no indication of the religion of the prince. Thus coins not merely of the heathen Khans Abaka and Arghun, but of Ahmad Tigudar, the fanatical Moslem, are found inscribed “In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost.” Raynaldus, under 1285, gives a fragment of a letter addressed by Arghun to the European Powers, and dated from Tabriz, “in the year of the Cock,” which begins “_In Christi Nomen, Amen!_” But just in like manner some of the coins of Norman kings of Sicily are said to bear the Mahomedan profession of faith; and the copper money of some of the Ghaznevide sultans bears the pagan effigy of the bull _Nandi_, borrowed from the coinage of the Hindu kings of Kabul.
The European Princes could not get over the belief that the Mongols were necessarily the inveterate enemies of Mahomedanism and all its professors. Though Ghazan was professedly a zealous Mussulman, we find King James of Aragon, in 1300, offering _Cassan Rey del Mogol_ amity and alliance with much abuse of the infidel Saracens; and the same feeling is strongly expressed in a letter of Edward II. of England to the “Emperor of the Tartars,” which apparently was meant for Oljaitu, the successor of Ghazan. (_Fraehn de Ilchan. Nummis_, vi. and _passim_; _Raynald._ III. 619; _J.A.S.B._ XXIV. 490; _Kington’s Frederick II._ I. 396; _Capmany_, _Antiguos Tratados_, etc. p. 107; _Rymer_, 2d Ed. III. 34; see also p. 20.)
There are other assertions, besides our author’s, that Baidu professed Christianity. Hayton says so, and asserts that he prohibited Mahomedan proselytism among the Tartars. The continuator of Abulfaraj says that Baidu’s long acquaintance with the Greek _Despina Khatun_, the wife of Abaka, had made him favourable to Christians, so that he willingly allowed a church to be carried about with the camp, and bells to be struck therein, but he never openly professed Christianity. In fact at this time the whole body of Mongols in Persia was passing over to Islam, and Baidu also, to please them, adopted Mahomedan practices. But he would only employ Christians as Ministers of State. His rival Ghazan, on the other hand, strengthened his own influence by adopting Islam, Baidu’s followers fell off from him, and delivered him into Ghazan’s power. He was put to death 4th of October, 1295, about seven months after the death of his predecessor. D’Ohsson’s authorities seem to mention no battle such as the text speaks of, but Mirkhond, as abridged by Teixeira, does so, and puts it at Nakshiwan on the Araxes (p. 341).
NOTE 2.–Hayton testifies from his own knowledge to the remarkable personal beauty of Arghun, whilst he tells us that the son Ghazan was as notable for the reverse. After recounting with great enthusiasm instances which he had witnessed of the daring and energy of Ghazan, the Armenian author goes on, “And the most remarkable thing of all was that within a frame so small, and ugly almost to monstrosity, there should be assembled nearly all those high qualities which nature is wont to associate with a form of symmetry and beauty. In fact among all his host of 200,000 Tartars you should scarcely find one of smaller stature or of uglier and meaner aspect than this Prince.”
[Illustration: Tomb of Oljaitu Khan, the brother of Polo’s “Casan” at Sultaniah. (From Fergusson.)]
Pachymeres says that Ghazan made Cyrus, Darius, and Alexander his patterns, and delighted to read of them. He was very fond of the mechanical arts; “no one surpassed him in making saddles, bridles, spurs, greaves, and helmets; he could hammer, stitch, and polish, and in such occupations employed the hours of his leisure from war.” The same author speaks of the purity and beauty of his coinage, and the excellence of his legislation. Of the latter, so famous in the East, an account at length is given by D’Ohsson. (_Hayton_ in _Ramus._ II. ch. xxvi., _Pachym. Andron. Palaeol._ VI. 1; _D’Ohsson_, vol iv.)
Before finally quitting the “Tartars of the Levant,” we give a representation of the finest work of architecture that they have left behind them, the tomb built for himself by Oljaitu (see on this page), or, as his Moslem name ran, Mahomed Khodabandah, in the city of Sultaniah, which he founded. Oljaitu was the brother and successor of Marco Polo’s friend Ghazan, and died in 1316, eight years before our traveller.
CHAPTER XX.
CONCERNING KING CONCHI WHO RULES THE FAR NORTH.
You must know that in the far north there is a King called CONCHI. He is a Tartar, and all his people are Tartars, and they keep up the regular Tartar religion. A very brutish one it is, but they keep it up just the same as Chinghis Kaan and the proper Tartars did, so I will tell you something of it.
You must know then that they make them a god of felt, and call him NATIGAI; and they also make him a wife; and then they say that these two divinities are the gods of the Earth who protect their cattle and their corn and all their earthly goods. They pray to these figures, and when they are eating a good dinner they rub the mouths of their gods with the meat, and do many other stupid things.
The King is subject to no one, although he is of the Imperial lineage of Chinghis Kaan, and a near kinsman of the Great Kaan.[NOTE 1] This King has neither city nor castle; he and his people live always either in the wide plains or among great mountains and valleys. They subsist on the milk and flesh of their cattle, and have no corn. The King has a vast number of people, but he carries on no war with anybody, and his people live in great tranquillity. They have enormous numbers of cattle, camels, horses, oxen, sheep, and so forth.
You find in their country immense bears entirely white, and more than 20 palms in length. There are also large black foxes, wild asses, and abundance of sables; those creatures I mean from the skins of which they make those precious robes that cost 1000 bezants each. There are also vairs in abundance; and vast multitudes of the Pharaoh’s rat, on which the people live all the summer time. Indeed they have plenty of all sorts of wild creatures, for the country they inhabit is very wild and trackless. [NOTE 2]
And you must know that this King possesses one tract of country which is quite impassable for horses, for it abounds greatly in lakes and springs, and hence there is so much ice as well as mud and mire, that horses cannot travel over it. This difficult country is 13 days in extent, and at the end of every day’s journey there is a post for the lodgement of the couriers who have to cross this tract. At each of these post-houses they keep some 40 dogs of great size, in fact not much smaller than donkeys, and these dogs draw the couriers over the day’s journey from post-house to post-house, and I will tell you how. You see the ice and mire are so prevalent, that over this tract, which lies for those 13 days’ journey in a great valley between two mountains, no horses (as I told you) can travel, nor can any wheeled carriage either. Wherefore they make sledges, which are carriages without wheels, and made so that they can run over the ice, and also over mire and mud without sinking too deep in it. Of these sledges indeed there are many in our own country, for ’tis just such that are used in winter for carrying hay and straw when there have been heavy rains and the country is deep in mire. On such a sledge then they lay a bear-skin on which the courier sits, and the sledge is drawn by six of those big dogs that I spoke of. The dogs have no driver, but go straight for the next post-house, drawing the sledge famously over ice and mire. The keeper of the post-house however also gets on a sledge drawn by dogs, and guides the party by the best and shortest way. And when they arrive at the next station they find a new relay of dogs and sledges ready to take them on, whilst the old relay turns back; and thus they accomplish the whole journey across that region, always drawn by dogs.[NOTE 3]
The people who dwell in the valleys and mountains adjoining that tract of 13 days’ journey are great huntsmen, and catch great numbers of precious little beasts which are sources of great profit to them. Such are the Sable, the Ermine, the Vair, the _Erculin_, the Black Fox, and many other creatures from the skins of which the most costly furs are prepared. They use traps to take them, from which they can’t escape.[NOTE 4] But in that region the cold is so great that all the dwellings of the people are underground, and underground they always live.[NOTE 5]
There is no more to say on this subject, so I shall proceed to tell you of a region in that quarter, in which there is perpetual darkness.
NOTE 1.–There are two KUWINJIS, or KAUNCHIS, as the name, from Polo’s representation of it, probably ought to be written, mentioned in connection with the Northern Steppes, if indeed there has not been confusion about them; both are descendants of Juji, the eldest son of Chinghiz. One was the twelfth son of Shaibani, the 5th son of Juji. Shaibani’s Yurt was in Siberia, and his family seem to have become predominant in that quarter. Arghun, on his defeat by Ahmad (supra p. 470), was besought to seek shelter with Kaunchi. The other Kaunchi was the son of Sirtaktai, the son of Orda, the eldest son of Juji, and was, as well as his father and grandfather, chief of the White Horde, whose territory lay north-east of the Caspian. An embassy from this Kaunchi is mentioned as having come to the court of Kaikhatu at Siah-Kuh (north of Tabriz) with congratulations, in the summer of 1293. Polo may very possibly have seen the members of this embassy, and got some of his information from them. (See _Gold. Horde_, 149, 249; _Ilkhans_, I. 354, 403; II. 193, where Hammer writes the name of _Kandschi_.)
It is perhaps a trace of the lineage of the old rulers of Siberia that the old town of Tyuman in Western Siberia is still known to the Tartars as _Chinghiz Tora_, or the Fort of Chinghiz. (_Erman_, I. 310.)
NOTE 2.–We see that Polo’s information in this chapter extends over the whole latitude of Siberia; for the great White Bears and the Black Foxes belong to the shores of the Frozen Ocean; the Wild Asses only to the southern parts of Siberia. As to the Pharaoh’s Rat, see vol. i. p. 254.
[Illustration: The Siberian Dog-sledge.
“E sus ceste treies hi se mete sus un cuir d’ors, e puis hi monte sus un mesaje; e ceste treies moinent six chiens de celz grant qe je vos ai contes; et cesti chienz ne les moine nulz, mes il vont tout droit jusque a l’autre poste, et trainent la treies mout bien.”]
NOTE 3.–No dog-sledges are now known, I believe, on this side of the course of the Obi, and there not south of about 61 deg. 30′. But in the 11th century they were in general use between the Dwina and Petchora. And Ibn Batuta’s account seems to imply that in the 14th they were in use far to the south of the present limit: “It had been my wish to visit the Land of Darkness, which can only be done from Bolghar. There is a distance of 40 days’ journey between these two places. I had to give up the intention however on account of the great difficulty attending the journey and the little fruit that it promised. In that country they travel only with small vehicles drawn by great dogs. For the steppe is covered with ice, and the feet of men or the shoes of horses would slip, whereas the dogs having claws their paws don’t slip upon the ice. The only travellers across this wilderness are rich merchants, each of whom owns about 100 of these vehicles, which are loaded with meat, drink, and firewood. In fact, on this route there are neither trees nor stones, nor human dwellings. The guide of the travellers is a dog who has often made the journey before! The price of such a beast is sometimes as high as 1000 dinars or thereabouts. He is yoked to the vehicle by the neck, and three other dogs are harnessed along with him. He is the chief, and all the other dogs with their carts follow his guidance and stop when he stops. The master of this animal never ill-uses him nor scolds him, and at feeding-time the dogs are always served before the men. If this be not attended to, the chief of the dogs will get sulky and run off, leaving the master to perdition” (II. 399-400).
[Mr. Parker writes (_China Review_, xiv. p. 359), that dog-sledges appear to have been known to the Chinese, for in a Chinese poem occurs the line: “Over the thick snow in a dog-cart.”–H.C.]
The bigness attributed to the dogs by Polo, Ibn Batuta, and Rubruquis, is an imagination founded on the work ascribed to them. Mr. Kennan says they are simply half-domesticated Arctic wolves. Erman calls them the height of European spaniels (qu. setters?), but much slenderer and leaner in the flanks. A good draught-dog, according to Wrangell, should be 2 feet high and 3 feet in length. The number of dogs attached to a sledge is usually greater than the old travellers represent,–none of whom, however, had _seen_ the thing.
Wrangell’s account curiously illustrates what Ibn Batuta says of the Old Dog who guides: “The best-trained and most intelligent dog is often yoked in front…. He often displays extraordinary sagacity and influence over the other dogs, e.g. in keeping them from breaking after game. In such a case he will sometimes turn and bark in the opposite direction; … and in crossing a naked and boundless _tundra_ in darkness or snow-drift he will guess his way to a hut that he has never visited but once before” (I. 159). Kennan also says: “They are guided and controlled entirely by the voice and by a lead-dog, who is especially trained for the purpose.” The like is related of the Esquimaux dogs. (_Kennarts Tent Life in Siberia_, pp. 163-164; _Wood’s Mammalia_, p. 266.)
NOTE 4.–On the _Erculin_ and _Ercolin_ of the G.T., written Arculin in next chapter, _Arcolino_ of Ramusio, _Herculini_ of Pipino, no light is thrown by the Italian or other editors. One supposes of course some animal of the ermine or squirrel kinds affording valuable fur, but I can find no similar name of any such animal. It may be the Argali or Siberian Wild Sheep, which Rubruquis mentions: “I saw another kind of beast which is called _Arcali_; its body is just like a ram’s, and its horns spiral like a ram’s also, only they are so big that I could scarcely lift a pair of them with one hand. They make huge drinking-vessels out of these” (p. 230). [See I. p. 177.]
_Vair_, so often mentioned in mediaeval works, appears to have been a name appropriate to the fur as prepared rather than to the animal. This appears to have been the Siberian squirrel called in French _petit-gris_, the back of which is of a fine grey and the belly of a brilliant white. In the _Vair_ (which is perhaps only _varius_ or variegated) the backs and bellies were joined in a kind of checquer; whence the heraldic checquer called by the same name. There were two kinds, _menu-vair_ corrupted into _minever_, and _gros-vair_, but I cannot learn clearly on what the distinction rested. (See _Douet d’Arcq_, p. xxxv.) Upwards of 2000 _ventres de menuvair_ were sometimes consumed in one complete suit of robes (Ib. xxxii.).
The traps used by the Siberian tribes to take these valuable animals are described by Erman (I. 452), only in the English translation the description is totally incomprehensible; also in Wrangell, I. 151.
NOTE 5.–The country chiefly described in this chapter is probably that which the Russians, and also the Arabian Geographers, used to term _Yugria_, apparently the country of the Ostyaks on the Obi. The winter-dwellings of the people are not, strictly speaking, underground, but they are flanked with earth piled up against the walls. The same is the case with those of the Yakuts in Eastern Siberia, and these often have the floors also sunk 3 feet in the earth. Habitations really subterranean, of some previous race, have been found in the Samoyed country. (_Klaproth’s Mag. Asiatique, II. 66._)
CHAPTER XXI.
CONCERNING THE LAND OF DARKNESS.
Still further north, and a long way beyond that kingdom of which I have spoken, there is a region which bears the name of DARKNESS, because neither sun nor moon nor stars appear, but it is always as dark as with us in the twilight. The people have no king of their own, nor are they subject to any foreigner, and live like beasts. [They are dull of understanding, like half-witted persons.[NOTE 1]]
The Tartars however sometimes visit the country, and they do it in this way. They enter the region riding mares that have foals, and these foals they leave behind. After taking all the plunder that they can get they find their way back by help of the mares, which are all eager to get back to their foals, and find the way much better than their riders could do. [NOTE 2]
Those people have vast quantities of valuable peltry; thus they have those costly Sables of which I spoke, and they have the Ermine, the Arculin, the Vair, the Black Fox, and many other valuable furs. They are all hunters by trade, and amass amazing quantities of those furs. And the people who are on their borders, where the Light is, purchase all those furs from them; for the people of the Land of Darkness carry the furs to the Light country for sale, and the merchants who purchase these make great gain thereby, I assure you.[NOTE 3]
The people of this region are tall and shapely, but very pale and colourless. One end of the country borders upon Great Rosia. And as there is no more to be said about it, I will now proceed, and first I will tell you about the Province of Rosia.
NOTE 1.–In the Ramusian version we have a more intelligent representation of the facts regarding the _Land of Darkness_: “Because for most part of the winter months the sun appears not, and the air is dusky, as it is just before the dawn when you see and yet do not see;” and again below it speaks of the inhabitants catching the fur animals “in summer when they have continuous daylight.” It is evident that the writer of this version _did_ and the writer of the original French which we have translated from _did not_ understand what he was writing. The whole of the latter account implies belief in the perpetuity of the darkness. It resembles Pliny’s hazy notion of the northern regions:[1] “pars mundi damnata a rerum natura et densa mersa caligine.” Whether the fault is due to Rustician’s ignorance or is Polo’s own, who can say? We are willing to debit it to the former, and to credit Marco with the improved version in Ramusio. In the _Masalak-al-Absar_, however, we have the following passage in which the conception is similar: “Merchants do not ascend (the Wolga) beyond Bolghar; from that point they make excursions through the province of Julman (supposed to be the country on the Kama and Viatka). The merchants of the latter country penetrate to Yughra, which is the extremity of the North. Beyond that you see no trace of habitation except a great Tower built by Alexander, after which there is nothing but Darkness.” The narrator of this, being asked what he meant, said: “It is a region of desert mountains, where frost and snow continually reign, where the sun never shines, no plant vegetates, and no animal lives. Those mountains border on the Dark Sea, on which rain falls perpetually, fogs are ever dense, and the sun never shows itself, and on tracts perpetually covered with snow.” (_N. et Ex._ XIII. i. 285.)
NOTE 2.–This is probably a story of great antiquity, for it occurs in the legends of the mythical _Ughuz_, Patriarch of the Turk and Tartar nations, as given by Rashiduddin. In this hero’s campaign towards the far north, he had ordered the old men to be left behind near Almalik; but a very ancient sage called Bushi Khwaja persuaded his son to carry him forward in a box, as they were sure sooner or later to need the counsel of experienced age. When they got to the land of _Kara Hulun_, Ughuz and his officers were much perplexed about finding their way, as they had arrived at the Land of Darkness. The old Bushi was then consulted, and his advice was that they should take with them 4 mares and 9 she-asses that had foals, and tie up the foals at the entrance to the Land of Darkness, but drive the dams before them. And when they wished to return they would be guided by the scent and maternal instinct of the mares and she-asses. And so it was done. (See _Erdmann Temudschin_, p. 478.) Ughuz, according to the Mussulman interpretation of the Eastern Legends, was the great-grandson of Japhet.
The story also found its way into some of the later Greek forms of the Alexander Legends. Alexander, when about to enter the Land of Darkness, takes with him only picked young men. Getting into difficulties, the King wants to send back for some old sage who should advise. Two young men had smuggled their old father with them in anticipation of such need, and on promise of amnesty they produce him. He gives the advice to use the mares as in the text. (See _Mueller’s ed._ of _Pseudo-Callisthenes_, Bk. II. ch. xxxiv.)
NOTE 3.–Ibn Batuta thus describes the traffic that took place with the natives of the Land of Darkness: “When the Travellers have accomplished a journey of 40 days across this Desert tract they encamp near the borders of the Land of Darkness. Each of them then deposits there the goods that he has brought with him, and all return to their quarters. On the morrow they come back to look at their goods, and find laid beside them skins of the Sable, the Vair, and the Ermine. If the owner of the goods is satisfied with what is laid beside his parcel he takes it, if not he leaves it there. The inhabitants of the Land of Darkness may then (on another visit) increase the amount of their deposit, or, as often happens, they may take it away altogether and leave the goods of the foreign merchants untouched. In this way is the trade conducted. The people who go thither never know whether those with whom they buy and sell are men or goblins, for they never see any one!” (II. 401.)
[“Ibn Batuta’s account of the market of the ‘Land of Darkness’ … agrees almost word for word with Dr. Mirth’s account of the ‘Spirit Market, taken from the Chinese.'” (_Parker, China Review_, XIV. p. 359.)–H.C.]
Abulfeda gives exactly the same account of the trade; and so does Herberstein. Other Oriental writers ascribe the same custom to the _Wisu_, a people three months’ journey from Bolghar. These Wisu have been identified by Fraehn with the _Wesses_, a people spoken of by Russian historians as dwelling on the shores of the Bielo Osero, which Lake indeed is alleged by a Russian author to have been anciently called _Wuesu_, misunderstood into _Weissensee_, and thence rendered into Russian Bielo Osero (“White Lake”). (_Golden Horde_, App. p. 429; _Buesching_, IV. 359-360; _Herberstein_ in _Ram._ II. 168 v.; _Fraehn, Bolghar_, pp. 14, 47; Do., _Ibn Fozlan_, 205 seqq., 221.) Dumb trade of the same kind is a circumstance related of very many different races and periods, e.g., of a people beyond the Pillars of Hercules by Herodotus, of the Sabaean dealers in frankincense by Theophrastus, of the Seres by Pliny, of the Sasians far south of Ethiopia by Cosmas, of the people of the Clove Islands by Kazwini, of a region beyond Segelmessa by Mas’udi, of a people far beyond Timbuctoo by Cadamosto, the Veddas of Ceylon by Marignolli and more modern writers, of the Poliars of Malabar by various authors, by Paulus Jovius of the Laplanders, etc. etc.
Pliny’s attribution, surely erroneous, of this custom to the Chinese [see supra, H.C.], suggests that there may have been a misunderstanding by which this method of trade was confused with that other curious system of dumb higgling, by the pressure of the knuckles under a shawl, a masonic system in use from Peking to Bombay, and possibly to Constantinople.
The term translated here “Light,” and the “Light Country,” is in the G.T. “_a la Carte_,” “_a la Cartes_.” This puzzled me for a long time, as I see it puzzled Mr. Hugh Murray, Signor Bartoli, and Lazari (who passes it over). The version of Pipino, “_ad_ Lucis _terras finitimas deferunt_,” points to the true reading;–_Carte_ is an error for _Clarte_.
The reading of this chapter is said to have fired Prince Rupert with the scheme which resulted in the establishment of the Hudson’s Bay Company.
[1] That is, in one passage of Pliny (iv. 12); for in another passage from his multifarious note book, where Thule is spoken of, the Arctic day and night are much more distinctly characterised (IV. 16).
CHAPTER XXII.
DESCRIPTION OF ROSIA AND ITS PEOPLE. PROVINCE OF LAC.
Rosia is a very great province, lying towards the north. The people are Christians, and follow the Greek doctrine. There are several kings in the country, and they have a language of their own. They are a people of simple manners, but both men and women very handsome, being all very white and [tall, with long fair hair]. There are many strong defiles and passes in the country; and they pay tribute to nobody except to a certain Tartar king of the Ponent, whose name is TOCTAI; to him indeed they pay tribute, but only a trifle. It is not a land of trade, though to be sure they have many fine and valuable furs, such as Sables, in abundance, and Ermine, Vair, Ercolin, and Fox skins, the largest and finest in the world [and also much wax]. They also possess many Silver-mines, from which they derive a large amount of silver.[NOTE 1]
There is nothing else worth mentioning; so let us leave Rosia, and I will tell you about the Great Sea, and what provinces and nations lie round about it, all in detail; and we will begin with Constantinople.–First, however, I should tell you of a province that lies between north and north-west. You see in that region that I have been speaking of, there is a province called LAC, which is conterminous with Rosia, and has a king of its own. The people are partly Christians and partly Saracens. They have abundance of furs of good quality, which merchants export to many countries. They live by trade and handicrafts.[NOTE 2]
There is nothing more worth mentioning, so I will speak of other subjects; but there is one thing more to tell you about Rosia that I had forgotten. You see in Rosia there is the greatest cold that is to be found anywhere, so great as to be scarcely bearable. The country is so great that it reaches even to the shores of the Ocean Sea, and ’tis in that sea that there are certain islands in which are produced numbers of gerfalcons and peregrine falcons, which are carried in many directions. From Russia also to OROECH it is not very far, and the journey could be soon made, were it not for the tremendous cold; but this renders its accomplishment almost impossible.[NOTE 3]
Now then let us speak of the Great Sea, as I was about to do. To be sure many merchants and others have been there, but still there are many again who know nothing about it, so it will be well to include it in our Book. We will do so then, and let us begin first with the Strait of Constantinople.
NOTE 1.–Ibn Fozlan, the oldest Arabic author who gives any detailed account of the Russians (and a very remarkable one it is), says he “never saw people of form more perfectly developed; they were tall as palm-trees, and ruddy of countenance,” but at the same time “the most uncleanly people that God hath created,” drunken, and frightfully gross in their manners. (_Fraehn’s Ibn Fozlan_, p. 5 seqq.) Ibn Batuta is in some respects less flattering; he mentions the silver-mines noticed in our text: “At a day’s distance from Ukak[1] are the hills of the Russians, who are Christians. They have red hair and blue eyes; ugly to look at, and crafty to deal with. They have silver-mines, and it is from their country that are brought the _saum_ or ingots of silver with which buying and selling is carried on in this country (Kipchak or the Ponent of Polo). The weight of each _saumah_ is 5 ounces” (II. 414). Mas’udi also says: “The Russians have in their country a silver-mine similar to that which exists in Khorasan, at the mountain of Banjhir” (i.e. _Panjshir_; II. 15; and see supra, vol. i. p. 161). These positive and concurrent testimonies as to Russian silver-mines are remarkable, as modern accounts declare that no silver is found in Russia. And if we go back to the 16th century, Herberstein says the same. There was no silver, he says, except what was imported; silver money had been in use barely 100 years; previously they had used oblong ingots of the value of a ruble, without any figure or legend. (_Ram._ II. 159.)
But a welcome communication from Professor Bruun points out that the statement of Ibn Batuta identifies the silver-mines in question with certain mines of argentiferous lead-ore near the River Mious (a river falling into the sea of Azof, about 22 miles west of Taganrog); an ore which even in recent times has afforded 60 per cent. of lead, and 1/24 per cent. of silver. And it was these mines which furnished the ancient Russian _rubles_ or ingots. Thus the original _ruble_ was the _saumah_ of Ibn Batuta, the _sommo_ of Pegolotti. A ruble seems to be still called by some term like _saumah_ in Central Asia; it is printed _soom_ in the Appendix to Davies’s Punjab Report, p. xi. And Professor Bruun tells me that the silver ruble is called _Som_ by the Ossethi of Caucasus.[2]
Franc.-Michel quotes from Fitz-Stephen’s Desc. of London (_temp._ Henry II.):–
“_Aurum mittit Arabs …
Seres purpureas vestes; Galli sua vina; Norwegi_, Russi, varium, grysium, sabelinas.”
Russia was overrun with fire and sword as far as Tver and Torshok by Batu Khan (1237-1238), some years before his invasion of Poland and Silesia. Tartar tax-gatherers were established in the Russian cities as far north as Rostov and Jaroslawl, and for many years Russian princes as far as Novgorod paid homage to the Mongol Khans in their court at Sarai. Their subjection to the Khans was not such a trifle as Polo seems to imply; and at least a dozen Russian princes met their death at the hands of the Mongol executioner.
[Illustration: Mediaeval Russian Church. (From Fergusson.)]
NOTE 2.–The _Lac_ of this passage appears to be WALLACHIA. Abulfeda calls the Wallachs _Aulak_; Rubruquis _Illac_, which he says is the same word as _Blac_ (the usual European form of those days being _Blachi, Blachia_), but the Tartars could not pronounce the B (p. 275). Abulghazi says the original inhabitants of Kipchak were the _Urus_, the Olaks, _the Majars_, and the _Bashkirs_.
Rubruquis is wrong in placing _Illac_ or Wallachs in Asia; at least the people near the Ural, who he says were so-called by the Tartars, cannot have been Wallachs. Professor Bruun, who corrects my error in following Rubruquis, thinks those Asiatic _Blac_ must have been _Polovtzi_, or Cumanians.
[Mr. Rockhill (_Rubruck_, p. 130, note) writes: “A branch of the Volga Bulgars occupied the Moldo-Vallach country in about A.D. 485, but it was not until the first years of the 6th century that a portion of them passed the Danube under the leadership of Asparuk, and established themselves in the present Bulgaria, Friar William’s ‘Land of Assan.'”–H.C.]
NOTE 3.–_Oroech_ is generally supposed to be a mistake for _Noroech_, NORWEGE or Norway, which is probable enough. But considering the Asiatic sources of most of our author’s information, it is also possible that _Oroech_ represents WAREG. The _Waraegs_ or _Warangs_ are celebrated in the oldest Russian history as a race of warlike immigrants, of whom came Rurik, the founder of the ancient royal dynasty, and whose name was long preserved in that of the Varangian guards at Constantinople. Many Eastern geographers, from Al Biruni downwards, speak of the Warag or Warang as a nation dwelling in the north, on the borders of the Slavonic countries, and on the shores of a great arm of the Western Ocean, called the _Sea of Warang_, evidently the Baltic. The Waraegers are generally considered to have been Danes or Northmen, and Erman mentions that in the bazaars of Tobolsk he found Danish goods known as _Varaegian_. Mr. Hyde Clark, as I learn from a review, has recently identified the Warangs or Warings with the _Varini_, whom Tacitus couples with the Angli, and has shown probable evidence for their having taken part in the invasion of Britain. He has also shown that many points of the laws which they established in Russia were purely Saxon in character. (_Bayer_ in _Comment. Acad. Petropol._ IV. 276 seqq.; _Fraehn_ in App. to _Ibn Fozlan_, p. 177 seqq.; _Erman_, I. 374; _Sat. Review_, 19th June, 1869; _Gold. Horde_, App. p. 428.)
[1] This Ukak of Ibn Batuta is not, as I too hastily supposed (vol. i. p. 8) the _Ucaca_ of the Polos on the Volga, but a place of the same name on the Sea of Azof, which appears in some mediaeval maps as _Locac_ or _Locaq_ (_i.e. l’Ocac_), and which Elle de Laprimaudaie in his Periplus of the Mediaeval Caspian, locates at a place called Kaszik, a little east of Mariupol. (_Et. sur le Comm. au Moyen. Age_, p. 230.) I owe this correction to a valued correspondent, Professor Bruun, of Odessa.
[2] The word is, however, perhaps Or. Turkish; _Som_, “pure, solid.” (See _Pavet de Courteille_, and _Vambery_, s.v.)
CHAPTER XXIII.
HE BEGINS TO SPEAK OF THE STRAITS OF CONSTANTINOPLE, BUT DECIDES TO LEAVE THAT MATTER.
At the straits leading into the Great Sea, on the west side, there is a hill called the FARO.–But since beginning on this matter I have changed my mind, because so many people know all about it, so we will not put it in our description, but go on to something else. And so I will tell you about the Tartars of the Ponent, and the lords who have reigned over them.
CHAPTER XXIV.
CONCERNING THE TARTARS OF THE PONENT AND THEIR LORDS.
The first lord of the Tartars of the Ponent was SAIN, a very great and puissant king, who conquered ROSIA and COMANIA, ALANIA, LAC, MENJAR, ZIC, GOTHIA, and GAZARIA; all these provinces were conquered by King Sain. Before his conquest these all belonged to the Comanians, but they did not hold well together nor were they united, and thus they lost their territories and were dispersed over divers countries; and those who remained all became the servants of King Sain.[NOTE 1]
After King Sain reigned King PATU, and after Patu BARCA, and after Barca MUNGLETEMUR, and after Mungletemur King TOTAMANGUL, and then TOCTAI the present sovereign.[NOTE 2]
Now I have told you of the Tartar kings of the Ponent, and next I shall tell you of a great battle that was fought between Alau the Lord of the Levant and Barca the Lord of the Ponent.
So now we will relate out of what occasion that battle arose, and how it was fought.
NOTE 1.–+The COMANIANS, a people of Turkish race, the _Polovtzi_[or “Dwellers of the Plain” of Nestor, the Russian Annalist] of the old Russians, were one of the chief nations occupying the plains on the north of the Black Sea and eastward to the Caspian, previous to the Mongol invasion. Rubruquis makes them identical with the KIPCHAK, whose name is generally attached to those plains by Oriental writers, but Hammer disputes this. [See a note, pp. 92-93 of _Rockhill’s Rubruck_.–H.C.]
ALANIA, the country of the Alans on the northern skirts of the Caucasus and towards the Caspian; LAC, the Wallachs as above. MENJAR is a subject of doubt. It may be _Majar_, on the Kuma River, a city which was visited by Ibn Batuta, and is mentioned by Abulfeda as _Kummajar_. It was in the 14th century the seat of a Franciscan convent. Coins of that century, both of Majar and New Majar, are given by Erdmann. The building of the fortresses of Kichi Majar and Ulu Majar (little and great) is ascribed in the _Derbend Nameh_ to Naoshirwan. The ruins of Majar were extensive when seen by Gmelin in the last century, but when visited by Klaproth in the early part of the present one there were few buildings remaining. Inscriptions found there are, like the coins, Mongol-Mahomedan of the 14th century. Klaproth, with reference to these ruins, says that _Majar_ merely means in “old Tartar” a stone building, and denies any connection with the _Magyars_ as a nation. But it is possible that the Magyar country, i.e. Hungary, is here intended by Polo, for several Asiatic writers of his time, or near it, speak of the Hungarians as _Majar_. Thus Abulfeda speaks of the infidel nations near the Danube as including Aulak, Majars, and Serbs; Rashiduddin speaks of the Mongols as conquering the country of the Bashkirds, the Majars, and the Sassan (probably Saxons of Transylvania). One such mention from Abulghazi has been quoted in note 2 to ch. xxii.; in the _Masalak-al-Absar_, the _Cherkes_, _Russians_, _Aas_ (or Alans), and Majar are associated; the Majar _and Alan_ in Sharifuddin. Doubts indeed arise whether in some of these instances a people located in Asia be not intended.[1] (_Rubr._ p. 246; _D’Avezac_, p. 486 seqq.; _Golden Horde_, p. 5; _I.B._ II. 375 seqq.; _Buesching_, IV. 359; _Cathay_, p. 233; _Numi Asiatici_, I. 333, 451; _Klaproth’s Travels_, ch. xxxi.; _N. et Ex._ XIII. i. 269, 279; _P. de la Croix_, II. 383; _Rein. Abulf._ I. 80; _D’Ohsson_, II. 628.)
[“The author of the _Tarikh Djihan Kushai_, as well as Rashid and other Mohammedan authors of the same period, term the Hungarians _Bashkerds_ (Bashkirs). This latter name, written also _Bashkurd_, appears for the first time, it seems, in Ibn Fozlan’s narrative of an embassy to the Bulgars on the Volga in the beginning of the 10th century (translated by Fraehn, ‘De Bashkiris,’ etc., 1822)…. The Hungarians arrived in Europe in the 9th century, and then called themselves _Magyar_ (to be pronounced Modjor), as they do down to the present time. The Russian Chronicler Nestor mentions their passing near Kiev in 898, and terms them _Ugry_. But the name Magyar was also known to other nations in the Middle Ages. Abulfeda (ii. 324) notices the _Madjgars_; it would, however, seem that he applies this name to the Bashkirs in Asia. The name _Madjar_ occurs also in Rashid’s record. In the Chinese and Mongol annals of the 13th century the Hungarians are termed _Madja-rh_.” (_Bretschneider, Med. Res._ I. pp. 326-327.)–H.C.]
ZIC is Circassia. The name was known to Pliny, Ptolemy, and other writers of classic times. Ramusio (II. 196 _v_) gives a curious letter to Aldus Manutius from George Interiano, “_Della vita de’_ Zychi _chiamati Circassi_,” and a great number of other references to ancient and mediaeval use of the name will be found in D’Avezac’s Essay, so often quoted (p. 497).
GOTHIA is the southern coast of the Crimea from Sudak to Balaklava and the mountains north of the latter, then still occupied by a tribe of the Goths. The Genoese officer who governed this coast in the 15th century bore the title of _Capitanus Gotiae_; and a remnant of the tribe still survived, maintaining their Teutonic speech, to the middle of the 16th century, when Busbeck, the emperor’s ambassador to the Porte, fell in with two of them, from whom he derived a small vocabulary and other particulars. (_Busbequii Opera_, 1660, p. 321 seqq.; _D’Avezac_, pp. 498-499; _Heyd._, II. 123 seqq.; _Cathay_, pp. 200-201.)
GAZARIA, the Crimea and part of the northern shore of the Sea of Azov, formerly occupied by the _Khazars_, a people whom Klaproth endeavours to prove to have been of Finnish race. When the Genoese held their settlements on the Crimean coast the Board at Genoa which administered the affairs of these colonies was called _The Office of Gazaria_.
NOTE 2.–The real list of the “Kings of the Ponent,” or Khans of the Golden Horde, down to the time of Polo’s narrative, runs thus: BATU, _Sartak, Ulagchi_ (these two almost nominal), BARKA, MANGKU TIMUR, TUDAI MANGKU, _Tulabugha_, _Tuktuka_ or TOKTAI. Polo here omits Tulabugha (though he mentions him below in ch. xxix.), and introduces before Batu, as a great and powerful conqueror, the founder of the empire, a prince whom he calls _Sain_. This is in fact Batu himself, the leader of the great Tartar invasion of Europe (1240-1242), whom he has split into two kings. Batu bore the surname of _Sain Khan_, or “the Good Prince,” by which name he is mentioned, e.g., in Makrizi (_Quatremere’s Trans._ II. 45), also in Wassaf (_Hammer’s Trans._ pp. 29-30). Piano Carpini’s account of him is worth quoting: “Hominibus quidem ejus satis benignus; timetur tamen valde ab iis; sed crudelissimus est in pugna; sagax est multum; et etiam astutissimus in bello, quia longo tempore jam pugnavit.” This Good Prince was indeed _crudelissimus in pugna_. At Moscow he ordered a general massacre, and 270,000 right ears are said to have been laid before him in testimony to its accomplishment. It is odd enough that a mistake like that in the text is not confined to Polo. The chronicle of Kazan, according to a Russian writer, makes _Sain_ succeed _Batu_. (_Carpini_, p. 746; _J. As._ ser. IV. tom. xvii. p. 109; _Buesching_, V. 493; also _Golden Horde_, p. 142, note.)
Batu himself, in the great invasion of the West, was with the southern host in Hungary; the northern army which fought at Liegnitz was under Baidar, a son of Chaghatai.
According to the _Masalak-al-Absar_, the territory of Kipchak, over which this dynasty ruled, extended in length from the Sea of Istambul to the River Irtish, a journey of 6 months, and in breadth from Bolghar to the Iron Gates, 4 (?) months’ journey. A second traveller, quoted in the same work, says the empire extended from the Iron Gates to _Yughra_ (see p. 483 supra), and from the Irtish to the country of the _Nemej_. The last term is very curious, being the Russian _Niemicz_, “Dumb,” a term which in Russia is used as a proper name of the Germans; a people, to wit, unable to speak Slavonic. (_N. et Ex._ XIII. i. 282, 284.)
[“An allusion to the Mongol invasion of Poland and Silesia is found in the _Yuen-shi_, ch. cxxi., biography of Wu-liang-ho t’ai (the son of Su-bu-t’ai). It is stated there that Wu-liang-ho t’ai [Urtangcadai] accompanied Badu when he invaded the countries of _Kin ch’a_ (Kipchak) and _Wu-la-sz’_ (Russia). Subsequently he took part also in the expedition against the _P’o-lie-rh_ and _Nie-mi-sze_.” (_Dr. Bretschneider, Med. Res._ I. p. 322.) With reference to these two names, Dr. Bretschneider says, in a note, that he has no doubt that the Poles and Germans are intended. “As to its origin, the Russian linguists generally derive it from _nemoi_, ‘dumb,’ i.e., unable to speak Slavonic. To the ancient Byzantine chroniclers the Germans were known under the same name. Cf. _Muralt’s Essai de Chronogr. Byzant., sub anno_ 882: ‘Les Slavons maltraites par les guerriers _Nemetzi_ de Swiatopolc’ (King of Great Moravia, 870-894). Sophocles’ Greek Lexicon of the Roman and Byzantine periods from B.C. 146 to A.D. 1100: ‘_Nemitzi_’ Austrians, Germans. This name is met also in the Mohammedan authors. According to the Masalak-al-Absar, of the first half of the 14th century (transl. by Quatremere, _N. et Ext._ XXII. 284), the country of the Kipchaks extended (eastward) to the country of the _Nemedj_, which separates the Franks from the Russians. The Turks still call the Germans _Niemesi_; the Hungarians term them _Nemet_.”–H.C.]
[Illustration: Figure of a Tartar under the feet of Henry II, Duke of Silesia, Cracow, and Poland, from the tomb at Breslau of that Prince, killed in battle with the Tartar host at Liegnitz, 9th April, 1241.]
[1] This doubt arises also where Abulfeda speaks of _Majgaria_ in the far north, “the capital of the country of the _Madjgars_, a Turk race” of pagan nomads, by whom he seems to mean the _Bashkirs_. (_Reinaud’s Abulf._ I. 324.) For it is to the Bashkir country that the Franciscan travellers apply the term Great Hungary, showing that they were led to believe it the original seat of the _Magyars_. (_Rubr._ 274, _Plan. Carpin._ 747; and in same vol. _D’Avezac_, p. 491.) Further confusion arises from the fact that, besides the Uralian Bashkirs, there were, down to the 13th century, Bashkirs recognised as such, and as distinct from the Hungarians though akin to them, dwelling in _Hungarian territory_. Ibn Said, speaking of Sebennico (the cradle of the Polo family), says that when the Tartars advanced under its walls (1242?) “the Hungarians, the Bashkirs, and the Germans united their forces near the city” and gave the invaders a signal defeat. (_Reinaud’s Abulf._ I. 312; see also 294, 295.) One would gladly know what are the real names that M. Reinaud refers _Hongrois_ and _Allemands_. The Christian Bashkirds of Khondemir, on the borders of the Franks, appear to be Hungarians. (See _J. As._, ser. IV. tom. xvii. p. 111.)
CHAPTER XXV.
OF THE WAR THAT AROSE BETWEEN ALAU AND BARCA, AND THE BATTLES THAT THEY FOUGHT.
It was in the year 1261 of Christ’s incarnation that there arose a great discord between King Alau the Lord of the Tartars of the Levant, and Barca the King of the Tartars of the Ponent; the occasion whereof was a province that lay on the confines of both.[NOTE 1]
<+>(They exchange defiances, and make vast preparations.)
And when his preparations were complete, Alau the Lord of Levant set forth with all his people. They marched for many days without any adventure to speak of, and at last they reached a great plain which extends between the Iron Gates and the Sea Of Sarain.[NOTE 2] In this plain he pitched his camp in beautiful order; and I can assure you there was many a rich tent and pavilion therein, so that it looked indeed like a camp of the wealthy. Alau said he would tarry there to see if Barca and his people would come; so there they tarried, abiding the enemy’s arrival. This place where the camp was pitched was on the frontier of the two kings. Now let us speak of Barca and his people.[NOTE 3]
NOTE 1.–“_Que_ marcesoit _a le un et a le autre_;” in Scotch phrase, “which _marched_ with both.”
NOTE 2.–Respecting the Iron Gates, see vol. i. p. 53. The Caspian is here called the Sea of _Sarain_, probably for _Sarai_, after the great city on the Volga. For we find it in the Catalan Map of 1375 termed the Sea of _Sarra_. Otherwise _Sarain_ might have been taken for some corruption of _Shirwan_. (See vol. i. p. 59, note 8.)
NOTE 3.–The war here spoken of is the same which is mentioned in the very beginning of the book, as having compelled the two Elder Polos to travel much further eastward than they had contemplated.
Many jealousies and heart-burnings between the cousins Hulaku and Barka had existed for several years. The Mameluke Sultan Bibars seems also to have stimulated Barka to hostility with Hulaku. War broke out in 1262, when 30,000 men from Kipchak, under the command of Nogai, passed Derbend into the province of Shirwan. They were at first successful, but afterwards defeated. In December, Hulaku, at the head of a great army, passed Derbend, and routed the forces which met him. Abaka, son of Hulaku, was sent on with a large force, and came upon the opulent camp of Barka beyond the Terek. They were revelling in its plunder, when Barka rallied his troops and came upon the army of Abaka, driving them southward again, across the frozen river. The ice broke and many perished. Abaka escaped, chased by Barka to Derbend. Hulaku returned to Tabriz and made great preparations for vengeance, but matters were apparently never carried further. Hence Polo’s is anything but an accurate account of the matter.
The following extract from Wassaf’s History, referring to this war, is a fine sample of that prince of rigmarole:
“In the winter of 662 (A.D. 1262-1263) when the Almighty Artist had covered the River of Derbend with plates of silver, and the Furrier of the Winter had clad the hills and heaths in ermine; the river being frozen hard as a rock to the depth of a spear’s length, an army of Mongols went forth at the command of Barka Aghul, filthy as Ghuls and Devils of the dry-places, and in numbers countless as the rain-drops,” etc. etc. (_Golden Horde_, p. 163 seqq.; _Ilchan._ I. 214 seqq.; _Q.R._ p. 393 seqq.; _Q. Makrizi_, I. 170; _Hammer’s Wassaf_, p. 93.)
CHAPTER XXVI.
HOW BARCA AND HIS ARMY ADVANCED TO MEET ALAU.
<+>(Barca advances with 350,000 horse, encamps on the plain within 10 miles of Alau; addresses his men, announcing his intention of fighting after 3 days, and expresses his confidence of success as they are in the right and have 50,000 men more than the enemy.)
CHAPTER XXVII.
HOW ALAU ADDRESSED HIS FOLLOWERS.
<+>(Alau calls together “a numerous parliament of his worthies”[1] and addresses them.)
[1] “_Il asemble encore sez parlemant de grand quantites des buens homes_.”
CHAPTER XXVIII.
OF THE GREAT BATTLE BETWEEN ALAU AND BARCA.
<+>(Description of the Battle in the usual style, with nothing characteristic. Results in the rout of Barca and great slaughter.)
CHAPTER XXIX.
HOW TOTAMANGU WAS LORD OF THE TARTARS OF THE PONENT.
You must know there was a Prince of the Tartars of the Ponent called MONGOTEMUR, and from him the sovereignty passed to a young gentleman called TOLOBUGA. But TOTAMANGU, who was a man of great influence, with the help of another Tartar King called NOGAI, slew Tolobuga and got possession of the sovereignty. He reigned not long however, and at his death TOCTAI, an able and valiant man, was chosen sovereign in the place of Totamangu. But in the meantime two sons of that Tolobuga who was slain were grown up, and were likely youths, able and prudent.
So these two brothers, the sons of Totamangu, got together a goodly company and proceeded to the court of Toctai. When they had got thither they conducted themselves with great discretion, keeping on their knees till Toctai bade them welcome, and to stand up. Then the eldest addressed the Sovereign thus: “Good my Lord Toctai, I will tell you to the best of my ability why we be come hither. We are the sons of Totamangu, whom Tolobuga and Nogai slew, as thou well knowest. Of Tolobuga we will say no more, since he is dead, but we demand justice against Nogai as the slayer of our Father; and we pray thee as Sovereign Lord to summon him before thee and to do us justice. For this cause are we come!”[NOTE 1]
(Toctai agrees to their demand and sends two messengers to summon Nogai, but Nogai mocks at the message and refuses to go. Whereupon Toctai sends a second couple of messengers.)
NOTE 1.–I have not attempted to correct the obvious confusion here; for in comparing the story related here with the regular historians we find the knots too complicated for solution.
In the text as it stands we first learn that Totamangu by help of Nogai kills _Tolobuga_, takes the throne, dies, and is succeeded by Toctai. But presently we find that it is the sons of _Totamangu_ who claim vengeance from Toctai against Nogai for having aided Tolobuga to slay their father. Turning back to the list of princes in chapter xxiv. we find Totamangu indeed, but Tolobuga omitted altogether.
The outline of the history as gathered from Hammer and D’Ohsson is as follows:–
NOGHAI, for more than half a century one of the most influential of the Mongol Princes, was a great-great-grandson of Chinghiz, being the son of Tatar, son of Tewal, son of Juji. He is first heard of as a leader under Batu Khan in the great invasion of Europe (1241), and again in 1258 we find him leading an invasion of Poland.
In the latter quarter of the century he had established himself as practically independent, in the south of Russia. There is much about him in the Byzantine history of Pachymeres; Michael Palaeologus sought his alliance against the Bulgarians (of the south), and gave him his illegitimate daughter Euphrosyne to wife. Some years later Noghai gave a daughter of his own in marriage to Feodor Rostislawitz, Prince of Smolensk.
Mangu- or Mangku-Temur, the great-nephew and successor of Barka, died in 1280-81 leaving nine sons, but was succeeded by his brother TUDAI-MANGKU (Polo’s _Totamangu_). This Prince occupied himself chiefly with the company of Mahomedan theologians and was averse to the cares of government. In 1287 he abdicated, and was replaced by TULABUGHA (_Tolobuga_), the son of an elder brother, whose power, however, was shared by other princes. Tulabugha quarrelled with old Noghai and was preparing to attack him. Noghai however persuaded him to come to an interview, and at this Tulabugha was put to death. TOKTAI, one of the sons of Mangku-Temur, who was associated with Noghai, obtained the throne of Kipchak. This was in 1291. We hear nothing of sons of Tudai-Mangku or Tulabugha.
Some years later we hear of a symbolic declaration of war sent by Toktai to Noghai, and then of a great battle between them near the banks of the Don, in which Toktai is defeated. Later, they are again at war, and somewhere south of the Dnieper Noghai is beaten. As he was escaping with a few mounted followers, he was cut down by a Russian horseman. “I am Noghai,” said the old warrior, “take me to Toktai.” The Russian took the bridle to lead him to the camp, but by the way the old chief expired. The horseman carried his head to the Khan; its heavy grey eyebrows, we are told, hung over and hid the eyes. Toktai asked the Russian how he knew the head to be that of Noghai. “He told me so himself,” said the man. And so he was ordered to execution for having presumed to slay a great Prince without orders. How like the story of David and the Amalekite in Ziklag! (2 Samuel, ch. i.).
The chronology of these events is doubtful. Rashiduddin seems to put the defeat of Toktai near the Don in 1298-1299, and a passage in Wassaf extracted by Hammer seems to put the defeat and death of Noghai about 1303. On the other hand, there is evidence that war between the two was in full flame in the beginning of 1296; Makrizi seems to report the news of a great defeat of Toktai by Noghai as reaching Cairo in _Jumadah_ I.A.H. 697 or February-March, 1298. And Novairi, from whom D’Ohsson gives extracts, appears to put the defeat and death of Noghai in 1299. If the battle on the Don is that recounted by Marco it cannot be put later than 1297, and he must have had news of it at Venice, perhaps from relations at Soldaia. I am indeed reluctant to believe that he is not speaking of events of which he had cognizance _before_ quitting the East; but there is no evidence in favour of that view. (_Golden Horde_, especially 269 seqq.; _Ilchan_. II. 347, and also p. 35; _D’Ohsson_, IV. Appendix; _Q. Makrizi_, IV. 60.)
The symbolical message mentioned above as sent by Toktai to Noghai, consisted of a hoe, an arrow, and a handful of earth. Noghai interpreted this as meaning, “If you hide in the earth, I will dig you out! If you rise to the heavens I will shoot you down! Choose a battle-field!” What a singular similarity we have here to the message that reached Darius 1800 years before, on this very ground, from Toktai’s predecessors, alien from him in blood it may be, but identical in customs and mental characteristics:–
“At last Darius was in a great strait, and the Kings of the Scythians having ascertained this, sent a herald bearing, as gifts to Darius, a bird, a mouse, a frog, and five arrows…. Darius’s opinion was that the Scythians meant to give themselves up to him…. But the opinion of Gobryas, one of the seven who had deposed the Magus, did not coincide with this; he conjectured that the presents intimated: ‘Unless, O Persians, ye become birds, and fly into the air, or become mice and hide yourselves beneath the earth, or become frogs and leap into the lakes, ye shall never return home again, but be stricken by these arrows.’ And thus the other Persians interpreted the gifts.” (_Herodotus_, by Carey, IV. 131, 132.) Again, more than 500 years after Noghai and Toktai were laid in the steppe, when Muraview reached the court of Khiva in 1820, it happened that among the Russian presents offered to the Khan were two loaves of sugar on the same tray with a quantity of powder and shot. The Uzbegs interpreted this as a symbolical demand: Peace or War? (_V. et Turcomanie_, p. 165.)
CHAPTER XXX.
OF THE SECOND MESSAGE THAT TOCTAI SENT TO NOGAI, AND HIS REPLY.
<+>(They carry a threat of attack if he should refuse to present himself before Toctai. Nogai refuses with defiance. Both sides prepare for war, but Toctai’s force is the greater in numbers.)
CHAPTER XXXI.
HOW TOCTAI MARCHED AGAINST NOGAI.
<+>(The usual description of their advance to meet one another. Toctai is joined by the two sons of Totamangu with a goodly company. They encamp within ten miles of each other in the Plain of NERGHI.)
CHAPTER XXXII.
HOW TOCTAI AND NOGAI ADDRESS THEIR PEOPLE, AND THE NEXT DAY JOIN BATTLE.
<+>(The whole of this is in the usual formula without any circumstances worth transcribing. The forces of Nogai though inferior in numbers are the better men-at-arms. King Toctai shows great valour.)
CHAPTER XXXIII.
THE VALIANT FEATS AND VICTORY OF KING NOGAI.
<+>(The deeds of Nogai surpass all; the enemy scatter like a flock, and are pursued, losing 60,000 men, but Toctai escapes, and so do the two sons of Totamangu.)
CHAPTER XXXIV. AND LAST
CONCLUSION.[1]
And now ye have heard all that we can tell you about the Tartars and the Saracens and their customs, and likewise about the other countries of the world as far as our researches and information extend. Only we have said nothing whatever about the GREATER SEA and the provinces that lie round it, although we know it thoroughly. But it seems to me a needless and useless task to speak about places which are visited by people every day. For there are so many who sail all about that sea constantly, Venetians, and Genoese, and Pisans, and many others, that everybody knows all about it, and that is the reason that I pass it over and say nothing of it.
Of the manner in which we took our departure from the Court of the Great Kaan you have heard at the beginning of the Book, in that chapter where we told you of all the vexation and trouble that Messer Maffeo and Messer Nicolo and Messer Marco had about getting the Great Kaan’s leave to go; and in the same chapter is related the lucky chance that led to our departure. And you may be sure that but for that lucky chance, we should never have got away in spite of all our trouble, and never have got back to our country again. But I believe it was God’s pleasure that we should get back in order that people might learn about the things that the world contains. For according to what has been said in the introduction at the beginning of the Book, there never was a man, be he Christian or Saracen or Tartar or Heathen, who ever travelled over so much of the world as did that noble and illustrious citizen of the City of Venice, Messer Marco the son of Messer Nicolo Polo.
Thanks be to God! Amen! Amen!
[1] This conclusion is not found in any copy except in the Crusca Italian, and, with a little modification, in another at Florence, belonging to the Pucci family. It is just possible that it was the embellishment of a transcriber or translator; but in any case it is very old, and serves as an epilogue.
[Illustration: Asiatic Warriors of Polo’s Age. (From a contemporary Persian Miniature.)]
APPENDICES
APPENDIX A.–_Geneaology of the House of Chinghiz, to end of Thirteenth Century_.
Supreme [KAANS] in large capitals. KHANS of KIPCHAK, CHAGATAI, and PERSIA in small capitals. Numerals indicate order of succession. For other sons of Kublai, see Book II., chapter ix.
Those who are mentioned by Marco Polo have a _line_ under their names.
Seniority runs from right to left.
Vesugai
_______________________________________________| | |
Uchegin or [I._CHINGIZ KAAN_] Pilgutai |
| __________________________|_____________________ | | | | | Jintu TULI [II. OKKODAI KAAN] | | | | |___________ | | | __________|______________________ | | | | | | | | | | | Tagajar Arikbuga I. _HULAKU_ [V._KUBLAI_ [IV._MANGKU_ | | | | | _KAAN_] _KAAN_] | | | | _____________|______ |____ | | | | | | | | | | | Agul 3._TIGUDAR_ Tara- 2._ABAKA_ _Chingkim_ | | | | _AHMAD_ kai | ______|______________ | | | | | | | | | | | | | ____________| | [VI._TEMUR KAAN_] | Kanbala | | | | | _______|______ | | | | _Nayan_ 6._BAIDU_ | | Tarmabala | | | 5._KAI-_ 4._ARGHUN_ | | | _KHATU_ | | | | ________|_______ | | | | | | | | 8. OLJAITU 7._GHAZAN_ | | | [Khans of PERSIA] | | | | | |
__________________________________________________________| | | | | | | | Shiregi Kashin [III. _KUYUK_KAAN] | | | | |
_Kaidu_ | | | | |
Chapar | | or | | Shabar | | | |
__________________________________________________________| | | |
_CHAGATAI_ | ______|_________________________________________ | | | | | | | | Kadami Sarban Paidar 2.YESSU- Muwatukan Juji | | | | MANGKU, | | | | | | followed by | | | | | | Kara-Hulaku’s | | | | | | widow, 3. ARGUNA. | | | | | | ____________| | | | | | | | | | 8. TUKA 7. NIK- ALGHUL Yesan- I. KAKA- _Nigudar-_ | (or BUKA) PAL Tewa. HULAKU. _Aghul_ | TEMUR | | | 6.BORRAK. 5.MUBARIK | | SHAH | | |
9. TEWA or | DUA |
| [Khans of ULUS CHAGATAI] | __________________________________________________________| | | | |
Tewal Shaiban 4. _BARKA_ 7. _BATU_ | | |
| | ____________________|_______ Tatar Kaunchi | | | | 3.ULAGHJI Toghan 2. SARTAK | _______________|_______ | | | |
_Noghai_ 6. _TUDAI- 5. _MANGKU_ Bartu _MANGKU_ _TEMUR_ | | |
_______________| | | | |
8._TOKTAI_ Abaji 7. _TULABUGA_.
[Khans of KIPCHAK or ULUS JUJI]
APPENDIX B.–_The Polo Families_.
(I.) GENEALOGY OF THE FAMILY OF MARCO POLO THE TRAVELLER.
/- Maffeo, /- Giovannino Seniority runs from | make will in | (_Illeg._) [bottom] to [top]. | Feb. 1309; | alive in 1321.
| was dead |
| before 1318. +- Stefano
| | (_Illeg._)
| | alive in 1321.
| |
| | Catarina,
| | d. of Nic. /- Fiordelisa. | | Sagredo. |
| | || ——|
| +- Maffeo \- Pasqua.
| 2. (Mother | made a will, (_Illeg._) | of Maffeo. | 1300.
| _Fiordelisa |
| Trevisan_?) |
| || | Renuzzo Delfio +- Nicolo, ——-+ ||
| of S. Giov. | /- Moreta, | Grisostomo | | married
| married twice, \- MARCO, | after 1324; | d. before 1300. of S. Giov. | alive in | || Grisostomo, | 1336.
| 1. (Marco’s 1254-1324. |
A | Mother, || ———+- Bellella, n | Name unknown.) Donata–(?) | married to– d | died after | before 1324; r | 1333 and | died before 1333. e | before 1336. |
a | \- Fantina,
| married
P | before 1324; o | alive in 1379.
l | || ——— Pietro Bragadin o | Marco Bragadin of S. Giov. , | of S. Geminiano Grisostomo, + was alive in o | 1388.
f | /- Maroca. /- Agnesina | | |
S. \- Marco, –+- Nicolo. —- Marco, —–+ made will, | known as |
F 1280 | _Marcolino_ \- Matteo, e | (1328) of married Caterina, l | S. Giov. daughter of i | Grisotomo. Giandomenico. c \- Antonio.
e (Illegitimate)
Fiordelisa
||
Felice Polo,
called Cousins,
1280, 1300.
(II.) THE POLOS OF SAN GEREMIA.
The preceding Table gives the Family of our Traveller as far as I have seen sound data for tracing it, either upwards or downwards.
I have expressed, in the introductory notices, my doubts about the Venetian genealogies, which continue the family down to 1418 or 19, because it seems to me certain that all of them do more or less confound with our Polos of S. Giovanni Grisostomo, members of the other Polo Family of S. Geremia. It will help to disentangle the subject if we put down what is ascertained regarding the S. Geremia family.
To the latter with tolerable certainty belonged the following:–
1302. MARCO Polo of Cannareggio, see vol. i. pp. 64-67. (The Church of S. Geremia stands on the canal called Cannareggio.)
Already in 1224, we find a Marco Polo of S. Geremia and Cannareggio. (See _Liber Plegiorum_, published with _Archivio Veneto_, 1872 pp. 32, 36).
1319. (Bianca, widow of GIOVANNI Polo?)[1]
1332. 24th March. Concession, apparently of some privilege in connection with the State Lake in San Basilio, to DONATO and HERMORAO (= Hermolaus or Almoro) Paulo (Document partially illegible).[2]
1333. 23rd October. Will of Marchesina Corner, wife of Marino Gradenigo of S. Apollinare, who chooses for her executors “my mother Dona Fiordelisa Cornaro, and my uncle (_Barba_) Ser Marco Polo.”[3] Another extract apparently of the same will mentions “_mia cusina_ MARIA Polo,” and “_mio cusin_ MARCO Polo” three times.[4]
1349. MARINO Polo and Brothers.[5]
1348. About this time died NICOLO Polo of S. Geremia,[6] who seems to have been a Member of the Great Council.[7] He had a brother MARCO, and this Marco had a daughter AGNESINA. Nicolo also leaves a sister BARBARA (a nun), a son GIOVANNINO (apparently illegitimate[7]), of age in 1351,[6] a nephew GHERARDO, and a niece FILIPPA,[6] Abbess of Sta. Catarina in Mazzorbo.
The executors of Nicolo are GIOVANNI and DONATO Polo.[6] We have not their relationship stated.
DONATO must have been the richest Polo we hear of, for in the Estimo or forced Loan of 1379 for the Genoese War, he is assessed at 23,000 _Lire_.[8] A history of that war also states that he (“Donado Polo del Canareggio”) presented the Government with 1000 ducats, besides maintaining in arms himself, his son, and seven others.[9] Under 1388 we find Donato still living, and mention of CATARUZZA, d. of Donato:[10] and under 1390 of Elena, widow of Donato.[10]
The Testamentary Papers of Nicolo also speak of GIACOMO [or Jacopo] Polo. He is down in the _Estimo_ of 1379 for 1000 _Lire_;[11] and in 1371 an inscription in Cicogna shows him establishing a family burial-place in Sta. Maria de’ Servi:[12]
[M deg.CCC deg.LXXI. Die primo mensis … S. Dni IACHOBI. PAVLI. DE CFINIO. SANCTI. IEREMIE. ET. SVOR. HEREDVM.]
(1353. 2nd June. Viriola, widow of ANDREA or Andrinolo Polo of Sta. Maria Nuova ?)[13]
1379. In addition to those already mentioned we have NICOLO assessed at 4000 _lire_.[11]
1381. And apparently this is the NICOLO, son of Almoro (_Hermolaus_), who was raised to the Great Council, for public service rendered, among 30 elected to that honour after the war of Chioggia.[14] Under 1410 we find ANNA, relict of Nicolo Polo.[15]
1379. In this year also, ALMORO, whether father or brother of the last, contributes 4000 _lire_ to the Estimo.[11]
1390. CLEMENTE Polo (died before 1397)[15] and his wife MADDALUZIA.[15] Also in this year PAOLO Polo, son of Nicolo, gave his daughter in marriage to Giov. Vitturi.[16]
1408 and 1411. CHIARA, daughter of Francesco Balbi, and widow of ERMOLAO (or Almoro) Polo, called of _Sta. Trinita_.[15]
1416. GIOVANNI, perhaps the Giovannino mentioned above.[15]
1420. 22nd November. BARTOLO, son of Ser ALMORO and of the Nobil Donna CHIARA Orio.(?)[17] This couple probably the same as in the penultimate entry.
1474, seqq. Accounts belonging to the Trust Estate of BARTOLOMEO Polo of S. Geremia.[15]
There remains to be mentioned a MARCO POLO, member of the Greater Council, chosen _Auditor Sententiarum_, 7th March, 1350, and named among the electors of the Doges Marino Faliero (1354) and Giovanni Gradenigo (1355). The same person appears to have been sent as _Provveditore_ to Dalmatia in 1355. As yet it is doubtful to what family he belonged, and it is _possible_ that he may have belonged to our traveller’s branch, and have continued that branch according to the tradition. But I suspect that he is identical with the Marco, brother of Nicolo Polo of S. Geremia, mentioned above, under 1348. (See also vol. i. p. 74.) Cappellari states distinctly that this Marco was the father of the Lady who married Azzo Trevisan. (See Introd. p. 78.)
We have intimated the probability that he was the Marco mentioned twice in connection with the Court of Sicily. (See vol. i. p. 79, note.)
A later Marco Polo, in 1537, distinguished himself against the Turks in command of a ship called the _Giustiniana_; forcing his way past the enemy’s batteries into the Gulf of Prevesa, and cannonading that fortress. But he had to retire, being unsupported.
It may be added that a Francesco Paulo appears among the list of those condemned for participation in the conspiracy of Baiamonte Tiepolo in 1310. (_Dandulo_ in _Mur._ XII. 410, 490.)
[I note from the MS. of _Priuli, Genealogie delle famiglie nobili di Venesia_, kept in the R’o. Archivio di Stato at Venice, some information, pp. 4376-4378, which permit me to draw up the following Genealogy which may throw some light on the Polos of San Geremia:–
ANDREA, of San Felice
|
+————-+————-+ | | |
Marco Nicolo Maffio
of S. Grisostomo
buried at S. Lorenzo.
|
+————+——–+—+————+ | | | |
Marco Steffano Giovanni Maffio (Milioni) |
+———–+——–+–+———–+ | | | |
Almoro of Maffio Marco Nicolo San Geremia
|
Nicolo of San Geremia
made a Nobleman, 4th Sept. 1381 |
+—————-+—————-+ | | |
Maffio Marco Marin
| |
Marco + 1418
Governor of Castel Vecchio,
at Verona.
Sir Henry Yule writes above (II. p. 507) that Nicolo Polo of S. Geremia had a brother Marco, and this Marco had a daughter Agnesina. I find in the Acts of the Notary Brutti, in the Will of Elisabetta Polo, dated 14th March, 1350:–
BETA = MARCO POLO [MARCOLINO?] of S. Grisostomo
|
+——————+—————–+ | | |
Agnesina Christina Marina = Nicoleto. = Michaleto in the Monastery of S. Lorenzo.
The Maffio, son of Nicolo of S. Giov. Grisostomo, and father of Pasqua and Fiordelisa, married probably after his will (1300) and had his four sons: Almoro of S. Geremia, Maffio, Marco, Nicolo. Indeed, Cicogna writes (_Insc. Ven._ II. p. 390):–“Non apparisce che Maffeo abbia avuto figliuoli maschi da questo testamento [1300]; ma per altro non e cosa assurda il credere che posteriormente a questo testamento 1300 possa avere avuti figliuoli maschi; ed in effetto le Genealogie gliene danno quatro, cioe _Ermolao, Maffio, Marco, Nicolo_. Il Ramusio anzi glien da cinque, senza nominarli, uno de’quali _Marco_, e una femmina di nome _Maria_; e Marco Barbaro gliene da sei, cioe _Nicolo, Maria, Pietro, Donado, Marco, Franceschino_.”–H.C.]
[Sig. Ab. Cav. Zanetti gives (_Archivio Veneto_, XVI. 1878, p. 110). See our _Int._, p. 78.
MATTEO, son of MARCOLINO
|
+——————–+———————+ | |
Maria? Marco married Benedetto died at Verona Cornaro in 1401, and in 1417, 1418, or 1425.] Azzo Trevisan
[1] Document in _Archivio_ of the _Casa di Ricovero_, Bundle LXXVII., No. 209.
[2] _Registro di Grazie_, 4 deg. c. Comm. by Comm. Berchet.
[3] _Arch. Gen. dei Giudici del Proprio_, Perg. No. 82, 1st July, 1342, cites this. (Comm. Berchet.)
[4] _Arch. dei Procuratori di San Marco_, with Testam. 1327, January, marked “N.H. Ser Marco Gradenigo.” (Comm. Berchet.)
[5] Document in _Archivio_ of the _Casa di Ricovero_, Bundle LXXIV., No. 651.
[6] List (extracted in 1868-9) of Documents in the above Archivio, but which seem to have been since mislaid.
[7] Parchment in the possession of Cav. F. Stefani, containing a decision, dated 16th September, 1355, signed by the Doge and two Councillors, in favour of Giovannino Polo, natural son of the Noble Nicoletto of S. Geremia (_qu. Nobilis Viri Nicoleti Paulo_).
[8] In _Gallicciolli, Delle Mem. Ven. Antiche_, Ven. 1795, II. p. 136. In the MS. of _Cappellari Campidoglio Veneto_, in the Marciana, the sum stated is 3000 only.
[9] _Della Presa di Chiozza in Muratori, Script._ xv. 785.
[10] Documents seen by the Editor in the Arch, of the _Casa di Ricovero_.
[11] In _Gallicciolli Delle Mem. Ven. Antiche_, Ven. 1795, II. p. 136.
[12] _Cicogna_, I. p. 77.
[13] _Arch. Gen. dei Giud._ Perg. No. 120.
[14] _Cappellari_, MS.; _Sanuto, Vite de’ Duchi di Ven._ in _Muratori_, XXII. 730.
[15] Documents seen by the Editor in the Arch, of the _Casa di Ricovero_.
[16] _Cappellari_.
[17] _Libro d’Oro_ from 1414 to 1407 in Museo Correr. Comm. by Comm. Berchet.
APPENDIX C.–_Calendar of Documents Relating to Marco Polo and his Family_.
1.–(1280).
Will of Marco Polo of S. Severo, uncle of the Traveller, executed at Venice, 5th August, 1280. An Abstract given in vol. i. pp. 23-24.
The originals of this and the two other Wills (Nos. 2 and 8) are in St. Mark’s Library. They were published first by Cicogna, _Iscrizioni Veneziane_, and again more exactly by Lazari.
2.–(1300).
Will of Maffeo Polo, brother of the Traveller, executed at Venice, 31st August, 1300. Abstract given at pp. 64-65 of vol. i.
3.–(1302).
_Archivio Generale–Maggior Consiglio–Liber Magnus_, p. 81.[1]
1392. 13 Aprilis. (Capta est): Quod fit gratia provido viro MARCO PAULO quod ipse absolvatur a pena incursa pro eo quod non fecit circari unam suam conductam cum ignoraverit ordinem circa hoc.
Ego MARCUS MICHAEL consiliarius m.p.s. Ego PAULUS DELPHINUS consiliarius m.p.s. Ego MARCUS SIBOTO de mandato ipsorum cancellavi.
4–(1305).
Resolution of the _Maggior Consiglio_, under date 10th April, 1305, in which Marco Polo is styled Marcus Paulo Milioni. (See p. 67 of vol. i.) In the _Archivio Generate, Maggior Cons. Reg. M.S._, Carta 82.[2]
“Item quod fiat gratia Bonocio de Mestre de illis Libris centum quinquaginta duobus, in quibus extitit condempnatus per Capitaneos Postarum, occasione vini per eum portati contra bampnum, isto modo _videlicet_ quod solvere debeat dictum debitum hinc ad annos quatuor, solvendo annuatim quartum dicti debiti per hunc modum, _scilicet_ quod dictus Bonocius ire debeat cum nostris Ambaxiatoribus, et soldum quod ei competet pro ipsis viis debeat scontari, et it quod ad solvendum dictum quartum deficiat per eum vel suos plegios integre persolvatur. Et sunt plegii _Nobiles Viri_ PETRUS MAUROCENO et MARCHUS PAULO MILION et plures alii qui sunt scripti ad Cameram Capitaneorum Postarum.”
5.–(1311).
Decision in Marco Polo’s suit against Paulo Girardo, 9th March 1311, for recovery of the price of musk sold on commission, etc. (From the Archives of the _Casa di Ricovero_ at Venice, _Filza_ No. 202). (See vol. i. p. 70.)
“In nomine Dei Eterni Amen. Anno ab Incarnatione Domini Nostri Jesu Christi millesimo trecentesimo undecimo, Mensis Marci die nono, intrante Indicione Nona, Rivoalti …
“Cum coram nobilibus viris Dominis CATHARINO DALMARIO et MARCO LANDO, Judicibus Peticionum, Domino LEONARDO DE MOLINO, tercio Judice curie, tunc absente, inter Nobilem Virum MARCUM POLO de confinio Sancti Johannis Grisostomi ex una parte, et PAULUM GIRARDO de confinio Sancti Apollinaris ex altera parte, quo ex suo officio verteretur occasione librarum trium _denariorum grossorum Venetorum_ in parte una, quas sibi PAULO GIRARDO petebat idem MARCUS POLO pro dimidia libra muscli quam ab ipso MARCO POLO ipse PAULUS GIRARDO habuerat, et vendiderat precio suprascriptarum Librarum trium _den. Ven. gros._ et occasione _den. Venet. gross._ viginti, quos eciam ipse MARCUS POLO eidem POLO Girardo pectebat pro manchamento unius sazii de musclo, quem dicebat sibi defficere de libra una muscli, quam simul cum suprascripta dimidia ipse Paulus Girardo ab ipso MARCO POLO habuerat et receperat, in parte altera de dicta, Barbaro advocatori (sic) curie pro suprascripto MARCO POLO sive JOHANNIS (sic) POLO[3] de Confinio Sancti Johannis Grisostomi constitutus in Curia pro ipso MARCO POLO sicut coram suprascriptis Dominis Judicibus legitimum testificatum extiterat … legi fecit quamdam cedulam bambazinam scriptam manu propria ipsius PAULI GIRARDI, cujus tenor talis, videlicet: … “_de avril recevi io Polo Girardo da_ Missier Marco Polo _libre 1/2 de musclo metemelo libre tre de grossi. Ancora recevi io_ Polo _libre una de musclo che me lo mete libre sei de grossi, et va a so risico et da sua vintura et damelo in choleganza a la mitade de lo precio._” * * * * “Quare cum ipse Paulus noluerit satisfacere de predictis, nec velit ad presens * * * * * Condempnatum ipsum PAULUM GIRARDO in expensis pro parte dicti MARCI PAULO factis in questione, dando et assignando sibi terminum competentem pro predictis omnibus et singulis persolvendis, in quem terminum si non solveret judicant ipsi domini judices quod capi debetur ipse PAULUS GERARDO et carceribus Comunis Venetiarum precludi, de quibus exire non posset donec sibi MARCO PAULO omnia singula suprascripta exolvenda dixisset, non obstante absencia ipsius PAULI GERARDO cum sibi ex parte Domini Ducis proministeriale Curie Palacii preceptum fuisset ut hodie esset ad Curiam Peticionum.
* * * * *
“Ego KATHARINUS DALMARIO Judex Peticionum manu mea subscripsi
“Ego MARCUS LANDO Judex Peticionum manu mea subscripsi
“Ego NICOLAUS, Presbiter Sancti Canciani notarius complevi et roboravi.”
6.–(1319).
In a list of documents preserved in the Archives of the _Casa di Ricovero_, occurs the entry which follows. But several recent searches have been made for the document itself in vain.
* “No 94 MARCO GALETTI _investe della proprieta dei beni che si trovano in S. Giovanni Grisostomo MARCO POLO di Nicolo. 1319, 10 Settembre, rogato dal notaio Nicolo Prete di S. Canciano_.”
The notary here is the same who made the official record of the document last cited.
[This document was kept in the Archives of the _Istituto degli Esposti_, now transferred to the _Archivio di Stato_, and was found by the Ab. Cav. V. Zanetti, and published by him in the _Archivio Veneto_, XVI., 1878, pp. 98-100; parchment, 1157, filza I.; Marco Polo the traveller, according to a letter of the 16th March, 1306, had made in 1304, a loan of 20 _lire di grossi_ to his cousin Nicolo, son of Marco the elder; the sum remaining unpaid at the death of Nicolo, his son and heir Marcolino became the debtor, and by order of the Doge Giovanni Soranzo, Marco Galetti, according to a sentence of the _Giudici del Mobile_, of the 2nd July, transferred to the traveller Marco on the 10th September, 1319, _duas proprietates que sunt hospicia et camere posite in … confinio sancti Ihoanis grisostomi que fuerunt Nicolai Paulo_. This Document is important, as it shows the exact position of Marcolino in the family.–H.C.]
7.–(1323).
Document concerning House Property in S. Giovanni Grisostomo, adjoining the Property of the Polo Family, and sold by the Lady Donata to her husband Marco Polo. Dated May, 1323.
See No. 16 below.
8.–(1324).
Will of MARCO POLO. (In St. Mark’s Library.)[4]
In Nomine Dei Eterni Amen. Anno ab Incarnatione Dni. Nri. Jhu. Xri. millesimo trecentesimo vige-
simo tertio, mensis Januarii die nono,[5] intrante Indictione septima, Rivoalti.
Divine inspiracionis donum est et provide mentis arbitrium ut antequam superve-
niat mortis iudicium quilibet sua bona sit ordinare sollicitus ne ipsa sua bona inordinata remaneant. Quapropter ego quidem MARCUS PAULO de confinio Sancti Johannis Chrysostomi, dum cotidie debilitarer propter infirmitatem cor-
poris, sanus tamen per Dei gratiam mente, integroque consilio et sensu, timens ne ab in-
testato decederem, et mea bona inordinata remanerent, vocari ad me feci JOHANEM JUSTINIANUM presbiterum Sancti Proculi et Notarium, ipsumque rogavi quatenus hoc meum
scriberet testamentum per integrum et compleret. In quo meas fidecommissarias etiam con-
stituo DONATAM dilectam uxorem meam, et FANTINAM et BELLELAM atque MORETAM peramabiles filias meas, ut secundum quod hic ordinavero darique jussero, ita ipse post obitum meum adimpleant. Primiter enim omnium volo et ordi- no dari rectam decimam et volo et ordino distribui libras _denariorum_ _venetorum_ duo millia ultra decimam, de quibus dimitto soldos viginti _denariorum_
_Venet. grossorum_ Monasterio Sancti Laurentii ubi meam eligo sepulturam. Item di-
mitto libras trecentas _den. Venet._ YSABETE QUIRINO cognate mee quas mihi dare tenetur. Item soldos quadraginta cuilibet monasteriorum et hospi- taliorum a Gradu usque ad Capud Aggeris. Item dimitto conventui sanctorum Johanis
et Pauli Predicatorum illud quod mihi dare tenetur, et libras decem Fratri RENERIO
et libras quinque Fratri BENVENUTO Veneto Ordinis Predicatorum, ultra illud quod mihi dare tenetur. Item dimitto libras quinque cuilibet Congregationi Rivoalti
et libras quattuor cuilibet Scolarum sive fraternitatum in quibus sum. Item dimitto
soldos viginti _denariorum Venetorum grossorum_ Presbitero JOHANNI JUSTINIANO notario pro labore
istius mei testamenti et ut Dominum pro me teneatur deprecare. Item absolvo PETRUM famulum meum de genere Tartarorum ab omni vinculo servitutis ut Deus absolvat animam meam ab omni culpa et peccato. Item sibi remitto omnia que adquisivit in domo sua labore, et insuper dimitto libras _denariorum Venetorum_ centum. Residuum vero dictarum duarum millia librarum absque decima
distribuatur pro anima mea secundum bonam discreptionem commissariarum mearum.
De aliis meis bonis dimitto suprascripte DONATE uxori et commissarie mee libras octo _denariorum Venetorum grossorum_, omni anno dum ipsa vixerit, pro suo usu, ultra
suam repromissam et stracium et omne capud massariciorum cum tribus lectis corredatis. Omnia uero alia bona mobilia et immobilia inordinata, et si de predictis ordinatis aliqua inordinata remanerent, quocumque modo jure et forma mihi spectantia, seu que expectare vel pertinere potuerunt vel possent, tam ju-
re seccessorio et testamentario ac hereditario aut paterno fraterno materno et
ex quacumque alia propinquitate sive ex linea ascendenti et descendenti vel ex colaterali
vel alia quacumque de causa mihi pertinencia seu expectancia et de quibus secundum for-
mam statuti Veneciarum mihi expectaret, plenam et specialem facere mentionem seu dis-
posicionem et ordinacionem quamquam in hoc et in omni casu ex forma statuti specificater facio specialiter et expresse dimitto suprascriptis filiabus meis FANTINE,
BELLELE, et MORETE, libere et absolute inter eas equaliter dividenda, ipsasque
mihi heredes instituo in omnibus et singulis meis bonis mobilibus et immobilibus
juribus et actionibus, tacitis et expressis qualitercumque ut predicitur michi pertinentibus et expec-
tantibus. Salvo quod MORETA predicta filia mea habere debeat ante partem de mo-
re tantum quantum habuit quelibet aliarum filiarum mearum pro dote et corredis
suis. Tamen volo quod si que in hoc meo testamento essent contra statuta et consilia
Communis Veneciarum corrigantur et reducantur ad ipsa statuta et consilia. Preterea do
et confero suprascriptis commissariabus meis post obitum meum plenam virtutem et po-
testatem dictam meam commissariam intromittendi administrandi et furniendi, inquirendi inter-
pellandi placitandi respondendi ad vocationem interdicta et placita tollendi, legem petendi
et consequendi si opus fuerit, in anima mea jurandi, sententiam audiendi et prosequendi,
vendendi et alienandi, intromittendi et interdicendi petendi et exigendi sive excuciendi
omnia mea bona, et habere a cunctis personis ubicumque et apud quemcumque ea
vel ex eis poterint invenire, cum carta et sine carta, in curia et extra curia, et
omnes securitatis cartas et omnes alias cartas necessarias faciendi, sicut egomet presens
vivens facere possem et deberem. Et ita hoc meum Testamentum firmum et sta- bille esse iudico in perpetuum. Si quis ipsum frangere vel violare presumpserit male-
dicionem Omnipotentis Dei incurrat, et sub anathemate trecentorum decem et octo
Patrum constrictus permaneat, et insuper componat ad suprascriptas meas fidecommissarias
aureas libras quinque, et hec mei Testamenti Carta in sua permaneat firmitate.
Signum suprascripti Domini Marci Paulo qui hec rogavit fieri.
“Ego PETRUS GRIFO testis presbiter.
“Ego NUFRIUS BARBERIUS testis.
“Ego JOHANES JUSTINIANUS presbiter Sancti Proculi et notarius complevi et roboravi.”
9.–(1325).
Release, dated 7th June, 1325, by the Lady Donata and her three daughters, Fantina, Bellella, and Marota, as Executors of the deceased Marco Polo, to Marco Bragadino. (From the _Archivio Notarile_ at Venice.)
“In nomine Dei Eterni Amen. Anno ab Inc. Dni. Ntri. Jhu. Xri. Millesimo trecentesimo vigesimo quinto, mensis Junii die septimo, exeunte Indictione octava, Rivoalti.
“Plenam et irrevocabilem securitatem facimus nos DONATA relicta, FANTINA, BELLELLA et MAROTA quondam filie, et nunc omnes commissarie MARCI POLO de confinio Sancti Joannis Grisostomi cum nostris successoribus, tibi MARCO BRAGADINO quondam de confinio Sancti Geminiani nunc de confinio Sancti Joannis Grisostomi, quondam genero antedicti MARCI POLO et tuis heredibus, de omnibus bonis mobillibus quondam suprascripti MARCI POLO seu ipsius commissarie per te dictum MARCHUM BRAGADINO quoque modo et forma intromissis habitis et receptis, ante obitum, ad obitum, et post obitum ipsius MARCI POLO, et insuper de tota collegancia quam a dicti quondam MARCO POLO habuisti, et de ejus lucro usque ad presentem diem * * * * * * si igitur contra hanc securitatis cartam ire temptaverimus tunc emendare debeamus cum nostris successoribus tibi et tuis heredibus auri libras quinque, et hec securitatis carta in sua permaneat firmitate. Signum suprascriptarum DONATE relicte, FANTINE, BELLELLE et MAROTE, omnium filiarum et nunc commissarie, que hec rogaverunt fieri.
“Ego PETRUS MASSARIO clericus Ecclesie Scti. Geminiani testis subscripsi.
“Ego SIMEON GORGII de Jadra testis subscripsi.
“Ego DOMINICUS MOZZO presbiter plebanus Scti. Geminiani et notarius complevi et roboravi.
“MARCUS BARISANO presbiter Canonicus et notarius ut vidi in matre testis sum in fillia.
“Ego JOANNES TEUPULLO Judex Esaminatorum ut vidi in matre testis sum in fillia.
“(L.S.N.) Ego magister ALBERTINUS DE MAYIS Notarius Veneciarum hoc exemplum exemplari anno ab incarnatione domini nostri Jesu Christi Millesimo trecentesimo quinquagesimo quinto mensis Julii die septimo, intrante indictione octava, Rivoalti, nil addens nec minuens quod sentenciam mutet vel sensum tollat, complevi et roboravi.”[6]
10.–(1326).
Resolution of Counsel of XL. condemning Zanino Grioni for insulting Donna Moreta Polo in Campo San Vitale.
(_Avvogaria di Comun._ Reg. I. Raspe, 1324-1341, Carta 23 del 1325.)*
“MCCCXXV. Die xxvi. Februarii.
“Cum ZANINUS GRIONI quondam Ser LIONARDI GRIONI contrate Sancte Heustachii diceretur intulisse iniuriam Domine MORETE qm. Dni. MARCI POLO, de presente mense in Campo Sancti Vitalis et de verbis iniuriosis et factis…. Capta fuit pars hodie in dicto consilio de XL. quod dictus ZANINUS condemnatus sit ad standum duobus mensibus in carceribus comunis, scilicet in quarantia.
“Die eodem ante prandium dictus ZANINUS GRIONI fuit consignatus capitaneo et custodibus quarantie,” etc.
11.–(1328).
(_Maj. Cons. Delib. Brutus_, c. 77.)*
“MCCXXVII. Die 27 Januarii.
“Capta. Quod quoddam instrumentum vigoris et roboris processi et facti a quondam Ser MARCO PAULO contra Ser HENRICUM QUIRINO et Pauli dictum dictum Sclavo [sic] JOHANNI et PHYLIPPO et ANFOSIO QUIRINO, scriptum per presbyterum Johannem Taiapetra, quod est adheo corosum quod legi non potest, relevetur et fiat,” etc.
12.–(1328).
Judgment on a Plaint lodged by Marco Polo, called Marcolino, regarding a legacy from Maffeo Polo the Elder. (See I. p. 77.)
(_Avvogaria di Comun._ Raspe Reg. i. 1324-1341, c. 14 tergo, del 1329.)*
“1328. Die xv. Mensis Marcii.
“Cum coram dominis Advocatoribus Comunis per D. MARCUM, dictum MARCOLINUM PAULO sancti Johannis Grisostomi fuisset querela depositata de translatione et alienatione imprestitorum olim Domini MAPHEI PAULO majoris Scti. Joh. Gris., facta domino MARCO PAULO de dicto confinio in MCCCXVIII mense Maii, die xi, et postea facta heredibus ejusdem dni. MARCI PAULO post ejus mortem,.. cum videretur eisdem dominis Advocatoribus quod dicte translationes et alienationes imprestitorum fuerint injuste ac indebite facte, videlicet in tantum quantum sunt libre mille dimisse MARCO dicto MARCOLINO PAULO predicto in testamento dicti olim dni. MATHEI PAULO maioris, facti in anno domini MCCCVIII mense Februarii die vi intrante indictione viii’a…. Capta fuit pars in ipso consilio de XL’ta quod dicta translactio et alienatio imprestitorum…. revocentur, cassentur, et annulentur, in tantum videlicet quantum sunt dicte mille libre,” etc.
13.–(1328).
Grant of citizenship to Marco Polo’s old slave Peter the Tartar. (See vol. i. p. 72.)
(_Maj. Conc. Delib. Brutus_, Cart. 78 t.)*
“MCCCXXVIII, die vii Aprilis.
“(Capta) Quod fiat gratia PETRO S. Marie Formose, olim sclavorum Ser MARCI PAULI Sancti Joh. Gris., qui longo tempore fuit Venetiis, pro suo bono portamento, de cetero sit Venetus, et pro Venetus [sic] haberi et tractari debeat.”
14.–(1328).
Process against the Lady Donata Polo for a breach of trust See vol. i. p. 77 (as No. 12, c. 8, del 1328).*
“MCCCXXVIII. Die ultimo Maii.
“Cum olim de mandato … curie Petitionum, ad petitionem Ser BERTUTII QUIRINO factum fuerit apud Dominam DONATAM PAULO Sancti Job. Gris., quoddam sequestrum de certis rebus, inter quas erant duo sachi cum Venetis grossis intus, legati et bullati, et postea in una capsella sigillata repositi, prout in scripturis dicti sequestri plenius continetur. Et cum diceretur fuisse subtractam aliquam pecunie quantitatem, non bono modo, de dictis sachis, post dictum sequestrum, et dicta de causa per dictos dominos Advocatores … fuerit hodie in conscilio de XL. placitata dicta Dna. DONATA PAULO, penes quam dicta capsella cum sachis remansit hucusque.
“… cum per certas testimonias … habeatur quod tempore sequestri facti extimata fuit pecunia de dictis sacchis esse libras lxxx grossorum vel circha,[7] et quando postea numerata fuit inventam esse solummodo libras xlv grossorum et grossos xxii, quod dicta Dna. Donata teneatur et debeat restituere et consignare in saculo seu saculis, loco pecunie que ut predicitur deficit et extrata, et ablata est libras xxv [sic] grossorum. Et ultra hoc pro pena ut ceteris transeat in exemplum condempnetur in libris ducentis et solvat eas.”
15.–(1330).
Remission of fine incurred by an old servant of Marco Polo’s. (Reg. Grazie 3 deg., c. 40.)*
“MCCCXXX, iiii Septembris.
“Quod fiat gratia MANULLI familiari Ser MARCI POLO sancti Joh. Gris. quod absolvatur a pena librarum L pro centenariis, quam dicunt officiales Levantis incurrisse pro eo quod ignorans ordines et pure non putans facere contra aliqua nostra ordinamenta cum galeis que de Ermenia venerunt portavit Venecias tantum piperis et lanae quod constitit supra soldos xxv grossorum tanquam forenses (?). Et officiates Levantis dicunt quod non possunt aliud dicere nisi quod solvat. Sed consideratis bonitate et legalitate dicti Manulli, qui mercatores cum quibus stetit fideliter servivit, sibi videtur pecatum quod debeat amittere aliud parum quod tam longo tempore cum magnis laboribus aquisivit, sunt contenti quod dicta gratia sibi fiat.”
16.–(1333).
Attestation by the Gastald and Officer of the Palace Court of his having put the Lady Donata and her daughters in possession of two tenements in S. Giovanni Grisostomo. Dated 12th July, 1333.
(From the _Archivio_ of the _Istituto degli Esposti_, No. 6.)[8]
The document begins with a statement, dated 22nd August, 1390, by MORANDUS DE CAROVELLIS, parson of St. Apollinaris and Chancellor of the Doge’s Aula, that the original document having been lost, he, under authority of the Doge and Councils, had formally renewed it from the copy recorded in his office.
In nomine Dei Eterni Amen. Anno ab Incarn. D.N.J.C. millesimo trecentesimo tregesimo tertio mensis Julii die duodecimo, intrantis indicione prima Rivoalti. Testificor Ego DONATUS Gastaldio Dni. nostri Dni. Francisci Dandulo Dei gratia inclyti Venetiarum Ducis, et Ministerialis Curie Palacii, quod die tercio intrante suprascripti mensis Julii, propter preceptum ejusdem Dni. Ducis, secundum formam statuti Veneciarum, posui in tenutam et corporalem possessionem DONATAM quondam uxorem, FANTINAM et MORETAM quondam filias, omnes commissarias Nobilis Viri MARCI PAULO de confinio Scti. Johannis Grisostomi, nomine ipsius Commissarie, cum BELELLA olim filia et similiter nominata commissaria dicti MARCI PAULO * * * de duabus proprietatibus terrarum et casis copertis et discopertis positis in dicto confinio Scti. Johannis Grisostomi, que firmant prout inferius in infrascripte notitie carta continetur * * * * ut in ea legitur:
“Hec est carta fata anno ab Inc. D.N.J.C. millesimo trecentesimo vigesimo tercio, mensis Maij die nono, exeunte Indictione sexta, Rivoalti, quam fieri facit Dnus. Johannes Superantio D.G. Veneciarum Dalmacie atque Croacie olim Dux, cum suis judicibus examinatorum, suprascripto Marco Paulo postquam venit ante suam suorumque judicum examinatorum presenciam ipse MARCUS PAULO de confinio Scti. Johannis Grisostomi, et ostendit eis duas cartas completas et roboratas, prima quarum est venditionis et securitatis carta, facta anno ab Inc. D.N.J. C. (1321) mensis Junii die decimo, intrante indictione quinta, Rivoalti; qua manifestum fecit ipsa DONATA uxor MARCI PAULO de confinio Scti. Johannis Grisostomi cum suis successoribus quia in Dei et Christi nomine dedit, vendidit, atque transactavit sibi MARCO PAULO viro suo de eodem confinio et suis heredibus duas suas proprietates terre, et casas copertas et discopertas, que sunt hospicia, videlicet camere et camini, simul conjuncta versus Rivum … secundum quod dicta proprietas sive hospicium firmat ab uno suo capite, tam superius quam inferius, in muro comuni huic proprietati et proprietati MARCI PAULO et STEPHANI PAULO. Et ab alio suo capite firmat in uno alio muro comuni huic proprietati et predictorum MARCI et STEPHANI PAULO. Ab imo suo latere firmat in supradicto Rivo. Et alio suo latere firmat tam superius quam inferius in salis sive porticis que sunt comunes huic proprietati et proprietati suprascriptorum MARCI et STEPHANI PAULO fratrum. Unde hec proprietas sive hospicia habent introitum et exitum per omnes scalas positas a capite dictarum salarum sive porticuum usque ad curiam et ad viam comunem discurrentem ad Ecclesiam Scti. Johannis Grisostomi et alio. Et est sciendum quod curia, puthei, gradate, et latrine sunt comunes huic proprietati et proprietati suprascriptorum MARCI et STEPHANI PAULO fratrum. * * * *
[The definition of the second tenement–_una cusina_–follows, and then a long detail as to a doubt regarding common rights to certain _sale sive porticus magne que respiciunt et sunt versus Ecclesiam Scti. Johannis Grisostomi_, and the discussion by a commission