to execution next day. That same evening, another man was committed to the same house for debt, who at his coming was a heathen and quite ignorant of Christ or his holy religion; but, next morning, when the officer called at the door for the Christians to come forth for execution, and those who renounced it to remain behind, this man had been so instructed during the night by the others, that he came resolutely forth along with the rest, and was crucified with them.

We departed from Surunga on the 9th of October, and during our journey towards _Miaco_ we had for the most part much rain, by which the rivers were greatly swelled, and we were forced to stop by the way, so that it was the 16th of October before we got there. _Miaco_ is the largest city in Japan, depending mostly upon trade, and having the chief _Fotoqui_ or temple of the whole empire, which is all built of freestone, and is as long as the western end of St Paul’s in London from the choir; being also as high, arched in the roof and borne upon pillars as that is. Many _bonzes_ are here in attendance for their maintenance, as priests are among the papists. They have here an altar, on which the votaries offer rice and small money, called _cundrijus_, twenty of which are equal to an English shilling, which offerings are applied to the use of the bonzes. Near this altar is an idol, called _Mannada_, much resembling that of _Dabis_ formerly mentioned, and like it made of copper, but much higher, as it reaches up to the arched roof. This _Fotoqui_ was begun to be built by _Taicosama_, and has since been finished by his son, having been ended only while we were there. According to report, there were buried within its enclosure the ears and noses of 3000 Coreans, who were massacred at one time; and upon their grave a mount is raised, having a pyramid on its summit, the mount being grown over with grass, and very neatly kept. The horse that Taicosama last rode upon is kept near this _Fotoqui_, having never been ridden since, and his hoofs have grown extraordinarily long by age.

This _Fotoqui_ stands on the top of a high hill, and on either side, as you ascend the hill, there are fifty pillars of freestone, at ten paces each from the other, having a lantern on the top of each, which are all lighted up with oil every night. There are many other Fotoquis in this city. In Miaco the Portuguese jesuits have a very stately college, in which there are several native Japanese jesuits, who preach, and have the New Testament printed in the Japanese language. Many of the native children are bred up in this college, where they are instructed in the Christian religion, according to the doctrines of the Romish church; and there are not less than five or six thousand natives professing Christianity in this city. The tradesmen and artificers of all kinds in this city are all distributed by themselves, every trade and occupation having its own particular streets, and not mingled together as with us. We remained some time in Miaco, waiting for the emperor’s present, which was at length delivered, being ten _beobs_, or large pictures, for being hung up in a chamber.

The 20th of October we departed from Miaco, and came that night to _Fushimi_.[25] We arrived about noon of the next day at Osaka, where the common people behaved very rudely to us, some calling after us _Tosin! Tosin!_ that is, Chinese, while others called us _Core! Core!_ or Coreans, and flung stones at us; even the greatest people of the city animating and setting on the rabble to abuse us. We here found the galley waiting for us which had brought us from Firando, having waited for us all the time of our absence at the expence of king _Foyne_. We embarked in this galley on the 24th of October, and arrived at Firando on the 6th November, where we were kindly welcomed by old _Foyne_. During the time of my absence, our people had sold very little goods, as according to the customs of Japan no stranger can offer goods for sale without the express permission of the emperor. Besides, as our chiefest commodity intended for this country was broad cloth, which had latterly been sold there at the rate of forty Spanish dollars the _matte_, which is two yards and a quarter as formerly mentioned, and as the natives saw that we were not much in the habit of wearing it ourselves, they were more backward in buying it than they used to be. They said to us, “You commend your cloth to us, while you yourselves wear little of it; your better sort of people wearing silken garments, while the meanest are clothed in fustians, &c.” Wherefore, that good counsel, though late, may come to some good purpose, I wish that our nation would be more inclined to use this our native manufacture of our own country, by which we may better encourage and allure others to its use and expenditure.

[Footnote 25: Fusimo, a town about ten miles from Miaco, on a river that runs into the head of the bay of Osaka.–E.]

Sec.8. _Occurrences at Firando, during the Absence of Captain Saris_.[26]

The 7th August, 1613, all things being in readiness, our general Captain Saris departed from Firando in company with Mr Adams, for the court of the emperor of Japan, taking along with him Mr Tempest Peacock, Mr Richard Wickham, Edward Saris, Walter Carwarden, Diego Fernandos, John Williams a tailor, John Head a cook, Edward Bartan the surgeon’s mate, John Japan _Jurebasso_,[27] Richard Dale coxswain, and Anthony Ferry a sailor; having a cavalier or gentleman belonging to king Foyne as their protector, with two of his servants, and two native servants belonging to Mr Adams. They embarked in a barge or galley belonging to the king, which rowed twenty oars of a side, and we fired thirteen pieces of ordnance at their departure. The old king sent 100 _tayes_ of Japanese money to our general before his departure, for his expenditure on the way, which I placed to account, by our general’s order, as money lent.

[Footnote 26: This subdivision is taken from observations written by Richard Cockes, Cape merchant, or chief factor at Firando. These observations are a separate article in the Pilgrims of Purchas, vol. I. pp. 395–405, and in Astley’s Collection, vol. I. pp. 509–517; but are inserted in this place as calculated to render this first account of the English trade in Japan a complete and unbroken narrative.–E.]

[Footnote 27: John Japan seems a fabricated name; perhaps a Japanese Christian named John, and the addition of _Jurebasso_ may signify that he acted as interpreter.–E.]

Next day, I went to wait upon the two kings, as from our general, to thank them for having so well provided for his journey, which they took in good part. I suspect the old king had notice that some of our men had behaved ill last night; as he desired me to remind the master to look well to the people on board, and that I should look carefully to the behaviour of those on shore, that all things might go on as well in the absence of the general as when he was present, otherwise the shame would be ours, but the dishonour his. On the 9th, a Japanese boy named Juan, who spoke good Spanish, came and offered to serve me for nine or ten years, and even to go with me to England if I pleased, asking no wages but what I was pleased to give. I took him into my service, and that the rather, because I found Miguel, the _jurebasso_ left with me by Mr Adams, was somewhat stubborn, and loved to run about at his pleasure, leaving me often without any person who could speak a word of the Japanese language. This Juan is a Christian, most of his kindred dwelling at Nangasaki, only one living here at Firando, who came along with him and passed his word for his honesty and fidelity. Juan had served a Spaniard at Manilla for three years, where he had acquired the Spanish language. I engaged him, and bought for him two Japanese garments, which cost me fourteen _mas_.

The 13th I shewed our commodities to some merchants of _Maioco_, [Miaco] but they bought nothing, and seemed chiefly to desire to have gunpowder. This day _Semidono_ went to visit our ship, accompanied by several stranger gentlemen, and came afterwards to see our English house, where I gave them the best entertainment in my power. The 19th at night began the great feast of the pagans, when they banquet and make merry all night by candle-light at the graves of their deceased kindred, whom they invite to partake.[28] It lasts three nights and the intermediate days; when, by command of the king, every house must new gravel the street before its door, and hang out candles all night. I was not slack in obeying this order, and I was informed that a poor man was put to death and his house shut up, for neglecting to comply with the order. On this occasion, the China captain furnished me with two very decent paper lanthorns. Being informed that the kings intended to ride about the streets, and to make me a visit, I provided a banquet for them, and waited till after midnight, but they came not. The 20th, 21st, and 22d, I sent presents to both the kings, being informed that such was the custom of the country, sending them wine and confections; as likewise to _Nobesane_ the young king’s brother; to _Semidono_, the old king’s governor, and to _Unagense_, which were all very thankfully accepted. Some _cavalliers_, or Japanese gentlemen, came to visit me during the festival, to whom I gave the best entertainment I could procure.

[Footnote 28: This pagan feast is a kind of Candlemas or Allsouls.–_Purchas_.]

The 23d we made an end of landing our gunpowder, being in all ninety-nine barrels, of which I advised our general by letter, requesting him to reserve a sufficiency for the ship, in case he sold it to the emperor. We landed several other things, which the master thought had best be sent ashore, as our men began to filch and steal, that they might go to taverns and brothels. This day Mr Melsham the purser and I dined with Semidono, who used us kindly. The master and Mr Eaton were likewise invited, but did not go. The great festival ended this day, when three troops of dancers went about the town, with flags or banners, their music being drums and _pans_,[29] to the sound of which they danced at the doors of all the great men, as also at their pagodas and at the sepulchres.

[Footnote 29: Probably _gongs_, which very much resemble a brass frying-pan.–E.]

The 24th at night, all the streets were hung with candles, as the young king and his brother, with _Semidono, Nabesone_, and many others, went in masquerade to dance at the house of the old king. The young king and his brother were on horseback, having canopies carried over them, all the rest being a-foot, and they were accompanied by drums and _kettles_, as the before-mentioned dancers, _Nabesone_ playing on a fife. I was informed they meant to visit our house on their return, wherefore I provided a banquet and sat up for them till after midnight; but they returned in disorder, I think owing to some discontent, and none of them entered our house. Captain _Brower_ likewise passed our door, but would not look at us, and we made as little account of him. The 27th we landed three pieces of ordnance, having three landed formerly, all whole _culverins_ of iron. The old king came down to the shore while our men were about this job, and seeing only twenty men, offered seventy or a 100 Japanese to help them; but our people landed them all very quickly in his sight, at which he expressed much astonishment, saying that an hundred of his men could not have done it so soon. He was so much pleased with the activity of our men on this occasion, that he sent for a barrel of wine and some fish, which he gave among them as a reward for their labouring so lustily.

The 28th, I received two letters from our general, dated the 19th and 20th of the month, as also two others from Mr Peacock and Mr Wickham, which were brought me by the governor of _Shimonoseke_.[30] This governor did not land at Firando, but delivered these letters on board our ship to the master, proceeding directly for Nangasaki, and promising to return hither shortly. I also carried a letter for the old king _Foyne_, which was brought by the same governor, being accompanied on the occasion by Mr Melsham and _Hernando_. Foyne at this visit made a present of a _cattan_ or Japanese sword to Mr Melsham, and another with a Spanish dagger to Hernando, giving likewise both to them and me several bunches of garlic. He also gave us leave to dry our gunpowder on the top of the fortress, offering some of his own people to help ours, if we had need of them. This day I brought on shore to our house twenty-two bars of lead, together with 125 culverin shot, round and langridge. When we were about to sit down to supper, the old king came to visit us, and being very merry he sat down to supper with us, and took such fare as we had in good part.

[Footnote 30: Simonosequi is a town on the north side of the straits between the island of Kiusiua and the north-western end of Niphon.–E.]

The 1st September, the old king and all his nobles made a masquerade, and went next night to visit the young king his grandson, accompanied by music, as formerly mentioned, all the streets being hung with lanterns. As I was told he meant to visit our house on his return, I made ready for him and waited till after midnight; but he passed by with all his company without coming in. I reckoned he had more than 3000 persons in his train, for which, as I think, he passed by, not wishing to trouble us with so great a multitude. On the 2d _Semidono_ and others who were appointed by the king, measured all the houses in the street, ours among the rest; which I understood was for the purpose of a general taxation, to be levied by appointment of the emperor, for the construction of fortresses. I entertained them to their satisfaction. The 4th we had news that the queen of Spain was dead, and that the king was a suitor for the princess Elizabeth of England. The 6th, a nobleman came to visit our English house, and brought me a present of two great bottles of wine and a basket of pears. I entertained him as well as I could, and he went away contented.

We had much rain in the morning of the 7th September, accompanied by wind, which increased in force all day, varying between the east and south. In the night between the 7th and 8th, the wind rose to a _tuffoon_ or storm of such extreme violence as I had never witnessed, neither had the like been experienced in this country during the memory of man. It overturned above an hundred houses in Firando, and unroofed many others, among which was the house of old king Foyne. An extensive wall surrounding the house of the young king was blown down, and the boughs and branches of trees were broken off and tossed about with wonderful violence. The sea raged with such fury, that it undermined a great wharf or quay at the Dutch factory, broke down the stone wall, carried away the landing stairs, sunk and broke to pieces two barks belonging to the Dutch, and forty or fifty other barks, then in the roads, were broken and sunk. At our house, the newly built wall of our kitchen was broken down by the sea, which likewise flowed into and threw down our oven. The tiles likewise were blown off from the roofs of our house and kitchen, both of which were partly unroofed. Our house rocked as if shaken by an earthquake, and we spent the night in extreme fear, either of being buried under the ruins of our factory, or of perishing along with it by fire; for all night long, the barbarous unruly common people ran up and down the streets with lighted firebrands, while the wind carried large pieces of burning wood quite over the tops of the houses, as it whirled up the burning timbers of the several houses previously thrown down, hurling fire through the air in great flakes, very fearful to behold, and threatening an entire conflagration of the town; and I verily believe, if it had not been for the extreme quantity of rain, contrary to the usual nature of tuffoons, that the whole town had been consumed. This terrible wind and prodigious rain were accompanied the whole night by incessant flashes of lightning and tremendous peals of thunder. Our ship rode out the gale in the roads, having out five cables and anchors, of which one old cable gave way, but, thanks be to God, no other injury was sustained, except that our long boat and skiff both broke adrift, but were both afterwards recovered. We afterwards learnt that this tuffoon did more damage at Nangasaki than here at Firando; for it destroyed above twenty Chinese junks, together with the Spanish ship which brought the ambassador from Manilla.

On the 12th, two merchants from Miaco came to our English house, to whom I shewed all our commodities. They laid aside two pieces of broad cloth, one black and the other _stammel_, the best they could find, for which they offered seven _tayes_ the yard. They also offered for out _Priaman_ gold eleven tayes of silver for one of gold. But they went away without concluding any bargain. This day, one of our men named Francis Williams, being drunk ashore, struck one of the servants of king Foyne with a cudgel, although the man had given him no offence, and had not even spoken to him. The Japanese came to our house making great complaints, and was very angry, not without cause, and told me he would complain to his king of the bad usage he had received. He had three or four others along with him, who had seen him abused, and who said the aggressor was just gone off to the ship. I gave them fair words, desiring them to go on board and find out the man who had committed the offence, and they should be sure of having him punished, and for that purpose I sent Miguel, our _jurebasso_, on board along with them. He did so, and pointed out Williams as the culprit, who stoutly denied the accusation with many oaths, but the affair was too notorious, and the master ordered him to be seized to the capstan in presence of the complainants, upon which even they entreated for his pardon, knowing that he was drunk. But the fellow was so unruly, that he took up an iron crow to strike the Japanese in the master’s presence, and even abused the master in the grossest terms.[31]

[Footnote 31: Of many misdemeanours, I permit some to pass the press, that the cause of so many deaths in the Indies might be seen, rather to be imputed to their own misconduct, than the intemperature of the climate, and for a caveat to others, who may send or be sent into _ethnicke_ regions: Yet do I conceal the most and worst.–_Purch._]

Learning, on the 13th, that old king Foyne was sick, I sent our jurebasso Miguel to visit him, carrying as a present a great bottle of our general’s sweet wine, and two boxes of conserves, comfits, and sugar-bread. Miguel was likewise directed to offer my best service, and to say that I was sorry for his sickness, and would have waited on him myself, but that I supposed company was not agreeable to a sick man. Foyne accepted my present in very good part, returning many thanks, and desiring me to ask for any thing we were in need of, either for the use of the ship or our factory, which he would take care we should be provided with.

The master came to the factory on the 14th early in the morning, telling me that most of the ship’s company had lain ashore all night without leave, although the ship was aground, and there had been a heavy wind all night. He wished therefore, that I would allow our jurebasso, Miguel, to accompany him in seeking them out. He went accordingly accompanied by Miguel and Mr Melsham our purser, and found several of the men drinking and domineering, among whom he bestowed a few blows, ordering them aboard. Two of the men, named Lambert and Colphax, though ordered aboard, remained ashore all day, notwithstanding the great need of hands in the ship, where it had been necessary to hire several Japanese to assist. Lambert and Colphax being drunk, went out into the fields and fought, on which occasion Lambert was hurt in the arm, and remained drunk ashore all night; as did Boles and Christopher Evans, who had done so for two or three nights before, and had a violent quarrel about a girl.

On the 17th, being informed that _Bastian_, the keeper of the brothel frequented by our men, had threatened to kill me and such as came along with me, if I came any more to his house to seek for our men, I went and complained to the young king, the old one being sick. At my request, he issued a proclamation, that no Japanese should admit our people into their houses after day-light, under severe penalties; and that it should be lawful for me, or any other in my company, to enter any of the native houses in search of our men, not only without molestation or hinderance, but that the native inhabitants should aid and assist me; and if the doors were not opened at my desire, I was authorised to break them open. A soldier was sent to inform _Bastian_ to be careful not to molest or disturb me, as he might expect to be the first that should pay for it. This gave much offence to our people, insomuch that some of them swore they would have drink in the fields if they were not suffered to have it in the town, for drink they would.

The 26th, _Novasco-dono_ came to visit me at the factory, bringing me a present of two bottles of wine, seven loaves of fresh bread, and a dish of flying-fish. While he was with me, the old king came past our door, where he stopt, saying he had met two men in the street whom he thought strangers, and not belonging to us; he therefore desired that Swinton and our jurebasso might go with one of his attendants to see who they were. They turned out to be John Lambert and Jacob Charke, who were drinking water at a door in the street through which the king had gone. I was glad the king looked so narrowly after them, as it caused our men to be more careful of their proceedings.

Mr William Pauling, our master’s mate, who had been long ill of a consumption, died at the English house upon the 27th of September, of which circumstance I apprised the king, requesting permission to bury him among the Christians, which was granted. We accordingly put the body in a winding-sheet, and coffined it up, waiting to carry it to the grave next morning. Our master, and several others of the ship’s company, came ashore in the morning to attend the funeral, when we were given to understand that the body must be transported by water as far as the Dutch house, because the _bonzes_, or priests, would not suffer us to pass with the corpse through the street before their pagoda, or idol temple. Accordingly the master sent for the skiff, in which the coffin was transported by water to the place appointed, while we went there by land, and carried it thence to the burial-place; the purser walking before, and all the rest following after the coffin, which was covered by a Holland sheet, above which was a silk quilt. We were attended by a vast number of the natives, both young and old, curious to see our manner of burial. After the corpse was interred, we all returned to the factory, where we had a collation, and then our people returned to the ship. I had almost forgotten to remark, that we had much ado to get any native to dig the grave in which a Christian was to be buried, neither would they permit the body to be conveyed by water in any of their boats.

At this time the king commanded that all the streets in Firando should be cleaned, and that gutters should be made on each side to convey the water from them, all the streets to be new gravelled, and the water-channels to be covered with flat stones. This work was all done in one day, every one performing so much of it as was in front of his own house, and it was admirable to see the diligence every person used on this occasion. Our house was not the last in having this task performed, as our landlord, the Chinese captain, set a sufficient number of men to do the work.

The 30th, some other merchants of Miaco came to look at our commodities, who offered twelve tayes the fathom for our best _stammel_, or red cloth; but they went away without making any bargain. At this time we had very heavy winds, both by day and night, so that we were in fear of another tuffoon, on which account all the fishers hauled their boats ashore, and every one endeavoured to secure the roofings of their houses. A week before this, a _bose_, bonze or conjurer, had predicted to the king that this tempest was to come. About this time our surgeon, being in his cups, came into a house where a _bose_ was conjuring for a woman who wanted to know if her husband or friends would return from sea. So when the _bose_ was done, the surgeon gave him three-pence to conjure again, and to tell him when our general would return to Firando. In the end, the _bose_ told him that the general would return within eighteen days, pretending that he heard a voice answer from behind a wall, both when he conjured for the woman, and now when he conjured for the surgeon.

On the 2d of October, the master sent me word that some of the men had run away with the skiff. These were John Bowles, John Saris, John Tottie, Christopher Evans, Clement Locke, Jasper Malconty, and James the Dutchman. While in the way to the king to get boats to send after them, our Dutch _jurebasso_ came running after me, and told me our people were on the other side making merry at a tippling-house. On this information I returned to the English house to get a boat for the master to go and look them out, but they proved to be three others, William Marinell, Simeon Colphax, and John Dench, who had hired a boat and gone to another island, not being allowed to walk by night in Firando. By this mistake our deserters had the more time to get away. This night, about eleven, the old king’s house, on the other side of the water, took fire, and was burnt to the ground in about an hour. I never saw a more vehement fire for the time it lasted, and it is thought his loss is very great. The old king is said to have set it on fire himself, by going about in the night with lighted canes, some sparks from which had fallen among the mats and set them on fire.

I went next day to visit the old king, giving him to understand, by means of his governor, that I was extremely sorry for the misfortune that had befallen him, and would have come in person to give all the assistance in my power, but was doubtful if my presence would have been acceptable, being a stranger; and begged leave to assure him, that he should find me ready at all times, even with the hazard of my life, to do him every service in my power. He gave me many thanks for my good will, saying, that the loss he had sustained was as nothing in his estimation. On my return to our house, I was met by the young king going to visit his grandfather. Before noon, we had word that our runaways were upon a desert island about two leagues from Firando, of which I gave notice to both kings, requesting their aid and council how we might best bring them back. They answered, that they would fetch them back dead or alive, yet would be loth to kill them, lest we might want hands to navigate the ship back to England. I returned many thanks for the care they had of us, yet sent them word we still had a sufficiency of honest men to carry our ship to England, even although we should lose these knaves. In fine, the king fitted out two boats full of soldiers to go after them, with positive orders to bring them back dead or alive, which I made known to our master, who wished much to go along with them, and did so accordingly.

9. _Continuation of Occurrences at Firando, during the Absence of the General_.

On the 4th of October, a report was current in Firando that the _Devil_ had revealed to the _bose_, [bonzes] or conjurers, that the town was to be burned to ashes that night, on which criers went about the streets the whole night, making so much noise that I could hardly get any rest, giving warning to all the inhabitants to extinguish their fires. But the devil turned out a liar, for no such thing happened. The 5th, old king _Foyne-same_ came to our house, and was entertained to the best of our ability, when he told me our runaway seamen could not escape being taken, as he had sent two other armed boats after them, besides the two formerly mentioned. While I was talking with him, there came a gentleman from the emperor’s court with a letter, and told me that our general would be back to Firando in eight or ten days, as he had received his dispatches from the emperor before this gentleman left the court. At this time king Foyne told me that _Bon-diu_, the king or governor of Nangasaki, who is brother to the empress, was to be at Firando next day, and that it would be proper for our ship to fire off three or four pieces of cannon as he passed. He told me likewise, that the king or governor of a town called _Seam_, was then in Firando.

The master of our ship, Mr James Foster, returned from Nangasaki on the 7th, bringing our skiff with him, but all the deserters had got sanctuary in that town, so that he had not been able to see or speak with any of them. I was informed that Miguel, our jurebasso, whom I had sent along with the master as linguist, had dealt fraudulently both with the master and me, for several Japanese told me that he had spoken to our people and advised them to absent themselves. Knowing this, and being doubtful of ever recovering our people unless _Bondiu_ were extraordinarily dealt with, I resolved to give that personage a present to secure him in our interest. In the afternoon, as he was passing on foot along the street in which was our house, along with the young king who gave him the post of honour, attended by about five hundred followers, I went out into the street and saluted them. Bon-diu stopped

You may also like: