They delight much in the exhibition of plays, and in singing, but certainly have the worst voices in the world. These plays and interludes are exhibited in honour of their gods, after burning sacrifices at the beginning, the priests many times kneeling down, and kissing the ground three times in quick succession. These plays are made most commonly when they think their junks are setting out from China, and likewise when they arrive at Bantam, and when they go away back to China. These plays sometimes begin at noon, and continue till next morning, being mostly exhibited in the open streets, on stages erected on purpose. They have likewise among them some soothsayers, who sometimes run raging up and down the streets, having drawn swords in their hands, tearing their hair like so many madmen, and throwing themselves on the ground. When in this frantic state, they themselves affirm, and it is believed by the Chinese, that they can foretell what is to happen. Whether they be possessed of the devil, who reveals things to them, I know not; but many of the Chinese use these conjurers when they send away a junk on any voyage, to learn if the voyage shall succeed or not; and they allege that it hath happened according as the soothsayer told them.
The Chinese are apparelled in long gowns, wearing kirtles, or shorter garments, under these; and are assuredly the most effeminate and cowardly nation in the world. On their heads they wear a caul or close bonnet, some of silk and some of hair, having the hair of their heads very long, and bound up in a knot on their crowns. Their nobles and governors wear hoods of sundry fashions, some being one half like a hat and the other half like a French hood, others of net-work with a high crown and no brims. They are tall and strong built, having all very small black eyes, and very few of them have any beards. They will steal and commit all manner of villainy to procure wealth. At Bantam they purchase female slaves, as they cannot bring any women out of China. By these slaves they have many children; and when they go back to China, without intending to return to Bantam, they carry all their children along with them, but sell their women. They send always some of their goods to China by every fleet of junks; for if they die at Bantam, all the goods they have there fall to the king. If they cut their hair, they must never return to China; but their children may, providing their hair has never been cut.
Sec. 2._A brief Discourse of many Dangers by Fire, and other Treacheries of the Javanese_.
After our two ships, the Dragon and Hector, were laden, and all things set in order, our general, Sir James Lancaster, departed from Bantam on the 21st February, 1603, leaving nine persons resident in that city, over whom he appointed Mr William Starkie to be chief commander. He likewise left thirteen others, who were appointed to go in our pinnace for Banda, over whom Thomas Tudd, merchant, was constituted chief commander, and Thomas Keith master of the pinnace. At his departure, the general left orders that the pinnace should be sent away with all speed; wherefore, having taken on board fifty-six chests and bales of goods, she set sail at night on the 6th March; but meeting with contrary winds, was forced to return to Bantam after having been two months at sea, beating up to no purpose. Also, at our general’s departure, he left us two houses full of goods, besides some being at the Dutchman’s house; but we were too few in number to have kept one house well, had not God of his great mercy preserved us.
Before the departure of our ships, a quarrel had taken place between our people and the Javanese, who sought by all manner of ways to be revenged; so that presently after the departure of our pinnace, they began to attempt setting fire to our principal house, by means of fire-arrows and fire-darts in the night; and when we brought out any quantity of our goods to air, they were sure to set some part of the town on fire to windward not far from us. If these fire-arrows had not, by God’s good providence, been seen by some of our people, that house and all its goods had surely been consumed, as plainly appeared when we came afterwards to repair the roof. But, as the malice of the rascal sort began now plainly to appear, and continued for two years against us, so did the merciful protection of God begin to shew itself, and continued to the last day, as will manifestly be seen in the sequel of this discourse: For which blessed be his holy name.
Immediately after dispatching the pinnace, we began to lay the foundation of our new house, which was seventy-two feet long, and thirty-six broad. And as at this time a new protector of the kingdom was chosen, we were put to some trouble and cost before we could get permission to go through with it. In airing our prize goods, Mr Starkie unadvisedly caused the leather covers to be stripped off from most of the bales, by which we found afterwards that they did not keep their colour near so well as the others. On the 21st of March, in consequence of a cannon being fired off by a Chinese captain, the town was set on fire, and many houses full of goods were consumed. Among the rest the Dutch house was burnt down, in which we had sixty-five packs of goods, besides some pepper. We had also a considerable quantity of pepper in the house of a Chinese which was burnt down, in which we lost 190 sacks entirely, besides damage received by the rest. Our loss by this fire was great, yet we were thankful to God it was no worse, considering how near the fire came to our two houses, which were at that time very unfit for such danger, especially one to which the fire came within three yards, so that the jambs of the windows were so hot one could hardly lay their hand upon them, yet did not its old dry thatch take fire, to the great admiration of all who were there of many nations. All the villains of the place gathered round our house, so that we durst take no rest, lest they should set it on fire. Some of them even were so impudent in the evening as to ask how many of us lay in that house, as if meaning to set upon us in the night and cut all our throats. They were even so bold as to come in the day time before our very faces, to observe how our doors were fastened in the inside; and we were often warned by our well-wishers to keep good watch, as there were a knot of thieves who intended to rob and murder us. There were only four of us in this house, who, with over-watching, and by the disease of the country, which is a dysentery, were quite spent with weakness, and two of us never recovered. Nine sail of Hollanders came into the road on the 19th of April, 1603, of which fleet Wyorne van Warwicke was general; who shortly after sent two ships to China, two to the Moluccas, and one to Jortan, two remaining at Bantam. We were much beholden to this general for bread, wine, and many other necessaries, and for much kindness. He used often to say that Sir Richard Lewson had relieved himself, when like to perish at sea, for which he held himself bound to be kind to the English wherever he met them; and he shewed much reverence for our queen on all occasions.
Thomas Morgan, our second factor, died on the 25th of April, after having been long sick; and Mr Starkie began to grow very weak. The 28th, our pinnace which had gone to Banda came back to Bantam, having lost William Chace, one of her factors, and all the others in her were weak and sickly. The new protector now forbade us from proceeding with our house; but by the favour of the Sabander, and _Cay Tomogone Goboy_ the admiral, we were with much ado allowed to finish it. Mr Starkie, our principal factor, died on the 30th June, whose burial General Warwicke caused to be honoured by the attendance of a company of shot and pikes, with the colours trailed, as at the funeral of a soldier.
The great market-place on the east side of the river was set fire to on the 4th July, in which fire several Chinese who were indebted to us lost their all, so that we sustained some loss. Thomas Dobson, one of the factors appointed for Banda, died on the 17th July. The town was fired again on the east side of the river on the 27th. The 5th, several Dutch captains came to our house, saying that the regent had asked if they would take our parts in case he did us any violence; when they told him we were their neighbours, and they would not see us wronged. I went immediately to the regent, to whom I gave a small present, and thanked him for the men he had lent us to help our building; but I could see by his countenance that he was angry. The same day the admiral of Bantam sent his son to the regent to enquire why he used threats against us, which he denied; and, sending for me next morning, he asked me who had said he meant to harm us. Saying it was the Dutch captains, he answered if any Javan or Chinese had said so, he would have sent for them and cut their throats before my eyes. He then blamed me for not coming to him when we had any suits, and going always to the sabander and admiral; upon which, I said that he was only newly appointed, and we were not yet acquainted with him, but should apply to him in future.
About this time an affray broke out between the Hollanders and the Chinese, in which some on both sides were slain and wounded, owing to the disorderly and drunken behaviour of the lower Dutchmen when on shore. They got the worst on this occasion, not indeed from the Chinese themselves, but from some Javan slaves of turn-coat Chinese, who would steal unawares on the Hollanders of an evening, and stab them in a cowardly manner. One day, when the Hollanders were very importunate about one of their men who had been assassinated, the regent asked, whether they brought a law along with them into a foreign country, or whether they were governed by the laws of the country in which they resided? They answered, that they were governed by their own laws when on ship board, and by those of the country when on shore. Then said the regent, “I will tell you what are the laws of this country in regard to murder. If one kill a slave, he must pay 20 ryals of eight, if a freeman 50, and if a gentleman 100.” This was all the redress they had for the slaughter of their man.
About the 5th September there came a junk full of men from the island of _Lampon_ in the straits of Sunda, who are great enemies to the Javans, and yet so very like them as not to be distinguishable. These men, having their junk in a creek near Bantam, and being in all points like the Javans, used to come boldly into the town and into the houses, even at noonday, and cut off the people’s heads, so that for near a month we had little rest for the grievous lamentations of the towns people. After a time, many of them becoming known, were taken and put to death. They were men of comely stature, and the reason of their strange procedure was, that their king rewarded them with a female slave for every head they brought him, so that they would often dig up newly-buried persons at Bantam and cut off their heads, to impose upon their savage king.
About this time, we got notice from the admiral and other friends to be much on our guard, as some of the principal natives in respect to birth, though not in wealth or office, had conspired to murder us for the sake of our goods, and then to give out that it had been done by the _Lampons_. These devils came several times in the intention to execute their horrid purpose, but seeing always lights about our house, which we had set up that we might see them, and hearing our drum at the end of every watch, their hearts failed them for fear of our small arms, both which and our _murderers_ [blunderbusses] we had always ready for their reception. At length they fell out among themselves and dispersed.
By our continual alarms, and the grievous outcries of men, women, and children, who were nightly murdered around us, our men were so wrought upon, that even in their sleep they would dream of pursuing the Javans, and would suddenly start out of bed, catch at their weapons, and even wound each other before those who had the watch could part them; but yet we durst not remove their weapons, lest they should be instantly wanted, of which we were in constant dread. Being but few of us, I had to take my regular turn of watch with the rest, and have often been more in fear of our own men than of the Javans, so that I had often to snatch up a target when I heard them making any noise in their sleep, lest they might treat me as they did each other. So terrified were we on account of fire, that though, when we went to sleep after our watches were expired, our men often sounded their drum at our ears without awakening us, if the word fire had been spoken, however softly, we would all instantly run from our chambers; so that I was forced to warn them not to talk of fire in the night without urgent occasion. I do not mention these things to discourage others from going hereafter to Bantam: for we were then strangers, but have now many friends there, and the country is under much better regulation, and will more and more improve in government as the young king grows older. In three months time, the town on the east side of the river was five times burnt down; but, God be praised, the wind always favoured us; and although the Javans often set it on fire near us, it pleased God still to preserve us, as there was little wind, and the fire was put out before it got our length.
Sec. 3. _Differences between the Hollanders, styling themselves English, and the Javans, and of other memorable Things_.
About this time there was again a great outcast between the Hollanders and the natives, owing to the rude behaviour of the former, and many of them were stabbed in the evenings. The common people did not then distinguish between us and the Hollanders, calling both of us English, because the Hollanders had usurped our name on first coming here for trade, in which they did us much wrong, as we used often to hear the people in the streets railing against the English, when they actually meant the Hollanders; so that, fearing some of our men might be stabbed instead of them, we endeavoured to fall upon some plan to make ourselves be distinguished from them. And as the 17th of November drew nigh, which we still held as the coronation-day of queen Elizabeth, knowing no better, we dressed ourselves in new silk garments, and made us scarfs and hat-bands of red and white taffeta, the colours of our country, and a banner of St George, being white with a red cross in the middle. We, the factors, distinguished ourselves from our men, by edging our scarfs with a deep gold fringe.
When the day arrived, we set up our banner on the top of our house, and, with our drum and fire-arms, marched up and down the yard of our house; being but fourteen in number, we could only _cast ourselves in rings and esses_ in single file, and so plied our shot. Hearing our firing, the sabander, and some others of the chief people of the land, came to see us, and enquired the cause of our rejoicing; when we told them that our queen was crowned on that day forty-seven years ago, for which reason all Englishmen, in whatever country they might then happen to be, were in use to shew their joy on that day. The sabander commended us mightily, for shewing our reverence to our sovereign at so great a distance from our country. Some of the others asked, how it happened that the Englishmen at the other house or factory did not do so likewise; on which we told them that they were not English but Hollanders, having no king, and their land being ruled only by governors, being of a country near England, but speaking quite a different language.
The multitude greatly admired to see so few of us discharge so many shots, for the Javans and Chinese are very inexpert in the use of fire-arms. In the afternoon, I made our people walk out into the town and market-place, that the people might see their scarfs and hat-bands, making a shew that the like had never been seen there before, and that the natives might for the future know them from the Hollanders; and many times the children ran after us in the streets, crying out, _Orang Engrees bayk, Orang Hollanda jahad_: The Englishmen are good, the Hollanders are bad.
The 6th December two Dutch ships came in, that had taken a rich Portuguese carak near Macao, by which they got great plunder, and were enabled so to bribe the regent, that he began to listen to their desire of being permitted to build a handsome house. About this time the regent sent for me to lend him 2000 pieces of eight, or at least 1000; but I put him off with excuses, saying we had been left there with goods, not money, that the natives owed us much which we could not get in, and that we were under the necessity of purchasing pepper to load our ships, which we were expecting to arrive daily.
The 6th February, 1604, Robert Wallis, one of our company, died, and several others of our men were very weak and lame, owing to the heat of the pepper, in dressing, screening, and turning it; so that we were in future obliged to hire Chinese to do that work, our own men only superintending them. The 16th of that month there came in a great ship of Zealand from Patane, which made us believe that General Warwicke was coming to load all his ships here; for which reason we immediately bought up all the good and merchantable pepper we could get. This ship had made some valuable prizes, but they had sworn all the English mariners on board to tell us nothing, on pain of losing their wages, which we took as very unkind. There was at this time in Bantam three houses of the Hollanders, all upon separate accounts, which all bought up as much pepper as they could get.
The 5th March, the regent sent again to borrow 1000 pieces of eight in the name of the king; and I was forced to lend him 500, lest he might have quarrelled with me, which would have given much pleasure to the Hollanders. In this country, when a Javan of any note is to be put to death, although there is a public executioner, yet the nearest of kin to the criminal is generally allowed to execute the office, which is considered as a great favour. The 14th March, Thomas Tudd, who had been left here as chief factor for Banda, departed this life, having been long sick; so that of seven factors left here for Bantam and Banda, two only were in life, besides several others of our men having died; we being now only ten men living and one boy.
A great junk from China came in on the 22d of April, which was thought to have been cast away, being so late, as they usually come in during February and March. In consequence of her very late coming, _cashes_ kept all this year at a very cheap rate, which was a great hindrance to our trade, as when _cashes_ are cheap, and pieces of eight consequently dear, we could not sell any of our prize goods at half the value we did at our first arrival. Besides this, the Chinese sent all the ryals they could get this year to China; for which reason we were obliged to give them credit, or must have lost the principal time of the year for making sales. The Hollanders had purchased all the pepper, except what was in our hands, and what belonged to the sabander, who would not sell at any reasonable price. Our goods now began to be old, and many of their colours to fade; for the warehouses are so hot and moist, that they will spoil any kind of cloth that is long in them, though we take never so much pains in airing and turning them.
Sec. 4. _Treacherous Underminings, and other Occurrences_.
A Chinaman turned Javan was our next neighbour, who kept a victualling-house or tavern, and brewed arack, a hot drink used in these parts instead of wine. He had two outhouses, in one of which his guests were in use to sit, and the other was his brewhouse, which joined the pales on the south side of our house. He now commenced a new trade, and became an engineer, having leagued with eight other villains to set our house on fire and plunder our goods. These nine ruffians dug a well in the brewhouse, from the bottom of which they wrought a mine quite under the foundation of our house, and then upwards to our warehouse; but on coming to the planked floor of the warehouse, they were at a stand how to get through, being afraid to cut them, as they always heard some of us walking over them night and day. They had gone wrong to work; for if they had continued their mine only to our next adjoining wareroom, they would have found 30,000 pieces of eight buried in jars for fear of fire; beside that room was not boarded. After waiting two months in vain for an opportunity to cut the boards, one of them, who was a smith, proposed to work through our planks by means of fire. Accordingly, about ten at night of the 28th May, 1604, they put a candle to the planks, through which they presently burnt a round hole. When the fire got through, it immediately communicated to the mats of our bales, which began to burn and spread. All the while we knew nothing of the matter, by reason of the closeness of the warehouse, all the windows being plastered up for fear of fire over-head.
After the first watch was out, one of which I had been, the second watch smelt a strong _funk_ of fire, as it was by that time much increased, but they could not find out where it was after searching every corner. One of them remembered a rat-hole behind his trunk, whence he could plainly perceive the smoke steaming out, on which he came immediately to me, and told me our cloth warehouse was on fire. Going down immediately, and opening the doors of the warehouse, we were almost suffocated by the smoke, which was so thick we could not perceive whence it came. We had at this time two jars of gunpowder in this warehouse, which made us greatly fear being blown up: But, laying aside fear, we pulled every thing away that lay upon these jars, and got them out to our back-yard, the jars being already very hot. We now searched boldly for the fire, and at last found it. At length, by the aid of some Chinese merchants and others, we cleared the room of above fifty packs of goods, sixteen of which were on fire.
We wondered how this fire had come, suspecting the Portuguese had hired some Malays to do it: But a Chinese bricklayer, who wrought at the Dutch house, told a Hollander next morning, who had been long in the country, that it was done by the Chinese brewer and his accomplices, who were now fled, and if we looked well in the room we should find how it had been done. The Dutchman told this to an English surgeon, desiring him to come and tell us, while he, the Dutchman, being perfect in the native language, would go and enquire after the incendiaries. The surgeon came to me, and desired to see the room which had been on fire; on going into which with a candle, he presently discovered a little round hole, burnt quite through one of the planks of the floor, and putting down a long stick, we could feel no bottom. I then called for an axe, with which we wrenched up the plank as softly as possible, under which was a hole through which the largest trunk or pack in our warehouse might have gone down. I immediately took three of our men armed, and went to the house whence the mine came. Leaving one at the door, with orders to let no person out, I went into the house with the other two of my men, where we found three men in one of the rooms. There were two more in another room, who immediately fled on hearing us, by means of a back-door which we did not know of. After a few blows, we made the three men prisoners, and brought them away. One was an inhabitant of the brewer’s house, but we could prove nothing against the others, yet we laid all three in irons. I immediately sent Mr Towerson to the regent, to give him an account of the matter, and to desire the villains might be sought out and punished. He promised this should be done, but was very slack in performance. The Dutch merchants, hearing we had taken some of the incendiaries, and fearing the Chinese might rise against us, came very kindly to us armed, and swore they would live and die in our quarrel.
After laying out such of our goods to dry as had been wetted in extinguishing the fire, we examined the person who dwelt with the brewer, who told us the names of six who were fled, but would not confess that he knew any thing about the mine, or setting our warehouse on fire. Then threatening him with a hot iron, but not touching him, he confessed the whole affair, and that he was concerned in it, saying, that the two out-houses were built expressly for the purpose, though put to other uses to avoid suspicion. I sent him next morning to execution; and as he went out at our gate, the Javans reviled him, to which he answered, that the English were rich and the Chinese poor, therefore why should not they steal if they could from the English?
Next day the Javan admiral took one of the incendiaries, who was found hid in a privy. This was he who put the fire to our house. He confessed to the admiral that he had clipped many ryals, and had counterfeited some; he even confessed some things concerning our matter, but not much, and would tell us nothing. Because of his obstinacy, and that he had set our house on fire, I caused him to be burnt, by means of sharp irons thrust under the nails of his thumbs, fingers, and toes, and the nails to be torn, off; and, because he never flinched, we thought his hands and feet had been benumbed with tying, wherefore we burnt him in other parts, as the hands, arms, shoulders, and neck, but even this had no effect. We then burnt him quite through the hands, and tore out the flesh and sinews with rasps, causing his shins to be knocked with hot searing irons. I then caused cold iron screws to be screwed into the bones of his arms, and suddenly snatched out, and to break all the bones of his fingers and toes with pincers: Yet for all this he never shed a tear, neither once turned his head aside, nor stirred hand or foot; but, when we asked a question, he would put his tongue between his teeth, and strike his chin on his knees to bite it off. After using the utmost extremity of torture in vain, I made him be again laid fast in irons, when the ants, which greatly abound there, got into his wounds, and tormented him worse than we had done, as might be seen by his gestures. The king’s officers desired me to shoot him to death, which I thought too good a death for such a villain; but as they insisted, we led him out into the fields and made him fast to a stake. The first shot carried away a piece of his arm, bone and all; the next went through his breast near the shoulder, on which he bent down his head and looked at the wound. At the third shot, one of our men used a bullet cut in three pieces, which struck his breast in a triangle, on which he sunk as low as the stake would allow. Finally, between, our men and the Hollanders he was shot almost in pieces.[125]
[Footnote 125: This monster might have graced the holy office! He must have delighted in cruelty, or he could not have devised such horrible torments, and given a recital of them. The Dutch at Amboyna did not inflict more savage tortures on the English. Had not these things been related by the author himself, we could scarcely have believed such cruelty could have existed in an Englishman.–_Astl._ I. 295, a.]
At this time the admiral and sabander sent us an armed guard every night, lest the Chinese might rise against us. We were not, however, in any fear of them; yet we kept four of them to be witnesses for us, in case of their rising, that what we did was in our own defence. By means of a bribe, I procured another of the incendiaries, who confessed against his associates. These were _Uniete_ the chief; _Sawman_ his partner, dwelling in the same house; _Hynting_, Omygpayo, Hewsamcow; Utee_, who was shortly after _crissed_ for being caught with a woman; the informant, named _Boyhoy; Irrow_ and _Lackow_, who were fled to Jackatra, neither of whom I had before heard of. I used every means to get them, but could not, unless I had been at great charges. Some of them belonged to great men among the Javans, and had taken refuge in their houses, so that we could not get at them: Yet some of their masters offered to sell them, on which we higgled for their price as one would do for an ox or calf, but they held them so dear that I could not deal with them. I offered as much for each as would have bought a slave in their stead; but they were fit instruments for their purpose, being practised in all manner of villainy, so that they would not part with them, except for large sums; for all the Javans and Chinese, from the highest to the lowest, are thorough-paced villains, without one spark of grace. Were it not for the sabander and admiral, and one or two more, who are natives of _Clyn_, there would be no living for Christians among them, without a fort, or a strong house all of brick or stone. We did not torture _Boyhoy_, because he had confessed, but crissed him.
Among the other instruments of the devil on earth in Bantam, there was a kinsman of the king, named _Pangram Mandelicko_, who kept one of the incendiaries of our house under his protection. He came one day to our house to buy cloth, when I desired him to deliver up this fellow into our hands, telling him how good it would be for the country to root out all such villains. “Tell them so,” said he, “who have the government in their hands, or care for the good of the country, for I do not.” On another time, wanting me to give him credit for cloth to the value of six or seven hundred pieces of eight, because I refused to trust him, he went away very angry, saying at the gate, it was a pity our house was not again set on fire.
The regent or protector gave us all the houses and ground that joined our inclosure, and had belonged to the incendiaries that undermined our house, but made us pay enormously dear for the property. We bought also from a _Pangram_, or gentleman, a house which came so near the door of our pepper warehouse as to be very troublesome to us, so that now we had a spacious yard.
The 9th September, the regent made proclamation, that no Chinese should weigh pepper to the English and Hollanders; which proclamation was procured by the Hollanders, for they told us themselves that day at dinner, that the protector owed them 10,000 sacks of pepper; but I said to them that it was not so, as they would not be such fools as to trust them so largely. I went next morning to an old woman, who was called queen of the land by the sabander and others, and commands the protector, though not even of the royal blood, but is held in such estimation among them for her wisdom, that she rules as though she were queen of the country. Having made known our griefs, she sent for the protector that I might talk with him in her presence. I asked the reason why he had prohibited our trade, on which he said that he must buy 10,000 sacks of pepper for the king; but I then said that I was informed by the Hollanders he owed them 10,000 sacks, and that he was working underhand for them against us. He used many shifts; but the old queen, who was our fast friend, said he should not hurt us. Finding they could have no trade with the people for pepper, the Hollanders had bribed the protector into this plan. But if we had possessed 10,000 pieces of eight more than we had, the Hollanders would have got little pepper that year in Bantam, for they are much disliked, and what trade they have is through fear of their ships, which they have in great numbers in those seas.
In the end of September, the _Pangran Mandelicko_ fell to robbing the junks, and seized one from Johor laden with rice, and having a number of men and women on board, all of whom he carried off as prisoners, and converted the rice to his own use. This was a ready way to keep all other junks from the place, and to starve the inhabitants, as the land is not able to feed a quarter of its people. The king and protector sent to command him to deliver up the people and goods, but he refused, and fortified his house, being supported by all the other _pangrans_ of the royal blood, who were all, like him, traitors to the king, so that the king’s officers durst not meddle with him. The protector, sabander, and admiral, sent to us to take heed to ourselves, as the rebels grew stronger every day. I borrowed some small pieces of cannon of the Chinese merchants, who were our friends, causing our men to make chain-shot, lang-ridge, and bar-shot, and fortified our quarters the best way I could with bushes and chains. So much were the inhabitants in fear of the rebels, that all trade was at an end. Every day some spies of the rebels used to come into our yard, very inquisitive about what we were doing, so that we looked nightly to be attacked, and made every preparation to give them a warm reception.
About the 20th October, the King of Jackatra came to Bantam with 1500 fighting men, besides stragglers, and was to be followed by 1000 more. He challenged the rebels and _pangrans_ to fight him, having a great quarrel against them all, as they had endeavoured to have him deposed from his kingdom. But the rebels kept within their fortifications. The King of Jackatra and the Admiral of Bantam sent for us on the 26th October, to know if there were any means to fire their fortifications from a reasonable distance, beyond reach of their _bases_, of which they had a great number. We told them, if we had a ship in the roads it might have been easily done, but we hardly expected to find materials for the purpose, such as camphor, salt-petre, and sulphur, having already some other things, for the purpose of making fire-arrows. The admiral proposed the use of a long bow and arrows for this service, but in my opinion a musket would have answered better. We meant likewise to have shot red-hot bullets among them from the king’s ordnance, which would have made sad work among their thatched houses and fortifications of canes; for as Mandelicko had sought all means to set us on fire, we now meant to try if we could return the compliment. But, whether from fear of the King of Jackatra, or hearing that we were employed, the rebels and pangrans came to an agreement two days after, by which Mandelicko engaged to depart from the dominions of Bantam within six days, with only thirty followers, which he did. The Javans are very unwilling to fight if that can be avoided, as their wealth consists chiefly in slaves, so that they are beggared if these be slain; wherefore they had always rather come to a set feast than a pitched battle.
In November and the beginning of December, we were constantly busy in completing our buildings, and getting in and cleaning pepper. A Dutch pinnace came into the roads on the 14th December, by which we were informed of the death of Queen Elizabeth, and the great plague and sickness that had prevailed over all Christendom. This occasioned more distress to us than all our late troubles; but they told us that the King of Scots was crowned, that our land was in peace, and that peace was likely to be concluded between England and Spain; which news was very comfortable to us. They could give us no intelligence of our ships, having no letters for us: But the Dutch fleet soon followed, on which I went immediately on board their admiral to welcome him, and enquire for letters, which were found in the vice-admiral.
_Uniete_, the chief of those who undermined and set fire to our house, having long lurked in the mountains, was now forced by want of food to repair to certain houses near Bantam, whence he was brought to the house of the rich Chinese merchant. As soon as I heard of this, I sent Mr Towerson to inform the protector, and that we meant shortly to execute him. Since the time of the mischief this man occasioned, I had never gone out of our house, but once when the protector crossed us about the pepper, as before mentioned, being in constant fear that our house would be fired before my return; and three times a week I used to search all the Chinese houses in our neighbourhood, for fear of more undermining.
Sec. 5. _Arrival of General Middleton, and other Occurrences_.
In the evening of the 22d December, 1604, we joyfully descried our ships coming into the roads; but when we went on board the admiral, and saw their weakness, and also heard of the weakly state of the other three ships, we were greatly grieved; well knowing that Bantam is not a place for the recovery of sick men, but rather to kill men who come there in health. At my first going on board, I found the general, Captain Henry Middleton, very weak and sickly, to whom I made a brief relation of the many troubles we had endured. I also told him we had lading ready for two ships, which was some comfort to his mind, being much grieved for the weakness of his men; as they had scarcely fifty sound men in the four ships, and had lost many of their sick men. Even of those who came here in health, many never went out of Bantam roads.
The 24th we executed the arch-villain _Uniete_, who was the fourth of these rascals we had put to death, besides a fifth who was slain for stealing a woman. At my coming away four remained alive; two of whom were at Jackatra, one with the rebel Mandelicko, and one with _Cay Sanapatta Lama_, whom we could not then get at. The same day our vice-admiral, Captain Coulthurst, came on shore with some merchants, and we accompanied him to court, to notify to the king that our general had letters for him from the King of England, and a present, but being weary and sick with his long voyage, would wait upon him as soon as he was refreshed.
On Christmas-day we dined on board the general. But I ought to have previously mentioned, that, on the 23d, it was agreed the Dragon and Ascension were to be sent to the Moluccas, and the Hector and Susan to be loaded with pepper, and sent home. We busied ourselves to procure fresh victuals, vegetables, and fruits, for the recovery of our men, who were in a most pitiable case with the scurvy.
The 31st December, our general came on shore, and being accompanied by all the merchants who were in sufficient health, and by several others, he went to court with the king’s letter, which he delivered along with the following present: A fair basin and ewer, with two handsome standing cups, and a spoon, all of silver parell gilt, and six muskets with their furniture. The general employed two or three days following in visiting our chiefest friends, as the sabander, the admiral, and the rich Chinese merchant, making them presents, which they thankfully received. We then fell to work to pack up goods for the Moluccas; but as our men recovered from the scurvy they fell ill of the flux, so that it seemed quite impossible for us to accomplish our business.
The 7th January, 1605, the Dutch fleet, being nine tall ships,[126] besides pinnaces and sloops, set sail for Amboyna and the Moluccas, so that we were long in doubt of getting any loading in those parts this year for our ships, so many having gone before us; nor was it possible for ours to go earlier, owing to their weakness. The 10th January, our two ships that were to go home began taking in pepper, but were so oppressed with sickness that they could make no dispatch. The other two having taken in all the goods we thought meet for those parts, set sail on the 18th of January for the islands of Banda, their men being still weak and sickly; but how they spent their time till their return to Bantam, I must refer to their own reports. Immediately after the departure of these ships under the general, the protector sent to us for the custom, which we thought had been quite well understood, by what was paid when the ships were here before; but he demanded many duties of which we had never heard formerly, and because I refused payment, he ordered the porters not to carry any more pepper for us. To prevent, therefore, this hindrance in loading our ships, I was forced to pay him in hand, as had been done on the former occasion, and to let the full agreement remain open till the return of our general.
[Footnote 126: This expression, _tall ships_, so often used in these early voyages, evidently means square-rigged vessels having top-masts; as contradistinguished from low-masted vessels, such as sloops and pinnaces.–E.]
It pleased God to take away the two masters of the two ships which were now loading, Samuel Spencer, master of the Hector, and Habakkuk Pery, of the Susan; as also William Smith, master’s mate of the Hector, and soon afterwards Captain Styles, with several other principal men, and many of their sailors, so that we were forced to hire men to ease them of their work in loading, and also to engage as many as we could get of Guzerat and Chinese mariners, to help to navigate the ships home, at a great expence. With much ado we got them laden by the 16th February; but it was the 4th of March before we could get ready for sea. They then sailed, the Hector having on board 63 persons of all sorts, English and others, but many of their own men were sick. The Susan had 47 of all sorts, but likewise had many English sick: I pray God to send us good news of them.
The 6th May a Holland ship came in, which came from the coast of Goa, [Malabar,] where, along with two other Dutch ships bound for Cambay,[127] they took four very rich Portuguese ships, one of which, laden with great horses, they set on fire. This ship had left Holland in June, 1604, but could give us no farther news than we had already got from our own ships. The captain of this ship was Cornelius Syverson, a proud boor, having neither wit, manners, honesty, nor humanity; and presently after his arrival the Hollanders withdrew their familiarity from us. I shall now, however, leave this despiser of courtesy and hater of our nation, with his rascally crew, and give some account of the ceremonial of the young king’s circumcision, and the triumphs held daily in consequence for more than a month before he went to church, [mosque] in preparations for which all the better sort had been busied since February or March, till the 24th of June.
[Footnote 127: Cambay, in this place, probably means Camboja, or Cambodia, in Eastern India, not Cambay in Guzerat.–E.]
For this ceremonial a great pageant was prepared, the fore part of which was made in the resemblance of a great devil, on which were placed three chairs of state; that in the middle for the king, being elevated about two feet above those on either side, which were for the two sons of _Pangran Goban_, heir to the crown if the king should die without issue. This pageant was placed on a green or open space, in front of the palace gate, and railed in all round. The custom of the country is, when the king comes to the throne, or at his circumcision, all that are able must make the king presents publicly, and with as much shew as possible; such as cannot do so of themselves, whether natives or strangers, join in companies to make their compliments. About the 25th June these shews began, and continued all that month and the next, every day except some few when it rained. The protector or regent of the kingdom began on the first day, and was succeeded daily by the nobles and others, each having their day, not as they were in rank or birth, but as each happened to be in readiness, sometimes two or three companies in one day.
As the Javans are not expert in the use of fire-arms, the protector borrowed some shot both of us and the Hollanders. When these went forth, there was great strife which should go foremost, whether our men or the Hollanders, they despising our small number, and ours their sordid appearance. Our men were in neat apparel, with coloured scarfs and hat-bands; they in greasy thrum caps, tarred coats, and their shirts, or at least such as had any, hanging between their legs. Our men, therefore, chose to take the rearward, refusing to go next after the Hollanders.
Every morning the king’s guard, consisting both of shot and pikes, was placed round the inclosure without the rails, being usually three hundred men; but on some principal days there were upwards of six hundred, in files according to our martial discipline. In our marching, we differ much from them, as we usually go in column of three, five, seven, or nine abreast; while they always march in single file, following as close as they can, and carrying their pikes upright. As for their fire-arms, not being used to them, they are very unhandy. Their drums are huge pans, [_gongs_,] made of tomback, which make a most hellish sound. They have also colours to their companies; but their standards and ensigns are not like ours. Their ensign staff is very long and high, being bent at top like a bow; but the colours, hardly a yard in breadth, hang down from the top like a long pendant. The first day, being the greatest shew, there were certain forts made of canes and other trash, set up in front of the king’s pageant, in which some Javans were placed to defend, and other companies to assault them, many times the assailants firing upon the defenders. All this was only in jest among the Javans with their pikes; but our men and the Hollanders were in earnest with their shot, and were therefore forced to be kept asunder.
Meeting the Dutch merchants in the evening, I asked one of them if he thought that Holland were able to wage war with England, that they should make such contention with our men, striving who should go foremost? I likewise told them all, that if the English had not once gone before, they might have gone behind all the other nations of Europe long ago. But they answered, that times and seasons change: And doubtless, owing to their great numbers here in India, they hold themselves able to withstand any other nation in the world. I cannot, however, say what may be the opinion of their states at home, and of the wiser of their nation.[128]
[Footnote 128: In this business of the Dutch, wherein many shewed their pride and ingratitude, as the fault I hope is not in their nation, but only personal, I have mollified the author’s style, and left out some harsher censures. _Beati pucifici.–Purch_. in a side note.]
Always, a little before the shews began, the king was brought out from his palace, sitting on a man’s shoulders bestriding his neck, and the man holding him by the legs. Many rich _tirasols_, [parasols or umbrellas,] were carried over and round about him. His principal guard walked before him, and was placed within the rails, round about the pageant. After the king, a number of the principal people followed, seeming to have their stated days of attendance. The shews were in this manner: First came a crew armed with match-locks, led by some _gentleman-slave_; then come the pike-men, in the middle of whom were the colours and music, being ten or twelve pans of tomback, carried on a staff between two people. These were tuneable like a peal of bells, each a note above the other, and always two people walked beside them who were skilled in the country music, and struck upon them with something they held in their hands. There was another kind of music, that went both before and after; but these pans or _gongs_ formed the principal. The pike-men were followed by a company of targeteers carrying darts. Then followed many sorts of trees with their fruit hanging upon them; and after these many sorts of beasts and birds, both alive, and also artificially made, that they could not be distinguished from those that were alive, unless one were near.
Then came a number of maskers, who danced and vaulted before the king, shewing many strange tumbling tricks, some of these being men and others women. After all these followed sometimes two hundred or even three hundred women, all carrying presents of some kind; only that every ten were headed by an old motherly woman empty handed, to keep them in order like so many soldiers. These presents were commonly rice and _cashes_[129] on frames of split canes, curiously laid out for show, and adorned with gilt paper, but the present itself seldom exceeded the value of twelve-pence. Then followed the rich presents, being commonly some rich _tuck_,[130] or some fine cloth of the country fashion, curiously wrought and gilded, or embroidered with gold, for the king’s own wearing. These were also carried by women, having two pikes borne upright before them; and every present intended for the king’s wearing had a rich parasol carried over it. Last of all followed the heir to the person sending the present, being his youngest son, if he had any, very richly attired after their fashion, with many jewels at gold, diamonds, rubies, and other precious stones, on their, arms and round their waists, and attended by a number of men and women. After he has made his obeisance to the king, he sits down on the ground on a mat, and all the presents are carried past the king’s pageant into the palace, where certain officers are ready to receive them.
[Footnote 129: A species of coin formerly explained.–E.]
[Footnote 130: Tuck, tuke, or tuque, the old term for a turban, worn by Mahometans, or for the sash of which it is made.–ASTL. I. 301. c.]
When all these were gone by, a person within the king’s pageant spoke out of the devil’s mouth, commanding silence in the king’s name. Then begins the chief revels, accompanied with music, and now and then the musketeers discharged a volley. The pikemen and targeteers also exhibited their feats of arms, being very expert, but their shot exceedingly unskilful. Always when the pikemen and targeteers go up to charge, they go forwards dancing and skipping about, that their adversaries may have no steady aim to throw their darts or thrust their pikes. During the shews, there likewise came certain representations of junks, as it were under sail, very artificially made, and laden with rice and _cashes_. There were also representations of former history, some from the Old Testament, and others from the chronicles of the Javan kings. All these inventions have been learnt by the Javans from the Chinese, or from the Guzerates, Turks, and others who come hither for trade, for they are themselves ignorant blockheads.
Our present was preceded by a fine pomegranate tree full of fruit, some ripe, half ripe, green, and only budded. It had been dug up by the roots, and set in earth in a frame made of rattans like a cage. The earth was covered with green sod, on which were three silver-haired rabbits, given me by the vice-admiral of our fleet; and all among the branches we had many small birds fastened by threads, which were continually fluttering and singing. We had likewise four very furious serpents, very artificially made by the Chinese, on which we hung the cloths that were meant for the king’s use, being five pieces very curiously wrought and gilded in their fashion; together with other pieces of stuff for the king to bestow on his followers. We likewise presented a petronel, or horseman’s pistol, and a brace of smaller pistols, finely damasked and in rich cases, having silken strings and gold tassels. Having no women to carry these things, we borrowed thirty of the prettiest boys we could get, and two tall Javans to carry pikes before them. Mr Towerson had a very pretty Chinese boy, whose father had been lately slain by thieves, and we sent this youth as gallantly attired as the king himself, to present these things, and to make a speech to the king, signifying, if our numbers and ability had equalled our good will, we would have presented his majesty with a much finer shew. The king and those about him took much delight in our rabbits, being great rarities, and also in some fire-works which our men played off, but the women cried out, fearing they might set the palace on fire.
The Hollanders gave but a small present, though they made a mighty brag about it. Neither do they spare bragging of their king, as they called Prince Maurice, whom at every word in those parts they styled _Raia Hollanda_. Many quarrels took place between their men and ours, the Hollanders always beginning in their drink to brawl, and usually having the worst. I had much ado to restrain our men, which yet was necessary, considering our great charge of goods, all of which lay on me. We were also in a dangerous country, and but badly housed; and if we had come to blows, it was likely that a great number would come upon us, and we being few, could not have defended ourselves without bloodshed, which would occasion revenge. Now of them there were above an hundred men, including those in their house, ship, and fly-boat, all of whom would have come against us, while we were only thirteen in a straw house.
The king of Jackatra came on the 18th of July to present his shew before the king, attended by a guard of several hundred persons. Immediately on his coming in sight, the guards of the king of Bantam rose up, and handled their weapons, not from fear of the king of Jackatra offering any violence, but because there were a number of other petty kings present, who were mortal enemies to the king of Jackatra. On coming near the innermost rank of the Bantam guards, and seeing that he had to pass through among a number of these inimical petty kings, and being afraid of the cowardly stab so usual among this people, he appeared much alarmed, though as brave as any in those parts; wherefore he would not pass through them, but sat down on a piece of leather, which every gentleman has carried along with him for that purpose. He then sent to the king, to know if it was his pleasure he should wait upon him; upon which the king sent two principal noblemen to escort him into the presence. And when the king of Jackatra had made his obeisance, the young king embraced him, and he of Jackatra took his seat in the place appointed for him.
Then came the presents of the king of Jackatra, carried by about 300 women, and attended by about as many soldiers, consisting of rice, cashes, and many strange beasts and birds, both alive and dead. Among these was a furious beast, called by them a _Matchan_, somewhat larger than a lion, and very princely to behold, if he had been at liberty. He was spotted white and red, having many black streaks from the reins down under his belly. I have seen one of them leap eighteen feet for his prey. These _matchans_ often kill many people near Bantam; and often the king and all the people go out to hunt them, sometimes even in the night. This _matchan_ was in a great cage of wood, placed on the trucks of old gun carriages, and being drawn by buffaloes, seemed like a traitor drawn on a hurdle.[131] There were several other curious articles in this shew, with many maskers, vaulters, and tumblers, strangely and savagely attired. Last of all came the youngest son of the king of Jackatra, riding in a chariot drawn by buffaloes, which had to me an unseemly appearance. They have indeed few horses in this island, which are mostly small nags, none of which I ever saw draw; being only used for riding and running tilt, after the Barbary fashion, which exercise they ordinarily use every Saturday towards evening, except in their time of Lent or _ramadan_.
[Footnote 131: This matchan of Java is obviously the tiger.–E.]
The second day after this shew, the king was carried on his pageant to the mosque, where he was circumcised; his pageant being carried aloft by many men, four hundred, as the king’s nurse told me, but I think she lied, as in my opinion so many could not stand under it.
* * * * *
Sec. 6. _Account of Quarrels between the English and Dutch at Bantam, and other Occurrences_.
Our general returned into the road of Bantam from Ternate on the 24th July, 1605. As soon as we saw and knew the Dragon, I took a _praw_ and went on board; when the general recounted all the dangers he had gone through, and the unkind usage he had received of the Hollanders, though he had saved some of their lives. He told me that he had procured a good quantity of cloves towards his loading, though with much pains and turmoil. For this good news, and especially because our general was returned in safety, we gave hearty thanks to God, not doubting but we should soon complete his loading. The 28th of the same month came in the great Enkhusen of Holland from Ternate; and on the same day the king of Jackatra came to visit our general.
The 1st August, in the afternoon, while the general and all our merchants were very busy in the warehouse, taking an inventory of all the prize goods remaining, and of all our other goods, word was brought that the Hollanders had wounded two of our men, whom we presently afterward saw enter the gate bleeding. Our general immediately ordered every man to take his weapons, and to lay them soundly over the Dutchmen’s pates, which was done accordingly, and the Dutchmen were banged home to their own house, one being run through the body, who was said by some to have recovered afterwards; and two more lost their arms. The Dutch merchants and several others came out with firearms; but hearing that their men began the fray, they said they had only their deserts: and, after taking a cup of wine in a friendly manner with our general, they kindly look their leave. News was carried to court that the Hollanders and us were by the ears, and that two were slain; on which some of the king’s attendants asked, whether the slain were Dutch or English? and when told they were Hollanders, they said it was no matter if they were all slain. I thank God that only two of our men were hurt in this affair, which were those mentioned at the first; one having a cut over the hand, and the other a stab with a knife in the side, but not very deep. This was the first serious affray, but it was not long before we were at it again pell-mell, again and again, when the Hollanders sped as they did now.
The 11th August two ships came in from Cambaya, which had taken much wealth from the Portuguese, and the same day one ship came from Tenate.[132] The Ascension came in from Banda on the 16th. The 8th September the Dutch merchants invited our general and his masters and merchants to a feast, where we were treated with good cheer and much friendship. The 15th September, two Dutch ships set sail for Holland, one being a small ship laden with pepper at Bantam; and the other, having taken in some cloves at Ternate, was loaded out with prize goods, taken from the ships that came from Cambaya. The Dutch admiral came in from Banda on the 21st, and next day our general sent some merchants to the Dutch house to congratulate him; on which day a drunken Dutchman caused a new fray, which began with our surgeon, but was augmented by several on both sides, and some of the Hollanders were wounded.
[Footnote 132: Though not mentioned in the text, these three ships were most probably Hollanders.–E.]
About one o’clock that same afternoon, while our general sat on a bench at our gate, conversing with a Portuguese, a drunken Dutch swab came and sat himself down between them, on which our general gave him a box in the ear and thrust him away. Some of his comrades came presently round our gate, drawing their knives and _sables_, [hangers,] and began to swagger. Taking the butt-ends of our pikes and halberts, and some faggot sticks, we drove them to an arrack house, where they shut the door upon us; but we forced it open, knocked some of them down, and carried them prisoners to our general. Soon after another troop of Hollanders came down the street to take part with their comrades, on whom we laid such load that they took to their heels, some being knocked down, and many having their pates pitifully broken, while others had to run through a miry ditch to escape us. The master of their admiral had occasioned this tumult, as he had gone from ship to ship, desiring the men to go armed on shore and kill all the English they could meet: and when some of our people were going on board the Dutch ships, some Englishmen they had in their ships called out to them not to come on board, as orders had been given to slay as many English as they could, on board or on shore. These frays were much wondered at by all foreigners in Bantam, that we should dare to go to blows with the Hollanders, who had seven large tall ships in the road, while we had but two. None of our men met with any harm in this affray, except Mr Saris, one of our merchants, who got a cut on his fore-finger with a hanger.
At the end of this fray, the Dutch general came to our house with a great guard of captains, merchants, and others, and being met in a similar manner in the street by our general, was invited into our house. When the cause of this affray was reported to the Dutch general, he approved of what we had done. When some of his people complained that their men bore all the blows, as was apparent by their bloody pates and shoulders, the Dutch general said he saw plainly the fault lay with his men, and he would take order to prevent so many of his men coming on shore in future. After much talk, a banquet of sweetmeats was served, the Dutch general took a kindly leave of ours, and all the Dutch and English merchants shook hands and parted.
Some Javans, who belonged to two of the principal men of Bantam under the king, had stolen nine muskets and callivers from the gun-room of our ship the Ascension; and two of them returning shortly after to steal more, were taken by our people with the stolen goods upon them. Our general sent me to examine into the matter, and to bring them on shore. After some examination, they confessed whose slaves they were, and said the pieces were forthcoming. After they came on shore, the general sent to the king and protector, desiring to have the pieces back; but the masters of these slaves said they had no pieces except what they had bought with their money; yet they requested our general to defer executing the slaves for two days, which he agreed to. But as these nobles were not reckoned great good-wishers to the king, the protector sent the executioner with a guard of pikes to put them to death. When they came to the place of execution, our general wished to spare their lives; but the executioner said he had the king’s orders, and must therefore put them to death, which was done accordingly. This the thieves very patiently submitted to, as is the manner of their nation; for they hold it their greatest glory to die resolutely, as I have seen them do often, both men and women, in the most careless manner. One would think these men ought to be excellent soldiers, but they are not; as this valour is only when there is no remedy. Against their own countrymen they are reasonably brave; but they will not venture with Europeans, unless with manifest great advantage in numbers or otherwise.
The 3d October our general made a farewell feast, to which he invited the Dutch admiral, with all his captains, masters, and merchants, and we were all exceedingly merry on this occasion, with much friendship between the two nations. Next day our general went to court, accompanied by our merchants and others, to take leave of the king and his nobles. The 6th, being Sunday, our general, with all who were bound for England, went on board, and on passing the Dutch house, went in and took leave of the Dutch general and merchants. Mr Gabriel Towerson, who was to remain agent at Bantam, and some other merchants, accompanied us on board, some returning on shore after dinner, and others staying till next day. We weighed anchor about three o’clock, saluting the town and Dutch ships with our cannon. About eleven at night we came to anchor under an island, where next day we took in wood, which our general had sent some men to get ready cut beforehand. Towards evening of the 7th October, 1605, we again weighed anchor and set sail: Mr Towerson and some other merchants now took their leaves to go on shore, whom we committed to the protection of the Almighty, and ourselves to the courtesy of the seas, praying God to bless them and us, and, if it be his holy will, to send us a happy meeting again in England.
Sec. 7. _Observations by Mr John Saris, of Occurrences during his abode at Bantam, from October, 1605, to October, 1609_.[133]
This, and the subsequent subdivisions of the present section, are given by Purchas as a continuation of the foregoing observations by Mr Scot, to which Purchas affixes the following extended title, for the better understanding of which it is to be noticed, that Mr Saris was afterwards captain or general, as it was then called, of the _eighth_ voyage fitted out by the English East India Company, which sailed in 1611.
[Footnote 133: Purch. Pilg. I. 384.]
“Observations by _John Saris_, of Occurrences which happened in the _East Indies_, during his Abode at Bantam, from October, 1605, to October, 1609. As likewise touching the Marts and Merchandises of these Parts; observed by his own Experience, or taken from the Relation of Others; extracted out of his larger Book, and, here added as an Appendix to his greater Voyage. These may serve as a continuation of the preceding Observations by Mr Scot; and to these are added, certain Observations by the same Author, touching the Towns and Merchandise of principal Trade in those Parts of the World.”–_Purch_.
In the Pilgrims, these observations are appended to the voyage of Captain Saris to India and Japan, in 1611, but are here placed more naturally as a continuation of the observations by Scot, because considerably prior to that voyage, and precisely connected with these observations. Several uninteresting particulars are omitted from these observations in the present edition.–E.
* * * * *
On the 7th of October, 1605, our general Henry Middleton, and Captain Christopher Coulthurst, departed from the road of Bantam, leaving eighteen men in all, of whom five were mariners and thirteen sailors.[134] The 23d there arrived a Dutch junk from Priaman, by which we learnt that Sir Edward Mitchelburne and Captain Davis were upon the coast, and that they had captured a Guzerat ship in the straits of Sunda, bound from Bantam to Priaman. On the report of the Hollanders, we of the English factory were summoned to court on the 25th, and wore required to say if we knew Sir Edward, and why he had offered violence to the king’s friends, who had done him no wrong. We answered, that we knew a person of that name, but knew not if he were upon the coast, nor whether he had taken the Guzerat vessel, except by the report of the Hollanders, which we held to be false, and were more apt to believe it had been done by one of the Dutch-ships, which sailed from Bantam two days before the departure of that Guzerat ship. We were then desired to depart till further proof could be had.
[Footnote 134: This piece of information is placed as a marginal note by Purchas, and confirms an idea formerly hazarded, that mariners were in these old times of a higher description than sailors; the former being thoroughbred seamen, the latter only ordinary.–E.]
Sir Edward Mitchelburne came here to anchor in the road of Bantam on the 29th, when Mr Towerson and I went on board to visit him, and were well entertained. He then informed us of having taken the Guzerat vessel, and we entreated of him that he would not capture the Chinese junks, which he promised not to do on the word of a gentleman. He set sail from Bantam on the 2d November, directing his course for the straits of Palinbangan.
The 18th November, a small Dutch pinnace sailed for the exploration of the land called New Guinea, which was said to produce great abundance of gold. The 2d January, 1606, a junk set sail for Timor, freighted by Chinese merchants. Besides English iron, coarse porcelain, taffetas, Chinese pans and bells, they carried with them what are called _brand_ pieces of silver, being beaten out very thin and a hand-breadth in size. On the 20th there arrived a Chinese junk, which Sir Edward Mitchelburne had captured notwithstanding his promise to Mr Towerson and me. We were called upon to make restitution, the _nokhada_ or pilot of the junk alleging to have lost many rich commodities, and the governor and principal courtiers were grievously offended; but by the favour of the admiral and sabander we were let off.
On the 23d May, there arrived a small vessel belonging to the Hollanders from Ternate, bringing away the merchants left there by _Bastianson_, who were sent away by the Spaniards, by whom that island was now taken, together with all their goods, the Spaniards having allowed them to depart, but had carried off the King of Ternate as a prisoner to Manilla; and it was said they meant to send him to Spain. While about ten leagues from Jackatra, this small vessel fell in with the king of Bantam’s fleet, by which they were pillaged of every thing they had saved from the Spaniards; and though they now used every endeavour to procure restitution, they could have no redress.
On the 15th June, _Nokhada Tingall_, a _cling-man_, arrived in a Javan junk from Banda with a cargo of mace and nutmegs, which be sold here to the Guzerats for 150 dollars the Bantam _bahar_, which is 450 _cattees_. He told me that the Dutch pinnace, which went upon discovery to New Guinea, had found the island; but that, on sending their men ashore to endeavour to procure trade, nine of them had been slain by the natives, who are canibals or man-eaters; so that the Dutch were forced to come away, and had gone, to Banda.
The 6th August, the moon was eclipsed about eight in the evening, and continued so for two hours, during which time the Chinese and Javans made a continual noise by beating on pots and pans, crying out that the moon was dead. The 4th October, the whole Chinese quarter of Bantam was burnt down, yet it pleased God to preserve our house. That same night a Dutch ship sailed for Holland, laden with 15,000 sacks of pepper, besides some raw silk, and great store of China sugar. The 9th, arrived a pinnace from Succadanea in Borneo, laden with wax and _cavalacca_, and great store of diamonds.
The 14th May, 1607, there arrived here at Bantam a junk from _Grese_, by which we learnt that one Julius, a Dutchman, who went from hence on the 30th November, 1606, for Succadanea, had been put to death at Banjarmassen, in Borneo, and all his goods confiscated by the king of that place, because, as was reported, Julius had used certain insolent speeches concerning the king, which came to his knowledge, upon which he sent for Julius and the master of the junk, and had them slain by the way.
The 7th August arrived a pinnace from the island of _St Lucia_, in lat. 24 deg. 30′ S. about a mile from the coast of Madagascar, where they were forced to take shelter in the ship which left this on the 4th October, 1606, having been obliged to throw overboard 3000 sacks of pepper, besides other commodities of great value, to lighten the ship and preserve their lives. They found this island an excellent place for refreshment, the natives having no knowledge of money; so that they bought a fat ox for a tin spoon, and a sheep for a small piece of brass. The anchorage, as they reported, was very good, being in seven or eight fathoms; upon hard ground.
The 14th November, 1607, Captain David Middleton arrived here in the Consent.[135]
[Footnote 135: Mr Saris gives here a long account of incidents concerning a Dutch fleet outward bound, having no connection with the affairs of Bantam, or with those of the English trade, and which is therefore omitted.–E.]
The 2d October, 1608, the Dragon arrived here from Priaman, in which was General William Keeling, commander in the third voyage fitted out by our English East India Company. He went to court on the 7th, and delivered our king’s letter to the King of Bantam, together with a present of five handsome muskets, a bason, an ewer, and a barrel of gunpowder.
Very early in the morning of the 13th, the governor of Bantam and his _Jerotoolies_ were put to death by the _Pangavas_; the sabander, the admiral, _Key Depatty Utennagarra_, and others. The conspirators assembled over night at the house of _Keymas Patty_, and beset the court, laying hold in the first place of the king and his mother. They then hastened to the residence of the governor, thinking to have found him in bed; but he hid himself at the back of the bed, where they found him, and wounded him in the head. He then fled for protection to the priest, called _Key Finkkey_, who came out to them, and entreated they would spare his life; but they were inexorable, and having forced their way in, they dispatched him.
The 9th November, Samuel Plummer went from hence for Succadanca in Borneo, where he intended to remain. In the afternoon of Sunday the 4th December, our general, William Keeling, set sail from hence for England; but on the 6th he was forced back by bad weather and westerly winds. He set sail again on the 10th, and returned a second time on the 13th, having met with the Dragon in the straits of Sunda, the men belonging to that ship being very weak in consequence of the scurvy; besides which the Portuguese of Damaun had treacherously seized their boats at Surat, taking nineteen of their men, together with cloths which had cost 9000 dollars at that place. In their way for Bantam, the Dragon had captured a pinnace belonging to Columbo, out of which they took eleven packs of cloth, containing in all 83 pieces, thirteen pieces being _poulings_, which were sent to the island of Banda. On the 23d, the Dragon, commanded by Captain Gabriel Towerson, set sail again for England.
The 1st January, 1609, our general, William Keeling, set sail in the Hector for Banda. The 20th March, a Chinese house next to our warehouse was burnt down, but it pleased God that our house escaped. Next day I was sent for to court by Paugran Areaumgalla, the governor, and went accordingly, carrying the following present: One piece of _mallee goobaer_, one piece _mallayo pintado_, a musket with a bandeleer and a roll of match, which the governor accepted very kindly. He then told me he had sent for me, having heard that there were two men in chains at our house for debt, and he desired to know by whose authority I thus confined them. I said we had laid hold of them by order of the king, and I hoped he would not take them from us till I were satisfied for the debt, or at least some part of it, and in proof of its being due I showed their bills. He said he knew that they were indebted, but knew likewise that the king had not given us leave to chain them up, and desired therefore they might be set free; but I persuaded him to allow me to keep them till _Tanyomge_, who owed 420-1/2 dollars, should pay 100, and Bungoone, who owed 500 dollars and 100 sacks of pepper, should pay 20 sacks of pepper and 100 dollars in money, pursuant to his agreement and bill. The governor sent one of his slaves home along with me, to inform the prisoners of this, and to desire them to pay me.
The 24th I was again sent for to court, where the Hollanders were likewise; on which occasion the governor asked the Hollanders, whether it were customary in their country to take a man prisoner for debt without informing the king? The Hollanders said, it was not. Whereupon, forgetting his promise made only three days before, he commanded me to liberate the prisoners immediately, although I reminded him of his promise to no purpose; and he sent one of the king’s slaves to take them out of our house. I am satisfied this rigid course was taken on the suggestion of the Dutch, induced by _Lackmoy_, the great Chinese merchant, on purpose to prevent us from giving credit to the Chinese, that we might be constrained to deal only with himself: and, as he is provided by the Hollanders with all kinds of commodities, he will entirely overthrow our trade, as we cannot now give credit to any one, justice being refused to us.
Captain William Keeling arrived here from Banda on the 26th of August, having laden there 12,484-1/2 _cattees_ of mace and 59,846 _cattees_ of nutmegs, which cost him 9,10, and 11 dollars the _bahar_. The _cattee_ there weighs 13-1/2 English ounces; the _small bahar_ of mace being ten cattees, and the small bahar of nutmegs 100 _cattees_; while the _large bahar_ is 100 _cattees_ of mace, or 1000 cattees of nutmegs: so that if a person owe _ten_ cattees of mace, and pay 100 cattees of nutmegs, the creditor cannot refuse payment in that manner.
Captain Keeling having taken in the rest of his loading at Bantam, consisting of 4900 bags and 3 cattees of pepper, set sail in the Hector for England on the 4th October, 1609; on which occasion I embarked in that ship to return home, having been four years, nine months, and eleven days in the country.
Sec. 8. _Rules for the Choice of sundry Drugs, with an Account of the Places whence they are procured._[136]
_Lignum aloes_, a wood so called by us, is called _garroo_ by the Mallays. The best comes from Malacca, Siam, and Cambodia,[137] being in large round sticks and very massy, of a black colour interspersed with ash-coloured veins. Its taste is somewhat bitter, and odoriferous; and when a splinter is laid upon a burning coal it melts into bubbles like pitch, continuing to fry till the whole is consumed, diffusing a most delightful odour.
[Footnote 136: Purch. Pilgr. I. 389, being a continuation of the Observations by Mr Saris.–E.]
[Footnote 137: In the Pilgrims this last place is called Cambaya, but which we suspect of being an error of the press.–E.]
_Benjamin_, or _Benzoin_, is a gum called _Minnian_ by the Mallays. The best kind comes from Siam, being very pure, clear, and white, with little streaks of amber colour. Another sort, not altogether so white, yet also very good, comes from Sumatra. A third sort comes from Priaman and _Barrowse_, which is very coarse, and not vendible in England.[138]
[Footnote 138: On this subject Purchas has the following marginal note. “Burrowse yieldeth _Tincal_, called _buris_ in England; worth at Bantam a dollar the _cattee_, and here in England ten shillings the pound. It is kept in grease.”–Purch.
The substance of this note has not the smallest reference to benjamin or benzoin, and evidently means borax, called _burris_ or _burrowse_, which used likewise to be called _tincal_, a peculiar salt much used in soldering, and which is now brought from Thibet by way of Bengal.–E.]
The best _civet_ is of a deep yellow colour, somewhat inclining to golden yellow, and not whitish, as that kind is usually sophisticated with grease. Yet when civet is newly taken from the animal, it is whitish, and acquires a yellowish colour by keeping.
There are three sorts of _musk_, black, brown, and yellow; of which the first is good for nothing, the second is good, and the last best. It ought to be of the colour of spikenard, or of a deep amber yellow, inclosed only in a single skin, and not one within another as it often is. It should not be too moist, which adds to its weight, but of a medium moisture, having a few hairs like bristles, but not many, and quite free from stones, lead, or other mixed trash, and having a very strong fragrant smell, which to many is very offensive. When chewed it pierces the very brain with its scent; and should not dissolve too soon in the mouth, neither yet to remain very long undissolved. Musk must not be kept near any sweet spices, lest it lose its scent.
_Bezoar_, of which there are two kinds, one of which comes from the West Indies, called _occidental_, and the other from the East Indies, called _oriental_; which latter is worth double the price of the other. Both are of divers forms; some round, others oblong like the stones of dates, some like pigeons eggs; and others like the kidneys of a kid, and others again like chesnuts; but most are blunt at both ends, and not sharp. There is no less variety in the colours; some being light-red, others like the colour of honey, many of a dark ash-colour, but most of a waterish green. The East India or oriental bezoar consists of many coats, artificially compacted together like the coats of an onion, each inclosing the other, and all bright and shining, as if polished by art; when one coat is broken off that immediately below being still brighter than the former. These several coats are of different thicknesses, in proportion to the size of the bezoars; and the larger is the stone so much the more is it in request. There is one sure way to make trial of bezoars: Take the exact weight of the stone, and then put it in water for four hours; then see that it is not cracked, and wipe it quite dry; and if it now weigh in the smallest degree heavier than before, you may be assured that it is not good. I have ascertained this many times at Bantam, having found many of them to turn out mere chalk, with a bit of stick in the middle, that weighed a Javan _taile_, or two English ounces. Most of the counterfeit bezoars come from Succadanea in Borneo. The true oriental bezoars come from Patane, Banjarmassen, Succadanea, Macasser, and the Isola das Vaccas at the entrance to Cambodia.[139]
[Footnote 139: In old times, oriental bezoar was prized at a high rate in medicine, having many fancied valuable qualities, now found by experience to be altogether imaginary; so that it is now confined to cabinets of curiosities. It is merely an accidental concretion, which takes place in the stomachs of various animals, somewhat similar to a gall-stone.–E.]
Of Amber,[140] in regard to colour, there are many different kinds, as black, white, brown, and grey; of all which the black is usually the worst, and the grey the best. That which is freest from filth or dross of any kind, and purest in itself, ought to be chosen; of a colour inclining to white, or ash-coloured, or intermixed with ash-coloured veins, and other white veins. When put into water it ought to swim; and though some that is sophisticated will likewise float, it is certain that none which is pure will sink. The greatest quantity of this commodity comes from Mozambique and Sofala.
[Footnote 140: Ambergris is assuredly meant in the text.–E.]
Sec. 9. _Of the principal Places of Trade in India, and the Commodities they afford._[141]
Bantam, a town of Java Major, stands in latitude 6 deg. S. and the variation here is 3 deg. W.[142] It is a place of great resort by various nations, and where many different commodities are to be bought and sold, though of itself it produce few things, besides provisions, cotton-wool, and pepper. The quantity of this last at the yearly harvest, which is in October, may be about 32,000 sacks, each containing 49-1/2 Chinese cattees, and each cattee 21-1/2 rials English.[143] A sack is called a _timbang_, two of which are one _pekul_, three pekuls a _small bahar_, and 4-1/4 pekuls a _great bahar_, or 445-1/2 _cattees_. As the Javanese are not very expert in using the beam, they mostly deal by means of a weight called _coolack_, containing 7-1/4 cattees. Seven _coolacks_ are one _timbang_, water-measure, being 1-1/4 cattees more than the beam weight, although there ought to be no difference; but the weigher, who is always a Chinese, gives advantages to his countrymen, whom he favours, as he can fit them with greater or smaller weights at his pleasure.
[Footnote 141: This subdivision is likewise a continuation of the Observations of Saris, while factor at Bantam, and is to be found in the Pilgrims, vol. I. p. 390.]
[Footnote 142: The latitude of Bantam is 6 deg. S. as in the text, and its longitude is 106 deg. 10′ W. from Greenwich.–E.]
[Footnote 143: This seems a mistake for English ounces. If so, the sack weighs 1065-1/2 ounces, or 66 libs. 6-1/2 ounces.–E.]
In the months of December and January, there always come many junks and proas to Bantam laden with pepper, from _Cherringin_ and _Jauby_,[144] so that there is always enough of pepper to be had at the end of January to load three large ships. There is no money coined here, all the current coin being from China, called _cashes_, which are made from very impure brass, in round thin pieces, having holes on which to string them: 1000 cashes on a string is called a _pecoo_, which is of different values, according as cashes rise or fall in demand. Their accounts are kept in the following manner: 10 _pecoos_ are a _laxsau_, 10 _laxsaus_ a _cattee_, 10 _cattees_ an _uta_, and 10 _utas_ a _bahar_. There are two ways of stringing the _cashes_, one called China_ chuchuck_, and the other Java_ chuchuck_, of which the Java is the best, as there ought to be 200 _cashes_ upon a _tack_, but in the Chinese _tacks_ you will only find 160 to 175; and as 5 tacks make a _pecoo_, you may lose 200 _cashes_, or 150, on each _pecoo_; which in extensive dealings will rise to a considerable matter. By the law of the country there ought to be just 1000 cashes upon a string or _pecoo_, or they must give _basse_, which is allowance for the deficiency. On the departure of the junks, you may buy 34 or 35 _pecoos_ for a dollar; which, before next year, you may sell at 22 or even 20 pecoos for a dollar; so that there is great profit to be made on this traffic; but the danger of loss by fire is great.
[Footnote 144: Cherringin, is probably that now called Cheribon on the south side of Java; but Jauby is not to be recognised in our modern maps.–E.]
The weight used in the purchase and sale of bezoars is called a _taile_ which is 2-1/4 dollars, or 2 English ounces. A Mallay _taile_ is only equal to 1-1/2 dollar, or 1-1/3 English ounces. A China _taile_ is 1-7/20 dollars, or 1-1/5 English ounces; so that 10 China _tailes_ are exactly equal to 6 Javan _tailes_.
The English commodities vendible here are as follow: English iron in long thin bars, sells for six dollars the _pekul_. Lead in small pigs, 5-1/2 dollars the pekul. The barrel of fine corned powder 25 dollars. Square pieces _sanguined_ 10 dollars each. Square pieces _damasked_ all over, 6-1/2 feet long, 15 dollars each.[145] Broad-cloth, of ten pounds the cloth, of Venice red colour, sells for 3 dollars the _gasse_, which is 3/4 of a yard. Opium _misseree_,[146] which is the best, 8 dollars the _cattee_. Amber, in large beads, one _wang_ and half a _taile_ mallay, for 6 dollars. Coral in large branches, 5 or 6 dollars the _taile_ mallay. Dollars are the most profitable commodity that can be carried to Bantam.
[Footnote 145: These _pieces_ were probably matchlocks.–E.]
[Footnote 146: Misseree here certainly means from Egypt.–E.]
In February and March every year, there come to Bantam three or four junks from China, richly laden with raw silk, and wrought silks of various stuffs, China _cashes_, porcelain, cotton cloth, and other things. The prices of these are as follow: Raw silk of _Lanking_ [Nankin] which is the best, 190 dollars the pekul; raw silk of Canton, which is coarser, 80 dollars the pekul; taffeta in bolts, 120 yards in the piece, 46 dollars the _corge_, or 20 pieces; velvets of all colours, 13 yards the piece, for 12 dollars; Damasks of all colours, 12 yards the piece, at 6 dollars; white sattins, in pieces of 12 yards, 8 dollars each; _Burgones_, of 10 yards long the piece, 45 dollars the _corge_; sleeve silk, the best made colours, 3 dollars the _cattee_; the best musk, 22 dollars the _cattee_; the best sewing gold thread, 15 knots, and every knot 30 threads, one dollar; velvet hangings with gold embroidery, 18 dollars; upon sattins, 14 dollars; white curtain stuffs, 9 yards the piece, 50 dollars the _corge_; flat white damask, 9 yards the piece, 4 dollars each; white sugar, very dry, 3-1/2 dollars the pekul; very dry sugar-candy, 5 dollars the pekul; very fine broad porcelain basons, 2 dollars the piece; coarse calico cloths, white or brown, 15 dollars the _corge_. They bring likewise coarse porcelain, drugs, and various other commodities; but as these are not suitable to our country, I omit to mention them, but the following may be enumerated: Very good and white benjamins, from 30 to 35 dollars the pekul; alum, from China, as good as English, 2-1/2 dollars the pekul. Coromandel cloths are a principal commodity here, and those most vendible are _goobares_; pintadoes or chintz, of four or five colours; fine _tappies_ from St Thomas; _ballachos_; Java girdles, otherwise called _caine-goolong_; calico lawns; book calicos; and white calicos made up in rolls.[147] A _goobar_ is double, and contains 12 yards, or 6 _hastaes_ single; coarse and fine _ballachos_ contain from 32 to 34 _hastaes_, but the finest are always longest. In general, all sorts of cotton cloths that are broad and of good length are here in good request.
[Footnote 147: Probably turbans.–E.]
The king’s custom, called _chuckey_, is 8 bags on the 100, rating pepper always at 4 dollars the sack, whatever be its price. _Billa-billian_ is another custom of this port, by which every ship that arrives here, whatever be its lading, as cloth or the like, must in the first place give notice to the king of all the sorts and quantities of commodities, with their several prices, before landing any of them; upon which the king sends his officers to look at the goods, who take for him such goods as he inclines, at half the prices affixed to them, or somewhat more, as can be agreed upon: Thus, if the cloths be rated at 20 dollars per _corge_, the king will only give 15 or 16 dollars at the most. Instead of this, the Hollanders have been in use to pay to the king 700 or 800 dollars at once for the freedom of a ship’s loading, to clear them of this troublesome _billa-billian_. By the custom of the country, this duty upon 6000 sacks of pepper is fixed at 666 dollars, if you purchase and load the pepper from the merchants; or otherwise to purchase so many thousand sacks of pepper from the king, paying him half or three quarters of a dollar more than the current price at the time. Even if you have provided a loading beforehand, you must pay this exaction before you can be permitted to load. _Rooba-rooba_ is the duty of anchorage, and is 500 dollars upon 6000 sacks. The sabander’s duty is 250 dollars on 6000 sacks. The weighers have one dollar on every 100 sacks; and the _jerotoolies_, or weighers belonging to the customhouse, have a similar duty of one dollar the 100 sacks.
_Jortan_ is a place to the eastwards of _Jackatra_, called likewise _Sourabaya_, which produces plenty of provisions, together with cotton wool, and yarn ready spun. There come to this place many junks from _Jauby_, laden with pepper, and several small proas belonging to this place trade with Banda; so that some mace and nutmegs are to be had here.
_Macasser_ is an island not far from Celebes, having abundance of bezoar stones, which are there to be had at reasonable rates. It has plenty of rice and other provisions; and as it has some junks which trade with Banda, nutmegs and mace are likewise to be procured there, but in no great quantity.
_Balee_, or Bally, is an island to the eastward of Macasser, standing in 8 deg. 30′ S. latitude.[148] It produces great abundance of rice, cotton-yarn, slaves, and coarse white cloth, which is in great request at Bantam. The commodities for sale there, are the smallest sort of blue and white beads, iron, and coarse porcelain.
[Footnote 148: Instead of the eastwards, Bally is W.S.W. of Macasser, in long. 115 deg. E. and lat. 8 deg. 30′ S. while Macasser is in about the lat. of 5 deg. 15′ S. and in 120 deg. E. long.–E.]
_Timor_ is an island to the eastwards of Bally, in the latitude of 10 deg. 40′. This island produces great quantities of _Chindanna_, called by us white saunders, of which the largest logs are accounted the best, and which sells at Bantam for 20 dollars the pekul, at the season when the junks are here. Wax likewise is brought from thence in large cakes, worth at Bantam 18, 19, 20, and even 30 dollars the pekul, according to quantity and demand. Great frauds are practised with this article, so that it requires great attention in the purchaser, and the cakes ought to be broken, to see that nothing be mixed with it. The commodities carried there for sale are chopping knives, small bugles, porcelain, coloured taffetas, but not blacks, Chinese _frying-pans_,[149] Chinese bells, and thin silver plates beaten out quite flat, and thin like a wafer, about the breadth of a hand. There is much profit made in this trade, as the Chinese have sometimes given four for one to our men who had adventured with them.
[Footnote 149: Perhaps, as stated in conjunction with bells, _gongs_ are here meant, which are not unlike frying-pans.–E.]
_Banda_ is in the latitude of 5 deg. S. and affords great store of mace and nutmegs, together with oil of two sorts. It has no king, being ruled by a sabander, who unites with the sabanders of Nero, Lentore, Puloway, Pulorin, and Labatacca, islands near adjoining. These islands were all formerly under the dominion of the King of Ternate, but now govern themselves. In these islands they have three harvests of mace and nutmegs every year; in the months of July, October, and February; but the gathering in July is the greatest, and is called the _arepootee_ monsoon. Their manner of dealing is this: A _small bahar_ is ten cattees of mace, and 100 of nutmegs; a great bahar being 100 cattees of mace, and 1000 of nutmegs. The cattee is five libs. 13-1/2[150] ounces English, and the prices are variable. The commodities in request at these islands are, Coromandel cloth, _cheremallay_, _sarrasses_, chintzes or pintadoes of five colours, fine _ballachos_, black girdles, _chellyes_, white calicos, red or stammel broad-cloths, gold in coin, such as English rose-nobles and Dutch ducats and dollars. But gold is so much preferred, that you may have as much for the value of 70 dollars in gold as would cost 90 dollars in silver. Fine china basons without rims are likewise in request, together with damasks of light gay colours, taffetas, velvets, china-boxes, gilded counters, gold chains, gilt silver cups, bright and damasked head-pieces, fire-arms, but not many sword blades, which must be _brandt_ and backed to the point. Likewise Cambaya cloths, black and red calicos, calico lawns, and rice, which last is a good commodity to carry there.
[Footnote 150: On a former occasion, the Banda _cattee_ was said to contain only 13-1/2 ounces English, so that this account is quite irreconcileable to the former.–E.]
The _Molucca_ islands are five in number; viz. Molucca Proper, Ternate, Tidore, Gilolo, and Makian, and are under the equinoctial line. They produce great abundance of cloves, not every year, but every third year. The _cattee_ there is 3 libs. 5 ounces English, and the _bahar_ is 200 _cattees_. Thus 19 Molucca cattees make exactly 50 Bantam cattees. The commodities most vendible in these islands are Coromandel _cheremallays_, but fine, Siam girdles or sashes, _salalos_, but fine, _ballachos_ and _chelleys_, are in most request. Likewise China taffetas, velvets, damasks, great basons, varnished counters, crimson broad-cloths, opium, benzoin, &c.
_Siam_ is in the lat. of 14 deg. 30′ N. It produces great store of fine benzoin, and many rich precious stones, which are brought from Pegu. A _taile_ is 2-1/4 dollars. There is here much silver bullion, which comes from Japan, but dollars are most in request, for 2-1/4 dollars in coin will purchase the value of 2-1/2 dollars in bullion. Stammel broad-cloth, iron, and handsome mirrors are in much request, as also all kinds of Chinese commodities are to be had there better and cheaper than at Bantam. The Guzerat vessels come to Siam in June and July, touching by the way at the Maldive islands, and then at Tanasserim, whence they go overland to Siam in twenty days. At Tanasserim there is always 5-1/2 to 6 fathoms water.
_Borneo_ is in lat. 3 deg. S.[151] This island affords great store of gold, bezoar, wax, rattans, _cayulacca_, and dragons blood. At _Bernermassin_, [Banjarmassen] one of the towns of this island, is the chief trade for these articles; and at this place the following commodities are in principal request: Coromandel cloths of all kinds, China silks, damasks, taffetas, velvets of all colours but black, stammel broad-cloths, and Spanish dollars. Bezoars are here sold by a weight called _taile_, equal to a dollar and a half, and cost 5 or 6 dollars the _taile_, being 1-1/3 ounce English. Succadanea is another town in Borneo, in lat. 1 deg. 30′ S. and is about 160 leagues N.E. of Bantam. The entrance to its harbour has five fathoms water at the height of the flow, and three at ebb, only a falcon shot from the shore, upon ooze. There is great trade at this place, which produces great quantities of the finest diamonds in the world, which are to be had in abundance at all times of the year, but chiefly in January, April, July, and October, but the greatest quantities in January and April, when they are brought down the river _Lavee_ in proas. They are said to be procured by diving, in the same manner with pearls; and the reason why they are to be had more abundantly at one season than another is, that in July and October there falls so much rain, that the river deepens to nine fathoms at the place where they are got, and occasions so rapid a stream that the people can hardly dive in search of them; whereas in other months it is only four fathoms or four and a half; which is found to be the best depth for diving.
[Footnote 151: This is rather a vague account of so large an island, which reaches from the lat. of 4 deg. 20′ S. to 6 deg. 40′ N. and between the longitudes of 100 deg. 12′ and 119 deg. 25′ E. from Greenwich; being above 700 English miles from N. to S. and 670 from E. to W.–E.]
The commodities most vendible at Succadanea are Malacca pintados, very fine _sarapa, goobares, poulings, cherujava,_ calico lawns, light-coloured China silks, sewing gold, sleeve silk, stammel broad-cloth, all sorts of bugles, especially those blue ones which are made at Bantam, shaped like a hogshead, but about the size of a bean. These cost at Bantam a dollar for 400, and are worth at Succadanea a _masse_ the 100, a _masse_ being three quarters of a dollar. Likewise Chinese _cashes_ and dollars are in request, but more especially gold; insomuch that you may have a stone for the value of a dollar in gold, which you would hardly get for a dollar and a half, or a dollar and three quarters, in silver. On this account, therefore, when intending to sail for Succadanea, it is best to go in the first place to Banjermassen, where you may exchange your commodities for gold, which you may purchase at the rate of three _cattees_ of _cashes_ the Mallayan _taile_, which is nine dollars, as I have been credibly informed it has been worth of late years. Afterwards carrying the gold to Succadanea, and paying it away for diamonds, at four _cattees_ of _cashes_ the _taile_, each of which is the weight of 1-3/4 and 1/8 of a dollar, you gain 3/4 of a dollar on each _taile_: Yet, after all, the principal profit must be upon the diamonds.
The diamonds of Borneo are distinguished into _four waters_, which they call _varna_, viz. Varna _Ambon_, varna _Loud_, varna _Sackar_, and varna _Bessee_. These are respectively white, green, yellow, and a colour between green and yellow; but the white water, or _varna ambon_, is the best. Their weights are called _Sa-masse, Sa-copang, Sa-boosuck_, and _Sa-pead_: 4 copangs are a masse; 2 boosucks a copang; and 1-1/2 pead is a boosuck. There is a weight called _pahaw_, which is four masse, and 16 _masse_ are one _taile_. By these weights both diamonds and gold are weighed.
In regard to goods from _China_, the best raw silk is made at Nankin, and is called _howsa_, being worth there 80 dollars the pekul. The best taffeta, called _tue_, is made at a small town called _Hoechu_, and is worth 30 dollars the _corge_. The best damask, called _towa_, is made at Canton, and is worth 50 dollars the _corge_. Sewing gold, called _kimswa_, is sold by the _chippau_, or bundle, each containing ten pahees; and in each paper are ten knots or skeins, sold for three _pawes_, or two dollars, the best having 36 threads in each knot. Sewing silk, called _couswa_, is worth 100 dollars the pekul. Embroidered hangings, called _paey_, are worth for the best 10 dollars the piece. Sattins, called _lyn_, are worth for the best one dollar the piece. Great porcelain basons, Called _chopau_, are sold three for a dollar. White sugar, called _petong_, the best is sold for half a dollar the pekul. The small sorts of porcelain, called _poa_, of the best sort, sell for one dollar the _cattee_. The best pearl boxes, called _chanab_, are worth five dollars each. Sleeve silk, called _jounckes_, the best sells for 150 dollars the pekul. Musk, called _saheo_, seven dollars the cattee. Cashes, 60 _pecoos_ for one dollar.
Broad-cloth, called _toloney_, is worth seven dollars the _sasocke_, which is 3/4 of a yard. Large mirrors, called _kea_, are worth 10 dollars each. Tin, called _sea_, worth 15 dollars the pekul. Wax, called _la_, 15 dollars the pekul. Muskets, called _cauching_, each barrel worth 20 dollars. Japan sabres or _cattans_, called _samto_, are worth 8 dollars each. The best and largest elephants teeth, called _ga_, worth 200 dollars the pekul, and small ones 100 dollars. White saunders, called _toawheo_, the best large logs sell for 40 dollars the pekul.
In China, the custom of pepper inwards is one _taile_ upon a pekul, but no custom is paid outwards. Great care is taken to prevent carrying any kind of warlike ammunition out of the country. In March, the junks bound for Manilla depart from _Chuchu_, in companies of four, five, ten, or more, as they happen to be ready; their outward lading being raw and wrought silks, but of far better quality than those they carry to Bantam. The ordinary voyage from Canton to Manilla is made in ten days. They return from Manilla in the beginning of June, bringing back dollars, and there are not less than forty sail of junks yearly employed in this trade. Their force is absolutely nothing, so that the whole might be taken by a ship’s boat. In China this year, 1608, pepper was worth 6-1/2 tailes the pekul, while at the same time it was selling in Bantam for 2-1/2 dollars the _timbang_.
SECTION III.
_Second Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1604, under the Command of Captain Henry Middleton_.[152]
INTRODUCTION.
There are two relations of this voyage in the Pilgrims of Purchas, or rather accounts of two separate voyages by different ships of the fleet; which consisted of four, the Red Dragon, admiral, Captain Henry Middleton general; the Hector, vice-admiral, Captain Sorflet; the Ascension, Captain Colthurst; and the Susan. These were, in all probability, the same ships which had been in the former voyage under Lancaster. The former of these journals, written on board the admiral, confines itself chiefly to Captain Middleton’s transactions at Bantam and the Moluccas; having sent Captain Colthurst in the Ascension to Banda. The latter contains the separate transactions of Captain Colthurst, and is described as a brief extract from a larger discourse written by Thomas Clayborne, who seems to have sailed in the Ascension; and, besides describing what particularly relates to the trip to Banda, gives some general account of the whole voyage. In the Pilgrims of Purchas, these narratives are transposed, the former being given in vol. I. p. 703, and the latter in vol. I. p. 185. “But should have come in due place before, being the second voyage of the company, if we had then had it: But better late than never.” Such is the excuse of Purchas for misplacement, and we have therefore here placed the two relations in their proper order, in separate subdivisions of the section. The first indeed is a very bald and inconclusive article, and gives hardly any information respecting the object and success of the voyage to the Moluccas.
[Footnote 152: Purch. Pilgr. I.185, and I. 703. Astl. I.279, and I. 281.]
Sec. 1. _Voyage of the General, Henry Middleton, afterward Sir Henry, to Bantam and the Moluccas, in 1604_.[153]
Being furnished with all necessaries, and having taken leave of the company, we set sail from Gravesend on the 25th March, 1604, and arrived about the 20th December, after various accidents, in the road of Bantam, with our crews very weak and sickly. After many salutations, and interchange of ordnance between us and the Hollanders, the general of the Hollanders dined with our general on the 31st December. Next day, being 1st January, 1605, the general went on shore with a letter and presents from James I. King of England, to the King of Bantam, then a youth of thirteen years of age, and governed by a protector. The 16th of the same month, our general came on board to proceed for the Moluccas, having appointed Captain Surtlet to go home in the Hector. The 7th February, we anchored under the shore of _Veranula_, the people of which having a deadly hatred against the Portuguese, had sent to the Hollanders for aid against them, promising to become their subjects if they would expel the Portuguese. In short, the castle of Amboyna was surrendered to the Hollanders; after which, by their command, the governor of the town debarred us from all trade.
[Footnote 153: Purch. Pilgr. I.708. Astl. I. 279.]
At this time there was war between the islands of Ternate and Tidor, the former assisted by the Dutch, and the latter by the Portuguese. Shortly after we got near the coast of Tidor, we saw, between Pulo Canally and Tidor, two gallies or _coracoras_ belonging to Ternate, making great haste towards us; and waving for us to shorten sail and wait for them. At the same time, seven gallies of Tidor were rowing between us and the shore to assault the Ternaters; and seeing them in danger, our general lay to, to see what was the matter. In the foremost of the two gallies were the King of Ternate with several of his nobles, and three Dutch merchants, who were in great fear of their enemies, and prayed our general for God’s sake to save them from the Tidorians, who would shew them no mercy if we did not protect them: They likewise entreated him to save the other _coracora_, which followed them, in which were several Dutchmen, who expected nothing but death if taken by their cruel enemies. Our general thereupon commanded his gunner to fire at the Tidor gallies; yet they boarded the second Ternate coracora even under our guns, and put all on board to the sword, except three; who saved themselves by swimming, and were taken up by our boat.
Being determined to go to Tidor, the Dutchmen entreated our general not to allow the King of Ternate and them to fall into the hands of their enemies, from whom he had so lately delivered them; promising him mountains of cloves and other commodities at Ternate and Makeu, but performing mole-hills, verifying the proverb, “When the danger is over the saint is deceived.” One thing I may not forget: When the King of Ternate came on board, he was trembling for fear; which the general supposing to be from cold, put on his back a black damask gown laced with gold, and lined with unshorn velvet; which he had not the manners to restore at his departure, but kept it as his own.
When we arrived at the Portuguese town in Tidor, the governor of the fort sent one Thomas de Torres on board with a letter, stating that the King of Ternate and the Hollanders reported there was nothing but treachery and villainy to be expected from us; but that he believed better of us; considering their reports to be entirely malicious: Such was our recompence from these ungrateful men. Not long afterwards, on coming to the town of the King of Ternate, our general sent Mr Grave on board the Dutch admiral, who gave him only cold entertainment, affirming that we had assisted the Portuguese in the late wars against the King of Ternate and them, with ordnance and ammunition; which our general proved to be untrue by some Portuguese they had taken in that conflict, on which, being ashamed of this slander, the Dutch general pretended he had been so informed by a renegado Guzerate, but did not believe it to be true.
Not long afterwards, when the King of Ternate seemed to affect our nation, the Dutch threatened to forsake him, and to join with his deadly enemy the King of Tidor, if he suffered the English to have a factory, or allowed them any trade; affirming that the English were thieves and robbers, and that the _King of Holland_, as they called their stadtholder, was stronger at sea than all the other powers of Christendom; a just consideration for all nations, to think what this insolent frothy nation[154] will do, if they gain possession of the East Indies. To these insolent speeches, our general made answer, that whatsoever Hollander made such reports lied like a traitor, and that he would make it good against any one who dared to spread any such report; affirming, if Queen Elizabeth had not taken pity upon them, they had been utterly ruined and enslaved by the King of Spain, and branded for rebels and traitors. The particular wrongs done by them to our nation would fill volumes, and amaze the world to hear.
[Footnote 154: This is to be understood of the merchants who traded, or warred rather; not of the whole country or best men of Holland. Losers will have leave to speak, and merchants envy each other.–_Purch_.]
* * * * *
Appended to this very unsatisfactory notice of the voyage of Middleton to the Moluccas, are two letters to the King of England, one from the King of Ternate, and one from the King of Tidor. In the former, the King of Ternate mentions, that one of his predecessors, about thirty years before, had sent a ring by Sir Francis Drake to Queen Elizabeth. He complains that the Hollanders had prevented him from permitting Captain Middleton to establish a factory in the island, for which he craves pardon, being against his will, and promises a better reception afterwards to the English ships.
The letter from the King of Tidor requests the King of England to take pity of him, and not permit him and his country to be oppressed by the Hollanders and the King of Ternate, but to send him succours, which he requests may be under the command of Captain Henry Middleton or his brother.
There is a third letter likewise, from the King of Bantam to King James, acknowledging having received a present by Captain Henry Middleton, and announcing that he had sent in return, two _bezoars_, one weighing fourteen _mas_, and the other three.
Sec. 2. _Voyage of Captain Colthurst, in the Ascension, to Banda_.[155]
The 2d of April, 1604, we had sight of the Lizard. The 23d we fell in with the western part of St Jago bearing W. by N. six leagues; when we stood eastward for Mayo, having the wind at north. The 24th we fell in with Mayo, and stood to the southward of that island, coming to anchor in fifteen fathoms. We landed on the 25th, when one of our merchants was taken by the people of the island. Next day we landed 100 men to endeavour to recover our merchant, but could not get near any of the islanders, so that we had to leave him behind, setting sail that night with the wind at north. We passed the equinoctial on the 16th May, and got sight of the Cape of Good Hope on the 18th July.
[Footnote 155: Purch. Pilgr. I.185. Astl. I. 281.]
The 17th July we came to anchor in Saldanha bay, in lat. 33 deg. 56′ S. or 34 deg., having sixty men bad of the scurvy, all of whom, God be praised, recovered their health before we went from thence, where we remained five weeks wanting one day. Here Mr Cole was drowned, who was master of the Hector, our vice-admiral. We weighed anchor from Saldanha bay on the 20th August, standing to the westwards with the wind at south. On Sunday the 23d December, 1604, we came to anchor in Bantam roads, where we found six ships of Holland, and three or four pinnaces. The 18th January, 1605, we sailed out of Bantam roads, with the Dragon and Ascension, but parted at Amboyna, the general going with the Dragon to the Moluccas, while the Ascension, Captain Colthurst, went for Banda, The Hector and Susan laded pepper at Bantam, and sailed thence for England about the middle of February.
We arrived in the Ascension at Banda on the 20th February, and anchored in 4-1/2 fathoms beside _Nera_, the principal place in these islands. From the south part of Amboyna to Banda, the course is E. by S. and to the southwards, 30 leagues. The latitude of Banda is 4 deg. 40′ N. and the going in is to the westwards. There is a very high hill which burns continually, which hill must be left to larboard, having the great island on the starboard. The entry is very narrow, and cannot be seen till within half a mile; but you may stand fearlessly to within two cable’s length of the island on which is the high hill, for so you must do, and will have 20 fathoms. Then stand along that island, at the distance of a cable’s length, if the wind permit, when you will find the water shoaling, 8, 7, 6 fathoms, and 5 in the narrowest part, which depth continues till you get into the road of Nera. With God’s help, a man may go in without danger, keeping near the before-mentioned island. It is somewhat shallow on the starboard side of the narrow passage, but that will shew itself. There are two small islands, Pulo-way and Pulo-rin, about three leagues west of this entrance, but there is no danger about them that is not quite obvious; and you may leave these islands on either side you find convenient, either in going in or out.
At this place we found the wind variable about the middle of March, and it so continued till about the middle of April; when it became stationary between E. and S.E. four months to our knowledge: But, as the people of the country say, it continues so for five mouths; and likewise five months between W. and N.W. the other two months being variable. In the dark moons, they have here much gusty weather with rains. We staid here twenty-one weeks and six days, in which time eleven of our men died, mostly of the flux.
We sailed from Banda the 21st July, 1605, having the wind at E.S.E. and stood to the westwards. The 22d we fell in with the south end of _Bourro_. The 27th we fell in with _Deselem_, and then came about to the south end of the island, leaving seven islands to starboard. We then stood close by the wind to the northward, hard by the main island of Deselem, to clear ourselves of a small island, and a shoal off the S.W. part of Deselem; then, leaving this island, and all the other shoals on our larboard side, we stood N.N.W. along the W. side of Deselem, till we came into the latitude of 6 deg. 10′ S. Then steered 18 leagues west, and fell in with the shoal off the S.W. point of Celebes, the very southmost part of which is in lat. 6 deg. S. [only 5 deg. 45′,] and being clear of that, we steered westwards, coming to anchor in Bantam roads on the 16th August.
We set sail from Bantam on the 6th October, the Dragon and Ascension in company. The 15th November, we were in lat. 31 deg. 48′ S. the wind W.N.W. thick foggy weather, when about 10 a.m. we came within our ship’s length of a rock or sunken island, on which the water appeared very brown and muddy, and in some places very blue. When a ship’s breadth or two to the north of it, the water by the ship’s side was very black and thick, as though it had earth or coarse sand boiling up from the bottom. The variation here was 21 degrees westerly. The 16th December, in lat. 34 deg. 20′ S. we had sight of the land of Ethiopia, [Africa] about 12 leagues from us. The 26th, being in lat. 34 deg. 30′ S. and within one league of the Cape of Good Hope, we steered N.W. and N.N.W. and N. going round the Cape.
The 27th we came to anchor in Saldanha bay, where we found our admiral and the Hector. Our admiral had fallen in with that ship seven days before, driving up and down at sea, about four leagues from the Cape of Good Hope, having only ten men in her; all the rest, to the number of 53, having died since leaving Bantam nine months before. Being in great distress, three months after leaving Bantam, she lost company with the Susan, which ship was never heard of afterwards. We came to anchor at Saldanha bay in seven fathoms water, having the low point going in N.W. by W. the sugar-loaf S.W. half W. the point of the breach of the Penguin island N.W. by N. the hill between the sugar-loaf and the low point, W.S.W. and the peak of the hill to the eastward of the Table S. by E.
In the morning of the 16th January, 1606, we sailed from Saldanha bay, going to the northward of Penguin island, between it and the main. We sounded when we had the land south from us about a mile and a half, and had ground at 20 fathoms, white coral and broken shells. On clearing the island, we stood W. by S. and W.S.W. till we brought the island to bear S.E. by E. being now about six in the evening, when we saw the Hector coming out by the south side of the island, having left her at anchor when we weighed. The wind being at S. we stood all night westwards, and in the morning had lost company with the Hector, when we steered N.W. with little sail till noon, thinking to get sight of the Hector, but could not. The 1st February, in lat. 16 deg. 20′ S. we had sight of St Helena, 12 or 13 leagues N.W. The 2d, having the wind at S.E. we lay off and on east of the island most part of the night, and in the following morning we stood to the north of the island, coming to anchor about noon in the road of St Helena, in 20 fathoms, on blackish gravelly sand. We had a point of land to the N.E. a sharp hill like a sugar-loaf, with a cross upon it, N.E. by E. the church in the valley S.E. In this valley there are many trees, the high land S.E. from the church, and the entire valley being full of trees. We moored S.E. and N.W. the anchor in the offing being in 21 fathoms.
At night of the 3d, we had sight of the Hector coming round the south end of the island, but she could not fetch into the road, yet stood to the northward as near as she could, having the wind at east. The 4th and 5th our boats went out to endeavour to help her into the road, but could not. Having a little wind on the 6th, our boats towed her in, bringing her to anchor in 35 fathoms, a mile and half from shore, bearing from us S.W. by W. distant about two leagues. The 11th we set sail from St Helena, the wind at E.N.E. and steering N.W. The N.W. part of St Helena is in lat. 16 deg. S. and the variation is 7 deg. 45′. The church, that bore S.E. of us when we were in the road, stands in the bottom of the fifth valley from that point which bore N.E. from us. We came to anchor in the Downs on the 6th May, 1606, where we lay at anchor eight days, waiting for a fair wind.
SECTION IV.
_Third Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1607, by Captain William Keeling_.[156]
INTRODUCTION.
In this voyage three ships were employed, with about 310 men; the Dragon, admiral, Captain Keeling, who was chief commander or general; the Hector, vice-admiral, commanded by Captain William Hawkins; and the Consent, Captain David Middleton. The relation of the voyage, as appears from its title in Purchas, was written by Keeling, the chief commander or general, or, as he would now be called, the commodore: But, by a side-note, Purchas informs us, that he had abbreviated the narrative from the journals written at sea, by Captains Keeling and Hawkins, which were very voluminous, occupying a hundred sheets of paper, and that he had only retained the most necessary observations for sea and land affairs.
[Footnote 156: Purch. Pilgr. I. 188. Astl. I. 312.]
The editor of Astley’s Collection observes, “That this narrative is written very obscurely, in an abrupt, uncouth style, which he thinks Purchas ought to have reformed when abridging it. The author seems to have kept no regular journal, but only to have entered such things from time to time as seemed most material. In many places it consists only of loose imperfect hints, thrown together without connection, and often referring to things not mentioned before. Possibly these defects may have been owing to Purchas, in order to abbreviate the journal; and indeed, whether from want of care or judgment, he spoiled almost every thing he abridged. It contains, however, many valuable nautical remarks, and many particulars respecting the conduct of the Dutch, who now began to lord it in India, which may atone for its defects. If the dryness of some of the details may disgust any of our readers, we hope they will consider that our design is to give a series of _the English Voyages_; and in so doing to steer equally between the two extremes of redundance and imperfection.”[157]
[Footnote 157: This paragraph is inserted from the _previous remarks_ to the voyage of Keeling, by the editor of Astley’s Collection.–E.]
Purchas remarks punningly in a side-note, “That the Consent held no concent with the Dragon and Hector.” Her voyage will be found in the sequel of this section, with, several other articles connected with it, which have not been noticed in Astley’s Collection, and which appeared necessary to elucidate the early commercial connections of England with India, and the manners and customs of the eastern nations. We have endeavoured to amend the uncouth and abrupt style of Purchas, but it was impossible to clear up his obscurities; and in many instances we have abbreviated or lopt off redundancies and unimportant particulars.–E.