with prosperous weather till the 2d of October, when we arrived at Hochelega, which is 45 leagues above the head of the lake of Augoulesme, where we left the pinnace. At this place, and indeed all the way up, we met with many of the natives, who brought us fish and other provisions, always dancing and singing on our arrival. To gratify them and keep them our friends, the captain always rewarded them on these occasions with knives, beads, and such trifles to their full satisfaction. On approaching Hochelega above 1000 natives, men, women and children came to meet us, giving us as friendly and hearty welcome as if we had been of their own nation come home after a long and perilous absence, all the men dancing in one place, the women in another, and the children in a third; after which they brought us great abundance of fish and of their bread made of maize, both of which they threw into our boats in profusion. Observing their gentle and friendly dispositions, our captain went on shore well accompanied, on which the natives came clustering about us in the most affectionate manner, bringing their young children in their arms, eager to have them touched and noticed by the captain and others, and shewing every sign of mirth and gladness at our arrival. This scene lasted above half an hour, when the captain got all the women to draw up in regular order, to whom he distributed many beads and baubles of tin, and gave some knives among the men. He then returned to the boats to supper and passed the night on board, all the people remaining on the shore as near as possible to the boats, dancing merrily and shouting out _aguiaze_, which in their language is an expression of joy and satisfaction.
Very early next morning, 3d October, having dressed himself splendidly, our captain went on shore to see the town in which these people dwelt, taking with him five of the principal officers and twenty men, all well armed, leaving the remainder of the people to take care of the boats. The city of Hochelega is six miles from the river side, and the road thither is as well beaten and frequented as can be, leading through as fine a country as can be seen, full of as fine oaks as any in France, the whole ground below being strewed over with fine acorns. When we had gone four or five miles we were met by one of the chief lords of the city accompanied by a great many natives, who made us understand by signs that we must stop at a place where they had made a large fire, which we did accordingly. When we had rested there some time, the chief made a long discourse in token of welcome and friendship, shewing a joyful countenance and every mark of good will. On this our captain presented him with two hatchets and two knives, and hung a cross from his neck, which he made him kiss, with all which the chief seemed much pleased. After this we resumed our march, and about a mile and a half farther we found fine large fields covered with the corn of the country, resembling the millet of Brasil, rather larger than small pease. In the midst of these cultivated fields the city of Hochelega is situated, near and almost joined to a great mountain, which is very fertile and cultivated all round, to which we gave the name of _Mount Royal_[49].
[Footnote 49: Montreal, whence the island and city of the same name.–E.]
The city of Hochelega is circular, and encompassed all round with three rows of ramparts made of timber, one within the other, “framed like a sharp spire but laid across above, the middlemost is made and built as a direct line but perpendicular, the ramparts are framed and fashioned with pieces of timber laid along the ground, well and cunningly joined together[50].” This inclosure is about two roods high, and has but one gate of entrance, which is shut when necessary with piles, stakes, and bars. Over the gate, and in many other parts of the wall, there are scaffolds having ladders up to them, and on these scaffolds there are large heaps of stones, ready for defending the place against an enemy. The town consisted of about fifty large houses, each of them about fifty paces long and twelve broad, all built of wood and covered with broad strips of bark, like boards, nicely joined. These houses are divided within into many rooms, and in the middle of each there is a court or hall, in which they make their fire. Thus they live in communities, each separate family having a chamber to which the husband, wife, and children retire to sleep. On the tops of their houses they have garrets or granaries, in which they store up the maize of which their bread is made, which they call _caracouny_, and which is made in this manner. They have blocks of wood hollowed out, like those on which we beat hemp, and in these they beat their corn to powder with wooden beetles. The meal is kneaded into cakes, which they lay on a broad hot stone, covering it up with other heated stones, which thus serve instead of ovens. Besides these cakes, they make several kinds of pottage from their maize, and also of beans and pease, both of which they have in abundance. They have also a variety of fruits, such as musk-melons and very large cucumbers. They have likewise large vessels in all their houses, as big as butts or large hogsheads, in which they store up their fish for winter provision, having dried them in the sun during summer for that purpose, and of these they lay up large stores for their provision during winter. All their victuals, however, are without the smallest taste of salt. They sleep on beds made of the bark of trees spread on the ground, and covered over with the skins of wild beasts; with which likewise their garments are made.
[Footnote 50: This description of the manner in which the ramparts of Hochelega were constructed, taken literally from Hakluyt, is by no means obvious or intelligible. Besides it seems rather ridiculous to dignify the village of a horde of savages with the name of city.–E.]
That which they hold in highest estimation among all their possessions, is a substance which they call _esurgny_ or _cornibotz_, which is as white as snow, and which is procured in the following manner. When any one is adjudged to death for a crime, or when they have taken any of their enemies during war, having first slain the person, they make many deep gashes on the buttocks, flanks, thighs, and shoulders of the dead body, which is then sunk to the bottom of the river, in a certain place where the _esurgny_ abounds. After remaining 10 or 12 hours, the body is drawn up, and the _esurgny_ or _cornibotz_ is found in the gashes. Of this they make beads, which they wear about their necks as we do chains of gold and silver, accounting it their most precious riches. These ornaments, as we have proved by experience, have the power to staunch bleeding at the nose[51]. This nation devotes itself entirely to husbandry and fishing for subsistence, having no care for any other wealth or commodity, of which they have indeed no knowledge, as they never travel from their own country, as is done by the natives of Canada and Saguenay; yet the Canadians and the inhabitants of eight or ten other villages on the river, are subject to the people of Hochelega.
[Footnote 51: It is impossible to give any explanation of this ridiculous account of the _esurgny_, any farther than that the Frenchmen were either imposed upon by the natives, or misunderstood them from not knowing their language. In a subsequent part of the voyages of Cartier, this substance is called _Esnoguy_.–E.]
When we came near the town, a vast number of the inhabitants came out to meet us, and received us in the most cordial manner, while the guides led us to the middle of the town, in which there is a large open square, a good stones throw from side to side, in which they desired us by signs to remain. Then all the women and girls of the place gathered together in the square, many of whom carried young children in their arms; as many of them as could get forwards came up and rubbed our faces, arms, and bodies, giving every token of joy and gladness for having seen us, and requiring us by signs to touch their children. After this, the men caused the women to withdraw, and all sat down on the ground round about us, as if they meant to represent some comedy or shew. The women came back, each of them carrying a square matt like a carpet, which they spread out on the ground and caused us to sit down on them. When this was done, _Agouhanna_, the king or lord of the town, was brought into the square on the shoulders of nine or ten men. He sat upon a large deer skin, and was set down on one of the matts near our captain, all the people signifying to us by signs that this was their king. Agouhanna was apparently about fifty years old, and no way better clothed than any of the rest, except that he had a kind of red wreath round his head instead of a crown, which was made of the skins of hedgehogs. He was full of palsy, and all his limbs were shrunk and withered. After he had saluted our captain and all the company, welcoming us all to his town by signs and gestures, he shewed his shrunk legs and arms to the captain, desiring him to touch them, which he did accordingly, rubbing them with his hands. Then Agouhanna took the crown or fillet from his own head, and gave it to our captain; after which several diseased men were brought before the captain, some blind and others cripple, lame or impotent of their limbs, that he might touch them, as they seemed to think that God had come down from heaven to heal them. Some of these men were so old that the hair of their eyebrows grew down over their cheeks. Seeing the misery and devotion of these ignorant people, our captain recited the commencement of the gospel of St John, “_In the beginning was the word_,” &c. touching all the diseased persons, and prayed to God that he would open the hearts of these deluded people, making them to know his holy word, and to receive baptism and the Christian faith. He then opened a service-book, and read over the passion of Christ with an audible voice; during which all the natives kept a profound silence, looking up to heaven and imitating all our gestures. He then caused all the men to stand orderly on one side, the women on the other, and the young people on a third, giving hatchets to the chiefs, knives to the others, beads and other trifles to the women, and rings, counters, and broaches of tin to the children. He then caused our trumpets and other musical instruments to be sounded, which made the natives very merry. We then took leave of them to return to our boats, on which the women placed themselves in our way, offering us of their provisions which they had made ready for us, such as fish, pottage, beans, and other things; but, as all their victuals were dressed without salt, we did not like them, and gave them to understand by signs that we were not hungry.
When we left the town, many of the men and women followed us, and conducted us to the top of Mount Royal, which is about a league from the town, and whence we had a commanding view of the country for thirty leagues round. To the north we saw many hills stretching east and west, and a similar range to the south, between which the whole country was exceedingly pleasant, being level and fit for husbandry. In the midst of these pleasant plains, we could see the river a great way farther up than where we had left our boats; and at about fifteen leagues from us, as far as we could judge, it came through the fair round mountains to the south in a great rapid fall, the largest, widest, and swiftest that ever was seen. The natives informed us that there were three such falls besides; but as we did not understand their language, we could not learn the distance between these. They likewise informed us by signs, that after passing above these three falls, a man might sail three months continually up the river, and that along the hills to the north, there is another great river coming from the west, which we believed to be that which runs through the country of Saguenay. One of the natives, without any sign or question made to him, took hold of the silver chain of our captains whistle, and the dagger haft of one of the mariners, which was of gilt brass, giving us to understand that such metals came from that river, where there were evil people named _Agouionda_, armed even to their finger ends, shewing us the way in which their armour was made, being wrought of cords and wood very ingeniously. They gave us also to understand that these _Agouionda_ were continually at war among themselves, but we could not learn how far their country lay, for want of understanding their language. Our captain shewed them some copper, which they call _caignetadize_, and asked them by signs if any came from thence. They answered _no_, shaking their heads, but intimated that it came from Saguenay, which is in quite a different direction. We now proceeded towards our boats, accompanied by great numbers of the people, some of whom, when they noticed any of our men weary, took them up on their shoulders and carried them along. As soon as we got to the boats, we set sail to return to our pinnace, being afraid lest any accident might have happened in our absence. Our departure seemed to grieve these friendly natives, who followed us along the shore as far as they were able. We went so fast down the river, that we came to our pinnace on Monday the 4th October; and set off next day with the pinnace and boats to return to the port of the Holy Cross in the province of Canada, where our ships lay. On the 7th of the month we came to a river running from the north, having four small islands at its mouth, overgrown with fine large trees, which we named the Fouetz River. Entering this river, we found one of the islands stretched a great way up. Our captain caused a large cross to be set up at the point of this river, and went up the river with the tide as far as possible; but finding it very shallow and of no importance, we soon returned and resumed our voyage down the Great River.
On Monday the 11th October, we came to the port of the Holy Cross, where we found that the masters and mariners who were left there had constructed a stockade before the ships, of large timber set upright and well fastened together, having likewise planted several cannon, and made all other needful preparations for defence against the natives, in case of any attack. As soon as Donnacona heard of our return, he came to visit us, accompanied by Taignoagny and Domagaia and many others, pretending to be very glad of our arrival, and making many compliments to our captain, who entertained them in a friendly manner, although they had not so deserved by their former conduct. Donnacona invited our captain to come and see Canada, which he promised to do next day, being the 13th of the month. He accordingly went, accompanied by all the gentlemen and fifty mariners well armed. Their place of abode, named Stadacona, was about a league from the ships; and when we were arrived within a stones throw of the place, many of the inhabitants came to meet us, drawing up in two ranks, the men on one side and the women on the other, all dancing and singing. After mutual salutation, the captain distributed knives and other trifles among them, giving a tin ring to each of the women and children, with which they were much pleased. After this, Donnacona and Taignoagny conducted the captain to see the houses, which were very well provided with victuals for winter use. Among other things, they shewed us the _scalps_ of five men spread on boards as we do parchment, which Donnacona told us were taken from a people called _Toudamani_, dwelling to the south, who are continually engaged in war against his nation. They told us that, about two years ago, as they were going to war in _Hognedo_, having 200 persons, men, women, and children, and were all asleep in a fort which they had made in an island over against the mouth of the Saguenay River, they were assaulted during the night by the _Toudamans_, who set their fort on fire, and as they endeavoured to come out, their enemies slew the whole party, five only making their escape. They were greatly grieved at this loss, but signified by signs that they hoped to be amply revenged at some future opportunity.
This nation has no knowledge of the true God, but believe in one whom they call _Cudruaigni_, who they say often informs them of future events, and who throws dust into their eyes when angry with them[52]. They believe that they go to the stars after death, and thence descend gradually towards the earth, as the stars do to the horizon; after which they inhabit certain pleasant fields, abounding in precious trees, sweet flowers, and fine fruits. We endeavoured to convince them, of their erroneous belief, telling them that Cudruaigni was only a devil or evil spirit, who deceived them; and affirmed that there is only one God of heaven, the creator of all, from whom we have all good things, and that it is necessary to be baptised, otherwise they would all be damned. They readily acquiesced in these and other things concerning our faith, calling their Cudruaigni _agouiada_, or the evil one, and requested our captain that they might be baptised; and Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and all the people of the town came to us hoping to receive baptism. But as we could not thoroughly understand their meaning, and there was no one with us who was able to teach them the doctrines of our holy religion, we desired Taignoagny and Domagaia to tell them that we should return to them at another time, bringing priests and the chrysm along with us, without which they could not be baptised. All of this was thoroughly understood by our two savages, as they had seen many children baptised when in Brittany, and the people were satisfied with these reasons, expressing their great satisfaction at our promise.
[Footnote 52: This seems a figurative expression, implying that he keeps them in ignorance of what is to happen when displeased.–E.]
These savages live together in common, as has been already mentioned respecting the inhabitants of Hochelega, and are tolerably well provided with those things which their country produces. They are clothed in the skins of wild beasts, but in a very imperfect and wretched manner. In winter they wear hose and shoes made of wild beasts skins, but go barefooted in summer. They observe the rules of matrimony, only that every man has two or three wives, who never marry again if their husbands happen to die, wearing all their lives after a kind of mourning dress, and smearing their faces with charcoal dust and grease, as thick as the back of a knife, by which they are known to be widows. They have a detestable custom with regard to their young women, who are all placed together in one house as soon as they are marriageable, where they remain as harlots for all who please to visit them, till such time as they may find a match. I assert this from experience, having seen many houses occupied in this manner, just as those houses in France where young persons are boarded for their education; and the conduct of the inhabitants of these houses is indecent and scandalous in the extreme. The men are not much given to labour, digging the ground in a superficial manner with a wooden implement, by which they cultivate their corn resembling that which grows in Brazil, and which they call _effici_. They have also plenty of melons, pompions, gourds, cucumbers, and pease and beans of various colours, all different from ours. They have likewise a certain kind of herb of which they lay up a store every summer, having first dried it in the sun. This is only used by the men, who always carry some of this dried herb in a small skin bag hanging from their necks, in which they also carry a hollow piece of stone or wood like a pipe. When they use this herb, they bruise it to powder, which they put into one end of the before-mentioned pipe, and lay a small piece of live coal upon it, after which they suck so long at the other end that they fill their bodies full of smoke, till it comes out of their mouth and nostrils, as if from the chimney of a fire-place. They allege that this practice keeps them warm and is conducive to health, and they constantly carry some of this herb about with them for this purpose. We have tried to use this smoke, but on putting it to our mouths it seemed as hot as pepper. The women among these savages labour much more than the men, in tilling the ground, fishing, and other matters; and all of them, men, women, and children, are able to resist the extremity of cold better even than the wild beasts; for we have seen them in the extremest cold, which is most amazingly severe, come stark naked to our ships over the ice and snow, which must appear incredible to those who have not witnessed such hardiness. During winter, when the whole country is covered with ice and snow, they take great numbers of wild beasts; such as stags, fauns, bears, martins, hares, foxes, and many other kinds, the flesh of which they eat almost raw, being only dried in the sun or in smoke, as they do their fish. So far as we were acquainted with these people, it were an easy matter to civilize them and to teach them any thing whatever: May God of his great mercy give a blessing to this, in his good time. Amen!
SECTION III.
_Wintering of Jacques Cartier in Canada in 1536, and return to France in 1537_.
The great river of Canada or Hochelega, begins at the sea or gulf of St Lawrence below the Island of Assumption, or Anticosti. Over against the high mountains of Hognedo and the Seven Islands, the breadth of this river is from 35 to 40 leagues, being 200 fathoms deep in the mid channel. The surest way to sail up this river is on the south side[53]. On the north side, at about seven leagues distance from the Seven Islands, there are two considerable rivers which come from the hills of Saguenay, and occasion several very dangerous shoals. At the entrance of these rivers we saw vast numbers of whales and sea-horses; and near these islands a small river runs in through marshy grounds, which is frequented by immense numbers of water-fowl. From these Seven Islands to Hochelega or Montreal, the distance is about 300 leagues[54]. The original beginning of this great river may be considered as at the mouth of the Saguenay river, which comes from high and steep hills, from whence upwards is the province of Canada on the north side. That river is high, deep, and straight, wherefore it is dangerous for any vessel to navigate it. Beyond that river upwards is the province of Canada, in which are abundance of people who inhabit villages or open towns. In this river there are many islands great and small, among which is one ten leagues long[55], full of large tall trees and many vines. This island maybe passed on both sides, but the safest way is on its south side. To the westwards, on the shore or bank of the river there is an excellent and pleasant bay or creek, in which ships may safely ride. Near this, one part of the river for about the third part of a league is very narrow and deep with a swift current, opposite to which is a goodly piece of high land on which a town stands. The country around is of excellent soil and well cultivated. This place is called Stadacona, and is the abode of Donnacona and of the two men we took in our first voyage, Domagaia and Taignoagny. Before coming up to it there are four other towns, named Ayraste, Starnatay, Tailla on a hill, and Scitadin. And near Stadacona to the north is the harbour of St Croix, in which we wintered from the 15th September 1535 to the 16th May 1536, during all which time our ships remained dry. Beyond Stadacona, going up the river, is the habitation of the people called Teguenondahi, on a high mountain, and the valley or champain country of Hochelay, all of which for a great extent on both sides of the river is as fine a plain as ever was seen. There are mountains to be seen at a distance from the great river, whence several rivers descend to join the Hochelay. All the country is over-grown with many different kinds of trees and many vines, except around the towns, where the inhabitants have grubbed up the trees to admit of cultivating the ground, and for the purpose of building their houses. This country abounds in stags, deer, bears, rabbits, hares, martins, foxes, otters, beavers, weasels, badgers, and rats of vast size, besides many other kinds of wild beasts, in the skins of which the inhabitants clothe themselves, having no other materials. It abounds also in a variety of birds, as cranes, swans, bustards, geese both white and grey, ducks, thrushes, black-birds, turtles, wild-pigeons, linnets, finches, redbreasts, stares, nightingales, and many others. No part of the world was ever seen producing greater numbers and varieties of fish, both these belonging to the sea and to fresh water, according to their seasons. Among these many whales, porpoises, sea-horses, and a kind named Adhothuis which we had never seen or heard of before. These are as large as porpoises, as white as snow, having bodies and heads resembling grey-hounds, and are accustomed to reside between the fresh and salt water about the mouth of the Saguenay river.
[Footnote 53: Modern navigators prefer the north side, all the way from the Seven Islands to the Isle of Orleans, where they take the southern channel to Point Levi, at which place they enter the bason of Quebec.–E.]
[Footnote 54: The distance does not exceed 135 marine leagues.–E.]
[Footnote 55: The Isle of Orleans, the only one which can be here alluded to, is only 6 1/2 marine leagues in length; Cartier seems to use the small French league of about 12 furlongs, and even not to have been very accurate in its application.–E.]
After our return from Hochelega or the Isle of Montreal, we dwelt and trafficked in great cordiality with the natives near our ships, except that we sometimes had strife with certain ill-disposed people, much to the displeasure of the rest. From Donnacona and others, we learnt that the river of Saguenay is capable of being navigated by small boats for a distance of eight or nine days journey; but that the most convenient and best way to the country of Saguenay is to ascend the great river in the first place to Hochelega, and thence by another river which comes from Saguenay, to which it is a navigation of a month[56]. The natives likewise gave us to understand that the people in that country of Saguenay were very honest, were clothed in a similar manner to us Frenchmen, had many populous towns, and had great store of gold and red copper. They added, that beyond the river of Hochelega and Saguenay, there is an island environed by that and other rivers, beyond which and Saguenay the river leads into three or four great lakes, and a great inland sea of fresh water, the end whereof had never been found, as they had heard from the natives of Saguenay, having never been there themselves. They told us likewise that, at the place where we left our pinnace when we went to Hochelega or Montreal, there is a river which flows from the south-west, by which in a months sailing they reach a certain other land having neither ice nor snow, where the inhabitants are continually at war against each other, and which country produces abundance of oranges, almonds, nuts, apples, and many other kinds of fruit, the natives being clad in the skins of beasts. On being asked if there were any gold or red copper in that country, they answered no. So far as I could understand their signs and tokens, I take this country to be towards Florida[57].
[Footnote 56: The meaning of these routes are not explicable, as we are unacquainted with what is meant by Saguenay. The river of that name flows into the north-west side of the St Lawrence 150 miles below Quebec, in a nearly east course of about 150 miles from the lake of St John. The _other_ river, said in the text to come from Saguenay, is probably that of the Utawas; but there does not appear to be any common direction or object attainable by the navigation of these two rivers. The subsequent account of the inhabitants of Saguenay is obviously fabulous, or had been misunderstood by the French adventurers.–E.]
[Footnote 57: The river from the south-west must have been the Chambly, and its series of lakes towards Hudson river. The rest of these vague indications refer to the great Canadian lakes.–E.]
In the month of December, we learnt that the inhabitants of the neighbouring town of Stadacona were infected by a pestilential disease by which above fifty of them had been cut off before we got the intelligence. On this account we strictly enjoined them not to come to our fort or ships, or to have any intercourse with us; notwithstanding which precaution this unknown sickness began to spread among us in the strangest manner that ever was seen or heard of. Some of our men lost their strength so completely that they could not stand, their legs being excessively swelled and quite black, and their sinews shrunk up. Others also had their skins spotted all over with spots of a dark purple or blood colour; which beginning at the ankles, spread up their knees, thighs, shoulders, arms and neck: Their breath did stink most intolerably; their gums became so rotten that the flesh fell off even to the roots of their teeth, most of which fell out[58]. So severely did this infection spread among us, that by the middle of February, out of 110 persons composing the companies of our three ships, there were not _ten_ in perfect health to assist the rest, so that we were in a most pitiable case, considering the place we were in, as the natives came every day to the outside of our fort and saw but few of us. Eight were already dead, and fifty more so extremely ill that we considered them past all hopes of recovery. In consideration of our misery, our captain commanded all the company to prepare by devout prayer in remembrance of Christ our Saviour, and caused his holy image to be set upon a tree about a musquet-shot from the fort, giving us to understand that divine service was to be performed there on the Sunday following, every one who could possibly do so attending in solemn procession, singing the _seven_ psalms of David and other litanies, and praying most heartily to our Lord Christ Jesus to have compassion upon our wretched state. Service being accordingly performed as well as we could, our captain made a vow, if it should please God to permit his return into France, that he would go on pilgrimage to the shrine of our Lady of Rocquemado.
[Footnote 58: The author clearly describes the scurvy, long so fatal to mariners on long voyages, now almost unknown in consequence of superior attention to articles of diet and cleanness.–E.]
On that day Philip Rougement died, being 22 years old; and because the nature of the sickness was utterly unknown, the captain caused his body to be opened, to see if by any means the cause of the disease could be discovered, or any thing found out by which to preserve the rest of the people. His heart was found to be white, but rotten, with more than a quart, of red water about it. The liver was tolerably sound; but the lungs were black and mortified. The blood was all collected about the heart; so that a vast quantity of rotten blood issued from thence when opened. The milt or spleen was rough and somewhat perished, as if it had been rubbed against a stone. One of his thighs being very black was opened, but it was quite sound within. The sickness increased, to such a pitch that there were not above three sound men in the whole company; all the rest being unable to go below hatches to bring up victuals or drink for themselves or others. We were sometimes obliged to bury such as died under the snow, being unable to dig graves for them, as the ground was frozen quite hard, and we were all reduced to extreme weakness. To add to our distress, we were sore afraid that the natives might discover our weakness and misery. To hide this, our captain, whom it pleased God always to keep in health, used to make his appearance with two or three of the company, some sick and some well, whenever any of the natives made their appearance, at whom he threw stones, commanding them to go away or he would beat them: And to induce the natives to believe that all the company were employed in work about the ships, he caused us all to make a great noise of knocking, with sticks, stones, hammers, and such like, as if caulking and repairing the ships. At this time we were so oppressed with this horrible sickness that we lost all hope of ever returning to France, and we had all died miserably, if God of his infinite goodness and mercy had not looked upon us in compassion, and revealed a singular and most excellent remedy against our dreadful sickness, the best that was ever found on earth, as shall be related hereafter.
From the middle of November till the middle of March, we were dwelling among ice above two fathoms in thickness, and the snow lay above four feet thick on our decks; and so great was the frost that all our liquors were frozen. Even the inside of our ships below hatches was covered with ice above the thickness of a hand-breadth. In that period twenty-five of our best men died, and all the rest were so exceedingly ill, three or four only excepted, that we had not the smallest hopes of their recovery. At this time it pleased God to cast an eye of pity upon our forlorn state, and to send us knowledge of a remedy which restored us to health in a most wonderful manner. Our captain happened one day to walk out upon the ice beyond the fort, when he met a company of Indians coming from Stadacona, among whom was Domagaia, who only ten or twelve days before had his knees swollen like the head of a child two years old, his sinews all shrunk, his teeth spoiled, his gums all rotten and stinking, and in short in a very advanced stage of this cruel disease. Seeing him now well and sound, our captain was much rejoiced, being in hopes to learn by what means he had healed himself, so that he might in the same manner cure our sick men. Domagaia informed him, that he had taken the juice of the leaves of a certain tree, which was a sovereign remedy against that disease. Our captain then asked him if that tree was to be found thereabout, and desired him to point it out, that he might cure one of his servants who had got the disease when up at Canada with Donnacona. He said this that it might not be known how many of us were sick. Domagaia sent immediately two women, who brought ten or twelve branches of that tree, and shewed the manner of using it; which was to boil the bark and leaves of the tree in water, to drink of this decoction every other day, and to put the dregs upon the legs of the sick. He said likewise that this tree was of great efficacy in curing many other diseases. This tree is called _Ameda_ or _Hanneda_ in their language, and is thought to be that which we call Sassafras. Our captain immediately caused some of that drink to be prepared for his men; but at first only one or two would venture to use it, who were followed by the rest, and in a short time they were all completely cured, not only of this dreadful sickness, but even of every other with which any of them were at that time afflicted. Some even who had been four or five years diseased with the _Lues_ became quite cured. After this medicine was found to be effectual, there was so much eagerness to get it that the people were ready to kill each other as to who should be first served. Such quantities were used, that a tree as large as a well grown oak was completely lopped bare in five or six days, and the medicine wrought so well that if all the physicians of Montpelier or Louvain had been to attend us, with all the drugs of Alexandria, they could not have done so much for us in a whole year as that tree did in six days, all who used it recovering their health by the blessing of God.
While the disease lasted among us, Donnacona, Taignoagny, and many others of the natives went from home, pretending that they went to catch stags and deer, called by them _Aiounesta_ and _Asquenoudo_. They said that they were only to be away a fortnight, but they staid away above two months, on which account we suspected they had gone to raise the country against us while we were so weak. But we had used so much diligence in fortifying ourselves, that the whole power of the country could only have looked at us, without being able to have done us any harm. While they were away, many of the natives used to come daily to our ships with fresh meat, such as stags, deer, fishes and other things; but held them at a high price, and would often take them away again, rather as sell them moderately. It must be allowed however that the winter that year was uncommonly long, and there was even some scarcity of provisions among the natives.
On the 21st of April 1536, Domagaia came to the shore accompanied by several strong men whom we had not seen before, and told us that the lord Donnacona would come next day to visit us, and was to bring abundance of venison and other things along with him. Next day Donnacona came to Stadacona with a great number of men, for what purpose we know not; but as the proverb says, “He who takes heed of all men may hap to escape from some.” Indeed we had great cause to look about us, being much diminished in numbers, and those who remained being still very weak; insomuch that we were under the necessity to leave one of our ships at the port of St Croix. Our captain was informed of the arrival of that great number of men along with Donnacona, as Domagaia came to tell him, yet dared not to cross the river between us and Stadacona as he used to do, which circumstance made us suspect some intended treachery. Upon this our captain sent one of his servants along with John Poulet, who was much in favour among the natives, to endeavour to discover their intentions towards us. Poulet and his companion pretended only to come on a visit to Donnacona, to whom they carried some presents; but as soon as Donnacona heard of their approach he went to bed, feigning himself very sick. After visiting the chief, they went to the house of Taignoagny, and wherever they went they saw a prodigious number of people, so that they could hardly stir for each other, most of whom they had not been used to see before. Taignoagny would not allow our men to go into any other house in the town, always keeping company with them wherever they went; and while accompanying them back to the ships, desired them to ask our captain to carry off with him to France, a native chief named Agouna, from whom he had received some injury, and that if our captain was pleased to do him this service he would esteem it a great favour and would do in return whatever he was desired; requesting that the servant might be sent back next day with the answer.
When our captain learnt that so great a number of natives were collected apparently with some evil intentions towards us, he proposed to make prisoners of Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia and some others of the principal men, that he might carry them into France, to shew them to our king along with other rarities from this western part of the world. Donnacona had formerly told us that he had been in the country of Saguenay, in which were infinite riches in rubies, gold, and other precious things. He said also that there were white men in that country, whose dresses were of woollen cloth like that we wore. He likewise said that he had been in another country inhabited by a people called _Picquemians_[59], and other tribes. Donnacona was an old man, who even from his childhood had been accustomed to travel into distant regions, both by means of the rivers and by land. When Poulet and the other told their message to our captain from Taignoagny, he sent back the servant desiring Taignoagny to come and visit him, promising him good entertainment, and a compliance with his request. Taignoagny sent back word that he would wait upon our captain next day, bringing Donnacona and Agouna along with him; yet he staid away two days, during which time none of the natives came from Stadacona to our ships as they were wont, but seemed anxiously to avoid us, as if we had meant to slay them, which added much to our suspicions.
[Footnote 59: A tribe named Picquagamies still inhabits around Lake St John at the head of the Saguenay river. The people in woollen dresses, with the rubies and gold, must be fabulous, or misunderstood by the French.–E.]
At this time the natives of Stadacona, understanding that we were visited by the inhabitants of Sidatin, and that we were pulling one of our ships to pieces to get out the old nails and other iron work, meaning to leave it behind, came to visit us on the third day, crossing the river in their skiffs and seeming to have laid aside their former shyness. Taignoagny and Domagaia remained however above an hour on the other side of the river, conversing across the stream, before they would come over. At length they came to our captain, whom they requested to order the before mentioned chief, Agouna, to be apprehended and carried over to France. The captain refused to do this, saying that he had been expressly forbidden by the king to bring over any men or women; being only permitted to take over two or three young boys to learn French that they might serve as interpreters, but that he was willing to carry Agouna to Newfoundland and leave him there. Taignoagny was much rejoiced at this, being satisfied that he was not to be carried back to France, and promised to bring Donnacona and all the other chiefs with him to the ships next day. Next day being the 3d of May or Holyrood Day, our captain caused a goodly fair cross to be erected in honour of the day, thirty-five feet in height, under the cross tree of which he hung up a shield of the arms of France, with this inscription in antique letters,
_Franciscus primus Dei gratia Francorum Rex_.
About noon, according to the promise of Taignoagny, a great number of men, women, and children came from the town of Stadacona, saying that their lord Donnacona was coming to visit our captain attended by Taignoagny and Domagaia. They came accordingly about two o’clock in the afternoon, and when near our ships, our captain went to salute Donnacona, who endeavoured to assume a cheerful countenance, yet his eyes were ever and anon bent towards the wood as if in fear. As Taignoagny endeavoured to dissuade Donnacona from going on board, our captain ordered a fire to be kindled in the open air; but at length Donnacona and the others were prevailed upon to go on board, when Domagaia told the captain that Taignoagny had spoken ill of him and had endeavoured to dissuade Donnacona from going to the ships. Seeing likewise that Taignoagny was sending away the women and children, and that the men only remained, which indicated some hostile intentions, our captain gave a signal to his men who immediately ran to his assistance, and laid hold on Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and two more of the principal natives. On seeing their lord taken, the Canadians immediately ran away, some crossing the river towards Stadacona and others taking to the woods; whereupon we retired within our bulwarks, and placed the prisoners under a secure guard. During the ensuing night great numbers of the natives came to the river side near our ships, crying and howling like so many wolves, and continually calling upon _Agouhanna_, being the name of office or dignity of Donnacona, whom they wished to speak with, but our captain would not allow of this. Next day about noon the natives indicated by signs that they supposed we had killed their chief. About this time, the natives in the neighbourhood of the ships were in prodigious numbers, most of them skulking about the edge of the forest, except some who continually called with a loud voice on Donnacona to come and speak to them. Our captain then commanded Donnacona to be brought up on high to speak to his people, and desired him to be merry, assuring him that when he had spoken to the king of France, and told him all that he had seen in Saguenay and other countries through which he had travelled, that he should be sent back to his own country in ten or twelve months with great rewards. Donnacona rejoiced at this assurance, and communicated the intelligence to his people, who made three loud cheers in token of joy. After this Donnacona and his people conversed together for a long time; but for want of interpreters we could not know the subjects of their discourse. Our captain then desired Donnacona to make his people come over to our side of the river, that they might talk together with more ease, and desired him to assure them of being in perfect safety; which Donnacona did accordingly, and a whole boatful of the principal people came, over close to the ships, where they renewed their conversation, giving great praise to our captain, to whom they presented twenty-four chains _esurgney_[60], as the most precious thing they possess, and which they hold in higher estimation than gold or silver. After a long talk, as Donnacona saw that there were no means of avoiding the voyage to France, he commanded his people to bring him some victuals to serve him during the passage. At this time our captain gave Donnacona two frying pans of copper, eight hatchets, with several knives, strings of beads, and other trifles, with which he seemed highly pleased, and sent them to his wives and children. Our captain also made similar presents to the chiefs who had come to speak with Donnacona, who thanked him for the gifts and retired to their town.
[Footnote 60: A very unintelligible account of the manner in which this article, so precious in the eyes of the Canadians, is procured, has been already given in this chapter; but there are no data on which even to conjecture what it is. Belts of _wampum_, a kind of rudely ornamented ribbons or girdles, are universally prized among the North American Indians, of which frequent mention will occur in the sequel of this work.–E.] Very early on the 5th of May, a great number of the people came back to speak with their lord, on which occasion they sent a boat, called _casnoni_ in their language, loaded with maize, venison, fish, and other articles of provision after their fashion, and lest any of their men might be detained, this boat was navigated by four women, who were well treated at our ships. By the desire of Donnacona, our captain sent a message on shore by these women, to assure the natives that their chief would be brought back by him to Canada at the end of ten or twelve months: They seemed much pleased at this intelligence, and promised when he brought back Donnacona that they would give him many valuable presents, in earnest of which each of the women gave him a chain of _esurgney_. Next day, being Saturday the 6th of May 1536, we set sail from the harbour of St Croix, and came to anchor at night in another harbour about twelve leagues down the river, a little below the Isle of Orleans. On Sunday the 7th we came to the Island of Filberts, or _Coudres_, where we remained till the 16th of the month, waiting till the great flood in the river had spent its force, as the current was too violent to be safely navigated. At this time many of the subjects of Donnacona came to visit him from the river Saguenay, who were much astonished upon being told by Domagaia that Donnacona was to be carried to France, but were reassured by Donnacona who informed them he was to come back next year. They gave their chief on this occasion three packs of beaver skins and the skins of sea wolves or seals, with a great knife made of red copper which is brought from Saguenay, and many other things. They also gave our captain a chain of _esurgney_, in return for which he presented them with ten or twelve hatchets, and they departed well pleased.
On the 16th of May we departed from the Isle of Filberts, and came to another island about fifteen leagues farther down the river, which is about five leagues in length, where we remained the rest of that day and the following night, meaning to take advantage of the next day to pass by the river Saguenay, where the navigation is very dangerous. That evening we went ashore on the island, where we took such numbers of hares that we called it Hare Island. But during the night the wind became quite contrary and blew so hard that we were forced back to the Isle of Filberts, where we remained till the 21st of the month, when fine weather and a fair wind brought us down the river. On this occasion we passed to _Honguedo_, which passage had not been seen before. Passing Cape _Prat_, which is at the entrance into the bay of _Chaleur_; and having a fair wind we sailed all day and night without stopping, and came next day to the middle of _Brions_ Islands. These islands lie north-west and south-east, and are about fifty leagues asunder, being in lat. 47-1/2 deg. N[61]. On Thursday the 26th of May, being the feast of the Ascension, we coasted over to a _land and shallow of low sands_, about eight leagues south-west from Brions Island, above which are large plains covered with trees, and likewise an enclosed lake or sea into which we could find no entrance. On Friday following, being the 27th of the month, in consequence of the wind becoming foul, we returned to Brions Island, where we remained till the beginning of June. To the south-east of this island we saw land which we supposed another island, which we coasted for two or three leagues, and had sight of three other high islands towards the sands, after which we returned to the cape of the said land, which is divided into two or three very high capes[62]. At this place the water is very deep and runs with a prodigiously swift current. That day we came to Cape Lorain _which is in 47 1/2 degrees toward the south_. This cape is low land, and has an appearance as of the mouth of a river, but there is no harbour of any worth. At a short distance we saw another head-land toward the south, which we named Cape St Paul.
[Footnote 61: These geographical indications are so obscure as not to be intelligible, unless perhaps the passage between Cape Breton Island and Newfoundland is here meant under the name of Honguedo.–E.]
[Footnote 62: The text here is either corrupt, or so vaguely expressed as not to admit of any reasonable explanation or conjecture.–E.]
Sunday following, being the 4th of June, we saw other lands at about twenty-two leagues east-south-east from Newfoundland, and as the wind was contrary we went into a harbour which we named the Bay of the Holy Ghost. We remained there till the Tuesday following, when we sailed along the coast to St Peters Islands, passing many very dangerous rocks and shoals, which lie east-south-east and west-north-west, stretching about twenty-three leagues out to sea. While at St Peters Islands, we saw many French and British ships, and remained there from the 11th to 16th of June, after, which we sailed to Cape _Race_, where we went into a harbour named _Rognoso_, where we took in a supply of wood and water to serve us on the voyage home, and at this place we left one of our boats. We left that harbour on Monday the 19th of June, and had such excellent weather and fair winds, that we arrived in the Port of St Maloes upon the 6th of July 1536.
* * * * *
In Hakluyts Collection, III. 286-289, there is a short imperfect fragment of a _third_ voyage by Jacques Cartier to Canada, Hochelega, and Saguenay in 1540; but as it breaks off abruptly and gives hardly any additional information respecting the country and its inhabitants or productions, beyond what is contained in the two voyages already inserted, it has not been deemed necessary to adopt it into the present collection.–E.
_Specimen of the language of Hochelega and Canada_.
1. _Secada. 2. Tigneni. 3. Hasche. 4. Hannaion. 5. Ouiscon. 6. Indahir. 7. Aiaga. 8. Addigue. 9. Madellan. 10. Assem_.
_Aggonzi_, the head. _Atha_, shoes. _Hegueniascon, the brow. _Amgoua,_ a shirt. _Higata_, the eyes. _Castrua_, a cap. _Abontascon_, the ears. _Osizi_, corn. _Esahe_, the mouth. _Carraconny_, bread. _Esgongay_, the teeth, _Sahe_ beans. _Osnache_, the tongue. _Ame_, water. _Agonpon_, the throat. _Quahouascon_, flesh. _Hebelim_, the beard. _Honnesta_, damsons. _Hegouascon_, the face. _Absconda_, figs. _Aganiscon_, the hair. _Ozoba_, grapes. _Aiayascon_, the arms. _Quahoya_, nuts. _Aissonne_, the flanks. _Esgueny_, an eel. _Aggruascon_, the stomach. _Undeguezi_, a snail. _Eschehenda_, the belly. _Hueleuxima_, a tortoise. _Hetnegradascon_, the thighs. _Sahomgahoa_, a hen. _Agotschinegodascon_, the knees. _Zisto_, a lamprey. _Agouguenehondo_, the legs. _Ondacon_, a salmon. _Onchidascon_, the feet. _Ainne-honne_, a whale. _Aignoascon_, the hands. _Sadeguenda_, a goose. _Agenuga_, the fingers. _Aionnesta_, a stag. _Agedascon_, the nails. _Asquenondo_, a sheep. _Aguehum_, a man. _Saurkanda_, a hare. _Agrauste_, a woman. _Agaya_, a dog. _Addegesta_, a boy. _Achide_, to-morrow. _Agniaquesta_, a girl. _Cudragny_, God. _Exiasta_, a child. _Quenhia_, heaven. _Conda_, woods. _Damga_, the earth. _Hoga_, leaves. _Ysmay_, the sun. _Cabata_, a gown. _Assomaha_, the moon. _Caioza_, a doublet. _Stagnehoham_, the stars. _Hemondoha_, stocking. _Copoha_, the wind. _Adogne_, a hatchet
_Ahencu_, a bow.
_Quaetan_, a dart.
_Canada_, a town.
_Agogasy_, the sea.
_Coda_, the waves.
_Cohena_, an island.
_Agacha_, a hill.
_Hounesca_, ice.
_Camsa_, snow.
_Athau_, cold.
_Odazani_, hot.
_Azista_, fire.
_Quea_, smoke.
_Canoca_, a house.
_Addathy_, my father.
_Adauahoe_, my mother.
_Addagrim_, my brother.
_Adhoasseue_, my sister.
_Quaza hoa quea_, Give me some drink. _Quaza hoa quascaboa_, Give me my breakfast. _Quaza hoa quatfriam_, Give me my supper.
_Casigno agnydahoa_, Let us go to bed. _Casigno donnascat_, Let us go a hunting. _Casigno caudy_, Let us go to play. _Casigno casnouy_, Let us go in the boat. _Assigni quaddadia_, Come speak with me.
_Quagathoma_, Look at me.
_Aignag_, Good morrow.
_Aista_, Hold your peace.
_Buazahca agoheda_, Give me a knife.
A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.
PART II. CONTINUED.
BOOK III.
CONTINUATION OF THE DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE IN THE EAST; TOGETHER WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE EARLY VOYAGES OF OTHER EUROPEAN NATIONS TO INDIA.
CHAPTER I.
DISCOVERIES, NAVIGATIONS, AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE IN INDIA, FROM 1505 TO 1539, BOTH INCLUSIVE: RESUMED FROM BOOK I. OF THIS PART[63].
We have formerly in the _First_ BOOK of this _Second_ PART of our general arrangement, given a historical account of the Portuguese Discoveries along the Coast of Africa, with their Discovery of and early Conquests in India, from the glorious era of DON HENRY prince of Portugal in 1412, down to the year 1505. Necessarily called off from that interesting subject, to attend to the memorable Discovery of the _NEW WORLD_ by the immortal COLUMBUS, we have detailed at considerable, yet we hope not inconvenient length, in the III. IV. and V. Volumes of our Collection, the great and important Discovery of America, and the establishment of the principal Spanish colonies in that grand division of the world, with some short notices of the earliest American Discoveries by the Portuguese, English, and French nations. We now return to a continuation of the early Discoveries and Conquests in India, taking that word in its most extensive signification as comprehending the whole of southern Asia, from the Persian Gulf to Japan and Eastern China. In the present portion of our Collection, we propose chiefly to direct our attention to the transactions of the Portuguese; adding however such accounts as we may be able to procure of the early Voyages to India made by other European nations.
[Footnote 63: Portuguese Asia, by Manuel de Faria y Sousa-Astleys Collection of Voyages and Travels, I. 58. et sequ.]
It is not necessary to particularize the various sources from which the different articles to be contained in this _Book_ or division of our work has been collected, as these will be all referred to in the several chapters and sections of which it is composed. Indeed as the introductions we prefix, on the present and other similar occasions, are necessarily written _previous_ to the composition of the articles to which they refer, contrary to the usual practice, it would be improper to tie ourselves too strictly on such occasions, so as to preclude the availment of any additional materials that may occur during our progress, and therefore we here beg leave to notify that we reserve a power of including the earliest voyages of other European nations to the Atlantic and eastern coasts of Africa, together with Arabia and Persia, among the _early voyages to India_, if hereafter deemed necessary; which is strictly conformable to what has been already done in PART II. BOOK I, and what must necessarily be the case on the present occasion. It may be proper however to mention, that the present chapter, containing a continuation of the early Discoveries, Navigations, and Conquests of the Portuguese in India, is taken from the PORTUGUESE ASIA, of _Manuel de Faria y Sousa_, taking that author up in 1505, where we had to lay down _Castaneda_ at the end of our _Second BOOK_. _Faria_[64], who is designated as a member of the Portuguese military order of Christ, was a celebrated historian among his countrymen, and his work, entitled ASIA PORTUGUEZA, contains an account somewhat in the form of Annals, of the Transactions of his countrymen in _India_, from their first going there in 1497, to the year 1646. This work contains all the Portuguese Voyages and Discoveries, from their first attempt to extend along the western coast of _Africa_, to their final discovery of the farthest parts of _China_ and _Japan_: All their battles by sea and land, with their expeditions, sieges, and other memorable actions: The whole interspersed with descriptions of the places and countries they discovered, visited, or conquered; including accounts of the manners, customs, government, and religion of the natives. This author is remarkable for a concise and clear narrative, and for judicious reflections on the conduct of the Portuguese kings, ministers, governors, and commanders, as well as for his remarks on many other occasions. These are always just, and have often an air of freedom that might not have been expected under an arbitrary government: But in matters regarding religion, he often discovers a surprising reverse of character, full of weak and puerile credulity, the never-failing consequence of education and publication under the influence of that eternal and abominable stain of the peninsula, the _Inquisition_.
[Footnote 64: Astley, I. 87.]
This work of De Faria has gone through various impressions in Portugal, where it is esteemed a curious and accurate performance, though on some occasions it is alleged that he has placed too much reliance on _Mendez Pinto_, a dealer in bare-faced fiction. The first impression of the Portuguese Asia was printed at Lisbon in 1666, in 3 vols. small folio, and it has been often reprinted, and translated into Spanish, Italian, French, and English.
The English translation used on the present occasion, and we know of no other or later edition, was made by Captain John _Stevens_, and published at London in 1695, in 3 vols. 8vo. dedicated to Catherine of Portugal, Queen Dowager of England. In his Preface, Mr Stevens informs the reader, that he had reduced the work to considerably less size than the _Spanish original_, yet without omitting any part of the history, or even abridging any material circumstances; having cut off long speeches, which were only added by the author as rhetorical flourishes, and omitted many tedious lists of the names of officers who were present at the principal actions, and extended reflections of the author which were only useful to increase the size of the work. In this account of the work by the translator, the _Spanish_ is mentioned as the original. Indeed the Portuguese and Spanish original editions appear to have both appeared contemporaneously in 1666.[65]
[Footnote 65: Bibl. Univ. des Voy. IV. 576.]
In the employment of Faria we have followed the example of Astleys Collection of Voyages and Travels, of which Mr John Green is said to have been the Editor. But although in that former Collection, published at London in 1745, an absolutely verbal and literal transcript is used so far as the Editor has been pleased to follow the translation of Stevens, many very curious and important particulars contained in that author are omitted, or slurred over by a hasty and careless abridgement. From where we take up Faria, in consequence of the loss of Castaneda, _we have given his work nearly entire_, only endeavouring to reduce the language of Captain Stevens to the modern standard, and occasionally using the freedom to arrange incidents a little more intelligibly, and to curtail a few trifling matters that seemed to possess no interest for modern readers. We have however availed ourselves of many valuable notes and illustrations of the text by the Editor of Astleys Collection, all of which will be found acknowledged and referred to in their proper places. And we have adopted from the same source some valuable additions to the text of Faria, intimately connected with the subject, which are likewise carefully acknowledged. Thus, like many former articles in this Collection, we trust that the present, as being greatly fuller, will be found more satisfactory and informing than any similar account in former Collections of Voyages and Travels.
After so considerable an interval employed on the Discoveries in America, it may be proper to remark that the former Account of the Discovery of the maritime route to India by the Cape of Good Hope, and the commencement of the Portuguese Conquests in the East, as contained in the _Second_ Volume of this Work, Part II. Chap. VI. _Sections I. to IX_. pp. 292-505, comprises only a period of _nine_ years, from the setting out of _Vasco de Gama_ in July 1497, on his adventurous Voyage, by which he completed the discovery of the way by sea to India from Europe, projected by Prince Henry in 1412, _eighty-five_ years before. On that former occasion, following the narrative of Hernan Lopez de Castaneda, we brought down the Transactions of the Portuguese in India to the year 1505; including the almost incredible defence of Cochin by the intrepid Pacheco against the immensely more numerous forces of the Zamorin of Calicut; the relief of the chivalric besieged, by the arrival of Lope Suarez de Menezes in September 1505; and the voyage of Suarez back to Portugal in 1505, leaving Manuel Telez de Vasconcelles as captain-general of the Portuguese possessions in India. It has been formerly mentioned, Vol. II. p.500, note 5, that Castaneda names this person Lope Mendez de Vasconcelles, and that he is named Manuel Telez de Barreto by the editor of Astleys Collection, in which we now find that he had followed the author of the Portuguese Asia. The difference between these authorities is irreconcileable, but is quite immaterial to the English reader.–E.
SECTION I.
_Course of the Indian Trade before the Discovery of the Route by the Cape of Good Hope, with some account of the settlement of the Arabs on the East Coast of Africa_[66].
Before the Discovery of the Route to India by the Cape of Good Hope, formerly related in PART II. CHAPTER VI. the spices and other productions of India were brought to Europe with vast trouble and at great expence, so that they were necessarily sold at very high prices. The cloves of the Moluccas, the nutmegs and mace of Banda, the sandal-wood of Timor, the camphor of Borneo, the gold and silver of Luconia, with all the other and various rich commodities, spices, gums, perfumes, and curiosities of China, Japan, Siam, and other kingdoms of the continent and islands of India, were carried to the great mart of Malacca, a city in the peninsula of that name, which is supposed to have been the _Aurea Chersonesus_ of the ancients. From that place the inhabitants of the more western countries between Malacca and the Red Sea procured all these commodities, dealing by way of barter, no money being used in this trade, as silver and gold were in much less request in these eastern parts of India than foreign commodities. By this trade, Calicut, Cambaya, Ormuz, Aden, and other cities were much enriched. The merchants of these cities, besides what they procured at Malacca as before mentioned, brought rubies from Pegu, rich stuffs from Bengal, pearls from _Calicare_[67], diamonds from _Narsinga[68]_, cinnamon and rich rubies from Ceylon, pepper, ginger, and other spices, from the coast of Malabar and other places where these are produced. From Ormuz these commodities were conveyed up the Persian gulf to Basorah at the mouth of the Euphrates, and were thence distributed by caravans through Armenia, Trebisond, Tartary, Aleppo, and Damascus; and from these latter cities, by means of the port of Barat in Syria, the Venetians, Genoese, and Catalonians carried them to their respective countries, and to other parts of Europe. Such of these commodities as went up the Red Sea, were landed at Tor or Suez at the bottom of that gulf, whence they were conveyed over land to Cairo in Egypt, and thence down the Nile to Alexandria, where they were shipped for Europe.
[Footnote 66: De Faria, Portuguese Asia, I. 82.]
[Footnote 67: Named Kalekare by Astley; and probably alluding to some place in the neighbourhood of the great pearl fishery in the Gulf of Manar, between Ceylon and the Carnatic.–E.]
[Footnote 68: Now called Golconda. But the dominions of Narsinga seem then to have included the whole southern peninsula of India, except the coasts of Canara and Malabar, from Visiapour and the Deccan to Cape Comorin.–E.]
Many princes apprehending vast loss to their revenues, by this new course which the Portuguese had discovered for carrying on a direct trade by sea between Europe and India, used their endeavours to drive them from that country. For this purpose, the Soldan of Egypt[69], who was principally affected by this new trade, gave out that he would destroy the holy places in Jerusalem, if the Portuguese persisted in trading to Malabar. Believing him in earnest, Maurus, a monk of Mount Sinai, went to Rome with a letter from the Soldan to the pope, signifying his intention to destroy those places, sacred in the estimation of the Christians, in revenge for the injury done to his trade by the Portuguese. The pope sent Maurus into Portugal, where the purport of his message was known before his arrival, and such preparations made for driving the Moors from the trade of India, that Maurus returned to Cairo with more alarming intelligence than he had brought. The king of Portugal informed his holiness by letter, that his intentions in prosecuting these eastern discoveries were to propagate the holy faith, and to extend the papal jurisdiction over the countries of the heathen, by which the pope was entirely reconciled to his proceedings.
[Footnote 69: This last mameluke Soldan of Egypt was Almalec al Ashraf Abul Nasr Sayf oddin Kansu al Gauri, commonly called Campson Gauri, the 24th of the Circassian dynasty, who reigned from 1500 to 1516, when he was slain in battle near Aleppo by Selim Emperor of the Turks.–Astley, I. 58. b.]
Along the eastern coast of Africa, the Moors or Arabs had several settlements. From Cape Guardafu, the most eastern point of Africa, to Mozambique, is a hollow coast like a bent bow, extending 550 leagues. From Cape Mozambique to Cape Corrientes is 170 leagues, and thence to the Cape of Good Hope 340 leagues. Hence turning again to the northwards and a little towards the west, the western coast of Africa reaches to Congo. Drawing a line east across the continent, there remains a large peninsula or promontory, to which the Arabs have given the name of Kafraria, naming the inhabitants Kafrs or unbelievers; an appellation bestowed by the Mahometans on all who are not of their religion, but chiefly those who worship images, whence they call most of the Christians by the opprobrious name of Kafrs. To the north of this line on the east coast of Africa is the maritime country of Zanguebar, or more properly Zenjibar, so named from a Negro nation called the Zenji, who had formerly conquered all that coast before the settlement of the Arabs. From Zanguebar all the way to Cape Guardafu and the mouth of the Red Sea, the coast is called Ajam or Ajen, signifying in Arabic the country of the barbarians; the maritime parts being occupied by the Arabs, and the inland country by heathen Negroes. Most of this coast is very low, covered by impenetrable woods, and subject to inundations, so that it is excessively hot and unwholesome. The Negroes of this country are black with crisp curled hair, and are wonderfully addicted to superstition, being all idolaters; insomuch that upon the most frivolous motives they will give over the most important enterprises: Thus the king of Quiloa failed to meet Don Francisco de Almeyda, because a black cat crossed his way when going out. The cattle, fruit, and grain are answerable to the wildness of the country. The Moors or Arabs, who inhabit this coast and the adjacent islands, seldom cultivate the ground, and mostly subsist on wild beasts and several loathsome things. Such as live more towards the interior, and have intercourse with the barbarous Kafrs, use milk as a part of their diet.
As this country has been endowed by nature with much gold, an eager desire to procure that precious metal has induced, first the Arabs, and afterwards the Europeans, to possess themselves of various parts along the coast. The first of the Arabs who came here were called Emozadi, which signifies subjects of Zayde, who built two inconsiderable towers, merely sufficient to defend them against the barbarous Kafrs. Afterwards still greater numbers came from the ports about the city of Lazah, forty leagues from the island of Baharem[70] in the Persian gulf, who settled first Magadoxa and afterwards Brava. The first Arabs separated from these, new comers, and mixing with the Kafrs became Bedouins, or Badwis, signifying people of the desert. Those Arabs who first possessed themselves of the gold trade of Sofala were from Magadoxa, and discovered the gold mines by accident. From thence they spread themselves farther towards the south, but durst never venture to navigate beyond Cape Corrientes, which is opposite to the south-wester-most part of the Island of St Lawrence or Madagascar. Along this coast the Arabs had possessed themselves of Quiloa, Mombaza, Melinda, and the islands, of Pemba, Zanzibar, Monfia, Comoro, and others; Quiloa being the principal of their settlements, from whence many others had been formed, particularly on the coast of Madagascar. Quiloa had been originally a peninsula, but by the encroachments of the sea it had become an island. The soil produces many palms and thorn trees, and various herbs and plants; and the wild beasts, cattle, and birds resemble those of Spain. The buildings in the places possessed by the Arabs resemble those in Spain, having flat roofs, with gardens and orchards behind.
[Footnote 70: More properly Bahrayn, which signifies _the two seas_, being the Arabic dual of Bahr, the sea.–Astl. I. 59. e.]
SECTION II.
_Voyage of Don Francisco de Almeyda from Lisbon to India, in quality of Viceroy, with an account of some of his transactions on the Eastern coast of Africa, and Malabar._
On the 25th of March 1505, Don Francisco de Almeyda sailed from Lisbon with a fleet of twenty-two ships, carrying 1500 soldiers, being bound for India of which he was appointed viceroy. Eleven of these ships were to return with merchandize to Portugal, and other eleven were to remain in India. On the 2d of July the fleet met with a terrible storm, by which it was separated. In one of the ships commanded by Diego Correa, the sails were split to pieces and three men washed overboard, two of whom perished; but the third, named Fernando Lorenzo, called out that he would keep above water till morning, and begged of them to keep an eye upon him, and on the storm abating next morning he was taken on board. Owing to the separation of the fleet by the storm, Almeyda arrived at Quiloa with only eight vessels; and on saluting the port without receiving any answer, he called a council of his officers to deliberate upon his proceedings, as he had orders from the king to erect a fort at this place, which was accordingly resolved upon. He landed therefore with 500 men, accompanied by his son Don Lorenzo, and attacked the town in two places. Amir Ibrahim fled over to the continent with his wives and riches, having previously hoisted the Portuguese standard, by which device he stopped the pursuit and gained time to escape. The city was taken and plundered, without any loss on the side of the Portuguese, though a great number of the inhabitants were slain. Ibrahim though the forty-fourth successive sovereign, was an usurper, who had murdered the former king, and Almeyda raised Mohammed Ankoni, a relation of the former king and who had espoused the Portuguese interests to the throne, placing a crown of gold on his head with great pomp and solemnity. On this occasion Mohammed declared that if the former king _Alfudail_ had been alive he would have refused the crown; and he actually appointed the son of Alfudail to be his successor, though he had children of his own. This rare example in an unbeliever may put to shame the inhumanity and barbarism of the Christians, who wade through seas of blood, contemn the most sacred bonds of consanguinity and alliance, spoil provinces, oppress the good, exalt the wicked, convert loyalty to treason, perjury into duty, and religion into a cloak to work out their accursed purposes, and to bereave of their crowns and sceptres those to whom Providence had been pleased to confide them as most worthy of rule.
Having settled every thing to his mind, and constructed a fort in twenty days, Almeyda left a garrison of 550 men, together with a caravel and brigantine, and sailed on the 8th of August with thirteen sail for Mombaza, which is seated like Quiloa in an island about fourteen leagues in circumference. This city is beautiful and strong, having a large bay before it capable of containing many ships. Before entering the bay, two vessels were sent to sound the bar, which is commanded by a battery of eight cannons, which fired upon these vessels; but a ball from the Portuguese happening to fall among the powder belonging to the enemy, blew it up and did great injury to the natives, so that they were obliged to abandon the work. Two smaller works being likewise abandoned, the fleet entered the bay without farther resistance. Being informed that the king of Mombaza had hired 1500 Kafr archers to assist in defending the place, Almeyda sent him a message demanding submission; but the answer was, that the Moors of Mombaza were not to be frightened by the noise of cannon like those of Quiloa, and he might do his worst. Enraged at this contemptuous answer, and because several of his men had been wounded, while attempting to burn some ships in the port belonging to Cambaya, Almeyda landed his men on the 15th of August and attacked the city. He succeeded in the assault, driving the enemy out at the other side of the town, and their king along with them, whose palace he took possession of, on which he planted a cross. Immediately after gaining possession of the town, he received notice that his ships had succeeded in their attack on those belonging to the Moors of Cambaya, all of which were burnt. In this action the Portuguese lost only five men; while of the Moors 1513 were slain and 1200 made prisoners, of which only 200 were retained and all the rest set free. Having plundered the city of every thing worth carrying off or which his ships could contain, Almeyda burnt Mombaza to the ground.
At this place Almeyda was joined by most of the remaining ships, and continuing his voyage for India, he stopped by the way at a bay called Angra de Santa Elena, where he found Juan Homem, who had been separated along with other ships, and had discovered some islands. Sailing from thence in continuation of his voyage, the first place he came to in India was the island of Anchediva[71], where according to orders from the king he constructed a fort in which he placed a garrison of 80 men, leaving two brigantines to protect the trade. While at this place he was visited by ambassadors from the king or rajah of Onore, a small kingdom of Malabar, who brought presents and a friendly message from their sovereign. Several considerable merchants also waited upon him, assuring him of the good will of their prince towards the Portuguese; and several Moors from Cincatora brought him considerable presents. All this however was the effect of fear, as they had heard of his successes at Quiloa and Mombaza. He was informed at this place that the prince Saboga had built a fort at no great distance on the banks of the river Aliga on the borders of Onore, which was garrisoned by 800 men. Meaning to make himself master of this place, he sent his son Don Lorenzo under pretence of a friendly visit to take a view of the fort, which he effected and remained there some days. Having completed the fort at Anchediva, he sailed to the port of Onore, and being ill received, he determined to shew himself as terrible there as he had done at Quiloa and Mombaza. The inhabitants however amused him with excuses and pretended submission, till they had removed their wives, children, and effects to a neighbouring mountain, and then stood upon their defence. On this Almeyda landed most of his forces to attack the town, sending his son Lorenzo with 150 men in boats to set some ships on fire which were in the port. Though the natives defended themselves with much bravery, and discharged prodigious flights of arrows, by one of which Almeyda was wounded, both the town and ships were set on fire; and as the wind blew the smoke in the faces of the Portuguese they were much incommoded for a time; but Don Lorenzo by taking a compass got away from the smoke, and fell in with a body of 1500 of the enemy, whom he immediately attacked. In this engagement Lorenzo had like to have been defeated, his men falling into disorder; but was fortunately succoured by his father, when the enemy fled to the mountain. At this time, Timoja, who was governor of the city and proprietor of some of the ships which were destroyed, waited on Almeyda making excuses for the conduct of the king; and being a man of graceful manners and appearance, and engaging for his master to become vassal to the king of Portugal, Almeyda was pacified and agreed to a treaty of peace.
[Footnote 71: Anchediva or Anjediva is I small island in lat. 14 deg. 33′ N. near the northern part of the Malabar coast, between Carwar and Meerjee.–E.]
Leaving Onore, Almeyda went to Cananor, where he had an interview on shore with the rajah, who was attended by 5000 men well armed. He informed the rajah that he was to reside for some time in India, in consequence of the troubles which had arisen between the Portuguese and the zamorin of Calicut, and desired permission to build a fort at this place for protecting the Portuguese trade against the Moors. This being granted and the fort begun, he left Lorenzo de Brito in the command with 150 men, and two vessels to cruize along the coast. Going from thence to Cochin, he received intelligence that the Portuguese factor at Coulan and all his men had been killed by the Moors. He sent however his son Don Lorenzo with three ships and three caravels, with orders to endeavour to procure loading for the vessels without taking any notice of what had happened; but in case loading were denied he was to take ample revenge for the murder of the factor and his people. The messenger sent upon this occasion was answered by a flight of arrows, and twenty-four ships belonging to Calicut and other places put themselves in readiness to oppose the Portuguese. After a short resistance Lorenzo burnt them all, only a very small number of the Moors saving themselves by swimming to the shore. Don Lorenzo then went to load at another port, after which he rejoined the viceroy at Cochin.
It had been the intention of Almeyda, according to his orders from the king of Portugal, to crown Triumpara in a solemn manner, with a golden crown richly adorned with jewels, brought on purpose from Lisbon, as a recompence for the gallant fidelity with which he had protected the Portuguese against the zamorin and their other enemies. But as Triumpara had abdicated in favour of his nephew Nambeadora[72], Almeyda thought proper to confer the same honour upon him, and he was accordingly crowned with great pomp, as a mark of the friendship of the Portuguese, and a terror to others. From this place Almeyda sent home six ships richly laden for Lisbon.
[Footnote 72: This name mast certainly be erroneous. In the former part of the history of the Portuguese transactions in India, _Nambea daring_ is mentioned as brother to the zamorin of Calicut, whereas the prince of Cochin is repeatedly named Naramuhin.–E.]
SECTION III.
_Some Account of the state of India at the beginning of the sixteenth Century, and commencement of the Portuguese Conquests_[73].
As the viceroyalty of Don Francisco de Almeyda laid the foundation of the Portuguese dominion in India, once so extensive and powerful, it may be proper in this place to give a general view of its principal ports and provinces along the sea-coast. Asia is divided from Europe by the river Don, anciently the Tanais, by the Euxine or Black Sea, and by the Bosphorus and Dardanelles, or Straits of Constantinople. It is parted from Africa by the Red Sea, and a line drawn from Suez at the head of that gulf to the Mediterranean, across a narrow neck of land measuring only twenty-four leagues in breadth, called the Isthmus of Suez. Its principal religions are four, the Christian, Mahometan, Pagan, and Jewish. That portion of Asia which principally belongs to our present purpose, may be divided into _nine_ parts, following the coast from the west to the east.
[Footnote 73: From the Portuguese Asia, Vol. I. 93. This account is omitted in Astley’s Collection, but inserted, here as a curious record of the geographical knowledge of the Portuguese in those times. There are numerous errors in this short geographical sketch, especially in the names, measures, and latitudes; but it would load this portion of our work too much with notes, and induce great confusion, to comment upon every step of this survey.–E.]
The _first_, commencing at the mouth of the Red Sea in the west, reaches to the mouth of the gulf of Persia, being the oceanic coast of Arabia. From the mouth of the Red Sea in lat. 12 deg. 40′ N. to the city of Aden, is 44 leagues: Thence to Cape Fartaque in lat. 12 deg. 30′ N. is 100 leagues, containing the towns of Abian, Ax, Canacan, Brun, Argel, Zebel which is the metropolis, Herit, Cayem, and Fartach. Thence to Curia Muria is 70 leagues of coast, on which is the city of Dolfor, famous for frankincense, and Norbate 20 leagues farther east. From Curia Muria to Cape Ras-Algate, in lat. 22 deg. 30′ N. is 120 leagues all barren and desert. Here begins the kingdom of Ormuz, and hence to Cape Mozandan are 90 leagues, having the cities or towns of Colagate, Curiate, Mascate, Soar, Calata, Orfacam, Doba, and Lima, 8 leagues from Monbazam which Ptolomey calls Cape Assaborum in lat. 26 deg. N. All this track is called Ayaman or Yemen by the Arabians, and was the Arabia Felix of the ancients, because the most fertile and best inhabited country of all Arabia.
The _second_ division, from Cape Jacques or Jask to the mouth of the river Indus, is 200 leagues in extent, called Chirman or Kerman, and is divided into the two kingdoms of Macran and Madel, with these towns, Guadel, Calara, Tibique, Calamate, Goadel, and Diul. This coast is barren and most of it desert, and cannot be approached on account of the shallowness of the sea near the shore.
The _third_ division contains 150 leagues, of which 38 from Diu[74] to Cape Jaquete or Jigat, whence to Diu in the kingdom of Guzerat are 50 leagues, having these towns, Cotinna, Mangalor, Chervar, Patan, and Corinar[75]. From Diu to Cambaya is 50 leagues, with these towns Madrafavat, Moha, Talica, Goda, and Gundin[76]. Between Cambaya and Cape Jaquete or Jigat, is included a part of the kingdom of Guzarate and the mountainous region of the Resboutos, or Rajputs.
[Footnote 74: Perhaps Debil, near the western mouth of the Indus.–E.]
[Footnote 75: Those names of sea port towns in the Guzerate are miserably corrupted in the text: Only Puttan can be recognised among them, and Mangalor must be a mistake; as that place is far to the south of Guzerat on the coast of Canara.–E.]
[Footnote 76: The sea ports on this part of the coast now are Jaffrabad, Cuttapour, Toolafee, Manuah, Gogo, Eawnagur, and Iotian.–E.]
The _fourth_ division measures 290 leagues, being the most valuable part of India and the most frequented by the Portuguese. This is subdivided into three portions by two rivers which run from east to west. The first of these separates the kingdom of the Decan from Guzerate on the north, and the second divides the Decan from Canara which is to the south. There are other rivers, all of which have their sources in the mountains called _Gaut_; the chief among them being the Ganga, or Gangue, which falls into the sea near the mouth of the Ganges, between the cities of Angali and Pisolta, in about lat. 22 deg. N [77]. The river Bate, rising in the Gauts, falls into the sea near Bombaim, dividing the kingdoms of Guzerate and Decan, the mouth of that river being 70 leagues from the city of Cambaya. From Chaul south of that river to the river Aliga, the south boundary of the Decan, is 75 leagues, with these towns Bandor, Dabul, Debitele, Cintapori, Coropatan, Banda, Chapora, and Goa the metropolis and archiepiscopal see of Portuguese India.
[Footnote 77: The Guaga or Godavery is probably here meant, which falls into the Bay of Bengal in lat. 16 deg. 16′ N. at the S.W. extremity of the Circars. The latitude indicated in the text gets beyond the Bay of Bengal, and the cities between which the Ganga is said to fall into the sea have no representatives in our best maps.–E.]
The _fifth_ division begins where Canara parts from the Decan and ends at Cape Comorin, containing above 140 leagues. From the Aliga to Mount Delli or Dilly is about 46 leagues, with these towns, Onor, Baticale, Barcalor, Baranor, and others of the province of Canara which is subject to the king of Bisnagar. Below or south from Mount Delli to Cape Comorin is Malabar, extending 93 leagues, and divided into three kingdoms which own no superior. The kingdom of Cananor has 20 leagues of coast, in which are the towns of Cota, Coulam, Nilichilam, Marabia, Bolepatam, Cananor the metropolis in lat. 12 deg. N. Tremapatam, Cheba, Maim, and Purepatam. At this place the kingdom of Calicut begins and extends 27 leagues, of which Calicut the metropolis is in lat. 11 deg. 17′ N. besides the following towns Coulete, Chale, Parangale, Tanor, the last of which is the capital of a small kingdom subject to the zamorin of Calicut, and Chatua the last in this kingdom. Next to Calicut to the south is the small kingdom of Cranganor, which borders on Cochin, after which is Coulan, and last of all Travancore, which is subject to Narsinga. Near Travancore is the famous Cape Comorin, the southernmost point of the continent of Indostan or India on this side the Ganges, in lat. 7 deg. 30′ N [78]. at which place the coast of Malabar ends, being the _fourth_ of the nine districts into which I have divided the coast of Asia.
[Footnote 78: The latitude of Cape Comorin is 7 deg. 54′ N, or nearly so.–E.]
From Cape Comorin in the west to Cape Cincapura in the east, which is the southernmost point of the _Aurea Chersonesus_ or Malacca, the distance is 400 leagues, within which line is contained the great bay of Bengal, sometimes called the _Sinus Gangeticus_, because the river Ganges falls into this bay in about the lat. of 22 deg. N. after watering the kingdom of Bengal. This river discharges a prodigious quantity of water, and is esteemed holy by the neighbouring nations, who believe that its water conduces to their salvation when at the point of death, and are carried therefore that they may die with their feet in its water, by which means the king of Bengal derives a considerable revenue, no one being allowed to bathe in that river without paying a certain tax. This river has many mouths, the two most remarkable of which are Satigan on the west and Chatigan[79] on the east, near 100 leagues from each other, and here ends the _fifth_ of the nine districts, which may be divided into three subordinate parts. In the first place the kingdom of Bisnagar[80] contains 200 leagues, and the following towns, Tarancurii, Manapar, Vaipar, Trechendur, Caligrande, Charcacale, Tucucurii, Benbar, Calicare, Beadala, Manancort, and Cannameira, giving name to a cape which stretches out into the sea in lat. 10 deg. N.[81] then Negapatnam, Hahor, Triminapatnam, Tragambar, Trimenava, Colororam, Puducheira, Calapate, Connumeira, Sadraspatnam, and Meliapour, now called St Thomas because the body of that apostle was found there. From St Thomas to Palicata is 9 leagues, after which are Chiricole, Aremogan, Caleturo, Caleciro, and Pentepolii, where the kingdom of Bisnagur ends and that of Orixa begins. The second part of this district, or Orixa, contains 120 leagues and reaches to Cape Palmiras, with these towns, Penacote, Calingan, Visgapatan, Bimilepatan, Narsingapatan, Puacatan, Caregare and others. Here begins the third part of this district, or the kingdom of Bengal, the coast of which extends about 100 leagues.
[Footnote 79: The western branch of the Ganges is now called the Hoogly River. Satigan in the text may have some reference to what is now called Sagar roads or anchorage. Chatigan certainly means what is now called Chitigong: But the most easterly mouth is properly that of the great Barhampooter, or Bramah-putra River, long confounded among the mouths of the Ganges. The breadth of the Sunderbunds, or Delta of the Ganges and Barhampooter, is about 195 English miles.–E.]
[Footnote 80: The kingdom of Bisnagar in the text, appears to have contained the entire Carnatic above and below the Gauts, with Mysore and Golconda.–E.]
[Footnote 81: Now called Cape Calymere: It is next to impossible to identify the other names in the text; and the attempt would lead to very inconvenient length without correspondent utility.–E.]
The _sixth_ district of the nine begins at the east mouth of the Ganges, called Chatigan or Chittagong, and ends at Cape Cincapura, in little more than 1 deg. N. Along this coast from. Chittagong to Cape Negrais or Diamond Point, the southwestern point of Pegu, in lat. 16 deg. N. is 100 leagues, with these towns, Sore, Satalolu, Arracan the capital of a kingdom of the same name, and Dunadiva on the cape. Hence to Tavay in the lat. 13 deg. is 16 leagues[82], being the extent of the kingdom of Pegu. From Tavay to Cincapura is 220 leagues, the chief towns on this part of the coast being Martaban, Lugor, Tanacerim, Lungar, Pedam, Queda, Salongor, and Malacca the capital of the kingdom of that name.
[Footnote 82: It is difficult to correct this egregious error, not knowing the kind of leagues used by Faria. At 17-1/2 to the degree, the difference of latitude in the text would give 52-1/2 leagues. Perhaps it is a typographical error for 60 leagues, using the geographical measure, 20 to the degree.–E.]
The _seventh_ district begins at Cape Cincapura or Sincapure, and ends at the great river of Siam, which falls into the sea in lat. 14 deg. N.[83] and has its rise in the lake of Chiammay, called by the natives Menam, signifying the source of two rivers. Upon this coast are the towns of Pam, Ponciam, Calantaon, Patane, Ligor, Cuii, Perperii, and Bamplacot at the mouth of the Siam river.
[Footnote 83: The river of Siam falls into the great gulf of the same name, in lat. 18 deg. 30′ N. But De Faria seems to overlook the gulf.–E.]
The _eighth_ district contains the kingdom of Cambodia, through which runs the river Mecon, otherwise called the Japanese river, which has its rise in China; the kingdom of Champa or Tsiompa, whence comes the true aloes-wood; next to that is the kingdom of Cochin-China;[84] and last of all the great empire of China, divided into fifteen provinces of governments, each of which is equal to a great kingdom. The provinces of this vast empire on the sea-coast are Quantung, Fokein, and Chekiang, where ends the eighth district[85]
The _ninth_ district begins with the province of Nanking, and extends to the farthest discovered land on the coast of Tartary.
[Footnote 84: De Faria omits the kingdom of Tonkin or Tonquin, which intervenes between Cochin-China and China: Perhaps at that time Tonkin may have been: De Faria is incorrect in his account of the provinces of China. Those on the coast are, Quantung, Footchien, Tchetchiang, Kiangnan, Shantang, Petcheli; or _six_ maritime provinces, instead of _three_ only in the text. The others are, Yunnan, Quangsee, Kaeitchou, Hooquang, Setchuen, Sifan, Honan, Shensee, and Shansee; or _nine_ inland provinces; making _fifteen_ in all, as in the text.–E.]
[Footnote 85: Or Nizam-al-mulk, and Adel-khan.–E.]
I shall speak in the sequel concerning the many islands along this extensive coast of Asia, as they came to be discovered in the navigations of the Portuguese; but the principal of them may be here mentioned by name, as the Maldives, Ceylon, Sumatra, Java, Borneo, Banda, Timor, Celebes, the Moluccas, Mindanao, Luconia, and Japan. Having thus given a sketch of the Asian coast, we proceed to consider its inhabitants. Although there are many and various modes of worship in Asia, the chief religions may be mentioned under four heads, the Christian, Jewish, Mahometan, and Pagan; the two first of which are for the most part under the slavery of the other two, against which the Portuguese waged war. The power of the Mahometans and Pagans is thus divided. All the coast from the river Cintacora opposite the island of Anchediva, to the north and west is subject to the Mahometans, and all to the eastwards to the Pagans; except the kingdom of Malacca, part of Sumatra, and some parts of Java and the Moluccas, which are held by the Mahometans. In that tract are the following sovereign princes. The kings of Aden, Xael, and Fartaque, who have many ports of great trade, and their subjects, the Arabs, are brave and warlike. Next is the king of Ormuz, greater than the other three put together. Then the king of Cambaya, equal in grandeur and warlike power to Xerxes, Darius, or Porus. From Chaul to Cincatora belong to Nizamaluco and Hidalcan[85], two powerful princes, who maintain great armies composed of sundry warlike nations well armed. The Moors[86] of Sumatra, Malacca, and the Moluccas were well disciplined, and much better provided with artillery than we who attacked them. The heathen sovereigns were the kings of Bisnagar, Orixa, Bengal, Pegu, Siam, and China, all very powerful, but chiefly the last, so that it is difficult to express and scarcely credible the prodigious extent of his power. Siam extends above 500 leagues, and has seven subject kingdoms, which are Cambodia, Como, Lanchaam, Cheneray, Chencran, Chiamay, Canibarii, and Chaypumo. The king of Siam has 30,000 elephants, 3000 of which are armed for war, and he has 50,000 soldiers in _Udia_ alone, the metropolis of his kingdom. The kingdom of China exceeds them all in extent, and the king of that country is as powerful as all the sovereigns in Europe together. His empire is above 700 leagues in extent, possessing abundance of metals, and far exceeds Europe in manufactures, some of which seem to exceed human art, and the silks, provisions, and luxuries with which it abounds are beyond computation.
[Footnote 86: These are unquestionably the Malays, called Moors by Faria, merely because they were Mahometans.–E.]
All the heathens of India, particularly between the Indus and Ganges, write without ink on palm leaves, with pens or stiles rather of wood or steel, which easily cut the letters on the leaves. Some of these I have seen in Rome curiously folded. What they intend to be lasting is carved on stone or copper. In writing they begin at the left hand and write towards the right, as we do in Europe. Their histories are extremely fabulous. About 600 years before the arrival of the Portuguese in India, there reigned in Malabar a powerful monarch, from, whose reign the people begin their era or historical computations, as they did afterwards from our arrival. This king was persuaded by the Moors who traded to his port to turn Mahometan, and gave them liberty to build houses at Calicut. When he grew old, he divided his kingdom among his kindred, giving Coulam to the chief, where he placed the principal seat of his religion of the Bramins, and gave him the title of Cobritim, which signifies high-priest. To his nephew he gave Calicut, with the tide of Zamorin, which means emperor. This dignity continues in the sovereign of Calicut, but the other has been removed to Cochin. Having disposed of his dominions, he resolved to die at Mecca, but was drowned by the way. Calicut is a plain country well watered, and abounds in pepper and ginger; but all the other spices are procured from other neighbouring countries. The inhabitants are wonderfully superstitious, and do not suffer those of one trade or profession to marry with those of a different occupation, or to put their children to learn any other trade but that of their fathers. The _Nayres_, who are their nobles, if they chance to touch any of the common people, purify themselves by ablution, as was done by the Jews and Samaritans. The women among the Nayres axe common to all, but chiefly those, of the Bramin cast, so that no one knows his father, nor is any one bound to maintain the children. These Nayres are wonderfully expert in the use of their weapons, in which they begin to exercise themselves at seven years of age. They are prone to all the ancient superstitions of augury and divination.
SECTION IV.
_Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, during the Viceroyalty of Almeyda_.
Besides the forts already erected on the eastern coast of Africa at Quiloa and Mozambique, and the factory at Melinda, King Manuel determined to build a fort at Sofala to secure the trade in gold at that place; for which purpose he sent out Pedro de Annaya with six ships in the year 1506: three of these ships being destined to remain on the African coast, and the other three to proceed to India. This fleet was separated in a storm, during which one of the captains was washed overboard and drowned, and another lost sixteen men who were slain by the natives of an island on which they landed. The squadron rejoined in the port of Sofala, where Annaya found twenty Portuguese mariners in a miserable condition. The ship to which they had belonged, commanded by Lope Sanchez, was forced to run on shore at Cape Corientes, being so leaky as to be in a sinking condition. After landing, the crew refused obedience to their officers, and separated into different parties, endeavouring to make their way through the unknown countries and barbarous nations of Africa; but all perished except these twenty, and five who were found at the river Quiloma by Antonio de Magelhaens, who brought them to Sofala.
According to his orders, and by permission of the sheikh or king of Sofala, Annaya erected a strong wooden fort at that place. The king soon afterwards repented of his concession, and was for some time in hopes that the Portuguese would be soon obliged to abandon the place on account of its unhealthiness. About this time, three of the ships were dispatched for India, and two of these which were destined for protecting the coast from the attempts of the Moors were sent off upon a cruise to Cape Guardafu, both of which were lost; the captains and part of their crews saving themselves in the boats: In consequence of the unwholesomeness of Sofala, the Portuguese garrison became so weakened by sickness that it required six of them to bend a single cross-bow. Encouraged by these disasters and instigated by his son-in-law, the king collected a force of 5000 Kafrs with which he invested the fort, filled up the ditch with fascines, and made a violent assault, darkening the sun with incessant clouds of arrows. Though only 35 Portuguese were able to stand to their arms, they made such havock among the assailants with their cannon, that the part of the ditch which had not been filled up with wood was levelled with dead bodies. The enemy being thrown into confusion Annaya made a sally at the head of fifteen or twenty men[87], with whom he drove the Kafrs before him to a grove of palms, and thence into the town, crying out in consternation that their king had sent them to contend against the gods. In the ensuing night, Annaya attacked the town, and even penetrated into the house where the king resided, who, standing behind a door, wounded Annaya in the neck with his cymeter as he entered, but was soon killed with many of his attendants. Next day the two sons of the slain king made a new assault on the fort, but without success, many of the garrison who were sick, being cured by the alarm, joined in the defence, and the Moors were again repulsed with great slaughter. The two sons of the deceased King of Sofala fell out about the succession, and one of them named Solyman made an alliance with Annaya to procure his aid to establish himself in the sovereignty.
[Footnote 87: In the translation of De Faria by Stephens these are called _Moors_; but it is not easy to conceive how Annaya should have had any of these on his side.–E.]
The kingdom of Sofala, now called Sena by the Portuguese who monopolize its whole trade, is of great extent, being 750 leagues in circumference; but the inland parts are all subject to the Monomotapa, who is emperor of this southern part of Africa, his dominions being likewise known by the same name of Monomotapa, called by the ancients _Ethiopia Inferior_. This country is watered by two famous rivers, called Rio del Espiritu Santo and Cuama, the latter of which is navigable 250 leagues above its mouth. These and many other rivers which fall into them, are famous for their rich golden sands. Most part of this country enjoys a temperate climate, being pleasant, healthy, and fertile. Some parts are covered with large flocks of sheep, with the skins of which the natives are clothed to defend them from the cold south winds. The banks of the Cuama river are covered with wood, and the interior country rises into hills and mountains, being abundantly watered with many rivers, so that it is delightful and well peopled, being the ordinary residence of the Monomotapa or emperor. Its woods contain many elephants, and consequently produces much ivory. About 50 leagues southwest from Sofala are the gold mines of Manica, in a valley of 30 leagues circumference, surrounded by mountains on the tops of which the air is always clear and serene. There are other gold mines 150 leagues farther inland, but which are not so much valued.
In the interior of the country there are some buildings of wonderful structure, having inscriptions in unknown characters; but the natives know nothing respecting their origin. The natives of Monomotapa believe in one God, whom they name _Mazimo_, and have no idols. Witchcraft, theft, and adultery are the crimes most severely punished among them. Every man is permitted to have as many wives as he pleases or can maintain. The monomotapa has a thousand, but the first wife commands over all the rest, and her children only are entitled to inherit the throne. Their houses are built of wood; their apparel is made of cotton, those of the better sort being mixed with gold threads; their funerals are very superstitious. The attendance on the monomotapa is more ceremonious than grand, his usual guard being 200 dogs, and he is always attended by 500 buffoons. His dominions are ruled over by a great many princes or governors, and to prevent them from rebelling he always keeps their heirs about him. They have no law-suits. Their arms are bows and arrows, javelins, daggers, and small sharp hatchets, and they all fight on foot. The women of this country are used with so much respect, that even the kings sons when they meet a woman, give way to her and stand still till she has gone past. The Moors of Magadoxa were the first who possessed the mines of Sofala, after which they were seized by the King of Quiloa: But Yzuf, one of their governors, rebelled and usurped the government to himself, assuming the title of king. This was the same person with whom Annaya had now to contend, and whose son Solyman he established in the sovereignty, under the protection and vassalage of Portugal.
While these things happened at Sofala, the zamorin of Calicut was using every exertion to raise up enemies to the Portuguese, even entering into alliance with the Mameluke Soldan of Egypt, hoping by his assistance to drive the Christians from the Indian seas. His measures and preparations however became known to the Rajah of Cochin, who communicated the intelligence to the viceroy Almeyda. He accordingly sent his son Lorenzo with eleven vessels to endeavour to counteract the designs of the zamorin by destroying the fleet he had prepared. Learning that the Calicut fleet was in the port of Cananor, consisting of 260 paraos, 60 of which were larger than the Portuguese ships, Lorenzo sailed thither and put them to flight after a severe engagement. In the pursuit, some of the paraos were taken, but many were sunk and run aground, by which the enemy sustained great loss, while only five or six of the Portuguese were slain. The principal booty taken on this occasion was four ships loaded with spice. Almost immediately after this victory, Don Lorenzo received notice that the fort of Anchediva was beset by 60 vessels belonging to the Moors and Malabars, well armed and manned with a number of resolute men under the command of a renegado. On this occasion the besieged behaved with great gallantry, and the besiegers pressed their attacks with much bravery, but several of their vessels having been destroyed and others much damaged by the cannon of the fort, and hearing of the approach of Lorenzo, the enemy withdrew in all haste.
Finding their trade almost destroyed by the Portuguese, the Moors endeavoured to shun their cruisers by keeping out to sea in their voyages from Cambaya and the ports of the Red Sea and Persian Gulf, passing through the Maldive Islands, and keeping to the south of Ceylon in their way to Sumatra and Malacca. The viceroy on learning this new course of the Moorish trade, sent his son Lorenzo with nine ships to intercept the trade of the enemy. While wandering through seas unknown to the pilots, Lorenzo discovered the island of Ceylon, formerly called Taprobana, and came to anchor in the port of _Gale_, where many Moors were taking in cinnamon and elephants for Cambaya. To induce Lorenzo not to molest or destroy them, the Moors made him an offer of 400 bahars of cinnamon in the name of the king of Ceylon; and although he well knew this proceeded only from fear, he thought it better to dissemble and accept the present, contenting himself with the discovery of the island, on which he erected a cross with an inscription of the date of his discovery. On his return to Cochin, he attacked the town of Biramjam or Brinjan, which he burnt to the ground and put all the inhabitants to the sword, in revenge for the slaughter of the factor and his people at Coulam, as this place belonged to that kingdom.
While Cide Barbudo and Pedro Quaresme were coming out from Portugal with two ships, they arrived after many misfortunes at Sofala, where they found Annaya and most of his men dead, and the rest of the Portuguese garrison sick. Quaresme remained there to defend the fort; and Barbudo proceeding towards India found Quiloa in as bad a condition, of which he carried intelligence to Almeyda. The viceroy sent immediately Nunno Vaz Pereyra to relieve the forts of Quiloa and Sofala[88]. But that of Quiloa was soon afterwards abandoned and destroyed, after having lost many lives, owing to the ill usage of the Portuguese to the natives, whom they treated with insufferable pride, and boundless avarice.
[Footnote 88: De Faria does not give any dates to the particular transactions in his text, merely noticing the successive years in the titles of the various sections into which his work is loosely divided, and occasionally on the margin: Even this has been neglected by the editor of Astley’s Collection. These last transactions on the coast of Africa seem to have taken place towards the end of 1506.–E.]
Having been informed by Diego Fernandez Pereyra that the island of Socotora near the mouth of the Red Sea was inhabited by Christians who were subject to the Moors, the king of Portugal ordered Tristan de Cunna and Alfonso de Albuquerque to direct their course to that island, and to endeavour to possess themselves of the fort, that the Portuguese ships might be enabled to winter at that island, and to secure the navigation of the Arabian Gulf against the Moors; for which purpose they carried out with them a wooden fort ready to put up. De Cunna was destined to command the trading ships which were to return to Europe, and Albuquerque to cruise with a small squadron on the coast of Arabia against the Moors. These two commanders sailed from Lisbon on the 6th of March 1507, with thirteen vessels in which were 1300 soldiers, some of whom died by the way, having been infected by the plague then raging in Lisbon; but when they came under the line, the sickness left them. Having come in sight of Cape Augustine in Brasil, they took a new departure from thence to cross the Southern Atlantic for the Cape of Good Hope; but in this course De Cunna held so far to the south that he discovered the islands still called by his name. At this place the ships were parted in a storm, each following a separate course till they met again at Mozambique. Alvaro Tellez, however, who commanded one of these ships, overshot Mozambique and proceeded to Cape Guardafu, where he took six ships belonging to the Moors, so laden with all kind of goods, that he made a sort of bridge from them to his own vessel, consisting of bales thrown into the sea, over which his men passed as on dry land.
During this part of the voyage likewise, Ruy Pereyra put into the port of Matatama in the island of Madagascar; and being informed that this island abounded in spice, especially ginger, Tristan de Cunna was induced to go there, and anchored in a bay which his son Nunno named _Angra de Donna Maria_, after a lady whom he courted. By others it is named the bay of _Santa Maria delta Conception_. As some Negroes appeared on the coast, De Cunna sent a Moor to converse with them; but when he mentioned that the ships belonged to Christians, they endeavoured to kill him, and had to be driven away by the Portuguese cannon. About three leagues farther on, they came to a village, the _xeque_ or sheikh of which carried them to another town on an island in a well sheltered bay into which the great river Lulangan discharges its waters. This town was inhabited by Moors[89] somewhat civilized, who, being afraid of the fleet made their escape to the main-land, but so overloaded their boats that many of them perished by the way. The Portuguese surrounded the island and took 500 prisoners, only twenty of whom were men, among whom was the _xeque_ or chief, an aged man of a respectable appearance. Next morning the sea was covered with boats, bringing over 600 men to demand the release of their wives and children. After some negociation, the Portuguese commander restored the prisoners to their liberty. He here learnt that the island of Madagascar was chiefly inhabited by negro _cafrs_, and produced but little ginger. He afterwards wished to have entered a town on this island called _Zada_, but the inhabitants set it on fire.
[Footnote 89: By Moors in the writings of the early Portuguese, Mahometans are always to be understood. The Moors of Madagascar were a mixed breed between the Arabs and Negroes.–E.]
From this place, De Cunna sent on Alfonso de Albuquerque with four ships to Mozambique, with orders to reduce some places on the coast of Melinda; while he went himself with three ships to Matatama in Madagascar, where he was told that cloves, ginger, and silver were to be had. On this expedition however, he lost one of his ships, only the pilot and seven men being saved; on which account he steered for Mozambique, but was forced by stress of weather into the island of Angoza. At night he discovered the lights of the ship St Jago which he had left at Mozambique, and soon after Juan de Nova arrived from Angoza, where he had wintered[90], laden with pepper. At Mozambique he rejoined Albuquerque, whom he sent on before him to Melinda; and meeting two other ships of his squadron at Quiloa, he proceeded to Melinda. To oblige the king of Melinda, the Portuguese attacked the city of Oja, the king of which place, aided by the king of Mombaza, made war on the king of Melinda. In this country, which is inhabited by Arabs, there are some ancient and wonderful structures. Each city, and almost every village has a separate king, whom they call _xeque_ or sheikh; but the principal among these are the sheikhs of Quiloa, Zanzibar, and Mombaza, while the sheikh of Melinda pretends to be the most ancient, deducing his pedigree from the sheikhs of Quitau, which, though in ruins, shows evident marks of ancient grandeur, having been superior to all its neighbours. These are Luziva, Parimunda, Lamon, Jaca, Oja, and others. This country is watered by the river Gulimanja, up which George Alfonso sailed for the space of five days, finding the banks every where covered with impervious woods, and the river inhabited by a prodigious number of sea horses or _hippopotami_.
[Footnote 90: This wintering, being in the southern hemisphere, probably refers to June and July 1507.–E.]
Having now only six ships out of thirteen with which he left Portugal, one being lost, some separated by storms, and others sent away, Tristan de Cunna appeared before the city of Oja, on an open shore seventeen leagues from Melinda, and defended by a wall towards the land, to protect it against the Kafrs. De Cunna sent a message to the sheikh desiring an interview, as having some important matters to arrange with him; but the sheikh answered, that he was subject to the soldan of Egypt, caliph or head of the Musselmans, and could not therefore treat with a people who were enemies to the prophet. Considering delay dangerous, Tristan resolved upon an immediate attack, and dividing his men into two parties, one commanded by himself and the other by Albuquerque, made for the shore as soon as day light appeared. The Moors were drawn up on the shore to resist the landing, but were soon forced to take shelter behind their walls; and, not trusting to them for protection, no sooner entered at the sea gate but they ran out at the gate opposite. Nunno de Cunna and Alfonso de Noronha pursued the sheikh and his people to a grove of palm trees, in which the sheikh and many of his attendants were slain. At this time, George Silveyra observed a grave Moor leading a beautiful young woman through a path in the wood, and made towards them. The Moor turned to defend himself, desiring the woman to make her escape while he fought; but she followed him, declaring she would rather die or be taken along with him, than make her escape alone. Seeing them thus strive who should give the strongest demonstration of affection, Silveyra allowed both to go away unhurt, unwilling to part so much love. The town was plundered and set on fire, and burnt with such fury that some of the Portuguese perished in the flames while in anxious search of plunder.
On being informed of what had happened at Oja, the sheikh of Lamo, fifteen leagues distant, came to make his submission, and to render himself more acceptable offered to pay a tribute of 600 meticals of gold yearly, about equal to as many ducats, and paid the first year in advance. From hence De Cunna proceeded to Brava, a populous town which had been formerly reduced, but the sheikh was now in rebellion, trusting to a force of 6000 men with which he opposed the landing of the Portuguese. But De Cunna and Albuquerque landed their troops next day in two bodies, in spite of every opposition from showers of arrows, darts, and stones, and scaled the walls, routing the Moors with prodigious slaughter. The city was plundered, and burnt; but in this enterprise the Portuguese lost forty-two men; not the half of them by the sword, but in consequence of a boat sinking which was overloaded with spoil. Those who were drowned had been so blinded with covetousness while plundering the town, that they barbarously cut off the hands and ears of the women to save time in taking off their bracelets and earrings. Sailing from Brava, Tristan de Cunna was rejoined off Cape Guardafu by Alvaro Tellez, who had been in great danger in a storm of losing his ship with all the rich booty formerly mentioned. Having got sight of Cape Guardafu, De Cunna now stood over for the island of Socotora, according to his instructions.
Socotora, or Zakatra is an island twenty leagues long and nine broad, stretching nearly east and west, in lat. 12 deg. 40′ N. and is the largest of the islands near the mouth of the Red Sea, but has no ports fit for any great number of ships to ride in during winter. Through the middle of this island there runs a chain of very high hills, yet covered over with sand blown up by the north winds from the shore to their tops, so that they are entirely barren and destitute of trees or plants, excepting some small valleys which are sheltered from these winds. It is 30 leagues from Cape Guardafu, and 50 leagues from the nearest part of the Arabian continent. The ports principally used by us are Zoco or Calancea to the westwards, and Beni to the east, both inhabited by Moors, who are very unpolished. In those valleys that are sheltered from the sand, apple and palm trees are produced, and the best aloes in the world, which from its excellence is called Socotorine aloes. The common food of the people is maize, with milk and tamarinds. The inhabitants of this island are Christians of the Jacobite church, similar in its ceremonies and belief to that which is established in Ethiopia[91]. The men generally use the names of the apostles, while most of the women, are named Maria. They worship the cross, which they set up in all their churches, and wear upon their clothes, worshipping thrice a-day in the Chaldean language, making alternate responses as we do in choirs. They have but one wife, use circumcision, pay tythes, and practice fasting. The men are comely, and the women so brave that they go to war like Amazons. They are clothed mostly in skins, but some of the better sort use cloth; their weapons are stones, which they sling with much dexterity, and they live mostly in caves[92]. This island was subject to the sheikh or king of Caxem[93] in Arabia.
[Footnote 91: Abyssinia is obviously here meant.–E.]
[Footnote 92: Though not distinguished in the text, Faria seems here to confine himself to the barbarous Christian natives, inhabiting the country; as the towns appear to have been occupied by Mahometan Arabs.–E.]
[Footnote 93: Cashen or Cassin.–Astley, I. 63.]
At this place[94] De Cunna found a tolerable fort, not ill manned, and decently provided for defence. He sent a friendly message to the sheikh, but receiving an insolent answer he resolved to attack the place, though the attempt seemed dangerous. He and Albuquerque went towards the shore with the troops, but Don Alfonso de Noronha, nephew to De Cunna, leapt first on shore, determining to shew himself worthy of the choice which the king had made of him to command in Socotora, if gained. Noronha immediately advanced against the sheikh with a few brave men. The sheikh defended himself with great resolution, and had even almost repulsed the assailants, when he was struck down by the lance of Noronha. The Moors endeavoured with much valour to rescue their wounded chief, but he and eight more were slain, on which the rest fled to the castle. This was immediately scaled by a party of the Portuguese, who opened the gate for the rest, who now rushed into the large outer court.
[Footnote 94: By a marginal note in Faria, it appears to have been now the year 1508; but the particular place or town in Socotora attacked by De Cunna is not mentioned. I am disposed however to believe that date an error of the press, for 1507.–E.]
The Moors bravely defended their inner fort to the last man, so that of eighty-three men only one was taken alive, besides a blind man who was found hidden in a well. Being asked how he had got there, being blind, he answered that blind men saw only one thing, which was the way to liberty. He was set free. In this assault the Portuguese lost six men. During the assault the natives of the island kept at a distance, but now came with their wives and children, joyfully returning thanks to the Portuguese commander for having delivered them from the heavy yoke of the infidels; and De Cunna received them to their great satisfaction under the protection of the crown of Portugal[95]. The Mosque was purified by the solemnities of the Catholic church, and converted into a church dedicated to the _Invocation of Neustra Sennora della Vittoria_, in which many were baptised by the labours of Father Antonio of the order of St Francis. De Cunna gave the command of the fort, now named San Miguel, to Don Alfonso de Noronha, his nephew, who had well deserved it by his valour, even if he had not been nominated to the command by the king. Noronha was provided with a garrison of an hundred men, with proper officers; after which De Cunna wintered at the island of Socotora, though very ill accommodated, and then sailed for India, sending Albuquerque, according to the royal orders, to cruise on the