The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of The English Nation Vol 01 by Richard Hakluyt (page 4)

In our England are such commodities Withouten helpe of any other lond
Which by witte and practise both yfound: That all humors might be voyded sure,
With that we gleder with our English cure: That we should haue no neede of Scamonie, Turbit, enforbe, correct Diagredie,
Rubarbe, Sene, and yet they ben to needefull, But I know things al so speedefull,
That growen here, as those things sayd. Let of this matter no man be dismayde; But that a man may voyde infirmitie
Without degrees fet fro beyond the sea. And yet they should except be any thing It were but sugre, trust to my saying: He that trusteth not to my saying and sentence, Let him better search experience.
In this matter I will not ferther prease, Who so not beleeueth, let him leaue and cease. Thus these galeys for this licking ware, And eating ware, bare hence out best chaffare. Cloth, woll, and tinne, which as I sayd before, Out of this lond worst might be forbore, For ech other land of necessitie
Haue great neede to buy some of them three: And we receiue of hem into this coste
Ware and chaffare that lightly wilbe loste. And would Iesus, that our Lord is wold Consider this well both yong and old:
Namely old that haue experience,
That might the yong exhorte to prudence; What harme, what hurt, and what hinderance Is done to vs, vnto our great grieuance, Of such lands, and of such nations:
As experte men know by probations, By writings as discouered our counsailes, And false colour alwaies the countertailes Of our enimies: that doth vs hindering Vnto our goods, our Relme, and to the king: As wise men haue shewed well at eye;
And all this is couloured by marchandye.

An example of deceite

Also they bere the gold out of this land, And sucke the thrift away out of our hand: As the Waspe souketh honie fro the bee, So minisheth our commoditee.
Nor wol ye here how they in Cotteswold Were wont to borrow or they shold be sold Her woll good as for yere and yere.
Of cloth and tinne they did in like manere: And in her galies ship this marchandie: Then soone at Venice of them men woll it bye. Then vtterne there the chaffare by the peise, And lightly als there they make her reise. And when the goods beene at Venice sold, Then to carie her change they this money haue, They will it profer, their subtiltie to saue, To English marchants to yeue it out by eschange To be payed againe they make not strange, At the receiuing and sight of a letter, Here in England, seeming for the better, by foure pence lesse in the noble round: That is twelue pence in the golden pound. And if wee wol haue of payment
A full moneth, than must him needes assent To eight pence losse, that is shillings twaine In the English pound: as eft soone again, For two moneths twelue pence must he pay. In the English pound what is that to say, But shillings three? So that in pound fell For hurt and harme hard is with hem to dwell. And when English marchants haue content This eschange in England of assent,
That these sayd Venecians haue in woone And Florentines to bere her gold soone Ouer the see into Flanders againe:
And thus they liue in Flanders sooth to saine, And in London with such cheuisance,
That men call vsury, to our losse and hinderance.

Another example of deceite.

Now lesten well how they made vs a valeys When they borrowed at the town of Caleis As they were wont, their woll that was hem lent, For yere and yere they should make payment. And sometimes als two yere and two yeare. This was fayre [7] loue: but yet will ye heare How they to Bruges would her woll carie, And for hem take payment withouten tarie, And sell it fast for ready money in hand. For fifty pounds of money of losse they wold not wond In a thousand pound, and liue thereby
Till the day of payment easily,
Come againe in exchange: making
Full like vsury, as men make vndertaking. Than whan this payment of a thousand pound Was well content, they should haue chaffare sound If they wold fro the Staple full,
Receiue againe three thousand pound in woll. In Cotteswold also they ride about,
And all England, and buy withouten doubte What them list with freedome and franchise, More then we English may gitten many wise But would God that without lenger delayes These galees were vnfraught in fortie dayes, And in fortie dayes charged againe,
And that they might be put to certaine To goe to oste, as we there with hem doe. It were expedient that they did right soe, As we doe there. If the king would it: Ah what worship wold fall to English wit? What profite also to our marchandie
Which wold of nede be cherished hertilie? For I would witte, why now our nauie fayleth, [Note diligently] When manie a foe vs at our doore assayleth.

[Sidenote: A woful complaint of lacke of nauie if need come. A storie of destruction of Denmarke for destruction of their marchants.]

Now in these dayes, that if there come a nede, What nauie should we haue it is to drede. In Denmarke were full noble conquerours In time past, full worthy warriours:
Which when they had their marchants destroyed, To pouerty they fell, thus were they noyed: And so they stand at mischiefe at this day. This learned I late well writon, this no nay. Therefore beware, I can no better will, If grace it woll, of other mennis perill. For if marchants were cherished to her speede, We were not likely to fayle in any neede. If they be rich, then in prosperitee
Shalbe our londe, lords, and commontee, And in worship. Now thinke I on the sonne Of Marchandy Richard of Whitingdon;

[Sidenote: The prayse of Richard of Whittingdon marchant.]

That load sterre, and chiefe chosen floure: What hath by him our England of honour, And what profite hath bin of his riches, And yet lasteth dayly in worthines?
That pen and paper may not me suffice Him to describe: so high he was of price Aboue marchants, that set him one of the best: I can no more, but God haue him in rest.

[Footnote 7: Or, lone.]

Now the principal matter.

What reason is it that we should goe to oste In their countries, & in this English coste They should not so? bat haue more liberty Then we our selues now also motte I thee. I would to gifts men should take no heede That letteth our thing publicke for to speede For this we see well euery day at eye, Gifts and fests stopen our policie.
Now see that fooles ben either they or wee But euer we haue the worse in this countree. Therefore let hem vnto oste go here,
Or be we free with hem in like manere In their countrees: and if it will not bee, Compell them vnto oste, and yee shall see Moch auantage, and moch profite arise, Moch more then I can write in any wise.

Of our charge and discharge at her marts.

Conceiue wel here, that Englishmen at martes Be discharged, for all her craftes and artes, In Brabant of her marchandy
In fourteene dayes, and ageine hastily In the same dayes fourteene acharged eft. And if they bide lenger all is bereft, Anon they should forfeit her goods all, Or marchandy: it should no better fall. And we to martis in Brabant charged beene With English cloth full good and fayre to seene: We ben againe charged with mercerie,
Haburdasher ware, and with grosserie: To which marts, that English men call fayres, Ech nation oft maketh her repayres:
English, and French, Lombards, Iennoyes, Catalones, thedre they take her wayes: Scots, Spaniards, Irishmen there abides, With great plenty bringing of sale hides. And I here say that we in Brabant bye, Flanders and Zeland more of marchandy
In common vse then done all other nations: This haue I heard of marchants relations: And if the English ben not in the marts They ben feeble, and as nought bene her parts. For they byemore, and fro purse put out More marchandie then all the other rowte. Kept then the see, shippes should not bring ne fetch, And then the carreys wold not thidre stretch: And so those marts wold full euill thee, If we manly kept about the see.

Of the commodities of Brabant and Zeland and Henauld and marchandy carried by land to the martes. Cap. 8.

Yet marchandy of Brabant and Zeland The Madre and Woad, that dyers take on hand To dyen with, Garlike and Onions,
And saltfishe als for husband and commons. But they of Holland at Caleis byen our felles, And wolles our, that Englishmen hem selles. And the chaffare that Englishmen doe byen In the marts, that noe man may denien, Is not made in Brabant that cuntree:
It commeth from out of Henauld, not by see, But al by land, by carts, and from France, Bourgoyne, Colem, Cameret in substance, Therefore at marts if there be a restraint, Men seyne plainely that list no fables paynt, If Englishmen be withdrawen away,
Is great rebuke and losse to her affray: As though we sent into the land of France Ten thousand people, men of good puissance, To werre vnto her hindring multifarie. So ben our English marchants necessarie. If it be thus assay, and we shall witten Of men experte, by whom I haue this written.

[Sidenote: What our marchants bye in that cost more then all other.]

For sayd is that this carted marchandy Draweth in value as much verily,
As all the goods that come in shippes thider, Which Englishmen bye most and bring it hither. For her marts ben febel, shame to say, But Englishmen thither dresse her way.

A conclusion of this depending of keeping of the sea.

Than I conclude, if neuer so much by land Were by carres brought vnto their hand, If well the sea were kept in gouernance They should by sea haue no deliuerance. Wee should hem stop, and we should hem destroy, As prisoners we should hem bring to annoy. And so we should of our cruell enimies Make our friends for feare of marchandies, If they were not suffered for to passe Into Flanders. But we be frayle as glasse And also brittle, not thought neuer abiding, But when grace shineth soone are we sliding, We will it not receiue in any wise:
That maken lust, enuie, and couetise: Expone me this; and yee shall sooth it find, Bere it away, and keepe it in your mind. Then shuld worship vnto our Noble bee
In feate and forme to lord and Maiestie: Liche as the seale the greatest of this land On the one side hath, as I vnderstand, A prince riding with his swerd ydraw,
In the other side sitting, soth it is in saw, Betokening good rule and punishing
In very deede of England by the king. And it is so God blessed mought he bee. So in likewise I would were on the see By the Noble, that swerde should haue power, And the ships on the sea about vs here. What needeth a garland which is made of Iuie Shewe a tauerne winelesse, also thriue I? If men were wise, the Frenchmen and Fleming Shuld bere no state in sea by werring. Then Hankin lyons shuld not be so bold To stoppe wine, and shippes for to hold Vnto our shame. He had be beten thence Alas, alas, why did we this offence,
Fully to shend the old English fames; And the profits of England and their names: Why is this power called of couetise;
With false colours cast beforn our eyes? That if good men called werriours
Would take in hand for the commons succours, To purge the sea vnto our great auayle, And winne hem goods, and haue vp the sayle, And on our enimies their liues to impart, So that they might their prises well departe, As reson wold, iustice and equitie;
To make land haue lordship of the sea.

[Sidenote: Lombards are cause enough to hurt this land although there were none other cause. False colouring of goods by Lombards. Alas for bribes & gift of good feasts & other means that stoppen our policie. This is the very state of our time.]

Then shall Lombards and other fained friends Make her chalenges by colour false offends, And say their chaffare in the shippes is, And chalenge al. Looke if this be amisse. For thus may al that men haue bought to sore, Ben soone excused, and saued by false colour. Beware yee men that bere the great in hand That they destroy the policie of this land, By gifte and good, and the fine golden clothis, And silke, and other: say yee not this soth is? But if we had very experience
That they take meede with prime violence, Carpets, and things of price and pleasance, Whereby stopped should be good gouernance: And if it were as yee say to mee,
Than wold I say, alas cupiditie,
That they that haue her liues put in drede, Shalbe soone out of winning, all for meed, And lose her costes, and brought to pouerty, That they shall neuer haue lust to goe to sea.

An exhortation to make an ordinance against colour of maintainers and excusers of folkes goods

[Sidenote: It is a marueilous thing that so great a sicknes and hurt of the land may haue no remedie of so many as take heselues wise men of gouernance.]

For this colour that must be sayd alofte And be declared of the great full ofte, That our seamen wol by many wise
Spoile our friends in steede of our enimies: For which colour and Lombards maintenance, The king it needes to make an ordinance With his Counsayle that may not fayle, I trowe, That friends should from enimies be knowe, Our enimies taken and our friends spared: The remedy of hem must be declared.
Thus may the sea be kept in no sell, For if ought be spoken, wot yee well,
We haue the strokes, and enemies haue the winning: But mayntainers are parteners of the finning. We liue in lust and bide in couetise;
This is our rule to maintaine marchandise, And policie that wee haue on the sea,
And, but God helpe, it will no other bee.

Of the commodities of Ireland and policie and keeping thereof and conquering of wild Irish: with an incident of Wales. Chap. 9.

I cast to speake of Ireland but a litle: Commodities of it I will entitle,
Hides, and fish, Salmon, Hake, Herringe, Irish wooll, and linen cloth, faldinge, And marterns goode ben her marchandie, Hertes Hides, and other of Venerie.[8] Skinnes of Otter, Squirell and Irish hare, Of sheepe, lambe, and Fox, is her chaffare, Felles of Kiddes, and Conies great plentie. So that if Ireland helpe vs to keepe the sea, Because the King cleped is Rex Angliæ, And is Dominus also Hyberniæ,
Old possessed by Progenitours:
The Irish men haue cause like to ours Our land and hers together to defend,
That no enemie should hurt ne offend, Ireland ne vs: but as one commontie
Should helpe well to keepe about the sea: For they haue hauens great, and goodly bayes, Sure, wyde and deepe, of good assayes, At Waterford, and costes many one.
And as men sayne in England be there none Better hauens, ships in to ride,
No more sure for enemies to abide, Why speake I thus so much of Ireland?
For all so much as I can vnderstand, It is fertile for things that there doe growe And multiplien, loke who lust to knowe, So large, so good, and so commodious,
That to declare is strange and maruailous.

[Footnote 8: Hunting.]

[Sidenote: Mynes of siluer and gold in Ireland.]

For of siluer and golde there is the oore, Among the wilde Irish though they be poore. For they are rude can thereon no skill: So that if we had their peace and good will To myne and fine, and metal for to pure, In wilde Irish might we finde the cure, As in London saith a Iuellere,
Which brought from thence golde oore to vs here, Whereof was fyned mettal good and clene, As they touch, no better could be seene. Nowe here beware and heartily take intent, As yee will answere at last iudgement, That for slought and for racheshede
Yee remember with all your might to hede To keepe Ireland that it be not lost.
For it is a boterasse and a post, Vnder England, and Wales another:
God forbid, but ech were others brother, Of one ligeance due vnto the king.
But I haue pittie in good faith of this thing That I shall say with auisement:
I am aferde that Ireland will be shent: It must awey, it wol bee lost from vs, But if thou helpe, thou Iesu gracious, And giue vs grace al slought to leue beside. For much thing in my herte is hide,
Which in another treatise I caste to write Made al onely for that soile and site, Of fertile Ireland, wich might not be forborne, But if England were nigh as goode as gone. God forbid that a wild Irish wirlinge
Should be chosen for to bee their kinge, After her conqueste for our last puissance, And hinder vs by other lands alliance. Wise men seyn, wich felin not, ne douten, That wild Irish so much of ground haue gotten There vpon vs, as likenesse may be
Like as England to sheeris two or three Of this our land is made comparable:
So wild Irish haue wonne on vs vnable Yet to defend, and of none power,
That our ground is there a litle corner, To all Ireland in true comparison.
It needeth no more this matter to expon. Which if it bee lost, as Christ Iesu forbed, Farewel Wales, then England commeth to dred, For aliance of Scotland and of Spaine,

[Sidenote: This is now to be greatly feared.]

And other moe, as the pety Bretaine, And so haue enemies enuiron round about. I beseech God, that some prayers deuout Mutt let the said apparance probable
Thus disposed without feyned fable. But all onely for perill that I see
Thus imminent, it’s likely for to bee, And well I wotte, that from hence to Rome, And, as men say, in all Christendome,
Is no ground ne land to Ireland liche, So large, so good, so plenteous, so riche, That to this worde Dominus doe long.
Then mee semeth that right were and no wrong, To get the lande: and it were piteous
To vs to lese this high name Dommus. And all this word Dominus of name
Shuld haue the ground obeysant wilde and tame. That name and people togidre might accord Al the ground subiect to the Lord.
And that it is possible to bee subiect, Vnto the king wel shal it bee detect,
In the litle booke that I of spake. I trowe reson al this wol vndertake,
And I knowe wel howe it stante,
Alas fortune beginneth so to scant, Or ellis grace, that deade is gouernance. For so minisheth parties of our puissance, In that land that wee lese euery yere, More ground and more, as well as yee may here. I herd a man speake to mee full late,
Which was a lord [9] of full great estate; Than expense of one yere done in France Werred on men well willed of puissance This said ground of Ireland to conquere. And yet because England might not forbere These said expenses gadred in one yeere, But in three yeeres or foure gadred vp here, Might winne Ireland to a finall conqueste, In one sole yeere to set vs all at reste. And how soone wolde this be paied ageyne: Which were it worth yerely, if wee not feyne: I wol declare, who so luste to looke,
I trowe full plainely in my litle booke. But couetise, and singularitie
Of owne profite, enuie, crueltie, Hath doon vs harme, and doe vs euery day, And musters made that shame is to say: Our money spent al to litle auaile,
And our enimies so greatly doone preuaile, That what harme may fall and ouerthwerte I may vnneth write more for sore of herte.

[Footnote 9: This Lorde was the Earle of Ormond that told to me this matter, that he would vndertake it, in pain of losse of al his liuelihood. But this proffer could not be admitted. Ergo malè.]

An exhortation to the keeping of Wales

Beware of Wales, Christ Iesu mutt vs keepe, That it make not our childers childe to weepe, Ne vs also, so if it goe his way,
By vnwarenes: seth that many a day Men haue bee ferde of her rebellion,
By great tokens and ostentation:
Seche the meanes with a discrete auise, And helpe that they rudely not arise
For to rebell, that Christ it forbede. Looke wel aboute, for God wote yee haue neede, Vnfainingly, vnfeyning and vnfeynt,
That conscience for slought you not atteynt: Kepe well that grounde for harme that may ben vsed, Or afore God mutte yee ben accused.

Of the commodious Stockfish of Island and keeping of the Sea namely the Narrow sea, with an incident of the keeping of Caleis. Chap. 10.

[Sidenote: The trade of Bristow to Island.] [Sidenote: The old trade of Scarborough to Island and the North.]

Of Island to write is litle nede,
Saue of Stock fish. Yet forsooth in deed Out of Bristowe, and costes many one,
Men haue practised by nedle and by stone Thider wardes within a litle while,
Within twelue yere, and without perill Gon and come, as men were wont of old
Of Scarborough, vnto the costes cold. And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware, That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare: Island might not make hem to bee fraught Vnto the Hawys: thus much harme they caught. Then here I ende of the commoditees
For which neede is well to kepe the seas: Este and Weste, South and North they bee. And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see, Betweene Douer and Caleis: and as thus that foes passe none without good will of vs: And they abide our danger in the length, What for our costis and Caleis in our strength.

An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis.

And for the loue of God, and of his blisse Cherish yee Caleis better then it is.
See well thereto, and heare the grete complaint That true men tellen, that woll no lies paint, And as yee know that writing commeth from thence: Doe not to England for slought so great offence, But that redressed it bee for any thing: Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing.
For litle wenith the foole who so might chese What harme it were good Caleis for to lese: What wo it were for all this English ground.

[Sidenote: The ioy of Sigismund the Emperour that Caleis was English.]

Which wel concerned the Emperour Sigismound, That of all ioyes made it one of the moste, That Caleis was subiect vnto English coste. Him thought it was a iewel most of all, And so the same in Latine did it call. And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe, I cast to write within a litle scrowe, Like as I haue done before by and by
In other parteis of our policie.
Loke how hard it was at the first to get; And by my counsell lightly doe not it let. For if wee lese it with shame of face
Wilfully, it is for lacke of grace. Howe was Harflew [10] cried vpon, and Rone,[11] That they were likely for shought to be gone: Howe was it warned and cried on in England, I make record with this pen in my hand. It was warened plainely in Normandie,
And in England, and I thereon did crie. The world was defrauded, it betyde right so. Farewell Harflew: lewdly it was a go.
Nowe ware Caleis, I can say no better: My soule discharge I by this present letter.

[Footnote 10: Harfleur, which was lost in 1449.] [Footnote 11: Rouen]

After the Chapitles of commodities, of diuers lands, sheweth the conclusion of keeping of the sea enuiron, by a storie of King Edgar and two incidents of King Edward the third, and King Henrie the fifth. Chap. 11.

Now see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee
Vnder the ship shewed there the sayle, And our king with royal apparayle,
With swerd drawen bright and extent For to chastise enimies violent;
Should be lord of the sea about,
To keepe enimies from within and without; To behold through Christianitee
Master and lord enuiron of the see: All liuing men such a prince to dreed, Of such a regne to bee aferd indeed.
Thus proue I well that it was thus of old; Which by a [*] Chronicle anon shalbe told, Right curious: but I will interprete
It into English, as I did it gete: Of king Edgar: O most marueilous
Prince liuing, wittie, and cheualerous: So good that none of his predecessours Was to him liche in prudence and honours. Hee was fortanate and more gracious
Then other before, and more glorious: He was beneth no man in holines:
Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes.

[Marginal note *: Dicit Chronica, quod iste Edgarus cunctis prædecessoribus suis fælicior, nulli sanctitate inferior, omnibus morum suauitate præstantior fuerit Luxit ipse Anglis non minus memorabilis quàm Cyrus Persis, Carolus Francis, Romulus verò Romanis.]

Of English kings was none so commendable To English men no lesse memorable:
Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance, And as great Charles was to them of France, And as to the Romanes was great Romulus, So was to England this worthy Edgarus. I may not write more of his worthines
For lacke of time, ne of his holines: But to my matter I him exemplifie,
Of conditions tweyne and of his policie: Within his land was one, this is no doubt, And another in the see without,
That in time of Winter and of werre, When boystrous windes put see men into fere; Within his land about by all prouinces Hee passed through, perceiuing his princes, Lords, and others of the commontee,
Who was oppressour, and who to pouertee Was drawen and brought, and who was clene in life, And was by mischiefe and by strife
With ouer leding and extortion:
And good and badde of eche condition Hee aspied: and his ministers als,
Who did trought, and which of hem was fals: Howe the right and lawes of the land
Were execute, and who durst take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees,
If they were well kept in all countrees: Of these he made subtile inuestigation Of his owne espie, and other men’s relation. Among other was his great busines,
Well to ben ware, that great men of riches, And men of might in citie nor in towne Should to the poore doe non oppression. Thus was he wont in this Winter tide,
On such enforchise busily to abide. This was his labour for the publike thing, Thus was hee occupied: a passing holy King Nowe to purpose, in the Sommer faire
Of lusty season, whan clered was the aire, He had redie shippes made before
Great and huge, not fewe but many a store: Full three thousand and sixe hundred also Stately inough on our sea to goe.

[Sidenote: Dicit Chronica præparauerat naues robustissimas numero tria millia sexcenta: in quibus redeunte æstate omnem insulam ad terrorem extraneorum & ad suorum excitationem cum maximo apparatu circumnauigare consueuerat.]

The Chronicles say, these shippes were full boysteous: Such things long to kings victorious.
In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne And in custome to be ful redie soone,
With multitude of men of good array And instruments of werre of best assay. Who could hem well in any wise descriue? It were not light for eny man aliue.
Thus he and his would enter shippes great Habiliments hauing and the fleete
Of See werres, that ioyfull was to see Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee,
There present in person hem among To saile and rowe enuiron all along,
So regal liche about the English isle; To all strangers terrours and perile.
Whose fame went about in all the world stout, Vnto great fere of all that be without, And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natall cuntree
For courage of nede must haue exercise, Thus occupied for esshewin of vice
This knew the king that policie espied; Winter and Somer he was thus occupied. Thus conclude I by authoritee
Of Chronike, that enuiron the see Should bene our subiects vnto the King, And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing: For great worship and for profile also To defend his land fro euery foo.
That worthy king I leue, Edgar by name, And all the Chronike of his worthy fame:

[Sidenote: Dicit Chronica &c. vt non minus quantum ei etiam in hac vita bononum operum mercedem donauerit: cum aliquando ad maximam eius festiuitatem, reges, comites multarúmque, prouinciarum protectores conuenissent, &c.]

Saffe onely this I may not passe away, A worde of mighty strength till that I say, That graunted him God such worship here, For his merites, hee was without pere, That sometime at his great festiuitee
Kings, and Erles of many a countree, And princes fele were there present,
And many Lords came thider by assent. To his worship: but in a certaine day
Hee bad shippes to be redie of aray: For to visit Saint Iohns Church hee list Rowing vnto the good holie Baptist,
Hee assigned to Erles, Lords, and knights Many ships right goodly to sights:
And for himselfe and eight kings moo Subiect to him hee made kepe one of thoo, A good shippe, and entrede into it
With eight kings, and downe did they sit; And eche of them an ore tooke in hand, At ore hales, as I vnderstand,
And he himselfe at the shippe behinde As steris man it became of kinde.
Such another rowing I dare well say, Was not seene of Princes many a day.
Lo than how hee in waters got the price, In lande, in see, that I may not suffice To tell, O right, O magnanimitee,
That king Edgar had vpon the see.

An incident of the Lord of the sea King Edward the third.

Of king Edward I passe and his prowes On lande, on sea yee knowe his worthines: The siege of Caleis, ye know well all the matter Round about by land, and by the water, Howe it lasted not yeeres many agoe,
After the battell of Crecye was ydoe: Howe it was closed enuiron about,
Olde men sawe it, which liuen, this is no doubt.

[Sidenote: Caleis was yeelded to the English 1347.]

Old Knights say that the Duke of Borgoyn, Late rebuked for all his golden coyne; Of ship on see made no besieging there, For want of shippes that durst not come for feare. It was nothing besieged by the see:
Thus call they it no siege for honestee. Gonnes assailed, but assault was there none, No siege, but fuge: well was he that might be gone: This maner carping haue knights ferre in age, Expert through age of this maner language.

[Sidenote: King Edward had 700. English ships and 14151. English mariners before Caleis.]

But king Edward made a siege royall, And wanne the towne: and in especiall
The sea was kept, and thereof he was Lord. Thus made he Nobles coyned of record;
In whose time was no nauie on the see That might withstand his maiestie.
Battell of Scluse,[12] yee may rede euery day, Howe it was done I leue and goe my way: It was so late done that yee it knowe, In comparison within a litle throwe:
For which to God giue we honour and glorie, For Lord of see the king was with victorie.

[Footnote 12: The battle of L’Ecluse.]

Another incident of keeping of the see, in the time of the marueilous werriour and victorious Prince, King Henrie the fifth, and of his great shippes.

[Sidenote: The great ships of Henry the fift, made at Hampton.]

And if I should conclude all by the King Henrie the fift, what was his purposing, Whan at Hampton he made the great dromons, Which passed other great ships of all the commons, The Trinitie, the Grace de Dieu, the holy Ghost, And other moe, which as nowe bee lost. What hope ye was the kings great intent Of thoo shippes, and what in minde hee meant? It was not ellis, but that hee cast to bee Lorde round about enuiron of the see.
And when Harflew had her siege about, There came caracks horrible great and stoute In the narrow see willing to abide,
To stoppe vs there with multitude of pride.

[Sidenote: Great caracks of Genoa taken by the Duke of Bedford.]

My Lord of Bedford came on and had the cure, Destroyed they were by that discomfiture.

[Sidenote: 1416.]

This was after the king Harflew had wonne, Whan our enemies to siege had begonne: That all was slaine or take, by true relation, To his worshippe, and of his English nation.

[Sidenote: The French nauie thus ouerthrowen was of fiue hundred saile.]

There was present the kings chamberlaine At both battailes; which knoweth this in certaine; He can it tell other wise then I:
Aske him, and witte; I passe foorth hastily What had this king of his magnificence, Of great courage of wisedome, and prudence? Prouision, forewitte, audacitee,
Of fortitude, iustice, and agilitee, Discretion, subtile auisednesse,
Attemperance, Noblesse, and worthinesse: Science, prowesse, deuotion, equitie,
Of most estate, with his magnanimitie Liche to Edgar, and the saide Edward,
As much of both liche hem as in regard. Where was on liue a man more victorious, And in so short time prince so marueilous? By land and sea, so well he him acquitte, To speake of him I stony in my witte
Thus here I leaue the king with his noblesse, Henry the fift, with whom all my processe Of this true booke of pure policie
Of sea keeping, entending victorie I leaue endly: for about in the see
No prince was of better strenuitee. And if he had to this time liued here, He had bene Prince named withouten pere:

[Sidenote: The Trinitie, the Grace de Dieu, the holy Ghost]

His great ships should haue ben put in preefe, Vnto the ende that he ment of in cheefe, For doubt it not but that he would haue bee Lord and master about the round see:
And kept it sure to stoppe our enemies hence, And wonne vs good, and wisely brought it thence: That no passage should be without danger, And his licence on see to moue and sterre.

Of vnitie, shewing of our keeping of the see: with an endly or finall processe of peace by authoritie. Chap. 12.

[Sidenote: Exhortatio generales in custodiam totius Angliæ per diligentiam custodiæ circutus maris circa littora eiusdem: quæ debet esse per vnanimitatem Consilariorum regis, & hominum bonæ voluntatus.]

Now than for loue of Christ, and of his ioy, Bring it England out of trouble and noy: Take heart and witte, and set a gouernance, Set many wits withouten variance,
To one accord and vnanimitee.
Put to good will for to keepe the see. First for worship and profite also,
And to rebuke of eche euill willed foe. Thus shall worship and riches to vs long. Than to the Noble shall we doe no wrong, To beare that coyne in figure and in deede, To our courage, and to our enemies dreede: For which they must dresse hem to peace in haste, Or ellis their thrift to standen and to waste. As this processe hath proued by and by All by reason and expert policy;
And by stories which proued well this parte: Or ellis I will my life put in ieoparte, But many londs would seche her peace for nede, The see well kept: it must be doo for drede. Thus must Flanders for nede haue vnitee And peace with vs: it will non other bee, Within short while: and ambassadours
Would bene here soone to treate for their succours.

[Sidenote: Tres sunt causæ prædictæ custodiæ scilcet, honor commodum regnum, & opprobrium inimicis.]

This vnitie is to God pleasance:
And peace after the werres variance. The ende of battaile is peace sikerly, And power causeth peace finally.
Kept than the sea about in speciall, Which of England is the towne wall.
As though England were likened to a citie, And the wall enuiron were the see
Kepe then the sea that is the wall of England: And than is England kept by Goddes hande; That as for any thing that is without, England were at ease withouten doubt,
And thus should euery lond one with another Entercommon as brother with his brother And liue togither werrelesse in vnitie, Without rancour in very charitie,
In rest and peace, to Christes great pleasance, Without strife, debate and variance.
Which peace men should enserche with businesse, And knit it saddely holding in holinesse.

[Sidenote: Ephes. 4. Solliciti sitis seruare vnitatem spiritus in vinculo pacis.]

The Apostle seith, if ye list to see, Bee yee busie for to keepe vnitee
Of the spirit in the bond of peace. Which is nedeful to all withouten lese. The Prophet biddeth vs peace for to enquire To pursue it, this is holy desire.
Our Lord Iesu saith, Blessed motte they bee That maken peace; that is tranquillitee.

[Sidenote: Matth. 5. Beati pacifici quoniam filij Dei vocabuntur.]

For peace makers, as Matthew writeth aright, Should be called the sonnes of God almight. God giue vs grace, the weyes for to keepe Of his precepts, and slugly not to sleepe In shame of sinne: that our verry foo
Might be to vs conuers, and turned so.

[Sidenote: Cum placuerint Domino viæ hominis eius inimicos ad pacem conuertet]

For in the Prouerbs is a text to this purpose Plaine inough without any glose:
When mens weyes please vnto our Lord, It shall conuert and bring to accord
Mans enemies vnto peace verray,
In vnitie, to liue to Goddis pay, With vnitie, peace, rest and charitie. Hee that was here cladde in humanitie, That came from heauen, and styed vp with our nature, Or hee ascended, he gaue to vs cure,
And left with vs peace, ageyne striffe and debate, Mote giue vs peace, so well irradicate Here in this world: that after all this feste

[Sidenote: Vrbs beata Ierusalem dicta pacis visio.]

Wee may haue peace in the land of beheste Ierusalem, which of peace is the sight, With his brightnes of eternall light,
There glorified in rest with his tuition, The Deitie to see with full fruition:
Hee second person in diuinenesse is, Who vs assume, and bring vs to the blis. Amen

Here endeth the true procease of the Libel of English policie, exhorting all England to keepe the sea enuiron: shewing what profit and saluation, with worship commeth thereof to the reigne of England.

Goe forth Libelle, and meekely shew thy face; Appearing euer with humble countenance: And pray my Lords to take in grace,
In opposaile and cherishing the aduance. To hardines if that not variance
Thou hast fro trought by full experience Authors and reasons: if ought faile in substance Remit to hem that yafe thee this science; That seth it is soth in verray fayth,

[Sidenote: The wise lord of Hungerfords iudgement of this booke.]

That the wise Lord Baron of Hungerford Hath thee ouerseene, and verely he saith That thou art true, and thus he doeth record, Next the Gospel: God wotte it was his worde, When hee thee redde all ouer in a night. Goe forth trew booke, and Christ defend thy right.

_Explicit libellus de Politia conseruatiua maris_.

* * * * *

Breuis Commentarius de Islandia: quo Scriptorum de hac Insula errores deteguntur, & extraneorum quorundam conuitijs, ac calumnijs, quibus Islandis liberiùs insultare solent, occurritur: per Arngrimum Ionam Islandum. Serenissimo Principi ac Domino, domino Christiano IIII, Daniæ, Noruegiæ, Vandalorum, Gothorúmque, Regi electo: Slesuici, Holsatiæ, Stormariæ & Dithmarsiæ Duci: Comiti in Oldenburg & Delmenhorst: Domino suo clementissimo.

Præclaram sanè apud Historicos meretur laudem, Sereniss. Princeps, Anchuri illius Midæ regis filij ausus plusquam humanus, & in patriam pietas, ferè exemplo carens, quòd ad occludendum ingentem circa Celænam Phrygiæ oppidum, terræ hiatum, quotidie homines haud exiguo numero, & quicquid in propinquo erat, absorbentem, sese vltrò obtulerit. Cum enim ab oraculo Midas pater accepisset, non prius conclusum iri istam voraginem, quam res eò preciosissimæ immitterentur: Anchurus existimans, nihil esse anima pretiosius, sese viuum in illud profundissimum chasma præcipitem dedit: ídque tanto animi cum feruore, vt neque parentis desiderio, neque dulcissimæ coniugis amplexu vel lachrymis, ab isto proposito se retrahi passus sit.

Nec inferiorem multò consecuti sunt gloriam Sperthius & Bulis, Lacedæmonij, qui ad auertendam potentissimi Regis Persarum Xerxis, ob occisos à Lacedemonijs Darij patris legatos, vltionem, ad Regem profecti sunt, & vt legatorum necem in se, non in patria vlcisceretur, erectis & constantibus animis sese obtulerunt.

Quæ verò res, Sereniss. Princeps, illos ac alios complures mouit, vt patriæ flagrantes amore, nullum pro ea periculum, nullas molestias, imò ne mortem ipsam recusarint, ea profectò me quoque impulit, non quidem, vt quemadmodum illi, mortem sponte oppeterem, aut me mactandum vltro offerrem, sed tamen, vt id quòd solum possem, in gratiam patriæ tentarem: Hoc est, vt scriptorum de ea errores colligerem & rumusculos vanos refellerem: Ac ita rem profectò periculosam, & multorum forsan sinistro obnoxiam iudicio, aggrederer.

In eo proposito me etiam Cn. Pompeij exemplum confirmauit: Quem rei frumentariaæ apud Romanos procuratorem, cum in summa Vrbis annonæ charitate, in Sicilia, Sardinia & Africa frumentum collegisset, maiorem patriæ, quàm sui, tradunt rationem habuisse. Cum enim Romam versus properaret, & ingenti ac periculosa oborta tempestate, Naucleros trepidare, nec se ventorum aut maris sævitiæ committere velle animaduerteret, ipse nauim primus ingressus, anchoras tolli iussit, in hæc verba exclamans: Vt nauigemus vrget necessitas: vt viuamus, non vrget. Quibus vir prudentissimus innuisse videtur, patriæ periclitantis maiorem habendam rationem, quàm priuatæ incolumitatis.

Hunc ego sic imitor,

(Si parua licet componere magnis, & muscam Elephanto conferre) vt collectis ac comportatis ijs, quibus ad succurrendum gentis nostræ nomini ac famæ, apud extraneos, ex maleuolorum quorundam inuidia iam diu laboranti vterer; paucula hæc in lucem emittere, méque pelago huic quantumuis turbulento committere, lintea ventis tradere, cúmque illo exclamare non dubitem: Vt scribamus, vrget necessitas: Vt verò scriptum nostrum, cuiusuis, delicato palato, vbíque satisfaciat, aut omnem Momi proteruiam effugiat, non vrget. Institutum meum complures probaturos spero: successum forsan non itidem omnes probabunt. Nihiiominus tamen maiorem habendam rationem patriæ, multorum hactenus opprobria & contumelias sustinentis, quàm siue laudis, siue vituperationis, ad me ipsum hinc forsan redituræ, existimabam. Quid enim causæ esse potest, cur nonnullorum odium & inuidentiam, cum hoc patriæ, benefaciendi seu gratificandi studio fortè coniunctam recusem?

Quodsi scriptorum errores liberius notare, si quorundam calumnias durius perstringere videbor, eos tamen æquos me habiturum censores confido, qui paulò diligentius animaduertere volent, quam parùm tolerabiles sint scriptorum de nostra gente errores: quot etiam & quàm graues quorundam in nos calumniæ, quibus nationem nostram varijs modis laccssiuere, & etiamnum lacessere non desistunt. Dandum etiam aliquid omnibus congenito soli natalis amori est; Dandum iusto, ob hanc patriæ illatam iniuriam, dolori. Et ego quidem, quantum fieri potuit, vbíque mihi temperaui, ac à conuitijs abstinere volui: quòd si quid videatur mollius dicendnm fuisse, id prædicta ratione veniam, spero, merebitur.

Cum igitur hæc mihi subeunda sit alea, quod omnibus scriptum aliquod edituris in more positum animaduerto, id mihi hoc tempore solicitè curandum est: Nempè vt patronum & mecænatem aliquem huic meo commentariolo quæram, sub cuius nomine & numine, tutius in vulgi manus exeat.

Eam igitur ad rem nihil poterit contingere optatius, vestra, clementissime Princeps Sereniss. Maiestate: Et enim nos ei, qui vitam & fortunas nostras in suam potestatem & tutelam accepit, ei inquam, nomen quoque gentis nostræ innocenter contaminatum, curæ vt sit, supplices rogamus.

Imò verò, Rex clementiss. non solùm ad hanc rem, S. Maiestatis V. clemens implorare auxilium necessum habemus; Sed ad multa quoque alia, quæ in nostra patria desiderantur, aut quæ alioqui ad huius vtilitatem & salutem communem spectant: quæque non per me, sed per summorum nostræ gentis viroram libellos supplices hoc tempore exponuntur, aut certè breui exponentur. Nihil enim dubitamus quin S. V. Maiestas, Christianissimorum maiorum exemplo, etiam nostram patriam, inter reliquas imperij sui Insulas, sua cura & protectione regia dignari velit. Nam quæ nostra est ad S. Maiestatem V. confugiendi necessitas, ea est S. Maiestatis V. in nobis subleuandis, curandis & protegendis, gloria: Et ob nutritam extremi ferè orbis Arctoi ecclesiam, in remotissimis M. V. imperij finibus, quæ tranquillitatem & tuta singulari Dei beneficio halcyonia habet, præmium, ac reposita in coelis immarcessibilis vitæ æternæ corona.

Cæterum cùm illa huius loci non sint, id quod mei est propositi subiungo: & à S. Maiestate V. ea, qua par est, amimi submissione peto, vt huic meæ opellæ & studio in patriam collato, fauere, & patroni benigni esse loco, clementer dignetur. Quod superest, Sereniss. Princeps, Dom. clementissime, Maiestatem V. sapientiæ & prudentiæ, omniúmque adeò virtutnm heroicarum indies incrementa sumentem, ad summum imperij fastigium, summas ille regnorum, omniúmque adeò rerum humanaram dispensator, Deos opt. max. euehat: Euectam, omni rerum foelicissimo successu continuè beet: Beatámque hoc modo, vt summum horum regnorum ornamentum, columen, præesidium, Ecclesiæ clypeum & munimen, quàm diutissimè conseruet: Ac tandem in altera vita, in solido regni coelestis gaudio, cùm præcipuis ecclesiæ Dei nutritijs, syderis instar, illustrem fulgere faciat. Faxit etiam idem Pater clementis. vt hæc vota, quanto sæpius, in amplissimorum Maiestatis V. regnorum & Insularem quouis angulo, quotidiè repetuntur ac ingeminantur, tantò rata magis & certiora, maneant.

Haffniæ 1593. Mense Mart.

S. M. V. humiliter subiectus:

Aragrimos Ionas Islandus.

The same in English.

A briefe commentarie of Island: wherein the errors of such as haue written concerning this Island, are detected, and the slanders, and reproches of certaine strangers, which they haue vsed ouer-boldly against the people of Island are confuted.

By Arngrimus Ionas, of Island.

To the most mighty Prince and Lord, Lord Christian the 4. [Footnote: Christian IV. was the last elective king of Denmark and Norway. Frederick III. in 1665 changed the constituion to an hereditary monarchy, vested in his own family.] of Denmarke, Norway, and of the Vandals and Gothes, King elect: of Sleswic, Holste, Stormar, and Dithmarse Duke: Earle of Oldenburg, and Delmenhorst: His most gratious Lord.

That heroical attempt of Anchurus, sonne of King Midas (most gratious prince) and that pietie towards his countrey in maner peerelesse, deserueth highly to be renowmed in histories: in that freely and couragiously he offered his owne person, for the stopping vp of an huge gulfe of earth, about Celoena, a towne in Phrigia, which daily swallowed multitudes of men and whatsoeuer else came neere vnto it. For when his father Midas was aduertised by the Oracle, that the said gulfe should not be shut vp, before things most precious were cast into it; Anchurus deeming nothing to be more inualuable then life plunged himselfe aliue downe headlong into that bottomless hole; and that with so great vehemencie of mind, that neither by his fathers request nor by the allurements and teares of his most amiable wife, he suffered himselfe to be drawne backe from this his enterprise. [Footnote: It is added that Midas raised an altar to Jupiter on the spot.]

Sperthius also and Bulis, two Lacedemonians, were not much inferiour to the former, who to turne away the reuenge of Xerxes that most puissant King of the Persians, entended against the Lacedemonians, for killing the ambassadors of his father Darius, hyed them vnto the sayd king and that he might auenge the ambassadours death vpon them, not vpon their countrey, with hardy, and constant mindes presented themselues before him.

The very same thing (most gracious prince) which moued them and many others being enflamed with the loue of their countrey, to refuse for the benefite thereof, no danger, no trouble, no nor death it selfe, the same thing (I say) hath also enforced me, not indeed to vndergoe voluntarie death, or freely to offer my selfe vnto the slaughter, but yet to assay that which I am able for the good of my countrey: namely, that I may gather together and refute the errors, and vaine reports of writers, concerning the same: and so take vpon me a thing very dangerous, and perhaps subiect to the sinister iudgement of many.

In this purpose the example of Cneius Pompeius hath likewise confirmed me: who being chosen procurator for corne among the Romanes, and in an extreme scarcetie and dearth of the citie hauing taken vp some store of grains in Sicilia, Sardinia, and Africa, is reported to haue had greater regard of his countrey, then of himselfe. For when he made haste towards Rome, and a mighty and dangerous tempest arising, he perceiued the Pilots to tremble, and to be vnwilling to commit themselues to the rigor of the stormie sea, himselfe first going on boord, and commanding the anchors to be weighed, brake foorth into these words: That we should sayle necessitie vrgeth: but that we should liue, it vrgeth not. In which words he seemeth wisely to inferre, that greater care is to be had of our countrey lying in danger, then of our owne priuate safetie.

This man doe I thus imitate,

If small with great as equals may agree: And Flie with Elephant compared bee.

Namely that gathering together and laying vp in store those things which might be applied to succour the fame and credite of our nation, hauing now this long time bene oppressed with strangers, through the enuie of certeine malicious persons, I boldly aduenture to present these fewe meditations of mine vnto the viewe of the world, and so hoysing vp sailes to commit my selfe vnto a troublesome sea, and to breake foorth into the like speeches with him: That I should write necessitie vrgeth: but that my writings in all places should satisfie euery delicate taste, or escape all peeuishnes of carpers it vrgeth not. I doubt not but many will allow this my enterprise: the successe perhaps all men will not approue. Neuertheles, I thought that there was greater regard to be had of my countrey, sustaining so many mens mocks and reproches, then of mine owne praise or dispraise, redounding perhaps vnto me vpon this occasion. For what cause should moue me to shunne the enuie and hate of some men, being ioyned with an endeuour to benefite and gratifie my countrey?

[Sidenote: The errors of the writers of Island intolerable.]

But if I shall seeme somewhat too bold in censuring the errors of writers, or too seuere in reprehending the slanders of some men: yet I hope all they will iudge indifferently of me, who shall seriously consider, how intolerable the errors of writers are, concerning our nation: how many also and how grieuous be the reproches of some, against vs, wherewith they haue sundry wayes prouoked our nation, and as yet will not cease to prouoke. They ought also to haue me excused in regard of that in-bred affection rooted in the hearts of all men, towards their natiue soile, and to pardon my iust griefe for these iniures offered vnto my countrey. And I in very deed, so much as lay in me, haue in all places moderated my selfe, and haue bene desirous to abstaine from reproches but if any man thinke, we should haue vsed more temperance in our stile, I trust, the former reason will content him.

Sithens therefore, I am to vndergo the same hazard, which I see is commonly incident to all men that publish any writings: I must now haue especiall regarde of this one thing: namely, of seeking out some patron, and Mecoenas for this my briefe commentary, vnder whose name and protection it may more safety passe through the hands of all men.

But for this purpose I could not finde out, nor wish for any man more fit then your royal Maiestie, most gratious prince For vnto him, who hath receiued vnder his power & tuition our liues and goods, vnto him (I say) doe we make humble sute, that he would haue respect also vnto the credit of our nation, so iniuriously disgraced.

Yea verily (most gracious King) we are constreined to craue your Maiesties mercifull aide, not only in this matter, but in many other things also which are wanting in our countrey, or which otherwise belong to the publique commoditie and welfare thereof which not by me, but by the letters supplicatory of the chiefe men of our nation, are at this time declared, or will shortly be declared. For we doubt not but that your sacred Maiesties, after the example of your Christian predecessors, will vouchsafe vnto our countrey also, amongst other Islands of your Maiesties dominion, your kingly care and protection. For as the necessitie of fleeing for redresse vnto your sacred Maiestie, is ours so the glory of relieuing, regarding, and protecting vs, shal wholy redound vnto your sacred Maiestie: as also, there is layd vp for you, in respect of your fostering and preseruing of Gods church, vpon the extreme northerly parts almost of the whole earth, and in the vttermost bounds of your Maiesties dominion (which by the singular goodnes of God, enioyeth at this present tranquillitie and quiet safetie) a reward and crowne of immortall life in the heauens.

But considering these things are not proper to this place, I wil leaue them, and returne to my purpose which I haue in hand: most humbly beseeching your S. M. that yon would of your clemencie vouchsafe to become a fauorer, and patron vnto these my labours and studies, for the behalfe of my countrey.

It now remaineth (most gracious and mercifull souereigne) for vs to make our humble prayers vnto almighty God, that king of kings, and disposer of all humane affaires, that it would please him of his infinite goodnes, to aduance your Maiestie (yearely growing vp in wisedome & experience, and all other heroicall vertues) to the highest pitch of souereigntie: and being aduanced, continually to blesse yon with most prosperous successe in all your affaires: and being blessed, long to preserue you, as the chief ornament, defence and safegarde of these kingdomes, and as the shield and fortresse of his church: and hereafter in the life to come, to make you shine glorious like a starre, amongst the principall nurcing fathers of Gods Church, in the perfect ioy of his heauenly kingdome. The same most mercifull father likewise grant, that these praiers, the oftener they be dayly repeated and multiplied in euery corner of your Maiesties most ample territories & Islands, so much the more sure and certain they may remaine, Amen. At Haffnia, or Copen Hagen 1593. in the moneth of March. Y. S. M. most humble subiect,

Arngrimus Ionas, Islander. [Footnote: A celebrated Icelandic astronomer, disciple of Tycho Brahe, and coadjutor of the Bishop of Holen, died in 1649 at the great age of 95. His principal works, besides his Description and History of Iceland, (published at Amsterdam in 1643, 4to), are _Idea Vera Magistratus_ (Copenhagen, 1689, 8vo); _Rerum Islandicarum libri tres_ (Hamburg, 1630, 4to); _The Life of Gundebrand de Thorlac_, etc. He is remembered amongst the peasantry of Iceland as the only instance known in that country of a man of ninety-one marrying a girl in her teens.]

Benigno & pio Lectori salutem.

In lucem exijt circa annum Christi 1561. Hamburgi foetus valdè deformis, patre quodam Germanico propola: Rhythmi videlicet Germanici, omnium qui vnquam leguntur spurcissimi & mendacissimi in gentem Islandicam. Nec sufficiebat sordido Typographo sordidum illum foetum semel emisisse, nisi tertiùm etiam aut quartùm publicasset, quo videlicet magis innocenti genti apud Germanos & Danos, aliósque vicinos populos summam & nunquam delendam ignominiam, quantum, in ipso fuit, inureret. Tantum Typographi huius odium fuit, & ex re illicita lucri auiditas. Et hoc in illa ciuitate, quæ plurimos annos commercia sua magno suorum cùm lucro in Islandia exercuit, impunè fecit. Ioachimus Leo nomen illi est, dignus certè qui Leones pascat.

Reperiuntur præterea multi alij scriptores, qui cum miracula naturæ, quæ in hac Insula creduntur esse plurima, & gentis Islandicæ mores ac instituta describere se velle putant, à re ipsa & veritate prorsus aberrarunt, nautarnm fabulas plusquam aniles, & vulgi opiniones vanissimas secuti. Hi Scriptores etsi non tam spurca & probrosa reliquerunt, quàm sordidus iste Rhythmista: multa tamen sunt in illorum scriptis, quæ illos excusare non possunt, aut prorsus liberare, quo minus innocentem gentem suis scriptis deridendam alijs exposuerint. Hæc animaduertens, legens, expendens, subinde nouis, qui Islandorum nomen & æstimationem læderent, scriptoribus ortis, alienorum laborum suffuratoribus impudicis, qui etiam non desinunt gentem nostram nouis conspurcare mendacijs, lectorésque noua monstrorum enumeratione & descriptionibus fictis deludere, sæpe optabam esse aliquem, qui ad errata Historicorum, & aliorum iniquorum censorum responderet, quíque aliquo scripto innocentem gentem à tot conuicijs si non liberaret, certè aliquo modo apud pios & candidos Lectores defenderet. Quare hoc tempore Author eram honesto studioso, _Arngrimo Ionæ_ F. vt reuolutis scriptorum monumentis, qui de Islandia aliquid scripserunt, errores & mendacia solidis rationibus detegeret. Ille etsi primò reluctabatur, vicit tamen demum admonitio, amórque communis patriæ, ita vt hunc qualemcunque commentariolum conscriberet, non ex vanis vulgi fabulis, sed & ex sua & multorum fide dignorum experientia, comprobationibus sumptis.

Ille verò, qui hanc rem meo est aggressus instinctu, vicissim à me suo quasi iure flagitabat, vt in has pagellas, vel tribus saltem verbis præfarer: existimans aliquid fidei vel authoritatis opusculo inde conciliatum iri. Quare vt mentem breuiter exponam: Ego quidem & honestam & necessariam quoque operam nauasse eum iudico, qui non modò scriptorum varias sententias de rebus ignotis perpendere, & inuicem conferre, nec non ad veritatis & experientiæ censuram exigere: Sed etiam patriam à venenatis quorundam sycophantarum morsibus vindicare conatus sit. Æquum est igitur, Lector optime, vt quicquid hoc est opusculi, velut sanctissimo veritatis & patriæ amore aduersus Zoilorum proteruiam munitum & muniendum excipias. Vale.

Gudbrandus Thorliacus Epìscopus
Holensis in Islandia.
Anno 1592. Iul. 29.

[Footnote: In the _original_ edition of the description of Iceland by Arngrimus, follow these lines:

¶ Authoris ad Lectorem.
Imbute Lector suauis arte Palladis, Lector benigne, humane, multùm candide, Qui cuncta scis collis sacri mysteria: Has videris si fortè quando paginas
Non lectione síque dedignabere,
Fac, nos tuo candori vt hæc committimus Et æquitati, fronte sic non tetrica,
Vultu legas nec ista quando turbido: Communis vnquam sortis haud sis immemor, Infirmitas quam nostra nobis contulit. Obnoxius nam non quis est mortalium
Erroribus næuísque semper plurimis? Quod si diu multúmque cogitauens,
Nostris eris conatibus paulò æquior, Tuis & isto rite pacto consules:
Candore nam quo nostra arctans vtere, En te legentes rursus vtentur pari:
Sic ipse semper alteri quæ feceris. Æqualitatis lege & hæc fient tibi.

De gente multis prædicata Islandica Authoribus quamuis probata maximis,
Nostro periclo hucúsque vulgò credita, Licere nobis credimus refellere,
Non vt notam scriptorum muram nomini, Nostrum sed à nota probosa vindicem:
Hoc institutum iúsque fásque comprobant: Hoc nostra consuetudo léxque comprobant: Hoc digna lectu exempla denique comprobant. Ergo faue: nostris faue conatibus,
Sis mitis indulgens et æquus arbiter, O lector arte imbute suauis Palladis,
Lector benigne, amice, multum candide, Qui cuncta scis collis sacri mysteria.]

The same in English.

To the courteous and Christian reader Gudbrandus Thorlacius, Bishop of Holen in Island, wisheth health.

There came to light about the yeare of Christ 1561, a very deformed impe, begotten by a certain Pedlar of Germany: namely a booke of German rimes of al that euer were read the most filthy and most slanderous against the nation of Island. Neither did it suffice the base printer once to send abroad that base brat, but he must publish it also thrise or foure times ouer: that he might thereby, what lay in him, more deepely disgrace our innocent nation among the Germans, & Danes, and other neighbour countries, with shamefull, and euerlasting ignominie. So great was the malice of this printer, & his desire so greedy to get lucre, by a thing vnlawfull. And this he did without controlment, euen in that citie, which these many yeres hath trafficked with Island to the great gaine, and commodity of the citizens. His name is Ioachimus Leo, a man worthy to become lions foode.

[Sidenote: Great errors grow vpon mariners fabulous reports.]

Moreouer, there are many other writers found, who when they would seeme to describe the miracles of nature, which are thought to be very many in this Island, & the maners, & customs of the Islanders, haue altogether swarued from the matter and truth it selfe, following mariners fables more trifling than old wiues tales, & the most vain opinions of the common sort. These writers, although they haue not left behind them such filthy and reprochful stuffe as that base rimer: yet there are many things in their writings that wil not suffer them to be excused, & altogether acquited from causing an innocent nation to be had in derision by others. Wherefore marking, reading, & weighing these things with my selfe, & considering that there dayly spring vp new writers, which offer iniury to the fame & reputation of the Islanders, being such men also as do shamelesly filtch out of other mens labours, deluding their readers with feined descriptions, & a new rehearsal of monsters, I often wished that some one man would come forth, to make answere to the errors of historiographers & other vniust censurers: and by some writing, if not to free our innocent nation from so many reproches, yet at leastwise, in some sort to defend it, among Christian & friendly readers. And for this cause I haue now procured an honest and learned young man one Arngrimus Fitz-Ionas, to peruse the works of authors, that haue written anything concerning Island, and by sound reasons to detect their errors, & falshoods. And albeit at the first he was very loth, yet at length my friendly admonition, & the common loue of his countrey preuailed with him so farre, that he compiled this briefe commentary, taking his proofes, not out of the vaine fables of the people, but from his owne experience, and many other mens also of sufficient credit.

Now, he that vndertooke this matter at my procurement, did againe as it were by his owne authority chalenge at my hands, that I should in two or three words at least, make a preface vnto his booke; thinking it might gaine some credit, and authority thereby. Wherfore to speake my minde in a word: for my part, I iudge hin to haue taken both honest & necessary paines, who hath done his indeuour not onely to weigh the diuers opinions of wrighters concerning things vnknowen, and to examine them by the censure of trueth, and experience, but also to defend his countrey from the venemous bitings of certaine sycophants. It is thy part therefore (gentle reader) to accept this small treatise of his, being as it were guarded with the sacred loue of truth, and of his countrey, against the peruersnes of carpers. Farewel.

Anno 1592. Iulii 19.

COMMENTARII DE ISLANDIA INITIUM.

Quemadmodum in militia castrensi, alios nulla æqua ratione adductos, sed ambitione, inuidia & auaritia motos, Martis castra sequi animaduertimus: Alios verò iustis de causis arma sumere; vt qui vel doctrinæ coelestis propagandæ aut seruandæ ergo bella mouent, vel aliquo modo lacessiti paratam vim ac iniuriam repellunt, vel saltem non lacessiti, propter obsidentem hostem metu in armis esse coguntur: Non secus Apollini militantes: alij animo nequaquam bono, Philosophico seu verius Christiano, ad scribendum feruntur: puta qui gloriæ cupiditate, qui liuore ac odio, qui affectata ignorantia alios sugillant, vt ipsi potiores habeantur, nunc in personam, nomen ac famam alicuius, nunc in gentem totam stylum acuentes, atque impudenter quasi mentiendo, insontem nationem & populos commaculantes: Alij verò contrà, animo ingenuo multa lucubrando inuestigant & in lucem emittunt; vt qui scientiam Theologicam & Philosophicam scriptis mandarunt, quique suis vigilijs veterum monumenta nobis explicuerunt: qui quicquid in illis obscurum, imperfectum, inordinatum animaduerterunt, vsu & experientia duce illustrarunt, explerunt, ordinarunt: qui mundi historias, bona fide, æternæ memoriæ consecrarunt: qui linguarum cognitionem suis indefessis laboribus iuuerunt: denique qui aliorum in se suamue gentem vel patriam, licentiosam petulantiam reprimere, calumnias refellere, & quandam quasi vim iniustam propulsare annixi sunt.

Et quidem ego, cui literas vix, ac ne vix quidem videre contigit, omnium qui diuinæ Palladi nomen dederunt, longè infimus (vt id ingenuè de mea tenuitate confitear) facere certè non possum, quin me, in illorum aciem conferam, qui gentis suæ maculam abluere, veritatem ipsam asserere, & conuitiantium iugum detrectare studuerunt: Maiora ingenio sors denegauit: Id quoquo modo tentare compellit ipsius veritatis dignitas, & innatus amor patriæ, quam extraneos nonnullos falsis rumoribus deformare, varijs conuitijs, magna cum voluptate proscindere, aliísque nationibus deridendam propinare comperimus. Quorum petulantiæ occurrere, & criminationes falsas, detectis simul scriptorum de hac Insula erroribus, apud bonos & cordatos viros, (Nam vulgus sui semper simile, falsi & vani tenacissimum, non est quòd sperem me ab hac inueterata opinione abducere posse) diluere hoc commentariolo decreui.

Etsi autem Islandia multos habet, vt ætate, ita ingenio & eruditione me longe superiores, ideóque ad hanc causam patriæ suscipiendam multò magis idoneos: Ego tamen optimi & clarissimi viri, Dom. Gudbrandi Thorlacij, Episcopi Holensis, apud Islandos, sollicitationibus motus communi causæ, pro viribus, nequaquam deesse volui, tum vt æquissimæ postulationi ipsius parerem, atque amorem & studium debitum erga patriam declararem, tum vt reliquos sympatriotas meos, in bonarum literarum scientia foelicius versatos, atque in rerum plurimarum cognitione vlterius progresses, ad hoc gentis nostræ patrocinium inuitarem: Tantum abest, vt ijs qui idem conabuntur, obstaculo esse voluerim.

Cæterum vt ad rem redeamus, quoniam illi quicunque sunt nostræ gentis obtrectatores, testimonio scripto se vti ac niti iactitant: videndum omnino est, quidnam de Islandia, & quàm vera scriptores prodiderint, vt si fortè isti, alijs in nos dicendi aliquam occasionem dederint, patefactis ipsorum erroribus (nolo enim quid durius dicere) quàm meritò nos calumnientur, reliquis planum fiat, Porrò, quamuis vetustiorum quorundam scripta de hac Insula, ad veritatis & experientiæ normam exigere non verear: Tamen nobis eorundem alioqui sacra est memoria, reuerenda dignitas, suspicienda eruditio, laudanda voluntas & in Rempub. literariam studium; Nouitij verò, si qui sunt id genus scriptores, aut verius pasquilli, cum ijs longè veriora quàm scripserant, audire & nosse de Islandia licuerit, sua leuitate & ingenio malè candido, nihil nisi inuidiæ & calumniæ maculam lucrati esse videbuntur.

[Sidenote: Commentarij duæ partes.]

Atque vt Commentarius hic noster aliquid ordinis habeat, duo erunt propositæ orationis capita, vnum de Insula, de incolis alterum: quantum quidem de his duobus capitibus Scriptores qui in nostris manibus versantur, annotatum reliquerunt: Quoniam vltra has metas vagari, vel plura quàm hæc ipsa, & quæ huc pertinere videbuntur attingere nolo. Non enim ex professo Historicum vel geographum sed disputatorem tantùm agimus. [Sidenote: Primæ partis tractatio.] Itaque omissa longiore præfatione partem primam, quæ est de situ, nomine, miraculis & alijs quibusdam adiunctis Insulæ, aggrediamur.

The same im English.

HERE BEGINNETH THE COMMENTARY OF ISLAND.

Euen as in war, dayly experience teacheth vs, that some vpon no iust & lawful grounds (being egged on by ambition, enuie, and couetise) are induced to follow the armie, and on the contrary side, that others arme themselues vpon iust and necessary causes: namely such as go to battell for the defence and propagation of the Gospel, or such as being any way prouoked thereunto, doe withstand present violence and wrong, or at least (not being prouoked) by reason of the enemie approching are constrained to be vp in armes right so, they that fight vnder Apolloes banner. Amongst whom, a great part, not vpon any honest, philosophical, or indeede Christian intention, addresse themselues to wright: especially such as for desire of glory, for enuy and spight, or vpon malicious and affected ignorance, carpe at others: and that they may be accompted superiours, sometimes whette their stiles against the person, name and fame of this or that particular man, sometimes inueighing against a whole countrey, and by shamelesse vntrueths disgracing innocent nations and people. Againe, others of an ingenuous minde, doe by great industry, search and bring to light things profitable: namely, they that write of Diuinity, Philosophy, History and such like: and they who (taking vse and experience for their guides) in the said Sciences haue brought things obscure to light, things maimed to perfection, and things confused to order: and they that haue faithfully commended to euerlasting posteritie, the stories of the whole world: that by their infinite labours haue aduaunced the knowledge of tongues: to be short, that endeuour themselues to represse the insolencie, confute the slanders, and withstand the vniust violence of others, against themselues, their Nation or their Countrey:

And I for my part, hauing scarce attained the sight of good letters, and being the meanest of all the followers of Minerua (that I may freely acknowledge mine owne wants) can do no lesse then become one of their number, who haue applied themselues to ridde their countrey from dishonor, to auouch the trueth, and to shake off the yoke of railers & reuilers. My estate enabled me onely to write; howbeit the excellencie of trueth and the in bred affection I beare to my countrey enforceth me to do the best I can: sithens it hath pleased some strangers by false rumours to deface, and by manifolde reproches to iniurie my sayd countrey, making it a by word, and a langhing-stocke to all other nations. To meet with whose insolencie and false accusations, as also to detect the errours of certeine writers concerning this Island, vnto good and well affected men (for the common people will be alwayes like themselues, stubbornly mainteining that which is false and foolish, neither can I hope to remooue them from this accustomed and stale opinion) I haue penned the treatise following.

And albeit Island is not destitute of many excellent men, who, both in age, wit, and learning, are by many degrees my superiors, and therefore more fit to take the defence of the countrey into their hands: notwithstanding, being earnestly perswaded thereunto, by that godly & famous man Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Hola in Island, I thought good (to the vtmost of mine ability) to be no whit wanting vnto the common cause: both that I might obey his most reasonable request, and also that I might encourage other of my countreymen, who haue bene better trained vp in good learning, and indued with a greater measure of knowledge then I my selfe, to the defence of this our nation: so farre am I from hindering any man to vndertake the like enterprise.

But to returne to the matter, because they (whatsoeuer they be) that reproch and maligne our nation, make their boast that they vse the testimonies of writers: we are seriously to consider, what things, and how true, writers haue reported of Island, to the end that if they haue giuen (perhaps) any occasion to others of inueying against vs, their errours being layd open (for I will not speake more sharpely) all the world may see how iustly they do reproch vs. And albeit I nothing doubt to examine some ancient writers of this Island, by the rule of trueth and experience: yet (otherwise) their memory is precious in our eyes, their dignity reuerend, their learning to be had in honour, and their zeale and affection towards the whole common wealth of learned men, highly to be commended: but as for nouices (if there be any such writers or rather pasquilles) when they shall heare and know truer matters concerning Island, then they themselues haue written, they shall seeme by their inconstancie and peruerse wit to haue gained nought else but a blacke marke of enuy and reproch.

And that this commentarie of mine may haue some order, it shall be diuided into two general parts: the first of the Island, the second of the inhabitants: and of these two but so farfoorth as those writers which are come to our hands haue left recorded: because I am not determined to wander out of these lists, or to handle more then these things and some other which perteine vnto them. For I professe not my selfe an Historiographer, or Geographer, but onely a Disputer. Wherefore omitting a longer Preface, let vs come to the first part concerning the situation, the name, miracles, and certaine other adiuncts of this Iland.

SECTIO PRIMA.

[Sidenote: Munst. lib. 4. Cosmograph.] Insula Islandiæ, quæ per immensum à cæteris secreta longè sita est in Oceano, vixque à nauigantibus agnoscitur, &c.

Et si hæc tractare, quæ ipsam terram vel illius adiuncta seu proprietates concernunt, ad gentem vel incolas à calumniantium morsu vindicandos parùm faciat: tamen id nequaquam omittendum videtur. Sed de his primùm, & quidem prolixiùs aliquantò agendum est, vt perspecto, quàm vera de hac re tradant illi Islandiæ scriptores, facilè inde candidus Lector, in ijs quæ de Incolis scripta reliquerant, quæque ab illis alij, tanquam Dijs prodentibus, acceperunt, vnde sua in gentem nostram ludibria depromi aiunt, quantum fidei mereantur, iudicet.

Primum igitur distantiam Islandiæ à reliquis terris non immensam esse, nec tantam, quanta vulgò putatur, si quis insulæ longitudinem & latitudinem aliquo modo cognitam haberet, facilè demonstrari posset. Non enim id alio, quàm isto cognosci exactè posse modo existimarim, cum nulli dubium sit, quàm semper nautarum vel rectissimus, vt illis videtur, cursus aberret. Quare varias authorum de situ Islandiæ sententias subiungam, vt inde quiuis de distantia id colligat, quod maximè verisimile videbitur, donec fortè aliquando propria edoctus experientia, meam quoque sententiam si non interponam, tamen adiungam.

Longit. Latitud. Munsterus Islandiam collocat sub
gradibus ferè 20 68 Gerardus Mercator 352 68
Gemma Frisius:
Medium Islandiæ: 7 0 65 30 Hersee: 7 40 60 42
Thirtes: 5 50 64 44 Nadar: 6 40 57 20
Iacobi Ziegleri:
Littus Islandiæ Occident. 20 63 Chos promontorium: 22 46 63
Latus orientale extenditur contra
Septentrionem: & finis extensionis habet 30 68
Latus septentrionale contra occidentem extenditur, & finis extensionis
habet 28 69
Lateris Occidentalis descriptio.
Heckelfel promontorium 25 67 Madher promontorium 21 20 65 10 Ciuitates in ea mediterraneæ sunt
Holen Episcopalis 28 67 50 Schalholten Episcopalis 22 63 30 Reinholdus.
Per Holen Islandiæ 68 Ioh. Myritius.
Per Med. Islandiæ 69 Neander.
Islandia tribus gradibus in circulum vsque Arcticum ab æquinoctiali
excurrit, adeò ferè, vt
mediam circulus ille secet, &c.

Et si qui sunt præterea, qui vel in mappis, vel alioqui suis scriptis Insulæ situm notarunt, quorum plures sententias referre nihil attinet, cùm quò plures habeas, eò magis dissidentes reperias. Ego quamuis verisimiles coniecturas habeo, cur nullæ citatæ de Islandiæ situ sententiæ assentiar, quin potius diuersum quippiam ab ijs omnibus statuam, tamen id ipsum in dubio relinquere malo, quàm quicquam non exploratum satis affirmare, donec, vt dixi, fortè aliquando non coniecturam, sed obseruationem & experientiam propriam afferre liceat.

[Sidenote: Bidui nauigatio ab Islandia ad Noruagiam desertam.]

Distantiam ab ostio Albis ad portum Istandiæ meridionalis Batzende, quidam scripserat esse circiter 400. milliarium: Vnde si longitudinis differentiam ad meridianum Hamburgensem supputaueris, nullam modò positarum longitudinum habebit illo in loco Islandia. Ego ternis Hamburgensium nauigationibus docere possum, septimo die Hamburgum ex Islandia peruentum esse. Præterea etiam, Insulæ quæ ab ouium multitudine Færeyjar, seu rectius Faareyjar dictæ sunt, bidui nauigatione, vt & littora Noruagiæ deserta distant. Quatridui verò nauigatione in Gronlandiam habitabilem, & pari ferè temporis interuallo, ad prouinciam Noruagiæ Stad. inter opida Nidrosiam & Bergas sitam peruenitur, quemadmodum in harum nationum vetustis codicibus reperimus.

The same in English.

THE FIRST SECTION.

[Sidenote: Munsterus lib. 4. cosmographiæ] The Isle of Island being seuered from other countreys an infinite distance, standeth farre into the Ocean, and is scarse knowen vnto Sailers.

Albeit a discourse of those things which concerne the land, and the adiuncts or properties thereof be of little moment to defend the nation or inhabitants from the biting of slanderers, yet seemeth it in no case to be omitted, but to be intreated of in the first place; that the friendly reader perceiuing how truely those writers of Island haue reported in this respect, may thereby also easily iudge what credit is to be giuen vnto them in other matters which they haue left written concerning the inhabitants, and which others haue receiued from them as oracles, from whence (as they say) they haue borrowed scoffes and taunts against our nation.

First therefore, that the distance of Island from other countreys is not infinite, nor indeed so great as men commonly imagine, it might easily be prouided, if one did but in some sort know the true longitude & latitude of the said Iland. For I am of opinion that it cannot exactly be knowen any other way then this, whenas it is manifest how the Mariners course (be it neuer so direct, as they suppose) doth at all times swerue. In the meane while therfore I will set downe diuers opinions of authors, concerning the situation of Island, that from hence euery man may gather that of the distance which seemeth most probable, vntil perhaps my selfe being one day taught by mine owne experience, may, if not intrude, yet at least adioin, what I shal thinke true as touching this matter. [Footnote: The real position of Iceland is 700 miles west of Norway, 200 miles east of Greenland, and 320 miles north-west of the Faroe Islands. It lies between latitude 63° 25 and 66° 32 north and longitude 13° 30′ and 24° 30′ west; length east to west 280 miles; breadth 210 miles. It will be thus seen that while Frisius is nearly right in his latitude, Gerard Mercator is considerably out. As regards the longitude, whilst Munster’s estimate is converted to the standard of Greenwich, Mercator’s reckoning is from Copenhagen or Hamburg, and Frisius has reckoned east of Reikiavik or Skallholt.]

Longit. Latitud. deg min. deg min.

Munster placeth Island almost in 20 68 Gerardus Mercator 325 68
Gemma Frisius placeth the midst
of Island 7 0 65 30 Hersee 7 40 60 42
Thirtes 5 50 64 44 Nadar 6 40 57 10
Iacobus Zieglerus
The West shore of Island 20 0 63 0 The promontorie of Chos 22 46 63 0 The East shore is extended
Northward, and hath bounds
of extension in 30 0 68 0 The North shore is extended
Westward and hath bounds of
extension in 28 0 69 0 The description of the West side
The promontorie of Heckelfell 25 0 67 0 The promontorie of Madher 21 20 65 10 The inland cities of Island
Holen the seat of a bishop 28 0 67 50 Schalholten the seat of a bishop 22 63 30 Reinholdus
By Holen in Island 68 Iohannes Miritius
By Mid-Island 69-1/2 Neander
Island stretcheth it selfe 3 degrees within the circle arctic from the
equinoctial, insomuch that the
said circle arctic doeth almost
diuide it in the midst &c.

There be others also, who either in their maps, or writings haue noted the situation of Island: notwithstanding it is to no purpose to set downe any more of their opinions, because the more you haue, the more contrary shall you finde them. For my part, albeit I haue probable coniectures perswading me not to beleeue any of the former opinions, concerning the situation of Island, but to dissent from them all: yet had I rather leaue the matter in suspense then affirme an vncerteinty, vntill (as I haue sayd) I may be able perhappes one day not to gesse at the matter, but to bring forth mine owne obseruation, and experience.

[Sidenote: Seuen dayes sailing from Island to Hamburg Island but two dayes sailing distant from Faar-Islands & from the desert shores of Norway.]

A certeine writer hath put downe the distance betweene the mouth of Elbe & Batzende in the South part of Island to be 400 leagues: from whence if you shall account the difference of longitude to the meridian of Hamburgh, Island must haue none of the forenamed longitudes in that place. I am able to proue by three sundry voyages of certaine Hamburgers, that it is but seuen dayes sailing from Island to Hamburgh. Besides all those Islands, which by reason of the abundance of sheepe, are called Fareyiar or more rightly Faareyiar,[Footnote: Faroe Islands.] as likewise the desert shores of Norway, are distant from vs but two dayes sailing. We haue foure dayes sailing into habitable Gronland; and almost in the same quantitie of time we passe ouer to the prouince of Norway, called Stad, lying betweene the townes of Nidrosia or Trondon, [Footnote: Trondheim.] and Bergen, as we finde in the ancient records of these nations.

SECTIO SECUNDA.

[Sidenote: Munsterus, Olaus magnus & reliqui.] In hac, æstiuo solstitio, sole signum Cancri transeunte, nox nulla, brumali Solstitio proinde nullus dies. Item, Vadianus. In ea autem Insula quæ longe Supra Arcticum circulum in amplissimo Oceano sita est, Islandia hodie dicta, & terris congelati maris proxima, quas Entgronlandt vocant, menses sunt plures sine noctibus.

Nullum esse hyemali solstitio diem, id est, tempus quo sol supra horizontem conspicitur in illo tantum Islandiæ angulo, si modò quis est, fatemur, vbi polus ad integros 67. gradus attollitur. Holis autem, quæ est sedes Episcopalis Borealis Islandiæ, sita etiam in angustissima & profundissima conualle, latitudo est circiter grad. 65. 44. min. vt à Domino Gudbrando eiusdem loci Episcopo accepimus, & illic diem breuissimum habemus ad minimum duarum horarum, in meridionali autem Islandia longiorem, vt ex artificum tabulis videre est. Vnde constat nec Islandiam vltra Arcticum circulum positam esse, nec menses plures noctibus in æstiuo, vel diebus in brumali solstitio carere.

The same in English.

THE SECOND SECTION.

[Sidenote: Munsterus, Olaus Magnus and others.] In this Iland, at the Summer solstitium, the Sun passing thorow the signe of Cancer, there is no night, and therefore at the Winter solstitium there is no day. Also: Vadianus. But in that Iland, which farre within the artic circle is seated in the maine Ocean, at this day called Island, and next vnto the lands of the frozen sea, which they call Engrontland, there be many moneths in the yere without nights.

At the solstitium of winter, that there is no day (that is to say, no time, wherein the Sunne is seene aboue the horizon) we confesse to be true onely in that angle of Island (if there be any such angle) where the pole is eleuated full 67. degrees. But at Holen (which is the bishops seat for the North part of Island, and lieth in a most deepe valley) the latitude is about 65. degrees and 44. minutes, as I am enformed by the reuerend father, Gudbrand, bishop of that place: and yet there, the shortest day in all the yere is at least two houres long, and in South-Island longer, as it appeareth by the tables of Mathematicians. [Sidenote: Island is not within the circle arctic.] Heerehence it is manifest, first that Island is not situate beyond the arctic circle: [Footnote: This is true, except for the very small portion of Iceland round about Cape North.] secondly, that in Island there are not wanting in Summer solstitium many nights, nor in Winter solstitium many dayes.

SECTIO TERTIA.

[Sidenote: Musterus Saxo.] Nomen habet à glacie quæ illi perpetuo ad Boream adheret Item. A latere Occidentali Noruagiæ Insula, quæ Glacialis dicitur, magno circumfusa Oceano repentur, obsoletæ admodum habitationis tellus, &c. Item, Hæc est Thyle, nulli veterum non celebrata.

Nomen habet à glacie) Tria nomina consequenter sortita est Islandia. [Sidenote: Snelandia.] Nam qui omnium primus eius inuentor fuisse creditur Naddocus genere Noruagus, cum versus insulas Farenses nauigaret tempestate valida, ad littora Islandiæ Orientalis fortè appulit: vbi cum fuisset aliquot septimanas cum socijs commoratus, animaduertit immodicam niuium copiam, montium quorundam cacumina obtegentem, atque ideò à niue nomen Insulæ Snelandia indidit. Hunc secutus alter, Gardarus, fama quam de Islandia Naddocus attulerat impulsus, Insulam quæsitum abijt, reperit, & nomen de suo nomine Gardarsholme id est, Gardars Insula imposuit. Quin & plures nouam terram visendi cupido incessit: nam & post illos duos adhuc tertius quidam Noruagus (Floki nomen habuit) contulit se in Islandiam, illique à glacie qua viderat ipsam cingi nomen fecit.

Obsoletæ admodum) Ego ex istis verbis Saxonis hanc sententiam nequaquam eruo, vt quidam, quòd inde ab initio habitatam esse Islandiam, seu vt verbo dicam, Islandos autocthonas dicat, cum constet vix ante annos 718. incoli coeptam.

Hæc est Thyle) Grammatici certant & adhuc sub iudice lis est. Quam tamen facilè dirimi posse crediderim, si quis animaduertat, circa annum Domini 874. primùm fuisse inhabitatam. Nisi quis dicere velit Thulen illum Ægypti Regem, quem hoc ipsi nomen dedisse putant, ad Insulam iam tum incultam & inhabitatam penetrasse. Illud verò rursus si quis neget, per me sanè licebit, vt illud sit quaddam quasi spectaculum, dum ita in contrarias scinduntur sententias. Vnus affirmat esse Islandiam. Alter quandam insulam, vbi arbores bis in anno fructificant. Tertius vnam ex Orcadibus, siue vitimam in ditione Scoti, vt Ioannes Myritius & alij, qui nomen illius referunt, Thylensey, quod etiam Virgilius per suam vltimam Thylen sensisse videtur. Siquidem vltra Britannos, quo nomine Angli hodie dicti & Scoti veniunt, nullos populos statueret. Quod vel ex illo Virgilij Eclog I. apparet:

Et penitus toto diuisos orbe Britannos.

Quartus vnam ex Farensibus. Quintus Telemarchiam Noruagiæ. Sextus Schrichfinniam.

Perpetuò ad Boream adhæret.) Illud verò, Glaciem Insulæ perpetuò, vel vt paulò post asserit Munsterus: Octo continuis mensibus adhærere: neutrum verum est. [Sidenote: Glacies Aprili aut Maio soluitur.] Nam vt plurimum in mense Aprili aut Maio soluitur, & Occidentem versus propellitur, nec ante Ianuarium aut Februarium sæpissimè etiam tardius redit. Quid? quòd plurimos annos numerare licet, quibus glaciem illam huius nationis immite flagellum, ne viderit quidem Islandia: Quod etiam hoc anno 1592. compertum est. Vnde constat quàm verè à Frisio scriptum sit, nauigationem ad hanc insulam tantùm quadrimestrem patere, propter glaciem & frigora, quibus intercludatur iter, Cùm Anglicæ naues quotannis nunc in Martio, nunc in Aprili, quædam in Maio, Germanorum & Danorum in Maio & Iunio, plærumque ad nos redeant, & harum quædam non ante Augustum iterum hinc soluunt. Superiore autem anno 1591. quædam nauis Germanica, cupro onusta, portum Islandiæ Vopnafiord 14. dies circiter in Nouembri occupauit, quibus lapsis inde foeliciter soluit Quare cum glacies Islandiæ, nec perpetuò, neque octo mensibus adhæreat, Munsterus & Frisius manifestè falluntur.

The same in English.

THE THIRD SECTION.

It is named of the ice which continually cleaueth vnto the North part thereof. [Sidenote: Munsterus Saxo] Another writeth: From the West part of Norway there lieth an Iland which is named of the ice, enuironed with an huge sea, and being a countrey of ancient habitation, &c. Zieglerus. This is Thyle [Footnote: Thule] whereof most of the ancient writers haue made mention.

It is named of ice, &c. Island hath beene called by three names, one after another. [Sidenote: Island first discouered by Naddocus in a tempest.] For one Naddocus a Noruagian borne, who is thought to be the first Discouerer of the same, as he was sailing towards the Faar-Ilands, [Footnote: Faroe Islands.] through a violent tempest did by chance arriue at the East shore of Island; [Sidenote: Sneland.] where staying with his whole company certaine weeks, he beheld abundance of snow couering the tops of the mountaines, and thereupon, in regard of the snow, called this Iland Sneland. [Sidenote: Gardarsholme] After him one Gardarus, being mooued thereunto by the report which Naddocus gaue out concerning Island, went to seeke the sayd Iland who when he had found it, called it after his owne name Gardars-holme, that is to say, Gardars Ile. There were more also desirous to visit this new land. [Sidenote: Island.] For after the two former a certaine third Noruagian, called Flok, went into Island, and named it of the ice, wherewith he saw it enuironed.

Of ancient habitation &c. I gather not this opinion out of these wordes of Saxo (as some men do) that Island hath bene inhabited from the beginning or (to speake in one word) that the people of Island were autochthones, that is, earth-bred, or bred out of their owne soile like vnto trees and herbs: sithens it is euident that this Island scarse began to be inhabited no longer agoe then about 718 yeres since. [Footnote: The Viking Naddodr is said to have discovered Iceland in 860, and it was colonised by Ingulf, a chieftain from the west coast of Norway.]

This is Thyle, &c. Grammarians wrangle about this name, and as yet the controuersie is not decided. Which notwithstanding, I thinke might easily grow to composition, if men would vnderstand that this Iland was first inhabited about the yeere of our Lord 874. Vnlesse some man will say that Thule King of Ægypt (who, as it is thought, gaue this name thereunto) passed so farre vnto an Iland, which was at that time vntilled, and destitute of inhabitants. Againe, if any man will denie this, he may for all me, that it may seeme to be but a dreame, while they are distracted into so many contrary opinions. One affirmes that it is Island: another, that it is a certeine Iland, where trees beare fruit twise in a yeere: the third, that it is one of the Orcades, or the last Iland of the Scotish dominion, as Iohannes Myritius and others, calling it by the name of Thylensey, which Virgil also seemeth to haue meant by his vltima Thyle. If beyond the Britans (by which name the English men and Scots onely at this day are called) he imagined none other nation to inhabit. Which is euident out of that verse of Virgil in his first Eclogue:

And Britans whole from all the world diuided.

The fourth writeth, that it is one of the Faar-Ilands: the fift, that it is Telemark in Norway: the sixt, that it is Scrichfinnia.

[Sidenote: The ice of Iseland sets always to the West.] Which continually cleaueth to the North part of the Iland. That clause that ice continually cleaueth &c. or as Munster affirmeth a little after, that it cleaueth for the space of eight whole moneths, are neither of them both true, when as for the most part the ice is thawed in the moneth of April or May, and is driuen towards the West: neither doth it returne before Ianuarie or Februarie, nay often times it commeth later. [Sidenote: No ice at all some yeres in Island.] What if a man should recken vp many yeeres, wherein ice (the sharpe scourge of this our nation) hath not at all bene seene about Island? which was found to be true this present yeere 1592. Heereupon it is manifest how truely Frisius hath written that nauigation to this Iland lieth open onely for foure moneths in a yeere, and no longer, by reason of the ice and colde, whereby the passage is shut vp, when as English ships euery yere, sometimes in March, sometimes in April, and some of them in May; the Germans and Danes, in May and Iune, doe vsually returne vnto vs, and some of them depart not againe from hence till August. [Sidenote: Nauigation open to Island from March till the midst of Nouember.] But the last yere, being 1591, there lay a certeine shippe of Germanie laden with Copper within the hauen of Vopnafiord in the coast of Island about fourteene dayes in the moneth of Nouember, which time being expired, she fortunately set saile. Wherefore, seeing that ice, neither continually, nor yet eight moneths cleaueth vnto Iland, Munster and Frisius are much deceiued. [Footnote: The mean temperature of Iceland is said to be 40 degrees.]

SECTIO QUARTA

[Sidenote: Kranzius. Munsterus.] Tam grandis Insula, vt populos multos contineat. Item, Zieglerus. Situs Insulæ extenditur inter austrum & boream ducentorum prope Schænorum longitudine.

Grandis.) Wilstenius quidam, rector Scholæ OLDENBVRGENSIS Anno 1591. ad auunculum meum in Islandia Occidentali misit breuem commentarium, quem ex scriptorum rapsodijs de Islandia collegerat. Vbi sic reperimus Islandia duplo maior Sicilia,&c. Sicilia autem secundum Munsterum 150. milliaria Germanica in ambitu habet. [Sidenote: Magnitudo Islandiæ.] Nostræ verò Insulæ ambitus etsi nobis non est exactè cognitus, tamen vetus & constans opinio, & apud nostrates recepta 144. milliaria numerat per duodecim videlicet promontoria Islandiæ insigniora, quæ singula 12. inter se milliaribus distent, aut circiter, quæ collecta prædictam summam ostendunt.

Populos multos.) Gysserus quidam, circa annum Domini 1090, Episcopus Schalholtensts in Islandia, omnes Insulæ colonos seu rusticos qui tantas facultates possiderent, vt regi tributum soluere tenerentur (reliquis pauperibus cum foeminis & promiscuo vulgo omissis) lustrari curauit, reperítque in parte Insulæ Orientali 700, meridionali 1000, Occidentali 1100, Aquilonari 1200. Summa 4000. colonorum tributa soluentium. Iam si quis experiatur, inueniet Insulam plus dimidio fuisse inhabitatam.

The same in English.

THE FOURTH SECTION.

[Sidenote: Krantzius. Munsterus.] The Iland is so great that it conteineth many people. Item Zieglerus sayth: The situation of the Iland is extended betweene the South and the North almost 200 leagues in length.

So great, &c. One Wilstenius schoolemaster of Oldenburg, in the yere 1591, sent vnto mine Vncle in West Island, a short treatise which he had gathered out of the fragments of sundrie writers, concerning Island. Where we found thus written: Island is twise as great as Sicilie, &c. But Sicilie, according to Munster, hath 150. Germaine miles in compasse. [Sidenote: 144. Germaine miles in compasse.] As for the circuit of our Iland, although it be not exactly knowen vnto vs, yet the ancient, constant, and receiued opinion of the inhabitants accounteth it l44 leagues; namely by the 12 promontories of Iland, which are commonly knowen, being distant one from another 12 leagues or thereabout, which two numbers being mulitplied, produce the whole summe. [Footnote: The exact area is 39,737 square miles.]

Many people, &c. One Gysserus about the yere of our Lord 1090, being bishop of Schalholten in Island, caused all the husbandmen, or countreymen of the Iland, who, in regard of their possessions were bound to pay tribute to the king, to be numbred (omitting the poorer sort with women, and the meaner sort of the communally) and he found in the East part of Island 700, in the South part 1000, in the West part 1100, in the North part 1200, to the number of 4000. inhabitants paying tribute. Now if any man will trie, he shall finde that more then halfe the Iland was at that time vnpeopled. [Footnote: In 1875 the population was 69,800.]

SECTIO QUINTA.

[Sidenote: Munst. Frisius, Ziegler] Insula multa sui parte montosa est & inculta. Qua parte autem plana est præstat plurimum pabulo, tam læto, vt pecus depellatur à pascuis, ne ab aruina suffocetur.