A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels Vol 8 by Robert KerrForming a Complete History of the Origin and Progress of Navigation, Discovery, and Commerce, by Sea and Land, from the Earliest Ages to the Present Time (page 9)

bodies with a nasty substance, which I suppose to be the juice of herbs, but seems on their bodies like cow-dung; and with which the wool of their heads is so baked, as to seem a scurf of green herbs. For apparel, they wear the tail of a cat, or some other small beast, hanging before them, and a cloak of sheep-skin, which hangs down to the middle of their thighs, turning it according to the weather, sometimes the drest side, and sometimes the hair next the body; for their sheep have hair instead of wool, and are party coloured like calves. Their principal people wear about the bend of their arms a thin flat ring of ivory, and on their wrists six, eight, ten, or twelve rings of copper, kept bright and smooth. They are decorated also with other toys, as bracelets of blue glass, beads, or shells, given them for ostrich egg-shells or porcupine quills by the Dutchmen. They wear also a most filthy and abominable thing about their necks, being the nasty guts of their slaughtered cattle, making them smell more offensively than a butcher’s shambles. They carry in their hands a small dart or javelin, with a small iron head, and a few ostrich feathers to drive away flies. They have also bows and arrows, but generally when they come down to us, they leave them in some hole or bush by the way. They are a well-made people, and very swift of foot, and their habitations seem to be moveable, so as to shift about to the best pastures for their cattle in the valleys among the mountains, which far up in the country were at this time covered with snow, but those near the sea, though very lofty, were quite clear.

We saw various animals, as fallow-deer, antilopes, porcupines, baboons, land-tortoises, snakes, and adders. The Dutchmen told us also of lions, but we saw none. There are fowls also in abundance, as wild geese, ducks, pelicans, _passea_, flamingos, crows having a white band on their necks, small green birds, and various others unknown to us. Also penguins, gulls, pintados spotted with black and white, alcatrasses, which are grey with black pinions, shags or cormorants at the island in great abundance, and another like a moor-hen. Fishes likewise of various kinds, as great numbers of small whales, great abundance of seals at the island, and with the sein we took many fishes like mullets as large as trouts, smelts, thorn-backs, and dogs; and plenty of limpets and muscles on the rocks. This place has a most wholesome air, and has plenty of water both to serve navigators, and for travellers in the country, as numerous small streams descend every where from the mountains.

This being the spring season at this place, it repented me that I had not brought out many kinds of garden seeds, which might have been useful afterwards for the relief of many Christians coming here for refreshments. Also planting acorns might in time be useful, as trees grow here more quickly than in our cold country.

Having finished our business of laying in a stock of water, and somewhat relieved those of our men who were sick and weak, with what fresh provisions we could procure, which indeed consisted principally of muscles, we prepared to set sail, which we did at four in the morning of the 13th of August. We descried the island of Madagascar on the 6th September, in lat. 23 deg. 38′ S. and anchored that evening in the bay of St Augustine in twelve fathoms. We here found the Union of London, vice-admiral of the _fourth_ voyage, her people being much distressed for provisions to carry them home. They related to our general their having unfortunately lost company of their admiral and pinnace, between Saldanha and the Cape of Good Hope, of which they had never heard since, and various other unfortunate circumstances of their outward-bound voyage.[349] Our general supplied them plentifully with provisions, and also restored union among the ship’s company, Mr Samuel Bradshaw being much disliked by the factious master and his adherents, for his sober, discreet, and provident management of the company’s business.

[Footnote 349: It is unnecessary to repeat these circumstances, having been already related; and need only be mentioned, that the bay in Madagascar, where the captain and others were betrayed, is here called Jungomar, or Vinganora, and is said to have been at the north-west corner of Madagascar. In modern maps, the bay of Vingora is placed on the west side of Madagascar, its mouth being in lat. 13 deg. 41′ S. and E. long. 49 deg. 28′.–E.]

At this place I particularly remarked two singular kinds of trees. One of these yields from its leaves and boughs a yellow sap of so fat a nature, that when fire is put to it standing quite green, the fire blazes up immediately over all the leaves and branches. Its wood is white and soft. The other kind has white wood with a small brown heart, but nearly as hard as _lignum vitae_. The trees which we of the Pepper-corn cut for fire-wood, hung all full of green fruit called _Tamerim_, [tamarinds,] as large as an English bean-cod, having a very sour taste, and reckoned good against the scurvy. The men of our admiral, having more leisure than ours, gathered some of this fruit for their own use. We saw likewise here abundance of a plant, hardly to be distinguished from the _sempervivum_ of Socotora, whence the Socotrine aloes is made; but I know not if the savage natives of this island have any knowledge of its use. The natives, for what reason I know not, came not near us, so that we got not here any beef or mutton, though oxen used to be had here for a dollar a-piece. But we were told the disorderly fellows of the Union had improvidently given whatever the savages asked, so that scarcely any are now to be had even for ten shillings each. Though savage, the people of this island are not ignorant in ordering their men in battle array, as was experienced by the Union at Jungomar: But in all parts of the island, it is necessary for the Christians to be very much on their guard, for the natives are very treacherous.

We left St Augustine bay on the 9th September, leaving the Union still there. The 29th, the wind being E.S.E. and the current, as I judged, setting S.W. we were entangled with a lee-shore, which we called the Carribas,[350] being several small islands with sundry ledges of rocks among them, only to be discovered by the breaking of the waves upon them. These are between 10 deg. and 11 deg. S. lat. and we spent six days before we could get disengaged from among them, the wind all that time being E.N.E. or E.S.E. still forcing us to leewards, though using every effort by towing and otherwise to get off. The great danger arose from the strength of the current, and the want of any place where we could anchor; as, although we had ground near the rocks, it was very deep and foul. There are several of these islands, mostly full of trees. Every night after dark, we could see fires on shore made by the natives, but we had no inclination to go ashore to speak with them. When it pleased God that we got clear of this danger, we found the current to our amazement carry us to the northwards, as much more in our estimation as we made our ship’s way; so that when we judged by the log we had gone fifteen leagues, we had actually made thirty leagues.

[Footnote 350: The Karribas islands on the coast of Zanjibar, between Cape Del Gada and Quiloa bay.–E.]

The 9th October we lost the current, except it might then set to the eastwards, but which we could not ascertain. The 10th, 11th, and 12th, we lost ground daily, caused by the current. The 17th at sunrise, we descried two islands, which we judged to be the _Duas Hermanas_, or Two Sisters, bearing from each other W. by S. and E. by N. about seven and a half leagues from the west point of Socotora. Having the west point of that island from us N.N.E. three and a half leagues distant, we had twenty-three, twenty-four, and twenty-six fathoms. After getting to anchor near a town called _Gallanza_, the general informed me that the people of the island had confirmed what he already much feared, that the easterly monsoon was already come, and all our hopes of getting to Cambaya were frustrated for nine months; but of this we expected to be better informed by the king of the island at Tamarin, where he resides. The 20th, we got to anchor at a point six leagues short of Tamarin, and five leagues from the point of Gallanzoe; but weighing next day with a small promising breeze, we were forced back by the current again athwart the town of Gallanza, and had to cast anchor far out in a great depth. The 22d being full moon, it was high water about nine p.m. and I judged that it flowed between ten and eleven feet, the flood-tide setting to the northward, close by the shore.

The 25th, about 11 a.m. we anchored in eight fathoms, a mile from shore, right over against the town of Tamarin, where the king’s house is north from the castle, on the top of the hill above the town. At anchoring, we saluted the king with nine guns, and the general sent Mr Femell ashore handsomely attended in the pinnace, with a fine crimson awning, to present the king a fair gilt cup of ten ounces weight, a sword-blade, and three yards of _stammel_ [red] broad-cloth. The king was ready at the shore to receive him, in an orange-tawny tent, attended by the principal of his people, being Arabs, and a guard of small shot. He thankfully received the present, promised water free, and any thing else the island afforded at reasonable price; but they had suffered a two years drought, and consequently had little to spare. He had no aloes for sale, having sent the whole produce to the Red Sea. He informed Mr Femell, that the Ascension and her pinnace came there in February, and went in company with a Guzerat ship to the Red Sea, whence both returned to Socotora and took in water, departing for Cambaya. That his own frigate being afterwards at Basseen, near Damaun, in India, was informed by the Portuguese, that the Ascension and pinnace were both lost, but the men saved, having come too soon upon the coast, before the bad weather of winter was over. After a conference of more than an hour, the king sent the general a present of twelve goats.

This king of Socotora was named _Muley Amor ebn Sayd_, being only viceroy under his father, who is King of Fartak, in Arabia, not far from Aden, and comes into the sea at _Camricam._.[351] He said his father was at war with the Turks of Aden in his own defence, for which reason he refused to give us a letter for the governor of Aden, as it would do us harm. The people in Socotora on which the king depends are Arabs, the original natives of the island being kept under a most servile slavery. The merchandise of this island consists of _Aloes Socotarina_, of which they do not make above a ton yearly; a small quantity of _Sanguis draconis_, some of which our factors bought at twelve-pence a pound; dates, which serve them instead of bread, and which the king sells at five dollars the hundred [_weight_?] Bulls and cows we bought at twelve dollars a-piece; goats for a dollar; sheep half a dollar; hens half a dollar; all exceedingly small conformable with the dry rocky barrenness of the island; wood cost twelve-pence for a man’s burden; every thing in short was very dear. I know of nothing else the island produces, except rocks and stones, the whole country being very dry and bare.

[Footnote 351: We cannot tell what to make of this remark in the text. Purchas, who has probably omitted something in the text, puts in the margin, _King of Fartak, or Canacaym_; which does not in the least elucidate the obscurity, unless we suppose Canacaym an error for Carasem, the same with Kassin, or rather Kushem, to which Fartak now belongs.–_Astl._ I. 395. b.]

Sec. 2. _Of Abdal Kuria, Arabia Felix, Aden, and Mokha, and the treacherous Proceedings of both Places_.

After saluting the king, we took our departure from Socotora for Aden, taking our course along the north side of _Abdal Kuria_[352] for Cape _Guar-da-fui_, which is the eastermost point of _Abax_ [Habesh, or Abyssinia], and is about thirty-four leagues west from the western point of Socotora; from which the eastern point of Abdal Kuria is fourteen leagues off. Abdal Kuria is a long narrow rugged island, about five leagues in extent from east to west, on which the King of Socotora keeps a few people to tend a flock of goats. About three leagues north from the middle of Abdal Kuria, are two great rocks near each other, and some half a mile long, which are rendered entirely white by the dung of birds. From the west of Abdal Kuria to Cape Guar-da-fui, the distance is fifteen leagues. The 31st October, being athwart the west end of Socotora, we left, to the north, a white rock called _Saboyna_, four leagues N.W. by W. from the point of Socotora. The first November, at sunrise, we were abreast the middle of Abdal Kuria, leaving it two and a half leagues to larboard, and the two white rocks half a league to starboard. At one p.m. we descried Cape Guar-da-fui, but it was night before we came near and passed it, so that we could not fix its true position. On the morning of the second we were abreast a high mountain, nine leagues west from Cape Guar-da-fui, between which point and another high point five leagues W. by S. by the compass, there is a low sandy point stretching one league and a quarter to sea; and about three leagues more westerly, we anchored and went ashore with all our boats to cut wood, of which we were in great want. From some of the inhabitants we learnt that the last mount, or high point, which we passed was called _Feluk_, or _Foelix_, by the Portuguese; but as soon as these people knew us to be Christians, they fled from us.

[Footnote 352: In Purchas named Abba del Curia, by some called Abdel Curia: Perhaps its name ought to be Abdal Kuria, or Adal Kuri, as written by Captain Hamilton.–_Astl._ I. 395. c.]

The third, in the afternoon, having laid in a stock of wood, we set sail, standing west towards the Red Sea. At ten a.m. on the 5th, we descried the coast of Arabia Felix, bearing from us N.N.W. and N. by E. the nearest land about twelve leagues distant. At noon I found the lat. 13 deg. 28′ N. At sun-set we were still about twelve leagues from land, which seemed mountainous in the interior, all very high, without any appearance of trees or grass, or any other fruitfulness. We now directed our course W. by S. as the coast lay, expecting soon to see Aden, as on falling in with the land I reckoned we were not more than twenty-four leagues eastward of that place; but, while I reckoned the course of the ships across the gulf, N.W. by N. we found that we had made little more than bare north, owing to the current, so that on falling in with the land we were little less than sixty leagues short of Aden. We continued our course with a good breeze all day, but shortened sail during the night, not to overshoot Aden, having for the most part twenty-five, twenty, fifteen, twelve, ten, and eight fathoms water. At sun-set on the 7th, we suddenly got sight of Aden, which stands at the foot of a barren mountain, where one could scarcely have expected to find a town; but it has been placed here for strength, being very defensible, and not to be easily won, if the defendants are men of resolution, and are provided with victuals and ammunition. To seaward, though in a manner dry at low water, there stands a high rock, rather larger than the Tower of London, which is very steep, and not easily ascended by an enemy, having but one narrow passage to go up by means of steps, where four resolute men may withstand a multitude. This rock is walled, flanked, and furnished with cannon, and seems to me capable of commanding both the town and road; yet any ship may anchor in nine fathoms beyond reach of its guns. The anchorage under its command is in nine fathoms downwards. At a little distance, northwards of the former rock, is another of small compass, quite low, and almost even with the water, on which likewise there is a fort well furnished with ordnance. I could not learn what garrison is usually kept at Aden, but as occasion requires it has reinforcements from other towns in the interior. It is supplied with provisions partly from the low adjoining country, and partly by means of barks from Barbara, on the opposite coast of _Abexin_,[353] whence they bring cattle, grain, and other provisions, with myrrh and frankincence. Aden is in lat. 12 deg. 35′ N. the variation being 12 deg. 40′.[354] The tide, by estimation, flows between six and seven feet at the change of the moon. The mountain, at the foot of which this city is built, is a peninsula jutting out to seaward, joined to the main by a narrow neck of sandy ground, beyond which a large extent of marsh-like ground stretches towards the interior mountains, which may be some sixteen or twenty miles from the town.

[Footnote 353: Abyssinia, as Downton always names this north-east coast of Africa, but which ought rather to be called the coast of Adel or Zeyla, Abyssinia being, properly speaking, confined to the interior mountainous country at the head of the Nile. The south-west coast of the Red Sea indeed, from Swaken south-east to the Straits of Bab-al-Mondub, is generally called the coast of Habash, or Abyssinia, although its ports are all occupied by Turks or Arabs.–E.]

[Footnote 354: The latitude of Aden is in 12 deg. 45′ N. and its longitude nearly 45 deg. E. from Greenwich.–E.]

At our first anchoring, the governor sent an Arab in a canoe to view our ships, but though called to, he refused to come aboard. Next morning the same Arab came aboard our admiral from the _Mir_,[355] or governor, to know what we were, and to say that we were welcome to land, if friends. Our general sent ashore a present for the governor, being an engraved musket made in the Turkish fashion, and a choice sword-blade, under the charge of John Williams and Mr Walter, our linguists, accompanied by other factors. They were not admitted into the town, but were entertained without the gates near the shore, seemingly with much kindness, pretending great respect for our nation, yet they spoke not a word about trading with us, but said they every day expected the arrival of 30,000 soldiers, which to us seemed strange that so barren a country could find provisions for so great a multitude. Being told that our general only wished a pilot to carry his ships to Mokha, the chief said he was only deputy to the governor, who was out of town, but would return next day, when an answer should be given. In the mean time the chief sent to our general two _Barbara_ sheep, having broad rumps and small tails, with some plantains and other fruits. The 9th our general sent again ashore for a pilot, but got only fair words, as the _mir_ or governor was not yet returned. Without sending any pilot, the chief requested our general would not remain for trade at that place with all his ships, but that one only might be left there for their supply. He desired likewise to know the price of several of our commodities, with pretensions that they could supply indigo, olibanum, myrrh, and various other things. Before this answer came back, our ships had been driven by the current so far beyond the point to the west of Aden, that we could not get again eastwards in sight of the town, and had to anchor abreast of a bay to the south-west.

[Footnote 355: Mir is a contraction of Amir or Emir, much used by the Persians. From Amir comes our Admiral, first used by the Europeans during the crusades.–Astl. I. 396. c.

The origin of Admiral is probably from _Amir-al-bahr_, lord of the sea, or sea-commander; corrupted in Spanish into _Almirante_, and changed in French and English into Admiral.–E.]

We saw several people fishing in the bay, and many _people of fashion_[356] on the hill. On this the general went ashore to enquire when the current would change, so that we might get back. The deputy-governor seemed very angry, pretending that our coming was not with any good intent, but merely to discover their strength, insomuch that John Williams was in doubt they would have detained him: but the governor, who was now present, seemed not so rigorous, dissembling with fair words, and promised to give a pilot for Mokha, yet desired that one of our ships might stay for their supply; saying, that by the misconduct of former governors, the town had lost its trade, which he now wished to restore, and hoped we would make a beginning. He added, that if our ships all departed without trade, he would be blamed by the pacha, his superior officer, who would impute our departure to his ill usage. The 12th the general sent John Williams again ashore for the promised pilot; when the governor said the pilot’s wife would not allow him to go, unless we left four of our principal persons behind as pledges for his safe return, which bred in us a general suspicion of their evil intentions: yet the general, in performance of his promise, determined to leave me behind in the Pepper-corn, but directed me not to carry any goods on shore, as they would not trust us with one of their _rascal people_ except on such disgraceful terms, he thought fit not to trust them with any of our goods. Wherefore, if they wanted any, as they pretended, they were to purchase and pay for them on board; and in case of suspecting any unfair dealings, we were to exchange pledges. If they refused to deal on these principles, I was to follow the general to Mokha. That same afternoon, the general departed with his own ship and the Darling towards Mokha.

[Footnote 356: Probably Turks, distinguished from the half-naked Arabs by their dress.–E.]

We laboured hard on the 13th November, by means of long warps, to get up to Aden against wind and current, and actually got abreast the fishing-cove. This day the _mir_ or governor of Aden sent a message on board, desiring to speak with our merchants, to know if we meant to trade. Accordingly Mr Fowler and John Williams, together with the purser, who had other business, went ashore; and having informed the _mir_ in what manner they were directed to trade, he detained all three, pretending he did so that he might procure payment for anchorage and other duties, for which he demanded 1500 gold _Venetianoes_, each worth a dollar and half, or 6_s_. 9_d_. I continued unprofitably before Aden till the 16th December, in continual danger of shipwreck if any storm had happened, and always fed with promises of trade, but no performance, and our three officers continuing in confinement.

Being informed by my boatswain that he was much in want of small cordage for many purposes, and that he wished he and others might go ashore to lay some on the strand by the town wall, I sent to ask permission from the governor, with assurance of their safely. This was immediately granted with the utmost readiness and complacency, desiring that they might use the most convenient place for their purpose, and offering the use of a house in which to secure their things during the night Yet after all these fair promises, every man who went ashore was seized, stript of their money and every thing they had, and put in irons. My pinnace was lost, all the ropes taken away, together with the implements for laying it over again. Thus there were now prisoners, two merchants, the purser, a man to wait upon them, a prating apothecary, my surgeon, master-caulker, boatswain, one of his mates, two quarter-masters, the cooper, carpenter, gunner’s mate, cockswain, and five of his crew, in all twenty persons.

Monday, 16th December, I weighed anchor from the southermost road of Aden, and directed my course through the straits for Mokha. The 20th I came to the road of Mokha, where I saw the Trades-increase riding alone, but no appearance of the Darling. The Trades-increase was about four miles from shore, riding with two anchors ahead, on account of the vehemence of the weather. On coming near, the people of the Trades-increase lowered their flag, as a signal of bad news, by which I suspected some misfortune had befallen our general. When I had anchored, Mr Thornton, the master of the Trades-increase, came aboard, when he began with a heavy heart to unfold by degrees all that had happened since we parted at Aden.[357]

[Footnote 357: The incidents that happened at Mokha having been already related in the preceding section, we here omit a long account of them by Downton.–E.]

The 21st I sent ashore a letter to the general, informing him of the misfortunes that had befallen me at Aden. In answer, he gave me a brief account of the treachery that had been practised upon himself, and requested me, if I could get to sea, to go to Aden and remain there till I heard what became of him and the others on shore. The 22d the general and all his company set out on their journey for Zenan, attended by a strong guard of soldiers to prevent their escape. The carpenters, however, were detained at Mokha, where they wrought in chains on our pinnace for the pacha; likewise several wounded men, who were unable for the journey, remained still in chains at Mokha. That same evening, though the Turks guarded our men very narrowly, Mr Pemberton slipt aside among the bushes, and made for the sea-side, where he chanced upon a canoe with a paddle, in which he put off, committing himself to the danger of the sea, rather than trust to the mercy of the Turks. Through the fatigue of his long journey, he was forced to give over rowing by the morning; but it pleased God that the canoe was noticed from the Trades-increase, and picked up by her pinnace, which brought Mr Pemberton on board, hardly able to speak through faintness. The 27th, the Darling, which had been sent to seek me at Aden, returned to the road of Mokha, having lost an anchor and cable.

On the 2d January, 1611, I departed with all the three ships from Mokha roads, intending to ply up for Bab-al-Mondub, for three reasons: First, to ease our ground tackle, which was much decayed through long riding at anchor in boisterous weather; second, to seek some place where we could procure water, for which we were now much distressed; and, lastly, to stop the passage of all the Indian ships entering the Red Sea, by which to constrain the Turks to release our general with the people and goods. We stood over in the first place for the Abyssinian coast, where we left the Darling to look for her anchor and cable, while with the other two ships we plied to windward, and came to anchor in the evening on the Arabian coast, about three leagues to windward of Mokha, and about four miles off shore, in eight fathoms water. The 3d we set sail with the ebb-tide, working to windward; but in the afternoon I spent my two topsails, and before we got other two to the yard we were half-seas over towards the Abyssinian coast, and anchored in sixteen fathoms. Towards morning the wind increased, with dark cloudy weather and a rough sea, when we lost sight of the Trades-increase, at which time she had broke an anchor and drove, and let fall another anchor, which not holding, she drifted into six fathoms, when they were forced to cut their cable, and stand off into deeper water. The 4th, when preparing to weigh anchor, I saw the Trades-increase standing over for Mokha, while Mr Pemberton in the Darling was riding in a good road, to which I would gladly have gone, but not knowing what need our great ship might have of my carpenters, her own being prisoners at Mokha, I stood after her, and carrying too much sail in rigorous weather, we split both our new topsails, which had been sewed with rotten twine, as indeed most of our sails were. Owing to this, it was night before I got into Mokha road, where I learnt the Trades-increase had lost two anchors, on which I sent my carpenters aboard to stock some others for her.

From that to the 18th we continued in Mokha roads with little ease, and to the material injury of our cables. From the 6th to the 11th canoes came every day from the town with letters from the carpenters, containing a variety of forged news communicated by the aga, who permitted them to send off chiefly for the sake of wine and beer, with which they gratified the Turks; and were sometimes allowed to send off some little fresh provisions. The 12th the Darling came into the road, saluting me with three guns in token of good news. Mr Pemberton came immediately aboard, and told me, to my great comfort, that he had found an easy road and a good watering place, and had recovered his cable and anchor. The 18th some persons came off to us from Mokha, bringing us two bullocks, two goats, a few hens and eggs, and some fruit, but no news of our general. That afternoon we set sail for the good road on the Abyssinian coast, and anchored at night three leagues short of it, under an island which we named _Crab island_, owing to the great abundance of crabs we found there. The 19th we weighed again, and anchored under another island, smaller than the former; and on the 20th we stood farther into the bay, anchoring in eight fathoms, half a mile from shore, right opposite the watering place.

I sent George Jeff ashore in the pinnace to find out the river, and to endeavour to speak with the natives. Immediately on landing, about an hundred of the natives presented themselves, armed with lances, and one bolder than the rest came forwards, and even desired to be carried on board. He there informed me, by means of an interpreter, that the Turks had sent over to them, saying how they had betrayed and slain many of our men, and wishing them to do the like to as many as they could lay hold of. This young man was said to be a person of consideration, and was very kind to us all the time we lay in this bay. He remained all night in the Trades-increase, where he was kindly used to his entire content. The 21st, with all the boats, I went a-land with most of our men, setting some to dig wells, some to fetch ballast, others to fill water from a small well we found ready dug, and the rest under arms to guard those who wrought. Soon after our landing, there came to me the priest of the natives, with the father and brothers of our friendly youth, who had not yet left us. They received him very joyfully on his landing, and presented me with a goat, promising to bring us some more goats next day for sale. I remained ashore all night with a strong guard, to see that no harm were done to our water; and next day set the people to work as before: For, considering the ill usage the general had met with at Mokha from the Turks, and having no assurance of the honesty of this people, I was suspicions of what evil the Turks might intend, or might persuade this people to, against us, even by putting poison into our water; therefore, I trusted no one farther than I could avoid. This day was very boisterous, and none of the natives came near us all day. I continued this night likewise on shore, setting a strong guard to keep watch.

The 23d, the same people who had been with us before came down, and were followed by others driving several goats to sell, as they had promised. I entertained them kindly, making the purser buy their goats, and they departed in the evening well satisfied, promising to bring us more daily, which they faithfully performed. This day we completed all our ships in water. From the 24th to the 29th inclusive, the natives brought us goats and sheep every day, of which we bought as many as we could use, paying them to their satisfaction.

The 29th, having the wind at N.N.W. we set sail, being determined to ply up to the _bab_ with all our three ships, to stop all the Indian ships that should come this year to the Red Sea, for the purpose formerly mentioned; but when abreast of Crab island it fell calm, on which we came to anchor, and I went on shore with a large party of men to cut wood for fuel. In the afternoon we saw two _Jelbas_ coming over from Mokha, one of which brought me a letter from the general, dated 15th January, giving an account of his safe arrival at Zenan with all his company, except Richard Phillips, Mr Pemberton’s boy, who was left sick at Tayes. This letter, having being kept till the 17th, mentioned the safe arrival of Mr Fowler and the rest of my company at Zenan. The general likewise informed me, that God had raised him a friend in the midst of his enemies, being the _Raha_,[358] who is next in dignity to the pacha. This letter made me alter my purpose of stopping the India ships, lest it might prove injurious to the general and his companions in captivity, as also to our countrymen trading in the Mediterranean.

[Footnote 358: Probably a typographical error for _Kaha_, called _Cahya_ in the narrative of Sir Henry Middleton, and meaning the _Kiahya_.–E.]

The 7th February, the Trades-increase returned to me in the road of Assab, Mr Thornton bringing me another letter from the general, desiring me yet to forbear revenging our manifold wrongs, as he and his company expected to begin their journey back to Mokha in five days. The 2d March, a boat from Mokha brought me a letter from the general, stating that his journey was delayed, and desiring me to forbear taking revenge. The 5th, I sent the Darling over to Mokha, on which day our general and his company arrived there. Mr Pemberton found in the road of Mokha a great ship belonging to Dabul, called the Mahomet. The 11th, fearing some accident had befallen the Darling, owing to her long absence, I set sail with the other two ships, meaning to have gone over to Mokha; but before I reached Crab island, we saw the Darling coming over, on which we stood back to Assab. In the evening, Mr Pemberton came to me with twenty-two of the betrayed people of the Trades-increase, and fourteen of my people belonging to the Pepper-corn. He likewise brought me a letter from the general, giving me assurance of his enlargement as soon as the India ships were all arrived, and the wind came round to the westwards.

The 18th, I stood over to Mokha in the Pepper-corn, and arrived there on the 19th. Before I had anchored, I had a letter from the general, giving me to understand that the presence of my ship alarmed the Dabullians and displeased the aga, wherefore he wished me to go back to Assab. I immediately sent George Jeff ashore with two letters, by one of which I gave a brief account of our wants, and my opinion that the Turks only fed him with false hopes to serve their own purposes. In the other, written purposely that he might shew it to the aga, I stated, that so long as he was detained a prisoner, he had no power to command us who were free, and could not therefore keep us from the road of Mokha, or from doing whatever we saw meet for ourselves. To these the general wrote me the following answer:

Captain Downton, your overmuch care may work your own harms, and do me and my company no good, and therefore take nothing to heart more than is cause, for I have had and still have my full share. And whereas you allege, you are loth to depart this road without me, I am more loth to stay behind, if there were any remedy. I made a forced agreement with the pacha at Zenan, that our ships were to absent themselves from this road, till all the India ships were come in; and then, at the first coming of the westerly wind, I and all my company were to be set free. If they fail to perform with me, then I would have you shew your endeavours. In the mean time you must have patience, as well as myself. I would be loth the agreement should be first broken on our side, without any cause given by them.

For the provision that should have been sent in the _jelba_, it was my fault it was not sent, in that I did not urge it to the aga. After your departure to-morrow, as I desire you to see performed, I will go in hand with the lading of the goods in the jelba, which shall not be above three days absent from you. I have promised the ships shall not come into the roads till the westerly winds be come, which will be a month hence at the farthest; in the mean time you shall hear from me by _jelbas_ or boats, which I will send of purpose. I doubt not but there will be good performance made with me by the Turks, in that my agreement was made with the pacha and not with Regib aga. If I doubted any new stratagem, I would have attempted to have escaped away by this time. I have had, and still have means for my escape, were it not to leave my people in danger of their lives: Doubt not, if they perform not with me, when the westerly winds come, but I shall have good opportunity. I had laid a plot to have escaped, if I could have persuaded Mr Femell, but he will by no means be drawn to any thing, till he see whether the Turks will perform or no, and he makes no doubt but to be sent aboard with the first of the westerly winds, when you shall come to demand us. You may ride in your quiet road-stead on the other side with all your ships, till God send us that long-wished-for westerly wind, unless you get a _slatch_ of wind to carry one of your ships to the _bab_, to see if all be well there, and so return back to you. I know that all sorts of provisions waste apace in the ships; which, God sending me aboard, I hope quickly to renew.

The 27th March I sent over the Darling to Mokha, at the general’s request, and she returned on the 6th April to Assab road, to deliver the victuals and other provisions, which had so long been detained by the Turks, and brought me a very kind letter from the general. The 21st, the King of _Rahayta_ sent me a present of a fat cow and a slave, by a kinsman of his, who staid all night in the Trades-increase. At various times the Budwees[359] brought us abundant supplies of bullocks, goats, and sheep, which they sold to us for cloth, preferring that to money: But by the beginning of May, our cloth fit for their use being all gone, we could only purchase with money, after which our supply became scanty. The 11th May, our general happily effected his escape from Mokha aboard the Darling, with fifteen more of his people.[360]

[Footnote 359: Badwis, or Bedouins; the nomadic Mahometan tribes on the African coast of the Red Sea, are here meant–E.]

[Footnote 360: The narrative of Sir Henry Middleton in the preceding section, giving a sufficiently ample account of the incidents in the voyage, till the return of the ships to Mokha, it has not been thought necessary to continue the relation of Downton so far as regards the intermediate transactions, for which we refer to the account of the voyage already given by Sir Henry Middleton. But as his narrative breaks off abruptly soon after the return to the Red Sea, we resume that of Downton in the subsequent subdivisions.–E.]

Sec. 3. _Account of Proceedings in the Red Sea on the second Visit._

The 1st April, 1612, on our return from India toward the Red Sea, we were by estimation eighteen leagues short of Aden. It was now ordered by the general, that I was to remain before or near the town of Aden, to enforce any Indian ships that should arrive there to proceed into the Red Sea, for which I received a commission, or written instructions, from the general, who was with all expedition to proceed with the Trades-increase to the _bab_, or gate of the Red Sea, both for the safety of the company’s ship, of which we had intelligence from Masulipatam, that she was following our track into the mouths of the wolves, from whom by God’s mercy we had escaped, and there to take revenge of the Turks and the subjects of the Great Mogul, for the wrongs done to us, our king, and our country. The 2d we found the Darling at anchor some eight leagues eastward of Aden, having got before us by reason of our having lingered four days for her. She had completed her business at Socotora, and had departed thence before we past it, going by Saboyna, Abdal Curia, and Mount Feluk, where we lingered for her. She brought from Socotora a letter left with the king, written by Captain John Saris, general of the Clove, Hector, and Thomas, ships belonging to our India company, signifying that he was gone into the Red Sea, notwithstanding the letter of Sir Henry Middleton, giving an account of the villanies there done to us. The general immediately departed toward the _bab_, with the Trades-increase and Darling, leaving me in the Pepper-corn at anchor, about eight leagues east from Aden.

Early in the morning of the 3d we set sail to the southwards, the better to discover, and so all day we kept to windward of Aden. We soon descried three sail bound for Aden, but they stood away from us, and we could not get near them, as it blew hard. At night we did not come to anchor, but lay to, to try the current by our drift, which I found to be three leagues in ten hours. The morning of the 4th I came to anchor a league or four miles from Aden, in twelve fathoms. Seeing a ship approaching, we set sail very early in the morning of the 12th to intercept her; and at day-light saw her at anchor about three miles south of us. We immediately made sail towards her, which she perceiving, got under weigh for Aden. Between nine and ten, by firing a shot, she struck her top-sails, and sent her boat to us, saying she belonged to the Zamorin, or King of Calicut, whence they had been forty days. The _nakhada_, or commander of this ship, was Abraham Abba Zeinda,[361] and her cargo, according to their information, consisted of _tamarisk_,[362] three tons; rice, 2300 quintals; _jagara_, or brown sugar, forty bahars; cardamoms, seven bahars; dried ginger, four and a half quintals; pepper, one and a half ton; cotton, thirty-one bales, each containing five or six maunds. Her crew and passengers consisted of seventy-five persons, of whom twenty were appointed to bale out water and for other purposes below, eight for the helm, four for top and yard and other business aloft, and twenty boys for dressing the provisions, all the rest being merchants and pilgrims. Her burden was 140 tons. Having carefully examined them, and finding they belonged to a place which had never wronged our nation, I only took out two tons of water, with their own permission, and dismissed them, giving them strict injunctions not to go to Aden, or I would sink their ship. So they made sail, standing farther out from the land, but going to leewards, we were forced to stand off and on all day and night, lest in the night she might slip into Aden.

[Footnote 361: Perhaps rather Ibrahim Abu Zeynda, or Sinda.–Astl. I. 421. b.]

[Footnote 362: Probably turmeric.–E.]

Every ship we saw, before we could come to speak them, had advice sent by the governor of Aden to inform them of us. When the Calicut ship was under our command, the governor sent off a boat, manned with Arabs, having on board two Turkish soldiers of the garrison, who had formerly been instruments of Abdal Rahman[363] aga, to bind and torture our men whom they had betrayed. On seeing our men, whom they had used so ill, they were in great doubt what usage they might now receive, as their guilty conscience told them they merited no good treatment at our hands. They brought some fruit to sell, and, I suppose, came as spies to see what we were doing. At the first sight of our men, whom they knew, they would fain have put off their boat again, but I would not permit them, causing them to be reminded of their former behaviour to our men, when in their hands; and when I thought them sufficiently terrified, I ordered them to be told, that they should now see how far our nation differed from the cruelty of Turks, who had most barbarously and injuriously used our men, without giving any cause of offence, whom they had betrayed by fair promises, yet I should now dismiss them without harm. They immediately departed, making many fair promises of sending us refreshments. They accordingly sent off next day a boat loaded with fish; but we were too far off for them to reach us, as we were obliged to put the Calicut ship to leeward towards the Red Sea.

[Footnote 363: In Purchas called _Abdraheman_; perhaps the name was Abd Arrahman.–Astl. I. 421. c.]

The morning of the 14th, the wind at east, we descried another ship of like burden with the former bound for Aden, which, about ten o’clock, a.m. we forced to come to anchor. I learnt that she was from _Pormean_, a town not far from _Kuts Nagone_,[364] a place tributary to the Great Mogul, who had despised our king, and abused our nation. The _nakhada_ of this ship was a Banian; and being fearful, if any other ship should approach Aden, I must either leave the one or the other, I therefore made haste to search her by my own people. With great labour, before darkness overtook us, we had out of her six packs of coarse _dutties_, of six _corges_ a pack; other thirty-six bales, containing thirty-six _corges_ of coarse _dutties_; one small bale of _candekins-mill_, or small pieces of blue calico; with about thirty or more white _bastas_, and a little butter and lamp oil. So far as we could discover for that night, the rest of her lading consisted of packs of cotton-wool, as we term it, which we proposed to examine farther next day.

[Footnote 364: According to the editor of Astley’s Collection, I. 421. d. Kuts Nagone is a place in the peninsula of Guzerat, not far from the western cape. The western cape of Guzerat is Jigat Point; but no such places are to be found in our best modern maps, and the only name similar is Noanagur, on the south side of the Gulf of Cutch; whence Kuts-Nagone in the text may be a corruption of Cutch-Noanagur.–E.]

This day Moharim aga, who was now _mir_, or governor of Aden, sent me a present of eggs, limes, and plantains; but I sent back word by the messenger, that the various intolerable injuries done to my friends and nation at this place last year, had occasioned my present approach, to do my nation and myself what right I might, to the disturbance and injury of the Turks; and as my coming was not to ask any favour from them, I would not accept any of their dissembled presents; for, as they cut our throats when we came to them in friendship, we could expect no favour now when we came in declared enmity. Wherefore, having received what was useful for my people, I had sent back what I considered the things to be worth. There came off also a boat, with store of fresh fish, which I caused to be bought, always making the bringer to eat part of what he brought, for fear of poison.

The 27th April we descried a sail plying to the eastwards, between us and the shore, which, being detained by the pinnace, proved to be a jelba belonging to _Shaher_, bound homewards with grain and other commodities, among which was some opium, and having several pilgrims from Mecca, as passengers on their way home. We purchased from them nine and a half pounds of opium as a trial, and dismissed them. The 30th I stopt two vessels, both belonging to a place on the Abyssinian or African coast, called _Bandar Zeada_; one laden only with mats, and the other having sixty-eight fat-rumped sheep, which we bought from them, and dismissed them.

The 8th May we plied towards the _bab_ under easy sail, with a pleasant wind at N.E. by E. At ten a.m. we descried land on the African coast, looking at first like an island, but soon perceived it to be the main. From thence we steered N.W. towards the _bab_, which, by estimation, was then about ten leagues distant; and near four p.m. we descried the straits, when we lingered off and on to spend the night. At day-light next morning we made sail towards the _bab_. On entering the strait we descried a sail astern, coming direct for the strait, on which I struck my top-sails to wait for her, and sent off my pinnace to take possession. The pinnace returned with the _Nakhada_ and _Malim_, whom I examined, and found them to be subjects of the Great Mogul, belonging to a place called _Larree_,[365] situated at the mouth of the great river of Sindi. I luft up along with this ship into a bay, on the east side of the straits, where we came to anchor in seven fathoms. I then sent my merchants aboard to examine her loading, which consisted of divers packs and fardels of cloth, seeds of various kinds, leather, jars of butter, and a great quantity of oil, some for eating and some for lamps. As this vessel had many passengers, and I could not keep her for want of water, I took out of her the likeliest packs of Indian cloth to serve our purposes, with some butter and oil for our own use, and then allowed her to proceed for Mokha.

[Footnote 365: Bander Larry, or Larry Bunder, on the Pity river, the most north-western branch of the Delta of the Indus, or Scinde river.–E.]

About three p.m. I descried a ship of 200 tons opening the east land of the straits, and immediately following her a vessel of huge size, her main-yard being forty-three yards long. On coming near the great ship, we knew her, by her masts and tops, to be the Mahmudi of Dabul; and knowing the pride of her captain, I was anxious to gain the command over him, as he would never formerly, either at Mokha or Dabul, come to visit our general. Seeing him stand from us, I gave him one shot, and stood with the other ship, which, seeing us stand with the great ship, struck to leeward, thinking to escape in the darkness of the night, now approaching. I took her for a ship of Diu; but, on getting up to her, she proved to be from Kuts Nagone, laden with cotton-wool, some packs of Indian cloth, with some butter and oil. Having got some of her principal men aboard my ship, I made her edge with me into shoal water, on the Arab coast, where I endeavoured, by means of lights, to discover five of my men, whom I had left in the _Larree_ ship. We anchored at midnight in twelve fathoms, four leagues within the _bab_, where the next two days we took out of the _Larree_ ship sixty-six bundles of Indian cloth, but which we returned again, as not needing it, and took only eight _corges_ of _bastas_, for which we paid to their content, and some butter and oil. I now learned by a _jelba_, that Sir Henry Middleton had gone to Assab roads, with eight or nine India ships, on which I made sail to join him there, but the wind being unfavourable, had to come to anchor.

Next day, Giles Thornton, the master of the Trades-increase, came from Sir Henry Middleton, to let me know that he had got possession of all the Indian ships he desired. These were the _Rekemi_, of 1500 tons; the _Hassany_, of 600; the _Mahmudi_ of Surat, of 150; the _Salamitae_, of 450; the _Cadree_, of 200; the _Azum Khani_, belonging to the Shah-bandar of Mokha, all belonging to Diu; besides three Malabar ships, the _Cadree_ of Dabul, of 400 tons, and a great ship of Cananore. Mr Thornton told me, that before I could get into the road of Assab, Sir Henry and Captain Saris, with all their people, would be gone ashore to receive the King of _Rahayta_, who was come with his nobles and guards to visit the two generals. The day being near spent, Sir Henry and Captain Saris left the king in his tent, and went aboard the Trades-increase to supper. I understood also of a contract entered into with the Indian ships at the _bab_, by which it was agreed to exchange, all our English goods for such Indian commodities as should be settled by certain merchants on both sides. About this time likewise I was informed, that the _Mammi_, or captain of the gallies, and others, had come from the governor of Mokha to our general, to treat of peace, and to enquire what sum he demanded in satisfaction of our damages. Sir Henry, near the proportion of last year’s demand, required the payment of 100,000 dollars; on which they craved a respite of sufficient time for sending to Zenan, to know the pleasure of Jaffar Pacha, after which they promised to wait upon him again. In the meantime the Darling had been preparing a small cargo of Indian cloths, with which to sail for Tekoa, for which place she departed on the 19th of May. Captain Saris also prepared the Thomas to follow the Darling to the same place, and sent her away on the 23d. This day likewise, Sir Henry dismissed a ship called the Azum Khani, belonging to the sabandar of Mokha.

A general meeting was held on the 30th May, at dinner, on board the Trades-increase, to which Captain Saris and Captain Towerson were invited, for holding a conference on the farther prosecution of our business with the Turks. At noon came over from Mokha, the sabandar, the mammi, and an aga, all appointed by the pacha to confer for an agreement in satisfaction of our injuries; and finding he would abate nothing in his demand of 100,000 dollars, they demanded leave to hold a conference with the nakhadas, or captains of the Indian ships, and the principal merchants, which was allowed. It seems this was for the purpose of trying what additional customs could be levied on the Indian goods, towards payment of the compensation demanded; but several of the nakhadas, in consideration of former injuries, either staid away from the conference, or opposed the augmentation; wherefore the three Turkish officers took leave of Sir Henry, promising to give him notice of what was to be done, as soon as they had an answer from the pacha; and thus they departed again towards Mokha on the 9th June. All this time our people were employed rummaging, opening, and repacking Indian goods fit for our purpose, and giving English commodities in return for these.

The 11th June, Sir Henry, with the Trades-increase, and Captain Saris with the Clove and Hector, departed from the road of Assab, carrying all the Indian ships along with them to the road of Mokha. I continued with the Pepper-corn at Assab, along with a small ship named the Jungo, redelivering all the goods I had taken out of her on the 9th and 10th of May. This being completed, I set sail along with her early in the morning of the 12th, following our admiral and the rest to Mokha, where we anchored in the afternoon of the 13th. The 19th, Sir Henry perceiving that the Turks meant nothing but delay, and were even in our sight unloading a ship of Kuts Nagone, he determined to hinder them till an agreement was made in compensation of our wrongs. Wherefore, by his orders, I warped nearer them with the Pepper-corn, and by firing several shots made them desist from their labour: Yet all this week the Turks amused us with delays, and came to no agreement.

The 26th, Sir Henry and Captain Saris convened a meeting of all the nakhadas of the Indian ships aboard the Mahmudi of Dabul, where Sir Henry, as he had done often before, recapitulated to them all the wrongs and damages sustained from the Turks, declaring his resolution on no account to permit them to have any trade with Mokha till he had received ample satisfaction; adding, that having already repaid himself for the injuries sustained in India, he must now be forced to carry them all out with him to sea, that the Turks might reap no benefit this year from the Indian trade. The Indians seeing that, by the abuses and delays of the Turks, it was likely to become an unprofitable monsoon for them, though their departure would be injurious to the Turks by loss of customs, yet, rather than carry back their commodities, they desired to make a composition with our two generals, paying a sum of money among them for leave to trade. Accordingly, having no means to enforce satisfaction from the Turks, without farther prejudice to the Indians, Sir Henry determined to accept their offer, still leaving the satisfaction due from the Turks to a future opportunity. To begin therefore, a composition was agreed upon with Mir Mohammed Takkey, nakhada of the Rehemi, for 15,000 dollars, she being nearly equal in value to the other four ships.

Sec. 4. _Voyage from Mokha to Sumatra, and Proceedings there_.

Composition being made with all the Indian ships, and their several sums in part received, Captain Saris sent away his vice-admiral, Captain Towerson, on the 6th August. The 13th Captain Saris departed, having received all the money due to him by composition from the Indian ships. Having completed all our business by the 16th, we set sail on that day with the Trades-increase and Pepper-corn, and passed through the straits of Bab-al-Mondub next day, endeavouring to steer a course for Cape Comorin on our way to Sumatra; but owing to calms and contrary winds we were long detained in the gulf between the _bab_ and Cape Guard-da-fui. The 12th September we saw several snakes swimming on the surface of the sea, which seldom appear in boisterous weather, and are a strong sign of approaching the coast of India. The 13th we saw more snakes, and this day had soundings from 55 fathoms diminishing to 40. At sunrise of the 14th we descried high land, bearing E. by N. about 16 leagues distant, when we stood E. by S. till four p.m. when the nearest coast between us and the high land bore E. eight leagues off. We then directed our course south along the coast of India or Malabar, and on the 22d at nine a.m. descried Cape Comorin. The 24th we had sight of the island of Ceylon, and next day about noon we descried Cape de Galle, the southernmost part of that island. The 30th we found much injury done to the wheat in our bread room by wet; also of our coarse _dutties_, or brown calicoes of _Pormean_, we found twenty pieces quite rotten.

The 19th October, at three p.m. we anchored in the road of Tekoa,[366] where we found the Darling, which had been there ever since July in a great part of the rains, which were not yet ended, having buried before we arrived three of their merchants and three sailors. Most of their men were sick, and they had got but little pepper, and little more was to be had till next season, in April and May. The great cause of their want of trade was owing to civil wars in the country. We found here likewise the Thomas, a ship belonging to the eighth voyage, newly come from Priaman, where she had as poor success as the Darling had here. We here learnt the safe return and prosperous voyage of Captain David Middleton; also of the four ships of the ninth voyage, two of which were already arrived at Bantam; likewise that Captain Castleton had been lately here in his ship of war, and had left information of fifteen sail of Hollanders, already come or near at hand, and of two ships come for trade from New-haven in France; all which sorely damped the hopes of our tired, crossed, and decayed voyage. The 22d, finding little to be done here, the Pepper-corn departed towards Bantam, leaving me to remain in the Trades-increase till the 16th of next month. The 2d November all the men of any condition went away to the wars along with Rajah Bunesu, so that we could expect little trade till their return. The 20th we took on board the remains of the pepper weighed the day before, in which we found much deceit, the people having in some bags put in bags of paddy or rough rice, and in some great stones, also rotten and wet pepper into new dry sacks, yet had we no remedy.

[Footnote 366: Tekoa, Ticu, or Ticoo, is a port on the south-west coast of Sumatra, almost under the equator.–E.]

Having got all things in and our men aboard, we prepared to depart, and about midnight of the 20th November we set sail in clear moonshine, having the wind at N.E. off shore. Notwithstanding every care and exertion to avoid the two known rocks three leagues from Tekoa, we got fast on a rock, having four fathoms water at our stern, a quarter less three on the starboard a midship, and three fathoms under the head; a ship’s length off five fathoms, the same distance on the larboard bow six feet, a midship to larboard sixteen feet, under the larboard gallery twenty feet, and all round deep water within a cable’s length. God in his mercy gave us a smooth sea and no wind, so that the set or motion of the ship seemed quite easy; yet the water flowed in upon us so fast, that both chain-pumps with infinite labour could not in a long time command the water. With all possible expedition we got an anchor out astern, with two-thirds of a cable, which God so blessed, that before we could heave the cable taught at the capstan, the ship of her own accord was off into deep water. This was no sooner the case but we had a gust of wind at west, which put us off about a mile from the rock, where we anchored to wait for our boat, which brought our cadge after us. When it was clear day, we could not even perceive where the rock was. A principal reason of coming to anchor, was in hopes to overcome our leaks, being exceedingly desirous to hasten to Bantam, as without absolute necessity we wished not to return to Tekoa. But after consulting together on what was best to be done, we returned to Tekoa, there to endeavour to stop our leak, which we found to be in the fashioning pieces of the stern. Accordingly, about sunset of the 21st we came to anchor there in a place well fitted for our purpose. The 22d, 23d, and 24th we laboured hard to land indigo, cinnamon, and other things, using every exertion to lighten the ship at the stern where the leak was, and were busily engaged till the 8th December in mending the leak and reloading our goods; which done, we set sail again from Tekoa, and arrived on the 20th at Pulo-panian.

The Pepper-corn being filled at that place, Sir Henry Middleton called a council to consult on what was best to be done, taking into consideration the injury received on the rock by the Trades-increase; when it was resolved that she must necessarily be careened or hove down, and new strengthened, before she could return home; which requiring a long time, it would not be possible for her to get home this season. It was therefore concluded to dispatch the Pepper-corn immediately for England, as some satisfaction for the adventurers till the Trades-increase could follow.

Sec. 5. _Voyage of the Pepper-corn Home to England_.

By the 4th of February, 1613, the Pepper-corn being laden and ready for sea, we set sail for England, leaving Sir Henry Middleton behind in the Trades-increase.[367] We arrived on the 10th May in the road of Saldanha, where I hoped to have found all the ships formerly departed homewards; but I only found the Hector and Thomas, two ships of the eighth voyage. The Expedition had got round the Cape of Good Hope, bound towards some part of Persia, there to land Sir Robert Sherly and his Persian lady, and Sir Thomas Powell with his English lady, who were all intending for Persia. The next day we set sail in company with the Hector and Thomas; but towards evening the Thomas was far astern, and the Hector bore away under a press of sail, so that we lost them during the night. We lingered for them till the 19th at sunrise, employed in repairing our weak and decayed sails, at which time Saldanha bore S.E. one half E. seventeen leagues.

[Footnote 367: Sir Henry died on the 24th of May following at Machian, as was thought of grief, of which an account will be found in the journals of Floris and Saris.–Astl. I. 427. a.]

Continuing our course for England, after losing all hope of rejoining the Hector and Thomas, we descried, on the 11th September, the coast of Wales to windward, and that of Ireland to leeward, and finding the winds so adverse that I could not make Milford Haven, and our wants allowing no long deliberation, I determined to go to Waterford. The 13th in the morning we descried the tower of _Whooke_, some three leagues from us, the only land-mark for Waterford river. At eight o’clock a.m. we saw a small boat coming out of the river, for which we made a waft, and it came to us, being a Frenchman bound to Wexford. I hired this boat to go again into the river, to give notice of our coming to the lieutenant of the port of Dungannon, to prevent delay, as owing to the narrowness of the channel it might endanger our ship at anchor in winding round. At noon we got up the river as high as the passage.

I here found Mr Stephen Bonner of Lime with his bark, who had come here a-fishing; and who, laying aside his own business, used the utmost diligence in doing the best he could for the ease and relief of our weak and sick people. The 18th I dispatched Mr Bonner for London with letters for the company, to give notice of our arrival and wants, that we might be supplied. The 21st, Doctor Lancaster, bishop of Waterford, very kindly came to visit me, bringing good cheer along with him, and gave us a sermon aboard, offering me the communion, which, being unprepared, I declined, yet thanked him for his good-will. The 10th,[368] Captain John Burrell came to visit me, and offered me money to supply my wants, if I would send one along with him for it to Cork; wherefore I sent away Mr Mullineux with Captain Burrell to Cork for the money.

[Footnote 368: From this date to the 6th October, there is some inexplicable error in the dates of the text.–E.]

On the 12th, Anthony Stratford, lieutenant of the fort at Waterford, having hired a villainous fellow, whom I had caused to be kept in prison at Waterford for misdemeanors, to swear any thing that suited his purpose to bring us under the predicament of piracy, and having obtained a warrant from the Earl of Ormond, came to the passage, whence he sent a message desiring me to send my boat ashore well manned, to fetch him and other gentlemen aboard to see my ship. But immediately on my boat coming aland, he apprehended my men, and coming himself on board, arrested me and my ship for piracy, and committed me to prison in the fort of Dungannon, giving strict charges that no person should be allowed to come near me without a warrant from him; and such as did come to me, he would have put to their oaths to say what conversation passed between them and me. My man was sworn to carry no letters from me to any one, nor any to me; and several of my people were that night examined on oath, omitting no means to draw from them matter of accusation against me. I continued in prison till the morning of the 16th, when Stratford brought me a letter from his captain, Sir Lawrence Esmond, inviting me to meet him at the passage. At that place I met Sir Lawrence and the Bishop of Waterford, who were come from the Earl of Ormond to replace me in my charge, and which at their earnest entreaty I again undertook.

The 23d, Master Mullineux, who had sent off letters to the company with notice of this troublesome affair, returned from Cork with money to supply my wants. The 25th, Mr Benjamin Joseph came to me in a small ship from Bristol, bringing men, money, and provisions for my supply, which we took in, making all haste to be gone. The 6th October we set sail from Waterford river. The 12th in the morning we were abreast of Beechy head, and at eight p.m. we anchored in Dover roads. The 13th we anchored in the Downs at ten a.m. near H.M.S. Assurance, saluting her with five pieces of cannon. Mr Cocket her master came immediately aboard, and again arrested my ship till farther orders from the lord high admiral; upon which I immediately sent off Mr Mullineux to London with letters to the company, informing them of my situation.

The 17th, Mr Adersley came down from the company, bringing me a letter from the directors, an order for the release of my ship, and Mr Punniat, a pilot, to take charge of her from the Downs. The 18th in the morning we set sail, and at six p.m. came to anchor in the road of _Gerend._ The 19th we got up to Tilbury, where we again anchored, and at ten a.m. next day came to anchor at Blackwall; where, in the afternoon, came down Mr Deputy and several members of the committee, to whom I delivered up my charge.

SECTION XIII.

_The Seventh Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1611, commanded by Captain Anthony Hippon_.[369]

INTRODUCTION.

“Purchas has given us two accounts of this voyage, one written by Nathaniel Marten, master’s mate of the Globe, which was the only ship employed in this expedition, and the other by Mr Peter Williamson Floris, who went _cape merchant_, or chief factor, on this voyage. This account by Marten is chiefly filled with nautical remarks, and observations of the latitude and variation, which may make it very acceptable to navigators and geographers, while we are sensible it may appear dry to many others. For this reason, Purchas retrenched much of the journal, and to make amends subjoined that by Floris. As it is our design to give a complete body of English voyages, intermixed with those of other nations, we presume that our readers will not be displeased for meeting sometimes with relations that do not afford much entertainment, especially considering that though these may not be so acceptable to some, they may yet be very useful to others. In effect, some of the most valuable voyages are those which afford least pleasure in reading. The first navigators of every nation to foreign countries, were chiefly employed in discovering the untried coasts, and wrote for the instruction of those who were to visit the same places afterwards, till they became sufficiently known. For this reason it is, that the farther we advance the relations become the more agreeable; so that in a little time those who read only for pleasure will have no reason to complain.”–_Astley_.

[Footnote 369: Purch. Pilgr. I. 314. Astl. I. 429.]

At the close of this voyage, Purchas makes the following remark: “I think these mere marine relations, though profitable to some, are to most readers tedious. For which cause, I have abridged this, to make way for the next, written by Mr Floris, a merchant of long Indian experience, out of whose journal I have taken the most remarkable actions of this voyage, being full of pleasant variety.” But, as well observed by the editor of Astley’s Collection, Purchas has rather curtailed than abridged, often leaving out whole paragraphs and inserting others in an abrupt and unconnected manner, passing over places without any mention, and speaking of them afterwards as if they had been mentioned before. We have therefore used the farther liberty of still farther abridging his confused abridgment, yet so as not to omit any information that appeared at all interesting or useful.–E.

* * * * *

We weighed from Blackwell, in the good ship the Globe, on the 3d January, 1611, bound for the East Indies, and arrived at Saldanha the 21st May. Sailing thence on the 6th June, we passed not far from Mozambique, Comora, and Pemba, and on the 31st July passed before Point de Galle, in Ceylon. The 6th August we saw land from the topmast-head, and at 3 p.m. saw a tower or pagoda, and a ship bearing N.W. and came into eight fathoms about three leagues off shore, near Negapatam. Continuing our course N. by E. we took on the 8th a boat belonging to San Thome. The 9th, at noon, the town of Meliapore bore N.N.W. two leagues off. The best mark by which to know this place is a high hill up the country. There is a shoal about two leagues south of Pullicatt, and about a mile or more from the shore, the N.E. end of it being about a league off. We went over the end of it in three fathoms; but if you keep in ten or twelve fathoms, you will always be safe. The 9th we anchored off Pullicatt, which bore from us W. by N. There is a cross to the north of the town, which may be seen between two and three miles offshore, but you cannot see the town. Not liking our situation, we weighed on the 10th, and stood farther north, and anchored again in eight fathoms, the cross now bearing W. by S. the western point W. by N. and the northernmost point N.W. The 10th, at noon, the governor sent off a boat for our gentlemen, when Mr Brown and Mr Floris went on shore in our skiff which sunk when going over the bar; but, blessed be God, none of our men were drowned. Pullicatt is in 13 deg. 30′,[370] the variation being 1 deg. 15′. The 15th Captain Hippon went ashore to speak with the _governess_, and returned aboard with all the merchants on the 16th, as they could have no trade.

[Footnote 370: More correctly lat. 13 deg. 26′ N. and long, 80 deg. 24′ E. from Greenwich.–E]

We set sail the same day for Petepoly [_Pattapilly_,] and on the 18th, at five p.m. we made a tuft of trees near that place, bearing from us N.E. by E. six leagues off; and at seven p.m. we came to anchor in nine fathoms, the tuft being then N. by W. five leagues. The 19th we weighed early, and came to anchor again in five fathoms, two leagues from the tuft, which then bore E.N.E. Presently there came off to us two _gingathas_, or boats, by which our merchants sent a letter on shore; and, in the afternoon, another boat brought off a messenger from the sabandar, who sent off two boats next day for our merchants, when Messrs Floris, Essington, and Lucas went ashore, together with Adam Dounton, the purser’s mate, and one named Lemon. The 21st, our merchants sent off a letter, saying they were kindly entertained. The 28th, Mr Floris and Simon Evans came aboard, when we weighed for Masulipatam, in the road of which place we arrived on the 30th, anchoring in three fathoms and a foot; the great tree, which is the mark for the road, bearing from us W.N.W. the southermost land S.W. by S. and the northermost N.E. by E. The 31st, Mr Floris, Mr Essington, Simon Evans, Cuthbert Whitfield, and Arthur Smith, went ashore in our skiff to remain. I made the latitude to be 15 deg. 57′ and that of Pattapilly 15 deg. 49′.[371]

[Footnote 371: The latitude of Masulipatam is 16 deg. 5′ N. but that mentioned in the text seems to apply to some point not well defined, to the southwards. The latitude of Pattapilly appears to have been taken with sufficient accuracy.–E.]

We weighed from Pattapilly road on the 11th February, 1612, intending to proceed for Bantam, and came to anchor in the road of that place on the 26th April, about four p.m. in three and a half fathoms; Pulo-ponian bearing N. Pulo-tando N.W. by N. Polo-duo E.S.E. the western point of Pulo-range N.W. by N. northerly, and its uttermost point E, by N. northerly; the eastermost island, called Pulo-lima, joining to the western point of Java. Immediately after anchoring, Mr Spalding and two others came aboard. Our merchants came on board on the 31st May, about four p.m. and we set sail that night about nine, steering N.N.E. with the wind at S. In the morning of the 1st June, the wind veered to eastwards, and then to the north, with foul gusty weather, when we bore up and anchored under Pulo-tando, in nineteen fathoms, half a league from the shore. Between five and six next morning we again weighed, with the wind at S.E. steering N.N.W. the nearest land being S.W. six leagues off, which was a woody island about four miles long, off which was a ledge of rocks, or a sand-bank. About eight a.m. I espied from the topmast-head Lucapara, eight leagues off. The 7th, about ten a.m. we raised the hill of Mompyne N.E. eight leagues off, after which we never had less than ten fathoms. The 11th we were in lat. 1 deg. N. and next morning from the topmast-head I espied the high land of Bintam, W. by N. some twelve leagues off.

The 4th August, at night, we weighed from Patane roads,[372] with the wind at S.S.W. and steered away N.W. by W. for Siam, where we arrived on the 14th, and anchored in five fathoms, having the southermost island S. by E. of us, the eastermost E. by S. and the river’s mouth N. by W. The 3d November we weighed out of the bay, where we left our men, and graved our ship, and hauled off from the west to S.S.E. to get clear of the island, and so steered away. The 4th, at noon, I made the ship to be in the lat. of 12 deg. 30′, having run in twenty-three hours only twenty-five leagues, making our course S. by W. with the wind northerly. We arrived at Patane on the 11th.

[Footnote 372: By careless abridgement, Purchas omits their arrival here; and, owing to his inconclusive narrative of the navigation, we have here omitted a good deal of the nautical remarks, which are quite unconnected in the Pilgrims, and therefore of no utility.–E.]

* * * * *

“He was after this at Siam again, and again at Patane, and made a second voyage from Masulipatam to Bantam in 1614, and thence to England in 1615. But his journal is so large that I dare not express it. They arrived at the Lizard on the 20th August, 1615, having spent four years and nearly eight months in this voyage.”[373]

[Footnote 373: This concluding sentence is the apology of Purchas for abbreviating the narrative of Marten, which he has done in so confused a manner, that we have been under the necessity of abridging it still farther.–E.]

SECTION XIV.

_Notices of the preceding Voyage, by Peter Williamson Floris._[374]

INTRODUCTION.

“As the preceding journal of Nathaniel Marten is almost wholly nautical, this narrative of Floris is chiefly confined to the transactions, occurrences, and adventures that happened on land, in the several countries at which they touched in this voyage. Purchas tells us, in the title of this article, that it was translated out of Dutch; but whether by himself or some other, and whether from print or manuscript, he is silent. He informs us likewise, that Floris was cape merchant, or chief factor, in this voyage, and that he died in London in 1615, two months after his arrival from the expedition. This author is remarkable for several notable particulars respecting the affairs of the countries which he visited, which shews that he was curious, and for the freedom with which he censures the actions of his own countrymen, the Hollanders, which may pass for a proof of his sincerity.”–_Astley._

[Footnote 374: Purch. Pilgr. I. 319. Astl. I. 435.]

Sec. 1. _The Voyage to Pullicatt, Patapilly, Bantam, Patane, and Siam_.

Having covenanted and agreed with the right worshipful governor and deputy of the English East India Company, we embarked in the Globe, on the 5th January, 1610, according to the English style, being actually of the year 1611, and set sail for Gravesend. Sailing from the Downs on the 5th February, we came to Saldanha bay the 21st May, where we found three ships. Two boats came aboard of us, one from Isaac le Maire, and the other from Henrick Brouwer. Much refreshing was not here to be had at this season, by reason of heavy rains, being now their winter, and the mountains covered with snow. We used great diligence in searching for a root called _ningim_, for which purpose two of three Holland ships had come here, one being from Japan, that first discovered the secret. At this time the new leaf only began to peep forth, so that we could not have known it, if we had not received instructions. Its proper time of ripeness is in December, January, and February; and it is called _kanna_ by the inhabitants.[375]

[Footnote 375: This _kanna_, or _ningim_, is supposed to be the same with the Ginseng, so highly prized in China for its restorative virtues. The Hottentots set the same value on it, and it is as rare to be met with in the country at the Cape of Good Hope as in Eastern Tartary.–Astl. I. 436. b.]

Having filled our water-casks, and refreshed ourselves with eight sheep and twenty cattle, we set sail from the bay, leaving there the boat of Isaac le Maire, commanded by his son Jacob, who was to continue there till December, bartering for hides and skins, and making train-oil. To him we gave letters for England. Near _Tierra de Natal_, on the 10th June, we were in great danger, a violent storm of thunder, lightning, wind, and rain, having almost thrown us ashore; but God mercifully and powerfully gave us unexpected deliverance.

The 1st of August we fell in with the island of Ceylon at Punta de Galle. The 6th we came before Negapatam, being twenty-eight Dutch miles or leagues wrong in our reckoning, the maps, in regard to that place, being very false, which might occasion great danger in the night, the like happening to the Hollanders. Neither found we the island so broad as it is there laid down. Mr Mullineux lays down Punta de Galle in 4 deg., whereas it is 6 deg..[376] Towards evening we passed before the road, and could see the houses very plainly. The 7th, we passed _Langapatam_, where the Hollanders have a factory of which they are very weary, having very little trade. The 8th, we came before San Thome, and on the 9th, before Pullicatt, passing over the shallows above a musket-shot, where we had only three fathoms water. At this place two boats came aboard of us, one from the sabandar, and another from the Hollanders. The 10th, the sabandar’s men brought us a _caul_, or safe conduct, allowing us to come safely ashore; on which Mr Brown and I went ashore, but, by the roughness of the sea, our boat upset, yet, God be thanked, none of our men were drowned. The sabandar met us, compassionating our mischance, and appointed us a house, promising to procure us a letter from the king to the governess _Konda Maa_.

[Footnote 376: The truth lies between, as Point de Galle is in 5 deg. 51′ N. latitude.–E.]

On the 11th, Jan Van Wersicke, the Dutch president on the coast of Coromandel, shewed us a _caul_ from _Wencapati Rajah_, the king of Narsinga, by which it was made unlawful for any one from Europe to trade there, unless with a patent or licence from Prince Maurice, and wherefore he desired us to depart. We made answer, that we had a commission from the King of England authorizing us to trade here, and were therefore determined to do so if we could. Upon this there arose high words between us, but which the sabandar soon ended, by informing us that the governess would be here in three days, by whose determination we must be regulated. She came on the 17th, and Captain Hippon coming then ashore, we made ready to wait upon her, but were delayed, and informed that she would send for us next day. We strongly suspected the Hollanders of underhand dealings; and as no one came for us the next day, we sent to the sabandar, who made answer, that as the king had granted an exclusive privilege to the Hollanders, it was necessary for us to apply to his majesty for liberty to trade; but as this would have required a delay of two months, which must lose us the monsoon for Patane, and as the Hollanders had prepared to send a present of two elephants to the king, we resolved to proceed to Patapilly and Masulipatam, towards which places we set sail.

Arriving on the 20th at Patapilly, the governor sent us a _caul_, or licence to land, which we did accordingly, and agreed with him for three per cent[377] custom, and sent goods on shore, it being determined that Mr Lucas and Mr Brown should remain there, while I went on with the ship to Masulipatam, the roadstead of which place was better. We got there on the 31st, when Zaldechar Khan sent us a licence. We agreed to send a present to Mir Sumela, a great officer under the king at Condapoli, and farmer of his revenues, that we might be secured against the chicanery of the inferior officers.

[Footnote 377: In Purchas it is called _three-thirds_ per cent. which, in the text, we have changed to _three;_ yet a little farther on it would appear that _four_ per cent. had been agreed for.–E].

The 20th January, 1612, _Cotobara,_ king of _Badaya,_ or _Lollingana,_[378] and Masulipatam, died, and great disturbances were apprehended; but Mir Masunim wisely prevented any troubles, by immediately proclaiming Mahmud Unim Cotobara, a young man of great hopes, son to a brother of the deceased king, who had left no sons. His uncle had submitted to the authority of the Persians,[379] but the new king evinced a spirit of independence, and disgraced Mir Sumela, the fountain of tyranny and oppression.

[Footnote 378: These titles are inexplicable, but in the sequel he appears to have been king of Golconda.–E.]

[Footnote 379: The Moguls are probably here meant, named Persians by Floris, because they used the Persian language.–E.]

The governor dealt fraudulently with me in regard to a bargain of cloth and lead, pretending that he had agreed with me only for 4000 pagodas, meaning by this dishonesty to have increased the customs from four per cent. which had been settled, to twelve: and when I insisted upon our agreed terms, he told me roundly, that he, being a _mir_, or descendant of Mahomet, would be believed before any Christian. Being at a loss how to deal with this dishonest rogue, and not having time to send to the new king at Golconda for redress, I had at one time resolved to right myself by force, as there seemed no means of bringing him to reason in a friendly manner; but, at last, by the intervention of some others of the Moors at Masulipatam, we came to a kind of an agreement.

Having thus concluded our affairs at Masulipatam, and those at Pattapilly being likewise ended, and the monsoon being favourable, we departed for Bantam, where we arrived on the 26th April, 1612. We there found the Dutch about to remove to Jacatra, in consequence of new and heavy exactions established by the governor of Bantam, with whom, as we had no factory there at this time, we made an agreement to pay three per centum for customs, yet not without some contest. By order of Captain David Middleton, a factory had been established at Succadania, on the coast of Borneo, which was continued by Mr Spalding; but, as matters were carried on there, it seemed more calculated for private interest than the public advantage of the company. The 1st of June we set sail from Bantam, and came into the road of Patane on the 22d, where we found the Bantam, a ship of Enkhusen; from the people of which we were informed of the manners and customs of the country. We landed on the 26th in great state, taking with us a present to the value of 600 dollars, to accompany our king’s letter. We were well received, according to the customs of the country, the letter being laid in a basin of gold, and carried by an elephant, accompanied by a band of music, a numerous guard of lances, and many small flags. The queen’s court was very sumptuous. The letter was read, and a free trade allowed us on payment of the same duties with the Hollanders; and we left the court without seeing the queen. We were then conducted by Daton Lachmanna, the sabaudar and officer appointed for entertaining strangers, to a place where a banquet of fruits was presented to us. From thence we were led to the house of the Oran-caya Sirnona, where we had another banquet. Next day the queen sent us meat and fruits aboard.

The 3d July there departed from hence a Dutch pinnace called the Greyhound, for Japan. The master’s mate of this vessel had brought a letter from William Adams, an Englishman residing in Japan, directed to the English at Bantam; and by him we sent the company’s letters to Mr Adams, which he promised to deliver with his own hands. We had no other means of transmitting this letter, as the Japanese were at enmity with the government of Patane, and had even burnt that place twice within five or six years.

We had much ado to get leave to build a fire-proof warehouse at this place, but were at length assigned a place close by the Dutch house, thirty fathoms long by twenty in breadth, on which we built a house forty-eight feet long by twenty-four feet wide. Their exactions were very unreasonable, amounting, besides the charges agreed upon, to 4000 dollars; which, however, we submitted to pay in hope of future advantages. We were sore afflicted here with sickness, even as if the plague had raged in our ship. Captain Hippon died on the 9th of July; and on opening the box marked No. 1, Mr Brown was found his appointed successor, but as he was already dead, No. 2 was opened, by which Mr Thomas Essington was nominated, who accordingly assumed the command. At this place we suffered much injury from thieves, some of which came into our house one night, where we always had a lamp burning, and stole 283 dollars out of my chest, besides other goods; though there wore fifteen persons sleeping in the house, besides a large black dog, and a watch kept in our yard. These circumstances occasioned suspicions against some of our own people, but we could never come to any certainty.

I and John Parsons, with six more, were left here at Patane to conduct the business of the factory, and the ship departed on the 1st of August for Siam. I wished afterwards to have written to Captain Essington at Siam, to inform him of the bad market I had for our lawns, but had no opportunity of sending a letter by sea; and not less than four persons together durst venture by land, on account of the danger from tygers, and because there were many rivers to cross by the way, owing to which their demands were very high, and I had to wait an opportunity. In September, the king of Jor, or Johor, over-ran the environs of Pan or Pahan, burning all before him, and likewise the neighbourhood of Cumpona Sina, which occasioned great dearth at Pahan.

The cause of our lack of trade here, where, four years before, I had seen such quick sales, as if all the world could not have provided sufficient commodities, was chiefly, that the Portuguese had brought an abundant supply to Malacca; besides which the Hollanders had filled Bantam and the Moluccas with goods, and also to the trade carried on by the Moors at Tanasserim and Siam, and at Tarangh, a haven newly discovered near Queda, on the western coast of Malacca; the Guzerats, others from Negapatan, and the English, all contributing to glut the market, so that the rumour only of such large supplies is sufficient to keep down the prices for ten years; insomuch that I cannot now clear five per cent. where formerly I could have gotten four for one. All these things considered, I dispatched a cargo on the 8th October, in a junk of Empan, for Macasser, sending John Parsons as chief factor. On the 9th, two junks arrived from Siam, one of which brought me letters from Captain Essington and Mr Lucas, saying they had much trouble and few sales, both because the country was already full of goods, and because the governments of Cambodia, Laniam, and Jangoma, were preparing for war against Siam.

The 25th, several junks departed from Patane for Borneo, Jumbi, Java, Macassar, Jortan, and other places; among which was the junk belonging to the Orancay Rajah Indramonda, bound for Bantam, and thence by Jortan, Amboina, and Banda, to Macassar. I cannot imagine how the Hollanders should suffer these Malays, Chinese, and Moors, and even assist them in carrying on a free trade over all India, while they forbid it to their own servants, countrymen, and brethren, on pain of death, and loss of their goods. It is surely an instance of great ignorance or envy, thus to allow Mahomedans and heathens to grow rich, rather than their own countrymen should gain a living, and a sign that the punishment of God is coming upon them.

The Globe arrived here from Siam on the 11th November, having been eight days on the passage. She had arrived on the 15th of August preceding in the road of Siam, and cast anchor in three fathoms at high-water: but next day, the water ebbing thirteen hours on end, she was left only in seven feet, fortunately on soft mud, so that she received little injury. When again afloat, she was removed to another anchorage, where there were three fathoms at low-water, being four leagues from the bar. The town lieth on the river, some thirty leagues from the sea. Sending news of their arrival, the sabandar and the governor of _Mancock_,[380] a place on the river, came back along with their messengers to receive the letter from the king of England to their sovereign, but chiefly for the sake of the expected presents. Captain Essington and Mr Lucas accompanied them to the town, where they were presented to the king on the 17th September, and received assurances of a free trade, the king giving each of them a small golden cup, and some little article of dress. The covetous _mandarins_, or officers of the crown, would have counteracted the royal permission of free trade, by taking every thing they pleased at prices of their own making, and paying when they pleased, acting in short more corruptly than those in any other part of India, though assuredly the rest are bad enough: but, on complaint being made to the king, he gave orders not to molest the English in their trade; after which all their goods were carried to a house assigned them by the king, being the best brick house in Siam, and close to that of the Hollanders. The time when our people were at Siam was the season of the rains, when the whole country was covered with water.

[Footnote 380: Rather Bankok, near the mouth of the river Menan.–Astl. I. 438. h.]

On the 26th October there arose such a storm of wind as had not been remembered by the oldest of the natives, tearing up trees by the roots, and occasioning extensive desolation. Among other things destroyed on this occasion, the monument which had been erected by the reigning king, in memory of his father, was overthrown. Our ship, the Globe, very narrowly escaped, by the diligent care of Mr Skinner and Samuel Huyts, and by means of dropping a third anchor, after she had drifted, with two anchors, from six fathoms to four, she was at length brought up, when only a mile from the land. On this occasion Mr Skinner was beaten from the anchor-stock, and very strangely recovered. Five men were drowned, one of whom was supposed to have been devoured by a whale, which was seen about the time when he disappeared.[381] After raging four or five hours, the storm subsided, and the sea became as calm as if there had been no wind. Yet a tempest continued aboard the Globe, occasioned, as was reported, by the unreasonable conduct of the master, who was therefore put under arrest, and Mr Skinner appointed in his room, on which this tempest also subsided. Their trade also was too much becalmed, although this had formerly been the third best place of trade in all India, after Bantam and Patane, the causes of which falling off will be best understood by the following narrative.

[Footnote 381: Whales are not of this description. Perhaps Mr Floris had said in Dutch, _by a great fish_, meaning surely a shark. At this place Purchas observes, in a side-note, “that the road of Siam is safe, except in a S.S.W. wind.”–E.]

Sec. 2. _Narrative of strange Occurrences in Pegu, Siam, Johor, Patane, and the adjacent Kingdoms._

Siam, formerly a mighty and ancient kingdom, had been, not long before, subdued, and rendered tributary to Pegu, yet did not continue long under subjection. On the death of the king of Siam, two of his sons, who were brought up at the court of Pegu, fled from thence to Siam. The eldest of these, called in the Malay language, _Raja Api_, or the fiery king, set himself up as king of Siam. He it was whom the Portuguese used to call the _Black King of Siam_. Against him the king of Pegu sent his eldest son and intended successor, who was slain in these wars, and was the occasion of the almost total destruction of the kingdom of Pegu, and caused the loss of many millions of lives. The king of Pegu, who was of the race of the Bramas, was sore grieved for the loss of his son, and caused most of his chief Peguan nobles and military officers to be put to death on the occasion. This caused much perturbation and confusion, so that his tributary kings, of whom there were twenty, revolted daily against him. At length, encouraged by these defections, Rajah Api, or the Black King of Siam, went to war against the king of Pegu, and even besieged the capital city of _Uncha_, or Pegu, for two months, but was forced to raise the siege and return to Siam.

Not long after this, on account of a great pestilence and famine, the king of Pegu found himself under the necessity of surrendering himself and all his treasures to the king of Tangu, that he might not fall into the hands of the king of Arracan, who was coming against him with a prodigious army: Yet the king of Arracan easily made himself master of the city and kingdom of Pegu, then almost depopulated by famine and pestilence. The king of Arracan now proposed to go against Tangu; but the king of that country sent ambassadors to him at Arracan, offering to deliver up to him a certain portion of the treasures of Pegu, together with the _White Elephant_ and the king of Pegu’s daughter, both of whom I saw at Arracan in 1608; even offering either to give up the king of Pegu or to put him to death. This the king of Tangu afterwards did, by slaying him, with a _pilon_, or wooden pestel with which they stamp rice; for being of the race of Brama, it was not lawful to shed his blood. In this manner was the mighty empire of Pegu brought to ruin, so that at this day there is no remembrance of it.[382] The king of Arracan gave charge of the town and fortress of Siriagh, [Sirian] upon the river of Pegu, to Philip de Brito de Nicote, to whom he gave the designation of _Xenga_, signifying _the honest_; which honour and confidence Xenga requited by taking his son a prisoner three or four years afterwards, and ransomed him for 1,100,000 taggans and ten galeas of rice. Brito yet domineers in Sirian, and cares for nobody.

[Footnote 382: This is to be understood of 1612, when Floris was there. After many revolutions, the empire of Pegu was re-established by a tribe called the Birmas, and now subsists in great power and splendour, including Ava, Arracan, Pegu, and Siam.–E.]

By the destruction of the power of Pegu, Siam recovered its independence, and hath since brought under subjection the kingdoms of Cabodia, Laniangh,[383] Jangoma, Lugor, Tanasserim, Patane, and several others. In 1605 Rajah Ahi, or the Black King, died without issue, and left the kingdom to his brother called the _White King_, who was a covetous prince, yet enjoyed his kingdoms in peace. He died in 1610, leaving several children behind him, on which great troubles arose in the kingdom. While he was on his deathbed, he caused his eldest son to be slain, a young prince of great hopes, at the traitorous instigation of one of the chief lords of Siam, named _Jockrommeway_, who having many slaves thought to make himself king. The presently reigning king was the second son of the _White King_, and soon after his accession put the traitor to death who had occasioned the slaughter of his elder brother. Among his numerous slaves Jockrommeway had 280 Japanese, who, thinking to revenge the death of their master, and to atchieve some memorable exploit, went immediately in arms to the palace, which they surprised, getting possession of the king and all his court, and compelled him to deliver up to them four of his principal nobles, whom they immediately slew, as the chief causes of their master’s death. Having the king in their hands, they forced him to subscribe with his own blood to such agreement as they pleased to dictate, taking some of the chief palapos [384] or priests for hostages, and so departed with much treasure after much violence, the Siamese being unable to right themselves. On this occasion the kingdoms of Cambodia and Laos rebelled, as did also one _Banga de Laa_ in Pegu. The king of Laniangh, or Lanshang, in Laos, came last year, 1611, with an army into Siam, within three days journey of Odija,[385] hoping to have found the kingdom still involved in the broils occasioned by the Japanese slaves. But as they were gone, the king of Siam went out with an army to meet him, and he retired to Laos. These two kings, of Cambodia and Laos, are said to have confederated together, and to have resolved to march together next April, 1613, in hopes to dispossess the young king of Siam, who is about twenty-two years of age; but which they are not likely to effect unless by the aid of treason among his principal subjects. Thus it was our hard fate to hit upon these bad times, so ill fitted for trade.

[Footnote 383: Probably Laos, the capital of which is named Laushang.–E.]

[Footnote 384: Called by other writers Tale-pois, or Tale-poius.–Astl. I. 440. a.]

[Footnote 385: Called likewise Judia, or Siam.–E.]

For various reasons we resolved to winter with the ship in Patane. The 31st of December, 1612, the queen of Patane went to sport herself, accompanied by above 600 proas. She lay first at _Sabraugh_, where we went to pay our compliments to her along with the Hollanders, when for the first time we were permitted to see and speak with her. She was a comely old woman of sixty years of age, tall, and of a majestic appearance, having never seen any one to compare with her in all India. She was accompanied by her immediately younger sister, who was next heir to the throne, and commonly called the young queen, yet an unmarried virgin about forty-six years of age; and had likewise along with her the little daughter of another sister, who was married to _Rajah Siack_, brother to the king of Johor.[386] After some conference, she let fall the curtain, as a signal for our departure, and it was signified to us that we should come again next day, which we did, and were well entertained. On this occasion twelve women and children danced before the queen, and performed as well as I had ever seen in the Indies. Then all the gentility present were commanded to dance, or at least to make the attempt, which caused no small laughter. We even and the Hollanders had to exhibit ourselves, which mightily amused the queen. She had not been out of her palace for seven years before till now, when she went on purpose to hunt wild buffaloes and bulls, of which there are many in the country. As she passed along with her train of proas between our house and the ship, she was saluted by several cannon from the ship, and by musket-shot from the shore.

[Footnote 386: Called by some Jor, Joor, or Johore:–Astl. I. 440. c.]

During the November and December of this winter, 1612, the waters had been higher, owing to the great continuance of the rains, than ever had been known in the memory of man, so that much cattle died and many houses were swept away, and a vast deal of harm done. The 25th January, 1613, we got news, by a Dutch ship from Siam, that Mr Lucas had sold more than half of his goods, of which the king had bought a large portion, and that he would not permit his officers to carry away the goods, under pretence of his name, without a signed warrant. We had also news from Queda, that the Portuguese, with 1500 men from San Thorne, had taken the factory of the Hollanders at Pullicatt, slain their men, and carried away their goods. In March, I sent away the ship for Siam with more goods.

The king of Pahan[387] had married a younger sister of the queen of Patane, whom she had not seen for twenty-eight years. Having requested a visit of her sister ineffectually by solemn embassies, she detained all the junks of Siam, Cambodia, Bordelongh, Lugor, and other places, that were laden with rice for Pahan, and sent out all her maritime force, consisting of about seventy sail, with 4000 men, under the command of Maha Rajah, Datou Bessar, and the Orancay Sirnora, with orders to bring her sister to Patane, either by force or persuasion. The king of Pahan will have much ado to defend himself; owing to the great dearth, and the burning of his house, granaries, and rice; it is also reported that the king of Johor is preparing to go in person against Pahan, while the king of Borneo is making ready for succour.

[Footnote 387: Named in some writers Pam or Pabang.–E.]

In April, 1613, there arrived several junks from Cambodia and China; and in May I received letters from Siam, giving notice that the Globe had arrived there, and that sales were very brisk. I was now busy in preparing a cargo for Japan; and expecting to do some good there with Chinese commodities, I borrowed 3000 dollars of the queen for three or four months, allowing six per cent. interest to the queen, and one per cent. to the treasurer. We now received bad news from Bantam, stating that Campochina had been twice burnt down, and the English factory consumed full of cloth. The Hollanders likewise had made great loss. We were informed also of a large English ship in great distress at Pulo Panian, a great mortality being among her people.[388] Intelligence was also received that the military force of Acheen had besieged Johor.

[Footnote 388: This was the Trades-increase.–Purch]

The 12th July, the king of Pahan arrived at Patane, much against his will, accompanied by his wife, who was sister to the queen of Patane, and also by two sons. He left his own country much oppressed by poverty, famine, fire, war, and rebellion. He brought intelligence that the Acheeneers had taken Jahor, and had carried away all the ordnance, slaves, and every thing of value, Rajah Boungson and his children being made prisoners, and the king of Johor having fled to Bintam. Several Hollanders also, who happened to be in a ship at Johor, were taken and slain. The siege lasted twenty-nine days. None of the grandees of Patane went to receive and entertain the king of Pahan; and the only attention paid to him, was by killing all the dogs in the place, as he has an aversion to dogs. We saluted him with our small arms as he passed our house, which gratified him much, on which he invited us to visit him and trade at his town.

The 16th July we got intelligence that Captain Saris was at Mackian on his way to Japan; as also that Sir Henry Middleton had died on the 24th of May, of grief, as was supposed, for the situation of the Trades-increase, which lay aground with all her masts out, one side only being sheathed, as of thirty-three of her crew remaining most of them were sick. An hundred English, a greater number of Chinese who were hired to work upon her, and eight Dutchmen, had all died of some strange sickness. Captain Schot, belonging to the Dutch company, had taken the castle and island of Solor, with a great quantity of sandal wood. In the Moluccas also they had done much injury to the Spaniards, and a hot war was there expected. The 31st of July the king of Pahan visited our factory in great state, and made us great promises of kind entertainment in his country. The 1st of August, the queen sent for us to court, to be present at a great feast given in honour of the king of Pahan; after which a comedy was acted by women, after the Javan manner, being in very antic dresses, which was very pleasant to behold. On the 9th the king of Pahan departed on his return to his own country, having been made a laughing-stock by the Pataneers: But his wife, the sister of the queen of Patane, refused to leave him, going back along with him and her sons, after having spent all she had instead of getting presents. On the 16th I had a letter from Thomas Bret at Macasser, complaining of a bad market, and informing me that John Parsons had become frantic: He said likewise that he had purchased a junk for the purpose of coming away; but that in the mean time the Darling had come there laden with cloth, for the purpose of settling a factory at that place.

Rajah Indra Monda arrived at Patane on the 18th of September, having gone from hence on the 25th October.[389] He had been to Macasser and thence to Banda, where be made a good market, and had brought back about 200 sockles of mace and a great parcel of nutmegs. He brought me a letter from Richard Welden. He likewise informed me of the state of Banda; where the Dutch general, Peter de Bot, had administered severe justice, hanging some of his men for sleeping on their watch; owing to which, several had deserted to the Bandanese, and ten had become Mahometans, who could not be recovered. Neither has the Dutch garrison any controul over the natives of Banda, any farther than that they compel all junks to ride at anchor under the guns of their castle, and command the seas there by the number of their ships: But on the land, they dare not even give a bad word to any of the Bandanese. The Globe arrived again at Patane on the 23d of September from Siam, bringing me a letter from Mr Lucas, who had not received any intelligence of the fate of the goods sent to Jangoma, as the passages were obstructed on account of the wars between the people of Ava and Laniangh, or Lan-shang, in Laos. The king of Ava is said to have taken Siriaugh, or Sirian, and to have caused the _Xenga_, Philip de Brito de Nicote, to be put to death. The king of Siam is in fear of an attack from the king of Ava in great force, for which reason he has good watch kept on his frontiers. At this time I repaid my debt to the queen in gold.

[Footnote 389: This must have been of the preceding year, though not so expressed.–E.]

On the 4th of October, being the first day of the Mahometan Lent or fast of Ramedan, a terrible fire occurred in the town, or fort rather, and court of Patane, occasioned by the following event. Datoo Besar and Datoo Lachmanna, who dwelt near each other, were the richest in Javan slaves at this place, except Rajah Shey. The Javan slaves had threatened to kill Datoo Besar, Lachmanna, Rajah Sitterbangh, and others, which came to their knowledge; on which Besar called his slaves before him to examine into the matter, which they utterly denied. Yet he ordered two who were most suspected to be bound, which the _pongonla_ of the slaves would not suffer, wherefore Besar immediately dispatched him with his _criss_ or dagger. The Javan slaves were so enraged at this, that they would have wreaked their vengeance on their master had he not been protected by his other slaves: But in their fury, they slew all that came in their way, and set fire to the houses, being joined by the slaves of Lachmanna; and being now above a hundred persons, they ran to the great gate called Punta Gorbangh, setting fire to all the houses on both sides as they went, so that the whole town was burnt except a few houses, which were the queen’s court or palace, those of the Orancayo Sirnora and of Batoo Bandara, and the _masjed_ or mosque. While running along the street, the Javans carried all the best of the female slaves along with them, and remained masters of the place till one in the afternoon, no one daring to oppose them.

We and the Hollanders were not without fear during this tumult, as the slaves threatened to destroy both our factories, for which reason we kept strong watch, and sent aboard for as many armed men as could be spared from the Globe. On their being landed and set in order, we resolved to march out and oppose the insurgents, who were now actually coming down to assail us; but learning from their spies of our strength and coming against them, they retired into the country, and fled by Quale-bouca to Bordolonch, and Sangora, and so forwards. Thus, without any harm by us received, we got the honourable name of the _Defenders of Strangers_. The Javans were afterwards pursued to little purpose, three or four sick men only being taken; and what became of the rest was not known while we remained in the country. This is the third time that Patane has been burnt down within a short space, having been twice before fired by the Japanese.

On the 21st October we took our leave of the queen, who presented Captain Essington and me with golden-handled crisses. We left in the factory William Ebert, Robert Littleword, and Ralph Cooper, with letters also for Mr Lucas at Siam. The same day, the _Hope_[390] arrived quite unexpectedly. They had been at Johor, where they had gone ashore; and before they could return to the ship, the fleet of Acheen came before the town to besiege it. Whereupon, the Dutch factors sent a letter on board, desiring them to send thirty armed men by land, and to bring the ship as high up the river as possible to fight against the Acheeneers. But, on account of shoals, the ship could not be got far enough up the river to be of service, and after twenty-nine days siege the town was surrendered upon composition. By this surrender twenty-three Hollanders remained prisoners, and twelve got aboard the Hope, in which there remained no one to command, except the master’s mate and one assistant. They resolved to proceed for Patane, but were driven by a storm on the coral ground of Borneo, and by a change of wind were driven upon Pulo Condor. Being unable to shape their course for Patane, they sought for refreshments at _Warellas_, where they found a good bay; but the people being inimical, they could not procure any provisions. They came at length to Patane with only eighteen men, most of whom lay in a pitiful condition in their births. This ship brought 70,000 rials of eight, or Spanish dollars, and twenty-nine packs of India cloth.

[Footnote 390: From the sequel, and likewise as mentioned by Purchas in a sidenote, the Hope appears to have been a Dutch ship.–E.]

Sec. 3. _Voyage to Masulipatam, and Incidents during a long Stay at that Place._

We set sail from Patane on the 22d October, 1613, and on the 25th we were in with the most southerly of the islands of Ridang, in lat. 6 deg. N. of which there are about eighteen or twenty. In the evening of that day we came to the Capas, three small isles, about thirteen leagues from the Ridang islands, and two leagues from the continent. The 26th, we saw Pulo Tyaman, twenty-eight leagues S.S.E. from the Capas. The 29th, being calm, we came to Pulo Tingi, where, if you keep in eighteen fathoms, there is nothing to be feared but what maybe seen. The 1st November we saw the point of Jantana, or Johor, and the mount on the island of Bintam, and came next morning in sight of Piedra-branca; about ten o’clock a.m. we came to the dangerous reef that projects four leagues out to sea from the point of Johor. John Huigens van Linschoten describes this shoal well, which we passed not without danger, having the point and three little islands W.S.W. from us. It is good to keep to leewards till you bring these little islands in one line with the point of Johor, and Piedra-branca open with the isle of Bintam. Piedra-branca is a rock all covered with sea-fowl, and so bedunged as to make its top appear white, whence its name, which signifies the white-rock, or stone.

Till the 7th, we were every day turning up against the current till we got past the river of Johor, and about two leagues from Sincapura. On the 8th, when close to the strait, several proas came aboard us, those in them being _Salettes_, who were subjects to the king of Johor, who live mostly by fishing, always remaining in their proas with their wives and children. From these people we learnt that the king of Acheen had sent back Rajah Bouny Soe to Johor, who was younger brother to the former king; and, having married him to his sister, gave him thirty proas and 2000 Acheen soldiers, with a good supply of ordnance and other necessaries, ordering him to rebuild the fort and town of Johor, and to reign there as a dependant on Acheen. We here took a pilot to carry us through the straits.

We arrived on the 19th December at Masulipatam, where we found an English ship and two Holland ships. We were told that _Mir Sadardi_ was now out of place, and that the government was in the hands of _Atma Khan_ and _Busebulleran_. The English ship was the James, which was sent expressly to second us in our voyage, and brought us letters, with which Messrs. Marlow, Davis, Gumey, and Cob came aboard the Globe. The 21st I went ashore with the others, when we were met by _Wentacadra_, the son of _Busebulleran_, together with the _sabandar_, and other Moors, and were well received. They presented us with several _tesseriffes_, and gave to director Warner and me a fine horse each, which at first I refused, suspecting some treachery, but was compelled to accept. I took a _caul_, or licence for trade, the customs being settled at four per centum, and immediately landed goods.

The 25th January, 1614, the James departed for _Pattapilly_ and sailed from thence on the 7th February, for Bantam. On the 18th February I went to _Narsipoor_, and on the 19th the ship was brought into the river, drawing nine three-fourths feet, and having ten and a half feet water, contrary to the reports of some who wished us no good. I returned to Masulipatam on the 23d, whence I dispatched a _peon_ with letters to Mr Aldworth at Surat. That day there arrived a _navette_ from Pegu, in which came Cornelius Franke, by whom we were informed that the king of Ava had certainly taken the fort of Serian, and slain all the Portuguese, and that Xenga, or Philip Britto de Nicole, was either spitted or _soulathed_, [391] this event having taken place in March last. The king, of Ava had given orders for rebuilding the town, to which he had invited the Peguers with many fair promises. He had gone from thence Tanasserim, where he was joined by _Banga Dela_, and 50,000 Peguers, who had been before under the king of Siam. The Moors in Masulipatam were greatly rejoiced at this news, hoping by its means to recover the trade of Pegu, and immediately made preparations for sending two ships there in September. In March there came news of eleven ships having arrived at Goa, eight of them from China, and three from Malacca, by which the market price of goods was much reduced; but, fortunately for me, I had almost finished my business before.

[Footnote 391: This strange word is unintelligible; but we have formerly given the history of Nicote from de Faria, by whom he is said to have been impaled.–E.]

In April, Atma Khan departed for Golconda, to render up his accounts, the year coming then to a close. It was well for him that the king had deposed his great treasurer, giving the office to Malek Tusar, who was the friend of Atma Khan; and well for us likewise, as the debts due by these governors are good while they continue in place, but otherwise doubtful.

The 18th of May, at five p.m. Captain Essington died of _a sudden heat_, having eaten his dinner at the table. He had some boils about him, which are very common at that season; one of which, on his shoulder, was very large, and would not break, which was supposed the cause of his death. I went immediately on board, and put the ship into the best order I could. The people all refused to submit to any other commander but me: yet I thought it a debasement to tread in the steps of my under-merchant, wherefore I committed the charge to Mr Skinner, in hopes that he and the rest would do every thing for the best, and returned myself to Masulipatam. I here found three persons, who said they were sent with letters from _Obiana_, queen of _Pullicatt_, _Jaga Rajah_, the governor of that place, and of St Thome, and _Apa Condaia_, secretary to the great king _Wencatad Rajah_, in which they promised, if I would come thither, that they would give me a place opposite the fort at Pullicatt, with all the privileges I could wish, and many other fair promises. But remembering how I and the James had been entertained there, I could give little credit to these assurances; yet, at length, it was agreed, that one of the messengers should remain with me while the other two went back with one of my people, by whom I sent letters to the before-mentioned persons, as also to the king, in which, after recapitulating the bad entertainment we had formerly received at Pullicatt, I offered that we would return to trade in the country, if they would send us the king’s _caul_, or safe conduct, in due form.

The 29th of July, four persons arrived as ambassadors, accompanied by my man _Wengali_. These men came from Wencatad Rajah, the great king of _Narsiaga_ or _Velore_,[392] bringing me a _caul_, or safe conduct and licence, with an _Abestiam_, which is a white cloth on which the king’s own hand is printed in sandal or saffron; as also a caul from the queen of Pullicatt, together with letters from Jaga Rajah, Tima Rajah, Assa Condaia, and others. The king’s letter was written on a leaf of gold, in which, after apologising for the former faults committed against us in Pullicatt, he desired us to return into his country, and chuse a place to our own liking, where we might build a house or castle according to our own pleasure, with other privileges. He even gave me a town of about 400 pounds of yearly revenue, with a promise to do more for me at my arrival. The Hollanders had wrought much against this; but their words had not now so much force, and the inhabitants grieved to see the English ships passing by every year without any profit to them, and therefore, making their complaints to the king, had occasioned these friendly offers. My man Wengali had been in the presence of the king, and even had spoken with him, the king having laid his hand on his head, and presented him with a _tesseriffe_.[393] I kept the ambassadors with me, allowing their daily charges, till the ship might come into the road, and that I had time to consider the proposals.

[Footnote 392: Narsinga appears at this place equivalent to the Carnatic, and Velore seems to have been the residence of the king.–E.]

[Footnote 393: In all probability a dress, the ordinary mark of honour given by princes in the east.–E.]

In August there was a greater flood at Narsipoor than had ever been known, at least for the last twenty-nine years. So much so, that whole hills of salt, many towns, and vast quantities of rice, were swept away, and many thousands of men and cattle drowned. In this great inundation, the water was three yards deep on the common highways. In Golconda, which has a branch of this river that is dry in summer, above 4000 houses were washed away. Two stone bridges, one of nineteen and the other of fifteen arches, as artificially built in my judgment as any in Europe, which are ordinarily at least three fathoms above the water, were three feet under water on this occasion, and six arches of the nineteen were washed away. This bridge might well compare with the one at Rochester in England.

The 4th October, our ship having been new sheathed, came over the bar without hurt, being hitherto detained by foul weather. I now called loudly for payment of the debts due me, and wrote on the subject the third time to the court, insisting to be paid both principal and interest. Upon this they wrote to Mir Mahmud Rasa and the Sabandar to satisfy me. The 23d the ship came into the road of Masulipatam, and I took order for having our goods shipped. On the 25th, news came of the death of Wencatad Rajah, king of Narsinga, after having reigned fifty years, and that his three wives, of whom Obyama, queen of Pullicatt, was one, had burned themselves alive along with his body. Great troubles were dreaded on this occasion, and the Hollanders were much afraid of their new-built castle at Pullicatt; but soon afterwards there came a reinforcement to its garrison of sixty-six soldiers, by a ship named the Lion. She arrived from Bantam on the 1st November, bringing news that the Dutch ship called the Bantam had been cast away in the Texel, as likewise the White Lion at St Helena. She brought us likewise intelligence that our ship, the James, had arrived at Bantam, whence she had sailed for Patane.

Finding the governor had trifled with me, and procrastinated the payment of his debt, so that we were in danger of not being able to return that year, I determined upon endeavouring to carry him or his son aboard our ship, however dangerous the attempt, as the whole company engaged to stand by me in the attempt. Wherefore I ordered the boat aboard, and to bring six muskets on shore, wrapped up in the sails, to lie in the custom-house till we might have occasion for them. Besides, as we were not permitted to have any weapons ashore, I gave orders for all our people to remain at home in our house, that they might be ready to join me at the custom-house when sent for, when they were to arm themselves with the pikes belonging to the governor’s guard, or his sons, with instructions to enter then immediately into the custom-house, which stands close to the river, and then to barricade the door, that we might carry the governor or his son into the boat, before any alarm could be given in the town; and after getting them into the boat, we thought there would then be no fear of our getting them and ourselves off. Though we wished to have kept this matter a close secret, it yet got to the ears of the Hollanders, who considered it a mere bravado, and did not therefore reveal it. The 21st November the Gentiles [Gentoos] held a solemn feast, which they celebrate three times a-year, always when the new moon happens on a Monday. At this time all the men and women wash themselves in the sea, thinking, thereby to merit indulgence. The Bramins and _Cometis_ do this likewise.