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On the 16th of April they had some friendly intercourse with a party of savages, to whom they gave various trifling articles in exchange for pearls. But on the 1st May, some of the people were surprised by the natives while on shore, and two of them slain. On the 6th of May they got into the South Sea, not without terror, having no anchorage that day, and being in much danger from many shoals and islands at the mouth of the straits, between the northern and sourthern shore.

SECTION II.

_Transactions in the South Sea, along the Western Coast of America_.

They were welcomed into the great South Sea by a terrible storm, and were fearful of being cast away on certain islands a little without the straits, which, from their likeness to the islands of Scilly, they named the _Sorlings_. On the 21st they had sight of the coast of Chili and the isle of Mocha. This island is low and broad on the north, and is full of rocks on the south. The 26th endeavours were made to enter into traffic with the natives of this island. The chief and his son dined on board the admiral, seemingly rejoiced to see such large and well-armed ships sent against the Spaniards, and all the native Chilese were delighted to see the soldiers mustered and exercised. The Dutch here procured great plenty of sheep, in exchange for hatchets and ornaments of coral and such like toys, getting two sheep for one hatchet. But the natives brought every thing to the boats, and would not suffer any of the Dutch to go near their houses, being very jealous of their wives, even more so than Spaniards. These sheep resembled camels, having long legs and necks, hare lips, hunches on their backs, and are used as beasts of draught and burden.

They left Mocha on the 27th of May, and next day came to the coast not far from the island of St Mary, where the land was much broken and very rocky. The 29th they cast anchor at the island of St Mary, whence a Spaniard came on board, having a pledge left for him ashore. This man invited the admiral and others to dine on shore; but one of the boats observed a body of soldiers marching to the place at which they were to have dined; on which appearance of treachery, the Spanish messenger was made prisoner. The Dutch landed next day in force, on which the Spaniards set their church on fire and fled; having four of their men slain, while two of the Dutch were wounded. They here found much poultry, and took 500 sheep, with other spoil. Learning at this place of three Spanish ships fitted out in April expressly against them, the admiral of which carried forty brass guns, and the whole manned by 1000 Spaniards, Spilbergen resolved to go in search of them at Conception and Valparaiso, and afterwards on the coast of Arica. A farther squadron, of similar force, was also said to be in preparation at _Calao de Lima_. In consequence of this intelligence, the Dutch gunners were ordered to have every thing in readiness for battle, rules of military discipline were established, and each ship and every person received distinct orders for conducting the expected battle, in which it was resolved to conquer or die.

Sailing from the island of St Mary on the 1st June, 1615, they passed not far from the town of _Aurora_,[93] where the Spaniards kept a garrison of 500 men, which were continually disquieted by the unconquered natives of Chili. On the 3d they came to the island of _Quinquirina_, within which is the town of Conception, inhabited by many Indians and about 200 Spaniards. The 12th they entered the safe and commodious road of Valparaiso, in which was a Spanish ship, but which was set on fire by its own mariners, who escaped on shore. The 13th at noon, they were in lat. 32 deg. 15′ S.[94] and in the afternoon came into the fair and secure harbour of Quintero. Here they took in wood and water, and caught abundance of fish. But they found the inhabitants every where aware of them, and prepared to receive them, so that nothing of any importance could be effected. They came next to _Arica_ in lat. 12 deg. 40′ S.[95] to which place the silver is brought from the mines of Potosi, whence it is shipped for Panama. Finding no ships there, they proceeded along the coast, and took a small ship on the 16th, in which was some treasure, but it was mostly embezzled by the sailors.

[Footnote 93: Arauco, a fortress on the northern frontier of the independent country of Araucania, but somewhat inland, not far to the N.E. of the island of St Mary.–E.]

[Footnote 94: Quintero is in lat. 32 deg. 44′ S.]

[Footnote 95: This is a great error, as Arica is in lat 18 deg. 28′ S.]

They soon after had sight of eight ships, which the master of the prize said were the royal fleet sent out in search of the Hollanders, contrary to the opinion of the council of Peru; but Dou Rodrigo de Mendoza, the Spanish admiral, a kinsman to the viceroy, insisted on putting to sea, alleging that two even of his ships could take all England, and much more those _hens_ of Holland, who must be spent and wasted by so long a voyage, and would assuredly yield at first sight. On this, the viceroy gave him leave to depart, with orders to bring all the Hollanders in chains. Mendoza then swore that he would never return till the Hollanders were all taken or slain, and set sail from Calao, the haven of Lima, on the 11th July. The flag ship was the Jesu Maria, of twenty-four brass guns and 460 men, which was said to have cost the king 158,000 ducats. The vice-admiral was the Santa Anna, of 300 men, commanded by Captain Alvarez de Piger, who had before taken an English ship in the South Sea, and this ship cost 150,000 ducats, being the handsomest that had ever been seen in Peru. The other ships were the Carmelite and St Jago of eight brass cannon and 200 men each; the Rosary of four guns and 150 men; the St Francis having seventy musketeers, and twenty sailors, but no ordnance; the St Andrew of eighty musketeers, twenty-five sailors, and no cannon; and an eighth, the name and strength of which is not mentioned.

The adverse fleets drew near on the evening of the 17th July, when the Spanish vice-admiral sent a message to his admiral, advising to postpone battle till next morning. Mendoza was, however, too impatient to follow this advice, and set upon the Great Sun, in which was Admiral Spilbergen, about ten that night, when they exchanged broadsides. The St Francis being next to the Jesu Maria, attacked the Dutch admiral; but being beaten off, fell upon the yacht, and by her was sent to the bottom. At this instant, the yacht was attacked by the Spanish admiral, and had soon shared the fate of her former antagonist, but was succoured by two boats full of men, one from the Dutch admiral, and the other from the vice-admiral; on this occasion, the Dutch admiral’s boat was unfortunately mistaken by the Huntsman, and sent to the bottom by a cannon-shot, and all her men drowned except one.

Next morning, five of the Spanish ships sent word to their admiral that they meant to do their best to escape: But the Dutch admiral and vice-admiral set upon the Spanish admiral and vice-admiral, and an obstinate engagement ensued, in which the Eolus, another of the Dutch ships, also partook. The two Spanish ships were lashed together, for mutual support. At length, all the men forsook the vice-admiral, going on board the admiral’s ship, in which they afterwards confessed they found only fifty men alive. Being reduced to great distress, the Spanish seamen several times hung out a white flag, in token of surrender, which was as often hauled down by the officers and other gentlemen, who chose rather to die than yield.

After some time, being sore pressed by the Hollanders, the men belonging to the Spanish vice-admiral returned to their own ship, and renewed the fight; on which occasion the Dutch vice-admiral was in imminent danger of being taken, as the Spaniards boarded her, but were all repelled or slain. Being no longer able to continue the fight, the Spanish admiral fled under cover of the night, and escaped the pursuit of Spilbergen; but her leaks were so many and great that she went to the bottom, as did likewise another of the Spanish ships called the Santa Maria.[96] The Dutch vice-admiral and the Eolus bestirred themselves so briskly, that the Spanish vice-admiral hung out a white flag, on which the Dutch vice-admiral sent two boats to bring the Spanish commander on board, but he refused going that night, unless the Dutch vice-admiral came to fetch him, or sent a captain to remain in pledge for him. At this time ten or twelve of the men belonging to the Eolus remained on board, contrary to orders, wishing to have a first hand in the plunder. These men assisted the Spaniards in their efforts to prevent the ship from sinking: But all their labour being in vain, they shewed many lights, and cried out aloud for help, which was too late of being sent, and they went to the bottom. Next morning the Dutch sent out four boats, which found thirty Spaniards floating on pieces of the wreck, and crying out for mercy; which was shewn by the Dutch to some of the chiefs, but the rest were left to the mercy of the sea, several of them being even knocked on the head by the Dutch, contrary to orders from their officers. Before this ship went down her commander expired of his wounds. In this engagement forty Dutchmen were wounded and sixteen slain, on board the admiral, vice-admiral, and Eolus; and in the rest eighteen were wounded and four slain.

[Footnote 96: There is no such name in the list of the Spanish fleet, so that we may suppose this to have been the one formerly mentioned without a name.–E.]

The Dutch now made sail for Calao de Lima, but were becalmed. The 20th they passed by the island [St Lorenzo], and saw fourteen ships in the haven, but could not get near for shoals. They went, therefore, to the road of Calao in search of the Spanish admiral, but learned afterwards at Payta that his ship had sunk. The Spaniards fired upon them from the shore, and a ball of thirty-six pounds weight had nearly sunk the Huntsman. They saw also on shore a considerable army, commanded by the viceroy in person, consisting of eight troops of horse and 4000 foot. Going beyond reach of shot from the shore, the Dutch cast anchor off the mouth of the haven, where they remained till the 25th of July, expecting to capture some Spanish ships, but all that appeared made their escape by superior sailing, except one bark laden with salt and eighty jars of molasses.

In regard that they were now on an enemy’s coast, where they had no opportunity of repairing their losses, orders were issued by Spilbergen to act with great caution, in case of falling in with the fleet of Panama, and especially to take care not to separate from each other, which had much endangered them in the late fight. It was also ordered, if any Spanish ship should yield, that the Dutch captains and chief officers should on no account leave their own ships, but should order the enemy to come aboard them in their own boats. They sailed from Calao on the 27th of July, and came to the road of _Huarmey_ in lat. 10 deg. S. on the 28th. This is a pleasant place, with a large port, near which is a lake. The Dutch landed here, but the inhabitants fled, leaving little plunder, except poultry, hogs, oranges, and meal, which they brought on board. They dismissed some of their Spanish prisoners on the 3d August, on which day they passed between the main and the island of _Lobos_, so called from being frequented by seals, or sea wolves.[97] The 8th they cast anchor near Payta, in about the latitude of 5 deg. S. The 9th they landed 300 men, but re-embarked after some skirmishing, as they found the city too strongly defended. On this occasion they took a Peruvian bark, strangely rigged, having six stout natives on board, who had been out fishing for two months, and had a cargo of excellent dried fish, which was distributed through the fleet.

[Footnote 97: There are three islands or groups of that name off the coast of Peru. The southern Lobos is in lat. 7 deg. S. near fifty miles from the nearest land; the middle, or inner Lobos, in lat. 6 deg. 22′ S. is only about nine miles from the coast of Peru; and the northern Lobos is in lat. 5 deg. 8′ S. almost close to the shore. It is probably the middle or inner Lobos that is meant in the text.–E.]

The 10th of August three of the Dutch ships battered the town of Payta, and afterwards sent a party of armed men on shore, who found the inhabitants had fled to the mountains with all their valuables. The Dutch sent five of the Peruvian captives on shore to endeavour to procure fruit, and to learn with more certainty what had become of the Spanish admiral. On their return they brought word that the Spanish admiral had gone to the bottom, six only of her crew escaping. They brought letters also from the lady of Don Gasper Calderon, the commandant of Payta, who had fled to the town of St Michael, thirty miles from Payta; who, in commiseration of the captives, sent many citrons and other provisions to the Dutch ships. Towards the sea the town of Payta is strongly fortified, and almost impregnable. It is a place of some importance, having two churches, a monastery, and many good buildings; and has an excellent harbour, to which many ships resort from Panama, whence their cargoes are transmitted by land to Lima, to avoid the dangers of the wind and the seas at that place. While at the island of Lobos, the Dutch took two birds of enormous size, not unlike an eagle in beak, wings, and talons; their necks being covered with down resembling wool, and their heads having combs like those of a cock. They were two ells in height, and their wings, when displayed, measured three ells in breadth.[98]

[Footnote 98: Probably the Condour, or Vultur Gryphus of naturalists, which is of vast size, sometimes measuring sixteen feet between the tips of the wings when extended.

At this place we have omitted a vague rambling account of the kingdoms of Peru and Chili, as in 1616, which could have conveyed no useful information, farther than that Don Juan de Mendoza, Marquis des Montes Claros, was then viceroy of Peru.–E.]

The Dutch set sail from Payta on the 21st of August, and anchored on the 23d in the road off the mouth of the Rio Tumbez, in lat. 3 deg. 20′ S. They here agreed to return to the isle of Coques, in lat. 5 deg. S.[99] that they might endeavour to procure refreshments. But they were so distressed by storms of wind, with rain and excessive thunder, that they in vain endeavoured to get to that island till the 13th September, and in the mean time became very sickly. Proceeding therefore towards the north they came in sight of New Spain on the 20th September, in lat. 13 deg. 30′ N. when the weather became again very tempestuous. After much bad weather they came in sight of a pleasant land on the 1st October, but were unable to land. Beating off and on till the 11th of that month, they then entered the harbour of Accapulco, within shot of the castle, and hung out a flag of truce. Two Spaniards came on board, with whom they agreed to exchange their prisoners for sheep, fruits, and other provisions, which was accordingly performed. On the 15th Melchior Hernando, nephew to the viceroy of New Spain, came on board, to take a view of the fleet which had vanquished that of his king, and was kindly entertained by the Dutch admiral. The castle of Accapulco was found to be well fortified, and had seventy pieces of brass cannon mounted on its ramparts; and the Dutch were here informed that their intended arrival had been known eight months before.

[Footnote 99: This is probably the northern Lobos, in lat 5 deg. 8′ S. formerly mentioned in a note.–E.]

They set sail from Accapulco on the 18th of October, and soon afterwards took a bark bound for the pearl fishery, which they manned and took into their service as a tender. On the 1st November they anchored before the port of _Selagua_, in lat. 19 deg. 8′ N. At this place they were informed of a river abounding in a variety of excellent fish, and having extensive meadows on its banks well stocked with cattle, together with citrons and other fruits in great plenty, all of which they much wanted; but the company they sent to endeavour to procure these conveniences returned empty handed, after a smart engagement with the Spaniards. They sailed thence on the 11th November for the port of Nativity, in lat. 20 deg. 40′ N. where they furnished themselves with necessaries, and from whence they set sail on the 20th.

SECTION III.

_Voyage Home from America, by the East Indies and Cape of Good Hope_.

The 26th November, 1615, being in lat. 20 deg. 26′ N. they determined on shaping their course for the Ladrones across the great Pacific Ocean. On the 3d December, to their great astonishment, they saw two islands at a great distance, and next day a vast rock in lat. 19 deg. N. fifty leagues from the continent of America.[100] The 5th they saw another new island, having five hills, that at first appeared like so many distinct islands. The new year 1616 was ushered in with distempers that proved fatal to many of the sailors. On the 3d of January they came in sight of the Ladrones, where they landed and procured refreshments. Setting sail from thence on the 26th January, they arrived at the Philippine islands on the 9th February, but the Indians refused to trade with them, because enemies of the Spaniards, though some among them, for that very reason, would willingly have transferred all the trade and riches of the country to them. In _Capul_, where they arrived on the 11th, the people gave them fat hogs and poultry in exchange for mere trifles. Having thus procured abundant refreshments, they set sail on the 16th, passing through the straits towards the bay of Manilla.

[Footnote 100: The three Marias are nearly in the indicated latitude, but are only about thirty leagues from the western coast of N. America.–E.]

They anchored in these straits on the 19th, where they saw a curious fabric erected on the top of trees, looking at a distance like a palace, but they could not imagine what it was. The 24th they passed the high and flaming hill of _Albaca_, and came in sight of the other end of the straits [of St Bernardino] on the 28th, when they anchored before the island, of _Mirabelles_, remarkable for two rocks which tower to a vast height in the air. Behind this island is the city of Manilla, and here the pilots wait for the ships from China, to pilot them safe to the city, as the passage is very dangerous. On the 5th of March they took several barks, which were going to collect the tribute paid by the adjacent places to the city of Manilla. They had now intelligence of a fleet of twelve ships and four gallies, manned by 2000 Spaniards besides Indians, Chinese, and Japanese, sent from Manilla to drive the Dutch from the Moluccas, and to reduce these islands under the dominion of Spain. On this news they discharged all their prisoners, and resolved to go in pursuit of the Manilla fleet.

The 11th March they got into a labyrinth of islands, whence they knew not how to get out, but their Spanish pilot carried them safe through next day. The 14th they anchored all night before the island of _Paney_, by reason of the shoals; and on the 18th they sailed close past the island of Mindanao. The 19th they came again close to the shore, and brought provisions from the islanders at a cheap rate. They reached Cape _Cudera_ on the 20th, where the Spaniards usually water on their voyages to the Moluccas. Till the 23d, having a perfect calm, they made no progress except with the tide; and when between _Mindanao_ and _Tagano_ they were stopt by an adverse current. The people here professed great enmity against the Spaniards, and offered to assist the Dutch with fifty of their vessels against that nation. The 27th they passed the island of _Sanguin_, and came on the 29th to Ternate, in which island the Dutch possessed the town of _Macia_, where they were made most welcome by their countrymen. They observed that the straits of _Booton_ was full of shoals, without which the water was deep. On the east there is good fresh water, and two leagues to the west lies a very rocky shoal. On the 8th of April, Cornelius de Vicaneze went for Banda, where the soldiers were landed, after being long on board ship.

Being detained in the Moluccas and at Bantam in the service of the Dutch East India Company till the 14th December, 1616, admiral Spilbergen then sailed from Bantam for Holland, in the Amsterdam of 1400 tons, having also under his command the Zealand of 1200 tons, leaving the ships with which he had hitherto sailed in India. On the 1st January, 1617, the Zealand parted company, and on the 24th of that month the Amsterdam anchored at the island of Mauritius. They doubled the Cape of Good Hope on the 6th March, and arrived at St Helena on 30th of that month, where they found the Zealand. Leaving that island on the 6th April, they passed the line on the 24th of that month, and arrived safe in Holland on the 1st July, 1617, having been absent two years, ten months, and twenty-four days; nearly nine months of which time were spent in India, without prosecuting the direct purpose of their circumnavigation.

The directors of the Dutch East India company bestowed the highest commendations on Spilbergen for his prudence and good conduct in this voyage, which contributed both to the advantage of the company, his own reputation, and the glory of his country. The Dutch company may be said to have dated their grandeur from the day of his return, both in respect to reputation, power, and riches; the former resulting from his successful circumnavigation of the globe, and the others from their conquests in the Moluccas, in which he not only assisted, but likewise brought home the first intelligence. On his return to Holland, Spilbergen confirmed the report of Magellan respecting a gigantic people inhabiting the straits, named _Patagons_. He said that he had gone several times on shore, and had examined several graves of the natives, and saw several savages at different times in their canoes, all of whom were of the ordinary size; or rather under. But one day he observed a man on shore, who first climbed one hill and then another, to look at the ships, and at last came to the sea-side for that purpose, and this man was allowed by all who saw him to be even taller than those spoken of by Magellan. This is likewise confirmed by the accounts given to Van Noort and De Weert, by a boy they took from the savages; who said there were only two tribes of these giants, all the other savages being of the ordinary size.[101]

[Footnote 101: Without pretending to give any opinion on this subject, it may be remarked, that the account from the savage boy is worthy of little credit, as a kind of nursery tale, and given by one who certainly could hardly have sufficient language to express himself. The solitary giant seen looking at the ships from a distance, may have been of the ordinary size, magnified to the eye in looking through a hazy atmosphere.–E.]

CHAPTER VI.

VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, IN 1615-1617, BY WILLIAM CORNELISON SCHOUTEN AND JACQUES LE MAIRE, GOING ROUND CAPE HORN.[102]

INTRODUCTION.

The States General of the United Provinces having granted an exclusive privilege to the Dutch East India Company, prohibiting all their subjects, except that company, from trading to the eastwards beyond the Cape of Good Hope, or westwards through the Straits of Magellan, in any of the countries within these limits, whether known or unknown, and under very heavy penalties; this prohibition gave great dissatisfaction to many rich merchants, who were desirous of fitting out ships and making discoveries at their own cost, and thought it hard that their government should thus, contrary to the laws of Nature, shut up those passages which Providence had left free. Among the number of these discontented merchants was one Isaac Le Maire, a rich merchant of Amsterdam, then residing at Egmont, who was well acquainted with business, and had an earnest desire to employ a portion of the wealth he had acquired in trade in acquiring fame as a discoverer. With this view he applied to William Cornelison Schouten of Horn, a man in easy circumstances, deservedly famous for his great skill in maritime affairs, and his extensive knowledge of trade in the Indies, having been thrice there in the different characters of supercargo, pilot, and master.

[Footnote 102: Harris, I.51. Callender, II. 217.

It is proper to remark, that in this and several of the subsequent circumnavigations, considerable freedom has been taken in abbreviating numerous trivial circumstances already noticed by former voyagers: But whereever the navigators treat on new topics of discovery, or other subjects of any importance, the narratives are given at full length. Had not this liberty of lopping redundancies been taken, this division of our collection must have extended to a very inconvenient length, without any corresponding advantage.–E.]

The main question proposed to him by Le Maire was, Whether he thought it possible to find a passage into the South Sea, otherwise than by the Straits of Magellan; and if so, whether it were not likely that the countries to the south of that passage might afford as rich commodities as either the East or the West Indies? Schouten was of opinion that such a passage might be found, and gave several reasons as to the probable riches of these countries.[103] After many conferences, they came to the determination of attempting this discovery, under a persuasion that the States did not intend, by their exclusive charter to the East India Company, to preclude their subjects from discovering countries in the south by a new route, different from either of those described in the charter.

[Footnote 103: The idea of rich countries is here surely wrong stated, as none such could possibly be conceived to the south of the Straits of Magellan. The expected rich countries must have been to the westwards of these straits, and in the tropical regions far to the north, in the hope of not trenching upon the exclusive trade to the East Indies.–E.]

In consequence of this determination, it was agreed that Le Maire should advance half of the necessary funds for the expence of the proposed voyage, while Schouten and his friends were to advance the other moiety. Accordingly Le Maire advanced his part of the funds; and Schouten, with the assistance of Peter Clementson, burgomaster of Horn, Jan Janson Molenwert, one of the schepens or aldermen of that city, Jan Clementson Keis, a senator of that city, and Cornelius Segetson, a merchant, produced the rest. These matters being adjusted, in spring 1615, the company proposed to equip two vessels, a larger and a less, to sail from Horn at the proper season. That all parties might be satisfied, it was agreed that William Cornelison Schouten, in consideration of his age and experience, should command the larger ship, with the entire direction of the navigation during the voyage; and that Jaques le Maire, the eldest son of Isaac, should be supercargo. Every thing was got ready in two months for the prosecution of the enterprise, and a sufficient number of men engaged as mariners: but, as secrecy was indispensable, they were articled to go wherever the masters and supercargoes should require; and, in consideration of such unusual conditions, their wages were considerably advanced beyond the ordinary terms.

SECTION I.

_Journal of the Voyage from the Texel to Cape Horn_.

The larger of the two vessels prepared for this voyage was the Unity, of 360 tons, carrying nineteen cannon and twelve swivels; having on board two pinnaces, one for sailing and another for rowing, a launch for landing men, and a small boat, with all other necessaries for so long a voyage. Of this vessel William Cornelison Schouten was master and pilot, and Jaques le Maire supercargo. The lesser vessel was named the Horn, of 110 tons, carrying eight cannons and four swivels, of which Jan Cornelison Schouten was master, and Aris Clawson supercargo. The crew of the Unity consisted of sixty-five men, and that of the Horn of twenty-two only. The Unity sailed on the 25th of May for the Texel, where the Horn also arrived on the 3d June.

The proper season being now arrived, in their judgment, they sailed from the Texel on the 14th of June, and anchored in the Downs on the 17th, when William Schouten went ashore at Dover to hire an experienced English gunner. This being effected, they again set sail the same evening; and meeting a severe storm in the night between the 21st and 22d, they took shelter under the Isle of Wight. Sailing thence on the 25th, they arrived at Plymouth on the 27th, where they hired a carpenter named Muydenblick. Sailing finally from Plymouth on the 28th June, with the wind at N.E. and fair weather, they proceeded on their voyage.

Distinct rules were now established in regard to the allowance of provisions at sea, so that the men might have no reason to complain, and the officers might be satisfied of having enough for the voyage. The rate fixed upon was, a cann of beer for each man daily; four pounds of biscuit, with half a pound of butter and half a pound of suet weekly; and five large Dutch cheeses for each man, to serve during the whole voyage. All this was besides the ordinary allowance of salt meat and stock-fish. Due orders were likewise issued for regulating the conduct of the men and officers. Particularly on all occasions of landing men in a warlike posture, one of the masters was always to command: and in such ports as they might touch at for trade, the supercargo was to go on shore, and to have the exclusive management of all commercial dealings. It was also enjoined, that every officer should be exceedingly strict in the execution of his duty, but without subjecting the men to any unnecessary hardships, or interfering with each other in their several departments. The officers were also warned against holding any conversation with the men, in regard to the objects of the voyage, all conjectures respecting which were declared fruitless, the secret being solely known to the first captain and supercargo. It was also declared, that every embezzlement of stores, merchandises, or provisions, should be severely punished; and, in case of being reduced upon short allowance, any such offence was to be punished with death. The two supercargoes were appointed to keep distinct journals of all proceedings, for the information of the company of adventurers, that it might appear how far every man had done his duty, and in what manner the purposes of the voyage had been answered.

On the 11th July they had sight of Madeira, and on the 13th they passed through between Teneriff and Grand Canary, with a stiff breeze at N.N.E. and a swift current. The 15th they passed the tropic of Cancer; and the 20th in the morning fell in with the north side of Cape de Verd. Procuring here a supply of water, by leave of the Moorish alcaide or governor, for which they had to pay _eight states_ of iron, they left the cape on the 1st August, and came in sight of the high land of Sierra Leona on the 21st of that month, as also of the island of _Madre bomba_, which lies off the south point of Sierra Leona, and north from the shallows of the island of St Ann. This land of Sierra Leona is the highest of all that lie between Cape Verd and the coast of Guinea, and is therefore easily known.

On the 30th of August, they cast anchor in eight fathoms water on a fine sandy bottom, near the shore, and opposite a village or town of the negroes, in the road of Sierra Leona. This village consisted only of eight or nine poor thatched huts. The Moorish inhabitants were willing to come on board to trade, only demanding a pledge to be left on shore for their security, because a French ship had recently carried off two of the natives perfidiously. Aris Clawson, the junior merchant or supercargo, went accordingly on shore, where he drove a small trade for lemons and bananas, in exchange for glass beads. In the mean time some of the natives came off to the ships, bringing with them an interpreter who spoke many languages. They here very conveniently furnished themselves with fresh water, which poured down in great abundance from a very high hill, so that they had only to place their casks under the waterfall. There were here whole woods of lemon-trees, and lemons were so cheap that they might have had a thousand for a few beads, and ten thousand for a few common knives; so that they easily procured as many as they wished, and each man had 150 for sea store. The 3d September they found a vast shoal of fish, resembling a shoemaker’s knife.

They left Sierra Leona on the 4th September; and on the 5th October, being in lat 4 deg. 27′ S. they were astonished by receiving a violent stroke on the bottom of one of the ships, though no rock appeared to be in the way. While forming conjectures on the occasion of this shock, the sea all about the ship began to change colour, appearing as if some great fountain of blood had opened into it. This sudden alteration of the water seemed not less wonderful than the striking of the ship; but the cause of both was not discovered till after their arrival in Port Desire, when the ship was laid on shore to clean her bottom, when they found a large horn, of a substance resembling ivory, sticking fast in the bottom. It was entirely firm and solid, without any internal cavity, and had pierced through three very stout planks, grazing one of the ribs of the ship, and stuck at least a foot deep in the wood, leaving about as much on the outside, up to the place where it broke off.[104]

[Footnote 104: This must have been a Narvai, or Narwhal, the Monodon Monoceros, Licorne, or Unicornu Marinum, of naturalists, called likewise the Unicorn Fish, or Sea Unicorn.–E.]

On the 25th of October, when no person knew whereabouts they were except Schouten, the company was informed that the design of the voyage was to endeavour to discover a new southern passage into the South Sea; and the people appeared well pleased, expecting to discover some new golden country to make amends for all their trouble and danger. The 26th they were in lat. 6 deg. 25′ S. and continued their course mostly to the south all the rest of that month, till they were in lat 10 deg. 30′ S. The 1st September they had the sun at noon to the north; and in the afternoon of the 3d they had sight of the isle of Ascension, in 20 deg. S. otherwise called the island of Martin Vaz, where the compass was observed to vary 12 deg. to the east of north. The 21st, in lat. 38 deg. S. the compass varied 17 deg. in the same eastern direction. The 6th December, they got sight of the mainland of South America, appearing rather flat, and of a white colour, and quickly after fell in with the north head-land of Port Desire, anchoring that night in ten fathoms water with the ebb-tide, within a league and a half of the shore. Next day, resuming their course southwards, they came into Port Desire at noon, in lat. 47 deg. 40′ S. They had very deep water at the entrance, where they did not observe any of the cliffs which were described by Van Noort, as left by him to the northward on sailing into this haven, all the cliffs they saw being on the south side of the entrance, which therefore might be those mentioned by Van Noort, and misplaced in his narrative by mistake.

In consequence of this error, they overpassed Port Desire to the south, so as to miss the right channel, and came into a crooked channel, where they had four and a half fathoms water at full sea, and only fourteen feet at low water. By this means the Unity got fast aground by the stern, and had infallibly been lost, if a brisk gale had blown from the N.E. But as the wind blew west from the land, she got off again without damage. Here they found vast quantities of eggs upon the cliffs; and the bay afforded them great abundance of muscles, and smelts sixteen inches long, for which reason they called it _Smelt Bay_. From this place they sent a pinnace to the Penguin Islands, which brought back 150 of these birds, and two sea lions.

Leaving Smelt Bay on the 8th December, they made sail for Port Desire, a boat going before to sound the depth of the channel, which was twelve and thirteen fathoms, so that they sailed in boldly, having a fair wind at N.E. After going in little more than a league, the wind began to veer about, and they cast anchor in twenty fathoms; but the ground, consisting entirely of slippery stones, and the wind now blowing strong at N.W. they drifted to the south shore, where both ships had nearly been wrecked. The Unity lay with her side to the cliffs, yet still kept afloat, and gradually slid down towards the deep water as the tide fell. But the Horn stuck fast aground, so that at last her keel was above a fathom out of the water, and a man might have walked under it at low water. For some time, the N.W. wind blowing hard on one side, kept her from falling over; but, that dying away, she at length fell over on her bends, when she was given over for lost; but next flood, coming on with calm weather, righted her again. Having escaped this imminent danger, both ships went farther up the river on the 9th, and came to King’s Island, which they found full of black sea-mews, and almost entirely covered with their eggs; so that a man without moving from one spot might reach fifty or sixty nests with his hands, having three or four eggs in each. They here accordingly were amply provided with eggs, and laid in several thousands of them for sea store.

The 11th the boats were sent down the river in search of fresh water, on the south side, but found it all brackish and unpleasant. They saw ostriches here, and a sort of beasts like harts, having wonderfully long necks, and extremely wild. Upon the high hills, they found great heaps of stones, under which some monstrous carcass had been buried, some of the bones being ten or eleven feet long, which, if having belonged to rational creatures, must have been the bones of giants.[105] They here had plenty of good fish and fowls, but no water could be found for some days.

[Footnote 105: Giants indeed; for thigh bones of ten or eleven feet long, and these are the longest in the human body, would argue men of _thirty-one feet high_!–E.]

On the 17th December, the Unity was laid ashore on King’s island, in order to clean her bottom, and next day the Horn was hauled on shore for the same purpose, but providentially at the distance of about 200 yards from her consort: For, on the 19th, while burning a fire of dry reeds under the Horn, which was necessary for the object in view, the flame caught hold of the ship, and they were forced to see her burn without being able to do any thing to extinguish the fire, as they were at least fifty feet from the water side. They launched the Unity at high water on the 20th, and next day carried on board all the iron-work, anchors, cannon, and whatever else they had been able to save belonging to the Horn.

On the 25th some holes full of fresh water were found, which was white and muddy, yet well tasted, and of which a great quantity was carried on board, in small casks on the men’s shoulders. At this place, they found great numbers of sea lions, the young of which are good to eat. This creature is nearly as big as a small horse, their heads resembling lions, and the males having long manes on their necks of tough coarse hair; but the females have no manes, and are only half as large as the males. They are a bold and fierce animal, and only to be destroyed by musket shot.

January 18th, 1616, they departed from Port Desire: and on the 18th, being in lat. 51 deg. S they saw the Sebaldine [or Faulkland] islands, as laid down by de Weert. The 20th, being in lat. 53 deg. S. and by estimation twenty leagues to the South of the Straits of Magellan, they observed a strong current running to the S.W. The 22d the wind was uncertain, and shifting, and the water had a white appearance, as if they had been within the land; and holding on their course, S. by W. they saw land that same day, bearing from them W. and W.S.W. and quickly afterwards saw other land to the south. Then attempting, by an E.S.E. course, to get beyond the land, they were constrained to take in their topsails, by the wind blowing hard at north. In the forenoon of the 24th they saw land to starboard, at the distance of a league, stretching out to the east and south, having very high hills all covered with snow. They then saw other land bearing east from the former, which likewise was high and rugged. According to estimation, these two lands lay about eight leagues asunder, and they guessed there might be a good passage between them, because of a brisk current which ran to the southward in the direction of that opening. At noon they made their latitude 54 deg. 46′,[106] and stood towards the before-mentioned opening, but were delayed by a calm. At this place they saw a prodigious multitude of penguins, and such numbers of whales that they had to proceed with much caution, being afraid they might injure their ship by running against them.

[Footnote 106: They were here obviously approaching the Straits of Le Maire, discovered on the present occasion, the northern opening of which is in lat. 54 deg. 40′ S. the southern in 55 deg. S. and the longitude 65 deg. 15′ W. from Greenwich.–E.]

In the forenoon of the 25th they got close in with the eastern land, and upon its north side, which stretched E.S.E. as far as the eye could carry. This they named _States Land_, and to that which lay westward of the opening they gave the name of _Maurice Land_.[107] The land on both sides seemed entirely bare of trees and shrubs, but had abundance of good roads and sandy bays, with great store of fish, porpoises, penguins and other birds. Having a north wind at their entrance into this passage, they directed their course S.S.W. and going at a brisk rate, they were at noon in lat. 55 deg. 36′ S. and then held a S.W. course with a brisk gale. The land on the south side of the passage or Straits of _Le Maire_, and west side, to which they gave the name of _Maurice Land_, [being the east side of the Terra del Fuego] appeared to run W.S.W. and S.W. as far as they could see, and was all a very rugged, uneven, and rocky coast. In the evening, having the wind at S.W. they steered S. meeting with prodigious large waves, rolling along before the wind; and, from the depth of the water to leeward, which appeared by very evident signs, they were fully convinced that they had the great South Sea open before them, into which they had now almost made their way by a new passage of their own discovering.

[Footnote 107: The former of these names is still retained, but not the latter; the land on the west of the Straits of Le Maire being Terra del Fuego; and the cape at the N.W. of the straits mouths is now called Cape St Vincent, while the S.W. point is named Cape St Diego.–E.]

At this place the _sea-mews_ were larger than swans, their wings when extended measuring six feet from tip to tip. These often alighted on the ship, and were so tame as to allow themselves to be taken by hand, without even attempting to escape. The 26th at noon they made their latitude 57 deg. S. where they were assailed by a brisk storm at W.S.W. the sea running very high, and of a blue colour. They still held their course to the southwards, but changed at night to the N.W. in which direction they saw very high land. At noon of the 27th they were in 56 deg. 51′ S. the weather being very cold, with hail and rain, and the wind at W. and W. by S. The 28th they had great billows rolling from the west, and were at noon in 56 deg. 48′ S. The 29th having the wind at N.E. they steered S.W. and came in sight of two islands W.S.W. of their course, beset all round with cliffs. They got to these islands at noon, giving the name of _Barnevelt’s Islands_, and found their latitude to be 57 deg. S.[108] “Being unable to sail _above_ them, they held their course to the north; and taking a N.W. course in the evening from Barnevelt’s islands, they saw land N.W. and N.N.W. from them, being the lofty mountainous land covered with snow, which lies to the south of the straits of Magellan, [called Terra del Fuego,] and which ends in a sharp point, to which they gave the name of _Cape Horn_, which is in lat. 57 deg. 48′ S.”[109]

[Footnote 108: Only 56 deg., so that by some inaccuracy of instruments or calculation, the observations of the latitude, in this voyage, seem all considerably too high.–E.]

[Footnote 109: The course in the text within inverted commas, from Barnevelt’s islands to Cape Horn, is evidently erroneously stated. It ought to have run thus. “Being unable to pass to the north of these islands, they held their course S.W. seeing land on the N.W. and N.N.W. of their course, which ended in a sharp point, which they named _Cape Horn_.”–Cape Horn is in lat. 56 deg. 15′ S. and long. 67 deg. 45′ W. from Greenwich.–E.]

They now held their course westwards, being assisted by a strong current in that direction; yet had the wind from the north, and had heavy billows meeting them from the west. The 30th, the current and billows as before, they were fully assured of having the way open into the South Sea, and this day at noon they made their latitude 57 deg. 34′ S. The 31st sailing west, with the wind at north, their latitude at noon was 58 deg. S. But the wind changing to W. and W.S.W. they passed Cape Horn, losing sight of land altogether, still meeting huge billows rolling from the west with a blue sea, which made them believe they were in the main South Sea. February 1st, they had a storm at S.W. and sailed N.W. and W.N.W. The 2d, having the wind at W. they sailed southwards, and came into the lat. of 57 deg. 58′ S. The 3d they made their latitude 59 deg. 25′ S. with a strong wind at W. but saw no signs of any land to the South.

SECTION II.

_Continuation of the Voyage, from Cape Horn to the Island of Java._

Altering their course to the northwards, they plainly discerned the western mouth of the Straits of Magellan, bearing east from them, on the 12th February; and being now quite sure of their new and happy discovery, they returned thanks to the Almighty for their good fortune over a cup of wine, which was handed three times round the company. To this new-found passage or straits, leading from the Atlantic into the Pacific, they gave the name of the _Straits of Le Maire_, though that honour ought justly to have been given to _Schouten,_ by whose excellent conduct these straits were discovered.

By the 27th of February they were in lat. 40 deg. S. with fair weather, continuing their course to the north; but on the 28th, they determined to sail for the island of Juan Fernandez, to give some rest and refreshment to their sickly and wearied company. That day their latitude at noon was 35 deg. 53′ S. In the evening they shortened sail, fearing to fall in with the land in the night. Next day, being the 1st of March, they saw the islands of Juan Fernandez to the N.N.E. and got up to them at noon, being in the lat. of 35 deg. 53′ S.[110] The smaller of these islands is that to the westwards, [Masafuero,] which is very barren and rocky. The greater [Juan Fernandez,] to the eastwards, though also very high and mountainous, is yet fruitful and well shaded with trees. This island affords plenty of hogs and goats; and there is such excellent fishing all round, that the Spaniards come hither for that purpose, and transport vast quantities of fish from hence to Peru.

[Footnote 110: The latitude of Juan Fernandez is only 33 deg. 42′ S. The two islands mentioned in the text under this name, are Juan Fernandez and Masafuero; the former in long. 77 deg. 80′, the latter in 79 deg. 40′, both W. from Greenwich. Or perhaps, the second island may be the Small Goat’s or Rabbit Island, off its S.W. end, called _Isola de Cabras_, or _de Conejos_.–E.]

The road or haven of Juan Fernandez, [named la Baia, or Cumberland Harbour,] is at the east end of the island; but they shaped their course to the west end, where they could find no place in which to anchor. The boat being sent in search of an anchorage, brought an account of a beautiful valley, full of trees and thickets, and refreshed by streams of water running down from the hills, with a variety of animals feeding in this pleasant spot. The boat brought also great store of fish on board, being mostly lobsters and crabs, and reported having seen many sea wolves. Finding the island inaccessible, they took a considerable quantity of fish, and procured a supply of fresh water, after which they determined to pursue their voyage.

The 11th March they passed the tropic of Capricorn to the north, the wind in general being E.S.E. and they held their course N.N.W. till the 15th, when being in lat. 18 deg. S. they changed their course to W. The 3d April they were in 15 deg. 12′ S. being then much afflicted with the flux, and that day they saw a small low island which they got up to at noon. Finding no bottom, they could not come to anchor, but sent some men ashore in the boat. They found nothing here fit for refreshment, except some herbs which tasted like scurvy grass, and saw some dogs which could neither bark nor snarl, and for which reason they named it Dog Island. It is in lat. 15 deg. 12′, and they judged it to be 925 leagues west from the coast of Peru.[111] The interior of this island is so low, that it seemed mostly overflowed at high water, its outskirt being a sort of dike or mound, overgrown with trees, between which the salt water penetrates in several places.

[Footnote 111: Dog Island is in lat. 15 deg. 18′ S. and long. 137 deg. W. about 1200 marine leagues west from the coast of Peru under the same parallel. By the description in the text it seems one of those which are usually termed _lagoon_ islands–E.]

The 14th, sailing W. and W. by N. they saw a large low island in the afternoon, reaching a considerable way N.E. and S.W. At sun-set, being about a league from this island, a canoe came to meet them, in which were some naked Indians of a reddish colour, having long black hair. They made signs to the Dutch to go on shore, and spoke to them in a language which was not understood; neither did the Indians understand them, though spoken to in Spanish, Moluccan, and Javan. Getting near the coast, no bottom could be found, though only a musket-shot from land. They now sailed S.S.W. along the island, making ten leagues during the night, and continued along the shore on the 15th, many naked people continually inviting them to land. At length a canoe came off, but the natives would not venture into the ship, yet came to the boat, where the Dutch gave them beads, knives, and other trifles; but they found them thievishly disposed, much like the natives of the Ladrones, and were so fond of iron, that they stole the nails from the cabin windows, and the bolts from the doors. Their skins were all pictured over with snakes, dragons, and such like reptiles, and they were entirely naked, except a piece of mat before them. A boat was sent ashore well armed, and immediately on landing, about thirty of the natives rushed from a wood, armed with clubs, slings, and long staves or spears, and would have seized the boat and taken away the arms from the soldiers; but on receiving a discharge of musquetry they run off. Not being able to anchor here, they called this the _Island without ground_. It is low, and mostly composed of white sandy ground, on which are many trees, which were supposed to be cocoas and palmitos. It is not broad, but of considerable length, being in lat. 15 deg. S. and about 100 leagues from Dog Island.[112]

[Footnote 112: Sondre-ground, or Without-ground, is in lat. 15 deg. 12′ S. and 143 deg. 25′ W. long.–E.]

Finding nothing could be done here, they held on their course to the west, and on the 16th came to another island, about fifteen leagues north from the former. This seemed all drowned land, yet its skirts were well clothed with trees. Here also they found no ground, and it yielded nothing but a few herbs, with some crabs and other shell-fish, which they found good eating. It afforded them also good fresh water, which they found in a pit not far from the shore. The pottage or soup, which they made of certain herbs gathered here, proved serviceable to those who were afflicted with the flux. They called this _Water Island_,[113] because it supplied them with fresh water.

[Footnote 113: Water-land is in lat. 15 deg. S. and 146 deg. W. long.–E.]

Sailing from this island westwards, they came on the 18th to another island 20 leagues distant from the last, and extending a considerable way N.W. and S.E. Dispatching the boat in search of anchorage, a bottom was found near a point of land, in 25 and 40 fathoms, about a musket-shot from the shore, where also was a gentle stream of fresh water. This news induced them to send back the boat with some casks for water: But after using much pains to get on shore, and searching in the wood to find a spring, they were frightened away by seeing a savage. On getting back to their boat, five or six more of the savages came to the shore, but on seeing the Dutch put off they soon retired into the woods. Although they thus got rid of the savages, they encountered other adversaries of a formidable nature; for they were followed from the woods by innumerable myriads of black flies, so that they came on board absolutely covered with them from head to foot, and the plague of flies began to rage in the ship in a most intolerable manner. This persecution lasted three or four days, on which account they called this _Fly Island_,[114] and by the help of a good breeze of wind, they left it as fast as they could.

[Footnote 114: The next island W. or rather S.W. from Water-land, and nearly at the distance in the text, is now called Palliser’s island.–E.]

Continuing their course westwards from the 19th of April to the 9th of May, when they were in lat. 15 deg. 20′ S. and estimated their distance from Peru 1510 leagues to the west, they perceived a bark coming towards them, on which they fired a gun or two to make them strike. But those who were in her, either not understanding the language of cannon, or unwilling to obey, made off as fast as they could; on which the Dutch sent their boat with ten musqueteers to intercept them. Some of the savages in the bark leapt overboard, and the rest surrendered without resistance, on which the Dutch used them kindly, dressing those that were wounded, and saving the lives of some who had leapt into the sea. Besides the men, there were eight women and several children, being in all twenty-three, remaining in the bark. They were a cleanly neat kind of people, of a reddish colour, and entirely naked except the parts of shame. The men wore their long black curled hair, but that of the women was cut short.

The bark was of a singular figure and construction, consisting of two canoes fastened together, in the midst of each of which were two planks of red wood to keep out the water, and several others went across from one canoe to the other, being made fast and close above, and projected over a good way on each side. At the end of one of the canoes, on the starboard side, there stood a mast, having a fork at its upper end, where the yard lay; the sail being of mats, and the ropes of that kind of stuff of which fig-frails are made in Spain. Their only furniture consisted of a few fishing-hooks, the upper part of which was of stone, and the other of bone, tortoise-shell, or mother-of-pearl. They had no water on board, instead of which they satisfied themselves with the liquor of a few cocoa-nuts; in default of which they drank sea-water, which even the children did heartily. The Dutch sent them all again on board their vessel, where the women welcomed their husbands with joyful embraces, after which they made away to the south-east.[115]

[Footnote 115: This double canoe seems to have belonged to the Society islands, and was perhaps bound towards Otaheite, by the course which it followed on getting rid of the Dutch.–E.]

The 10th of May, Schouten continued his course W.S.W. and that day saw some very high land to larboard, S.E. by S. about eight leagues off. The 11th they came to a very high island, and about two leagues south from this to one much lower; and the same day sailed over a bank where they had fourteen fathoms on a stoney bottom, about two leagues from the land, and being past this bank could find no bottom. At this time another bark, or double canoe like the former, came up to them, having a small loose single canoe in her, to put out upon occasion. She sailed so fast that few Dutch ships could have outstripped her. She was steered behind by two oars, one in each canoe, and when they have a mind to tack they use oars forwards. Sending their boat to sound at one of these islands, ground was found a cannon-shot from the shore, in twelve, fourteen, and fifteen fathoms, but shelvy. The savages in the bark made signs as if directing them to the other island, but they anchored at the former in twenty-five fathoms on a sandy bottom, a cannon-shot from shore.

This island, in lat. 16 deg. 10′ S. is one entire mountain, looking like one of the Molucca islands, and all covered with cocoa-nut trees, for which reason they named it Cocoa island.[116] The other island is much lower than this, but longer, and stretches east and west. While at anchor off Cocoa island there came three _ships_,[117] and nine or ten canoes about them, having three or four men in each. Some of these holding out white flags in token of peace, the Dutch did so likewise. The canoes were flat before and sharp behind, hewed each out of one piece of a red kind of wood, and sailed very swiftly. On coming near the Unity, some of the savages leapt into the sea and swam to the ship, having their hands full of cocoa-nuts and _ubes-roots,_[118] which they bartered for nails and beads, giving four or five cocoa-nuts for a nail or a small string of beads, so that the Dutch that day procured 180 cocoa-nuts. This traffic brought so many of the natives on board, that the Dutch could hardly stir about the ship.

[Footnote 116: Cocas, or Boscawen island, is in 16 deg. 32′ S. and long. 169 deg. 35′ W. The other island mentioned in the text, Traitors, or Keppel island, is a few leagues S.S.W. from Cocos.–E.]

[Footnote 117: These ships must have been large double canoes.–E.]

[Footnote 118: These _ubes_-roots were perhaps the same that are called _eddoes_ by modern navigators among the South Sea islands.–E.]

The boat was now sent to the other island to see for a more convenient place in which to anchor; but she was presently beset by a vast number of canoes filled with a mad sort of people, armed with clubs, who boarded the boat and attacked the Dutchmen. On firing their muskets, the savages laughed at them for making so much noise and doing so little hurt; but, on the next discharge, one of them being shot through the breast, they learnt to pay more respect to the muskets, and to keep their due distance for the future. The savages were lusty, well-proportioned men, and most expert swimmers, but naked and thievish, and very fantastical in the fashion of their hair, some having it short, others long, some curled, and others plaited or folded up in various forms.

On the 12th the savages came again in their canoes, laden with cocoas, bananas, _ubes-roots_, hogs, and fresh water, contending violently who should get first on board. Those who were behind, being unable to get over the throng of canoes and men before them, leapt into the sea, and diving under the canoes, swam to the ship with bunches of cocoas in their mouths, and climbed up the side like so many rats, and in such swarms that the Dutch had to keep them off with cudgels. The Dutch bartered with them that day for so many cocoas, as to produce twelve for each of their men, being eighty-five in number. The natives wondered much at the size and strength of the Dutch ship; and some of them even dived under her bottom, knocking it with stones, as if to try how strong it was. The king of these savages sent a black hog on board as a present, charging the messenger to take no reward. Shortly after he came in person, in a large ship of their fashion, attended by thirty-five single canoes; and when at a small distance from the ship, he and all his people began to bawl out as loud as they could, being their manner of welcoming strangers. The Dutch received him with drums and trumpets, which pleased him much; and he and his attendants shewed their sense of this honourable reception by bowing and clapping their hands. The king gave them a present after his fashion, which they requited with an old hatchet, some rusty nails and glass beads, and a piece of linen, with all which he seemed much pleased. This king was not distinguished from his subjects by any external mark of dignity, but merely by the reverence they shewed him, as he was equally naked with all the rest; but he could not be prevailed on to come on board the Unity.

At noon on the 13th, the Dutch ship was surrounded by twenty-three large double canoes, or ships of their fashion, and forty-five single canoes, in all of which there could not be less than seven or eight hundred men. At first they pretended to come for the purpose of trade, making signs of friendship, and endeavouring to prevail upon the Dutch to remove their ship to the other island, where they would be better accommodated. Yet, in spite of all these fair pretences, the Dutch suspected that some mischief was intended by the savages, who now began to environ the ship all around, and then, with a great outcry, made a sudden attack. The king’s ship was the foremost in the action, and rushed with such violence against the Unity, that the heads of the two canoes composing it were both dashed to pieces. The rest came on as well as they could, throwing repeated showers of great stones on board; but the Dutch, having been on their guard, so galled them with musquetry, and with three great guns loaded with musket-balls and nails, that all the savages were fain to quit their canoes, and seek for safety in the water. Being thus put to the rout, they dispersed as quickly as possible. These treacherous savages were inhabitants of the lower, or more southerly, of the two islands, which therefore the Dutch named _Traitor’s Island_.

Schouten sailed from Cocoa Island that same day, holding a course to the W. and W. by S. and came on the 14th to another island, about thirty leagues from Cocoa Island, to which he gave the name of _Hope Island_,[119] because expecting there to meet with refreshments. Finding no ground for anchorage, the boat was sent to sound along shore, and found a stony bottom about a musket-shot from the shore, in some places having forty, and in others twenty and thirty fathoms, and then no bottom at all next throw of the lead. Some ten or twelve canoes came off to the ship, bartering a small quantity of flying fishes for beads, the articles being reciprocally exchanged by means of a rope let down from the stern of the ship. From this peddling traffic the Indians soon after withdrew, and endeavoured to board and carry away the boat which was employed in sounding; but met with such a reception from guns, pikes, and cutlasses, that after two of them were slain, they were glad to hurry away as fast as they could. This island was mostly composed of black cliffs, which were green on the top, and seemed well stocked with cocoa-trees. There were several houses seen along the sea side; and in one place was a large village close beside a strand, or landing-place. As there was no convenient anchorage at this place, the ground being extremely rough, Schouten proceeded on his voyage to the S.W. meaning to pursue the originally intended discovery of a southern continent.

[Footnote 119: Hope Island is in lat. 16 deg. 32′ S. and in 177 deg. 25′ W. longitude.–E.]

The 18th May, being in lat. 16 deg. 5′ S. and the west wind becoming very unsteady, they began to consult as to the farther prosecution of their voyage. Schouten represented that they were now at least 1600 leagues westward from the coast of Peru, without having made the expected discovery of a southern land, of which there was now no great probability of success, having already sailed much farther west than they at first intended. He said also, if they persisted in following their present course, they would assuredly come to the southern side of New Guinea; and if they were unable to find a passage through that country, to the west or north, they would inevitably be lost, since it would be impossible for them to get back again, by reason of the east winds which continually reign in these seas. For these reasons, and others which he urged, he proposed, that they should now alter their course to the northwards, so as to fall in with the north side of New Guinea.[120] This proposal was embraced by all the company, and it was immediately determined to change the course to N.N.W. Accordingly, holding their course in that new direction, they saw two islands at noon of the 19th, about eight leagues from them, N.E. by E. and seeming to be a cannon-shot distant from each other.[121] Upon this they steered N.E. with fair weather and a scanty wind, meaning to approach this island, but could only get within a league of it on the 21st, when they were visited by two canoes, the people in which began immediately to threaten them with loud cries, and at the same time seemed preparing to dart their _assagays_ or spears: but, on a discharge from the ship, they made off in haste, leaving two of their companions behind them who were slain, and a shirt they had stolen from the ship. Next day other natives came to the ship on friendly and peaceable terms, bringing cocoa-nuts, ubes-roots, and roasted hogs, which they bartered for knives, beads, and nails.

[Footnote 120: It is almost needless to mention, that if Schouten had continued his course in the former parallel of between 15 deg. and 16 deg. S. he must have fallen in with the group of islands now called the New Hebrides, and afterward with the northern part of New South Wales.–E.]

[Footnote 121: This was only one island, in lat. 15 deg. S. and long. 180 deg. 10′ W. which they named Horn Island.–E.]

The natives of this island were all as expert swimmers and divers as those in Traitor’s Island, and as well versed in cheating and stealing, which they never failed to do when an opportunity offered. Their houses stood all along the shore, being thatched with leaves, and having each a kind of penthouse to shed off the rain. They were mostly ten or twelve feet high, and twenty-five feet in compass, their only furniture within being a bed of dry leaves, a fishing-rod or two, and a great club, even the house of their king being no better provided than the rest. At this island the Dutch found good convenience for watering; and on the 26th they sent three of their principal people on shore as hostages, or pledges, of friendship with the islanders, retaining six of them aboard in the same capacity. The Dutch pledges were treated on shore with great respect by the king, who presented them with four hogs; and gave strict orders that none of his people should give the smallest disturbance to the boat while watering. The natives stood in great awe of their king, and were very fearful of having any of their crimes made known to him. One of them having stolen a cutlass, and complaint being made to one of the king’s officers, the thief was pursued and soundly drubbed, besides being forced to make restitution; on which occasion the officer signified, that it was well for the culprit that the king knew not of his crime, otherwise his life would certainly have been forfeited.

These islanders were extremely frightened at the report of a gun, which would set them all running like so many madmen. Yet on one occasion the king desired to hear one of the great guns let off, and being set for that purpose under a canopy, with all his courtiers about him, in great state, the gun was no sooner fired than he ran off into the woods as fast as possible, followed by his attendants, and no persuasions of the Dutch could stop them. The 25th and 26th the Dutch went ashore to endeavour to procure hogs, but were unable to get any, as the islanders had now only a few left, and would only part with cocoas, bananas, and ubes-roots; yet the king continued his wonted kindness and respect, and he and his lieutenant took the crowns from their own heads, and set them on the heads of two of the company. These crowns were composed of the white, red, and green feathers of parrots and doves. The doves of this island are white on the back, and black every where else except the breast; and each of the king’s counsellors has one of these birds sitting beside him on a stick.

The ship being completely supplied with fresh water on the 28th, Schouten and Le Maire went ashore with the trumpets, with which music the king was highly gratified. He told them of his wars with the inhabitants of the other island, and shewed several caves and thickets where they were in use to place ambuscades. It plainly appeared that he was fearful of the Dutch having some design of seizing his country, as he would fain have engaged them to go to war with the other island, and even offered to give them ten hogs and a good quantity of cocoas, if they would be gone from his island in two days. Yet he made them a visit aboard, praying when he entered the ship, and praying also at every cabin he entered. He used always to pray likewise every time the Dutch came ashore to visit him. His subjects also shewed great submission to the Dutch, kissing their feet, and laying them on their own necks, with all the marks of awe and fear they could express.

The 30th of May was a day of great ceremony, in consequence of the king of the _other island_[122] coming to visit the king of this. This king was accompanied by a train of 300 naked Indians, having bunches of green herbs stuck about their waists, of which herb they make their drink. To make sure of a welcome, this king brought with him a present of sixteen hogs. When the two kings came in sight of each other, they began to bow and to mutter certain prayers; on meeting they both fell prostrate on the ground, and after several strange gestures, they got up and walked to two seats provided for them, where they uttered a few more prayers, bowing reverently to each other, and at length sat down under the same canopy. After this, by way of doing honour to the stranger king, a messenger was sent aboard, requesting to send the drums and trumpets ashore, which was done accordingly, and they played a march to the great entertainment of the two kings. After this a solemn banquet was prepared, for which they began to make ready their liquor, and in the following strange and abominable manner. A number of Indians came into the presence of the two kings and their attendants, bringing a good quantity of _cana_, the herb of which they make their drink, each of whom took a large mouthful thereof, and having chewed it a while, put it from their mouths into a large wooden trough, and poured water on the chewed herb. After stirring it some time, they squeezed out all the liquor, which they presented in cups to the two kings.[123] They also offered of it to the Dutch, who were ready to vomit at the nastiness of its preparation.

[Footnote 122: No _other island_ is to be found in modern maps near Horn Island, the nearest being the Feejee Islands, a numerous group, about thirty leagues S.S.W. It is therefore probable that Horn Island may have consisted of two peninsulas, united by a low narrow neck, appearing to Schouten as two distinct islands.–E.]

[Footnote 123: In the Society Islands, as related by modern navigators, an intoxicating liquor is prepared nearly in a similar manner, by chewing the _ava_, or pepper-root.–E.]

The eating part of this entertainment consisted of ubes-roots roasted, and hogs nicely dressed in the following manner: Having ripped open their bellies and taken out the entrails, they singed off the hair, and put hot stones into their bellies, by which, without farther cleaning or dressing, they were made fit for the royal feast.[124] They presented two hogs dressed in this manner to the Dutch, with all the form and ceremony used to their kings, laying them first on their heads, then kneeling with much humility, they left them at their feet. They gave the Dutch also eleven living hogs; for which they got in return a present of knives, old nails, and glass beads, with which they were well pleased. The natives of this island were of a dark yellow colour, so tall, large, strong, and well-proportioned, that the tallest of the Dutch could only be compared with the smallest among them. Some wore their hair curled, frizzled, or tied up in knots, while others had it standing bolt upright on their heads, like hog’s-bristles, a quarter of an ell high. The king and some of his chief men had long locks of hair, hanging down below their hips, bound with a few knots. The women were all very ugly figures, short and ill-shaped, their breasts hanging down to their bellies like empty satchels, and their hair close cropped. Both sexes were entirely naked, except a slight covering in front. They seemed altogether void of any devotion, and free from care, living on what the earth spontaneously produces, without any art, industry, or cultivation. They neither sow nor reap, neither buy nor sell, neither do any thing for a living, but leave all to nature, and must starve if that fail them at any time. They seem also to have as little regard for the dictates of decency and modesty, as for those of civil policy and prudence; for they will use their women openly in the largest assembly, even in presence of their king, whom, in other respects, they so greatly reverence. To this island the Dutch gave the name of Horn Island, from the town in Holland whence they fitted out; and named the haven in which they anchored _Unity Bay_, after their ship. This bay, resembling a natural dock, is on the south side of the island, in the latitude of 14 deg. 16′ S.[125]

[Footnote 124: Modern voyagers describe this mode of dressing more minutely. A pit is dug in the earth, which is lined with heated stones, on which the hog is placed, having hot stones in its belly, and is covered with other hot stones, when the pit is covered up like a grave. After remaining a sufficient time in this situation, the _barbacued hog_ is said to be nicely dressed.–E.]

[Footnote 125: The latitude and longitude of Horn Island have been given in a former note, but its most extreme south point may reach to 15 deg. 16′ S.–E.]

Leaving Horn Island on the 1st of June, they saw no other land till the 21st, when they made towards a very low island bearing S.S.W. by W. from them, in lat. 4 deg. 47′ S. near which were several sands stretching N.W. from the land, as also three or four small islands very full of trees. Here a canoe came to the Unity, of the same odd fashion with those formerly described. The people also were much like those formerly seen, only blacker, and armed with bows and arrows, being the first they had seen among the Indians of the South Sea. These people told them, by signs, that there was more land to the westwards, where their king dwelt, and where there were good refreshments to be had. On this information, they sailed on the 22d W. and W. by N. in the lat. of 4 deg. 45′ S. and saw that day at least twelve or thirteen islands close together, lying W.S.W. from them, and reaching S.E. and N.W. about half a league, but they left these to larboard. The 24th, the wind being S. they saw three low islands to larboard, S.W. of their course, one of them very small, the other two being each two miles long, all very full of trees, to which they gave the name of _Green Islands_.[126] The shores of these islands were rugged and full of cliffs, presenting no place for anchoring, wherefore they proceeded on their voyage.

[Footnote 126: These Green Islands of Schouten are laid down in our best modern maps in lat. 4 deg. S. and long. 205 deg. 20′ W. The other two groups mentioned at this place in the text and without names, seem to have been the _Four Islands_ and the _Nine Islands_ of Carteret, to the S.E. of Green Islands.–E.]

On the 25th, being St John the Baptist’s day, they sailed past another island, on which were seven or eight hovels, which they named St John’s Island. [Lat. 3 deg. 40′ S. long. 206 deg. 20′ W.] At this time they saw some very high land to the S.W. which they thought to be the western point of New Guinea.[127] They reached this coast by noon, and sailed along, sending their boat in search of an anchorage, but no bottom could then be found. Two or three canoes filled with a barbarous people attacked the boat with slings, but were soon driven away by the muskets. These people were very black, entirely naked, and spoke a quite different language from that of the islanders they had seen hitherto. They kept fires burning on the coast all night, and some of them came lurking about the ship in their canoes; but though the Dutch, on discovering them, did every thing they could to conciliate, they would not understand any signs made for procuring provisions, but answered all with horrible noises and outcries.

[Footnote 127: This land was discovered afterwards to be separate from New Guinea, and is now named New Ireland, having another large island interposed, called New Britain.–E.]

At night, they anchored in a bay in 40 fathoms on uneven ground. About this place the country was high and verdant, and afforded a pleasant prospect, being, as they guessed, 1840 leagues west from the coast of Peru. In the morning of the 26th, three canoes came to the ship, quite full of these barbarians, being well armed after their manner, with clubs, wooden swords, and slings. The Dutch treated them kindly, giving them several toys to procure their favour; but they were not to be won by kindness, neither could they be taught good manners except by the language of the great guns: For they presently assaulted the ship with all their force, and continued till ten or twelve of them were slain by cannon-shot. They then threw themselves into the water, endeavouring to escape by swimming and diving; but they were pursued in the water by the boat, when several were knocked in the head, and three prisoners taken, besides four of their canoes, which were cut up as fuel for the use of the ship. Though these savages would not formerly understand any signs, they were now more apt, and understood that hogs and bananas were demanded in ransom for the prisoners. One wounded man was set at liberty, but the Dutch exacted ten hogs for the others. This island afforded a sort of birds that are all over bright red. North of it lay another island, of which they made no other discovery, except its position in regard to this. The Dutch concluded that these people were of the _Papuas_ nation, because of their short hair, and because they chewed betel mixed with chalk.

In the evening of the 28th, they sailed from hence, and next day held a course to the N.W. and N.W. by N. with a shifting wind till noon, and then a calm. They had the point of the island in view till evening, though they sailed along the coast, which was full of bays and turnings, and trended N.W. and N.W. by W. This day they saw other three high islands, which lay northwards five or six miles from the greater one, being then in the latitude of 3 deg. 20′ S. The 30th in the morning, several canoes of these black Papuas came off to the ship, and being allowed to come aboard, broke certain staves over the Dutch, in sign of peace. Their canoes were more artificially made and ornamented than the others, and the people seemed more civilized and more modest, as they had the pudenda covered, which the others had not. Their hair was rubbed over with chalk, their black frizly locks appearing as if powdered. They affected to be poor, and came to beg, not bringing any thing to the ship, yet the four islands whence they came appeared, to be well stored with cocoas.

On the 1st June, the Dutch came to anchor between the coast of New Guinea and an island two miles long. They were soon after surrounded by twenty-five canoes, full of the same people who had broken staves the day before in token of peace, and who came now fully armed in guise of war. They were not long of entering on the work they came about. Two of them laid hold of two anchors which hung from the bows of the ship, and endeavoured with their girdles to tug the ship on shore. The rest lay close to the ship’s sides, and gave a brisk onset with slings and other weapons; but the great guns soon forced them to retire, with twelve or thirteen killed, and many more wounded. After this, the Dutch sailed peaceably along the coast, with a good gale of wind, continuing their course W.N.W. and N.W. by W. The 2d they were in lat. 3 deg. 12′ S. and saw a low land to larboard, and right before them a low island. Continuing W.N.W. with a slight current at E.N.E. they sailed gently along. The 3d they saw high land, bearing W. about 14 leagues from the other island, and in lat. 2 deg. 41′ S. The 4th, while passing these four island, they suddenly came in view of twenty-three other islands, some great, some small, some high, and others low, most of which they left to starboard, and only two or three to larboard. Some of these were a league distant from the others, and some only a cannon-shot. Their latitude was in 2 deg. 30′ S. a little more or less.

On the 6th in the morning, the weather being variable and even sometimes stormy, they had in the morning a very high hill before them, bearing S.W. which they thought to have been _Geeminassi_ in Banda; but, on a nearer approach, they discovered three other hills more like it in the north, some six or seven leagues distant, which they were convinced were that hill of Banda.[128] Behind these hills lay a large tract of land, stretching east and west, of very great extent, and very uneven. In the morning of the 7th, they sailed towards these mighty hills, some of which they found were volcanoes, for which reason they named this _Vulcan’s Island_. It was well inhabited and fall of cocoa-nut trees, but had no convenient place for anchorage. The inhabitants were naked, and extremely fearful of the Dutch, and their language so different from that of all the neighbouring people, that none of the blacks could understand them. More islands appeared to the N. and N.W. but they proceeded to a very low island, bearing N.W. by W. which they reached in the evening. The water here was observed to be of several colours, green, white, and yellow, perhaps occasioned by the mixture of some river, as it was far sweeter than ordinary sea water, and was full of leaves and boughs of trees, on some of which were birds, and even some crabs.

[Footnote 128: They still had the north-western end of Papua or New Guinea between them and Banda, from which they were distant at least twelve degrees of longitude.–E.]

On the 8th, continuing their course W.N.W. having a high island on the starboard, and another somewhat lower to larboard, they anchored in the afternoon in 70 fathoms on a good sandy bottom, about a cannon-shot from the land, at an island in 3 deg. 40′ S. which seemed an unhealthy place, yielding nothing of any value except a little ginger. It was inhabited by Papuas or blacks, whose ridiculous mode of dress, and their own natural deformity, made them appear little short of a kind of monsters. Hardly any of them but had something odd and strange, either in the bigness or position of their limbs. They had strings of hog’s teeth hung about their necks; their noses were perforated, in which rings were fastened; their hair was frizled, and their faces very ugly. Their houses also were extremely singular, being mounted on stakes, eight or nine feet above the ground. Before noon of the 9th, they anchored in a more convenient bay, in 26 fathoms, on a bottom of sand mixed with clay. There were two villages near the shore, whence some canoes brought off hogs and cocoas, but the Indians held them at so dear a rate that the Dutch would not buy any of them.

Though they had now sailed so long upon this new land, yet were they unable to determine with any certainty if it actually were the coast of New Guinea, as their charts neither agreed with each other, nor with the coast in view. This coast for the most part ran N.W. by W. sometimes more westerly, and at other times more northerly. Yet they held on their course W.N.W. along the coast, having quiet weather though dull winds, but assisted by a stream or current setting along the coast to the westwards. Proceeding in this manner, they came into the lat. of 2 deg. 58′ S. at noon of the 12th. Continuing their course on the 13th and 14th, the coast in sight was sometimes high and at other times low. The 15th, still pursuing the same course, they reached two low islands about half a league from the main, about the latitude of 2 deg. 54′ S. where they had good anchorage in 45 and 46 fathoms. Seeing the country well stored with cocoas, two boats well armed were sent with orders to land and procure some cocoa-nuts. But they were forced to retire by the Indians, in spite of their muskets, at least sixteen of the Dutch, being wounded by arrows and stones thrown from slings.

In the morning of the 16th, they sailed in between the two low islands, and anchored in a safe place in nine fathoms. They landed that day on the smaller island, where they burnt some huts of the natives, and brought away as many cocoa-nuts as gave three to each man of the company. The barbarous natives became now more tractable; as on the 17th they came to make their peace-offerings of cocoas, bananas, ginger, and certain yellow roots [turmeric] used instead of saffron. They even trusted the Dutch so far as to come on board, when peace was entirely restored, and their hearts won by a few nails and beads. They continued bartering on the 18th, for cocoas and bananas, procuring fifty nuts and two bunches of bananas for each man of the company, with a smaller quantity of cassava and _papade_. These cassavas and papades are East India commodities, the former being also to be had particularly good in the West Indies, and far preferable to what they got here. The people make all their bread of this substance, baking it in large round cakes. This smaller island, which is the more easterly, the natives named _Mosa_; the other over against it they call _Jusan_, and the farthest off _Arimea_, which, is very high, and about five or six leagues from the coast of New Guinea.[129] These places had probably been visited before by Europeans, as they had among them some Spanish pots and jars. They were not nearly so much surprised at the report of the great guns as the others had been, neither were they so curious in looking at the ship.

[Footnote 129: These names are not to be found in our modern general maps, though certainly infinitely better for all the uses of geography than the absurd appellations so much in use among voyagers.–E.]

On the 21st at noon, sailing along the land as before N.W. they were in lat. 1 deg. 13′ S. The current drove them to a cluster of islands, where they anchored in thirteen fathoms, and were detained all day of the 22d by storms of thunder and rain. Setting sail in the morning of the 23d, six large canoes overtook them, bringing dried fish, cocoas, bananas, tobacco, and a small sort of fruit resembling plums. Some Indians also from another island brought provisions to barter, and some vessels of China porcelain. Like other Savages, they were excessively fond of beads and iron; but they were remarkably distinguished from the natives in the last islands, by their larger size, and more orange-coloured complexions. Their arms were bows and arrows, and they wore glass earrings of several colours, by which latter circumstance it appeared that they had been previously visited by other Europeans, and consequently that this was not to be considered as a discovery.

The 24th, steering N.W. and W.N.W. and being in lat. 0 deg. 30′ S. they sailed along a very pleasant island, which they named Schouten’s Island, after their master,[130] and called its western point Cape of Good Hope. The 25th they passed an extensive tract of uneven land on their larboard hand, stretching from E.S.E. to W.N.W. The 26th they saw three other islands, the coast stretching N.W. by W. The 27th they were in lat. 0 deg. 29′ S. still seeing much land to the south, some of which were very high and some low, which they passed, continuing their course to the north of west. The 29th they felt the shock of an earthquake, which shook the ship to that degree that the men ran terrified out of their births, believing the ship had run a-ground, or had bilged against some rock. On heaving the lead they found the sea unfathomable, and their ship clear from all danger of rocks or shoals. The 30th they put into a great bay, out of which they could find no opening to the west, and resumed therefore a northern course. Here the ship trembled again with loud claps of thunder, and was almost set on fire by the lightning, had it not been prevented by prodigious rain.

[Footnote 130: The centre of Schouten Island is in lat. 0 deg. 30′ S. and long. 223 deg. W. It is nearly 24 leagues long from E. to W. and about eight leagues from N. to S. In some maps this island is named _Mysory_, probably the native appellation, and it lies off the mouth of a great bay, having within it another island of considerable size, called _Jobie_, or Traitor’s Island.–E.]

The 31st, continuing a northern course, they passed to the north of the equator, and being encompassed almost all round by land, they anchored in twelve fathoms on good ground, near a desolate island which lay close by the main land. The 1st of August they were in lat. 0 deg. 15′ N. The 2d and 3d being calm, they were carried by the current W. and W. by N. This day at noon their latitude was 0 deg. 35′ N. when they saw several whales and sea-tortoises, with two islands to the westwards. They now reckoned themselves at the western extremity of the land of New Guinea, along which they had sailed 280 leagues. Several canoes came off to them in the morning of the 5th, bringing Indian beans, rice, tobacco, and two beautiful birds of paradise, all white and yellow. These Indians spoke the language of Ternate, and some of them could speak a little Spanish and Malayan, in which last language Clawson the merchant was well skilled. All the people in these canoes were finely clothed from the waist downwards, some with loose silken robes, and others with breeches, and several had silken turbans on their head, being Mahometans. All of them had jet black hair, and wore many gold and silver rings on their fingers. They bartered their provisions with the Dutch for beads and other toys, but seemed more desirous of having linen. They appeared so fearful and suspicious of the Dutch, that they would not tell the name of their country, which however was suspected to be one of the three eastern points of Gilolo, and that the people were natives of Tidore, which was afterwards found to be the case.

In the morning of the 6th they set sail, holding a northern, course, intending to go round the north point of Gilolo. The 7th they saw the north point of Morty, or Moraty, N.E. of Gilolo. Contending with variable winds and adverse currents it was the 19th before they could get into the bay of _Soppy_ in Gilolo, where they anchored in ten fathoms on sandy ground, about a cannon-shot from shore. Here they procured poultry, tortoises, sago, and rice, which was a great relief for the company, still consisting of eighty-five men in health and vigour. Leaving Soppy on the 25th August they came to the desert island of Moro on the 1st September, and, on closer examination, found it composed of several islands close together. They saw here a worm, or serpent, as thick as a man’s leg and of great length. On the 5th they anchored off the coast of Gilolo. At this place some of the seamen went ashore unarmed to catch fish, when four Ternatese soldiers rushed suddenly out of the wood sword-in-hand while the Dutchmen were drawing their net, intending to have slain them; but the surgeon called out to them _Oran Hollanda_, that is, _Holland men_, on which the soldiers instantly stopped, throwing water on their heads in token of peace, and approaching in a friendly manner, said they had mistaken the Dutchmen for Spaniards. At the request of the seamen they went on board, where, being well treated, they promised to bring provisions and refreshment to the ship, which they afterwards did.

Sailing thence on the 14th they got sight of Ternate and Tidore on the 16th, and anchored on the 17th in the evening before Malaya in Ternate, in eleven fathoms sandy ground. Here captain Schouten and Jaques Le Maire went ashore, and were kindly entertained by the general Laurence Real, admiral Stephen Verhagen, and Jasper Janson, governor of Amboina. On the 18th they sold two of their pinnaces, with most of what had been saved out of the unfortunate Horn, receiving for the same 1350 reals, with part of which they purchased two lasts of rice, a ton of vinegar, a ton of Spanish wine, and three tons of biscuit. On the 27th they sailed for Bantam, and on the 28th of October anchored at Jacatra, now Batavia. John Peterson Koen, president for the Dutch East India Company at Bantam, arrived there on the 31st of October, and next day sequestered the Unity and her cargo, as forfeited to the India company for illegally sailing within the boundaries of their charter.

* * * * *

In consequence of the seizure of the Unity, captain Schouten and Jaques Le Maire, with others of their people, embarked at Bantam in the Amsterdam and Zealand on the 14th December, 1616, on which they set sail for Holland. On the 31st of that month Jaques Le Maire died, chiefly of grief and vexation on account of the disastrous end of an enterprise which had been so successful till the arrest of the ship and cargo. He was, however, exceedingly solicitous about his journal, which he had kept with the utmost care during the voyage, and left a recommendation that it should be published, that the world might know and judge of the usage they had received. The Amsterdam arrived in Zealand on the 1st July, 1617, where her consort had arrived the day before. Thus was this circumnavigation of the globe completed in two years and eighteen days; which, considering the difficulties of the course, and other circumstances of the voyage, was a wonderfully short period.[131]

[Footnote 131: In the Collection of Harris this voyage is succeeded by a dissertation on the high probability of a southern continent existing, and that this supposed continent must be another _Indies_. Both of these fancies being now sufficiently overthrown by the investigations of our immortal Cook, and other modern navigators, it were useless to encumber our pages with such irrelevant reveries.–E.]

CHAPTER VII.

VOYAGE OF THE NASSAU FLEET ROUND THE WORLD, IN 1623-1626, UNDER THE COMMAND OF JAQUES LE HERMITE.[132]

[Footnote 132: Harris I. 66. Callend. II. 286.]

INTRODUCTION.

The government of the United Netherlands, considering it proper to distress their arch enemy the king of Spain by every means in their power, determined upon sending a powerful squadron into the South Sea, to capture the ships of his subjects, to plunder the coasts of his dominions, and to demolish his fortifications. Accordingly, in autumn 1622, a final resolution for this purpose was entered into by the States General, with the concurrence of their stadtholder, Prince Maurice of Orange, who even advanced a considerable sum of money towards it from his own funds; and a fleet of no less than eleven ships of war, besides smaller vessels, were ordered to be fitted out for the expedition, by the several admiralties of the Union and the East India Company. This fleet was in condition for putting to sea in spring 1623, when the command was intrusted to Jaques Le Hermite, an able and accomplished seaman of great experience, who had been long in the service of the East India Company, and was now appointed admiral of the fleet; Hugo Schapenham being vice-admiral. The ships fitted out on this occasion by the admiralty of Amsterdam were,–

1. The Amsterdam of 800 tons, admiral, carrying twenty brass cannon and twenty-two iron, with 237 men, commanded by Leenders Jacobson Stolk, as captain, Peter Wely being supercargo, Engelbert Schutte commander of the soldiers on board, Frederick van Reneygom fiscal or judge-advocate, John van Walbeck, engineer, and Justin van Vogelair engineer extraordinary.

2. The Delft of 800 tons, vice-admiral, having twenty brass and twenty iron cannon, with 242 men, commanded by captain Cornelius de Witte.

3. The Eagle of 400 tons, captain Meydert Egbertson, of twelve brass and sixteen iron cannon, with 144 men.

4. A yacht called the Greyhound, of sixty tons, captain Solomon Willelmson, carrying four brass cannons and twenty men.

The admiralty of Zealand fitted out only one ship for this expedition.

5. The Orange of 700 tons, captain Laurence John Quirynen, and carrying likewise the rear-admiral, John William Verschoor. Her complement of men was 216.[133]

[Footnote 133: Her number of guns is not mentioned, but she could hardly have less than thirty-six from her size–E.]

The admiralty of the Maes furnished the following ships:

6. The Holland of 600 tons and 152 men, carrying ten pieces of brass and twenty of iron ordnance. In this ship was Cornelius Jacobson, who was counsellor to admiral Le Hermite, but the ship was immediately commanded by captain Adrian Troll.

7. The Maurice of 360 tons and 169 men, having twelve brass and twenty iron cannon, commanded by captain James Adrianson.

8. The Hope of 260 tons and eighty men, with fourteen iron cannon, captain Peter Hermanson Slobbe.

The admiralty of North Holland also provided the following ships:

9. The Concord of 600 tons and 170 men, with eighteen brass and fourteen iron cannon, captain John Ysbrandtz.

10. The King David of 360 tons and seventy-nine men, with sixteen pieces of brass cannon, captain John Thomason.

11. The Griffin of 320 tons, and seventy-eight men, with fourteen iron cannon, captain Peter Cornelison Hurdloop.

The whole of this fleet of eleven sail, carrying 294 pieces of cannon, had 1637 men, of whom 600 were regular soldiers, divided into five companies of 120 men in each. The East India Company contributed largely to the expence, but does not appear to have equipped any ships on this occasion.

SECTION I.

_Incidents of the Voyage from Holland to the South Sea_.

This armament, usually called the Nassau fleet, was by far the most considerable that had hitherto been sent against the Spaniards in the new world, and none so powerful has since navigated along the western coast of America in an hostile manner. It sailed on the 29th April, 1622, from Goeree roads, all but the Orange, which joined next day.

On the 7th June, while chasing a Barbary corsair, a Christian slave, who happened to be at the helm, ran the corsair on board the Dutch vice-admiral, and immediately he and other slaves took the opportunity of leaping on board to escape from slavery. The captain of the corsair, who happened to be a Dutch renegado, followed them, and demanded restitution of his slaves; but the vice-admiral expostulated so strongly with him on the folly and infamy of deserting his country and religion, that he sent for every thing belonging to him out of the corsair, and agreed to go along with the fleet, to the regret of the Turks, who thus lost their captain and seventeen good men.

On the 5th July the fleet anchored in the road of St Vincent, which is extremely safe and commodious, where they procured refreshments of sea-tortoises, fish, goats, and oranges. The islands of St Vincent and St Antonio are the most westerly of the Cape Verds, being in from 16 deg. 30′ to 18 deg. N. latitude, and about two leagues from each other. The bay of St Vincent, in which they anchored, is in lat. 16 deg. 56′ N. and has a good firm sandy bottom, with eighteen, twenty, and twenty-five fathoms water. The island of St Vincent is rocky, barren, and uncultivated, having very little fresh water, though they found a small spring which might have served two or three ships. By digging wells they procured plenty of water, but somewhat brackish, to which they attributed the bloody flux, which soon after began to prevail in the fleet. The goats there, of which they caught fifteen or sixteen every day, were very fat and excellent eating. The sea-tortoises which they took there were from two to three feet long. They come on shore to lay their eggs, which they cover with sand, leaving them to be hatched by the heat of the sun. Their season of laying eggs is from August to February, remaining all the rest of the year in the sea. They caught every night great numbers of these animals while ashore to lay their eggs, and the sailors found them wholesome and pleasant food, eating more like flesh than fish.

This island is altogether uninhabited, but the people of St Lucia come here once a year to catch tortoises, for the sake of an oil they prepare from them; and to hunt goats, the skins of which are sent to Portugal, and their flesh, after being salted and dried at St Jago, is exported to Brazil. There are no fruit-trees in this island, except a few wild figs in the interior; besides which, it produces colocinth, or bitter apple which is a very strong purge.[134] This island has a very dry climate, except during the rainy season, which begins in August and ends in February, but is not very regular.

[Footnote 134: Cucumis Colocynthis, a plant of the cucumber family, producing a fruit about the size of an orange, the medullary part of which, when ripe, dried, and freed from the seeds, is a very light, white, spongy substance, composed of membranous leaves, excessively bitter, nauseous, and acrid.]

The island of St Antonio is inhabited by about 500 negroes, including men, women, and children, who subsist chiefly on goats, and also cultivate a small quantity of cotton. On the sea-side they have extensive plantations of lemons and oranges, whence they gather great quantities every year. These were very readily supplied to the Dutch by the negroes in exchange for mercery goods, but they saw neither hogs, sheep, nor poultry in the island.

Sailing from St Vincent’s on the 25th July, they anchored in the road of Sierra Leona on the 11th August. Here on the 15th some of the crew being on shore, eat freely of certain nuts resembling nutmegs, which had a fine taste, but had scarcely got on board when one of them dropt down dead, and before he was thoroughly cold he was all over purple spots. The rest recovered by taking proper medicines. Sierra Leona is a mountain on the continent of Africa, standing on the south side of the mouth of the river Mitomba, which discharges itself into a great bay of the sea. The road in which ships usually anchor is in the lat. of 8 deg. 20′ N. This mountain is very high, and thickly covered with trees, by which it may be easily known, as there is no mountain of such height any where upon the coast. There grow here a prodigious number of trees, producing a small kind of lemons called _limasses_, (limes?) resembling those of Spain in shape and taste, and which are very agreeable and wholesome, if not eaten to excess. The Dutch fleet arrived here at the season when this fruit was in perfection, and having full leave from the natives, the people eat them intemperately; by which, and the bad air, the bloody flux increased much among them, so that they lost forty men between the 11th of August and the 5th September. Sierra Leona abounds in palm-trees, and has some ananas, or pine-apples, with plenty of wood of all sorts, besides having an exceedingly convenient watering-place opposite to the anchorage.

They sailed from Sierra Leona on the 4th September, on which day the admiral fell sick. On the 29th they were off the island of St Thomas, just on the north side of the line, and anchored on the 1st of October at Cape Lopo Gonzalves, in lat. 0 deg. 50′ S. At this place the surgeon of the Maurice was convicted on his own confession of having poisoned seven sick men, because they had given him much trouble, for which he was beheaded. On the 30th of October they anchored in the road of Annobon, where they obtained hogs and fowls, and were allowed to take in water, and to gather as many oranges as they thought proper. The east end of this island, where are the road and village, is in lat. 1 deg. 30′ S. and long. 6 deg. E. from Greenwich. The island is about six leagues in circuit, consisting of high and tolerably good land, and is inhabited by about 150 families of negroes, who are governed by two or three Portuguese, to whom they are very submissive. If any of them happen to be refractory, they are immediately sent away to the island of St Thomas, a punishment which they greatly dread. The island abounds in ananas, bananas, cocoa-nuts, tamarinds, and sugar-canes; but the principal inducement for ships touching here is the great plenty of oranges, of which the Dutch gathered upwards of 200,000, besides what the seamen eat while on shore. These oranges were of great size and full of juice, some weighing three quarters of a pound, and of an excellent taste and flavour, as if perfumed. They are to be had ripe all the year round, but there is one season in which they are best and fittest for keeping, which was past before the Dutch arrived, and the oranges were then mostly over ripe and beginning to rot. The island also produces lemons, and has plenty of oxen, cows, goats, and hogs, which the negroes bartered for salt. On the S.E. part of the island there is a good watering-place, but difficult to find, which is commanded by a stone breast-work, whence the negroes might greatly annoy any who attempted to water by force. They grow here some cotton, which is sent to Portugal. The natives are treacherous, and require to be cautiously dealt with.

The fleet left Annobon on the 4th November, and on the 6th January, 1624, they were in lat. 44 deg. 40′ S. where they saw many sea-gulls, and much herbage floating on the water, whence they supposed themselves near the continent of South America. On the 19th the sea appeared as red as blood, proceeding from an infinite quantity of a small species of shrimps. On the 28th they lost sight of their bark, in which were eighteen men, three of them Portuguese. These people, as they afterwards learnt, having in vain endeavoured to rejoin the fleet, determined to return to Holland. Being in want of water, they sailed up the Rio de la Plata till they came into fresh water, after which they continued their voyage, suffering incredible hardships, and the utmost extremity of want, till they arrived on the coast of England, where they ran their vessel on shore to escape a privateer belonging to Dunkirk, and afterward got back to Holland.

The 1st February the fleet came in sight of land, being Cape de Pennas.[135] Next day they found themselves at the mouth of the straits. This is easily distinguished, as the country on the east, called _Saten Land_, is mountainous, but broken and very uneven; while that on the west, called _Maurice Land_ by the Dutch, or Terra del Fuego, has several small round hills close to the shore. The 6th they had sight of Cape Horn; and on the 11th, being in lat. 58 deg. 30′ S. they had excessively cold weather, which the people were ill able to bear, being on short allowance. On the 16th they were in lat. 56 deg. 10′ S. Cape Horn being then to the east of them, and anchored on the 17th in a large bay, which they named _Nassau bay_.[136] Another bay was discovered on the 18th, in which there was good anchorage, with great convenience for wooding and watering, and which they called Schapenham’s bay, after the name of their vice-admiral.

[Footnote 135: This seems to be what is now called Cape St Vincent, at the W. side of the entrance into the Straits of Le Maire.–E.]

[Footnote 136: The centre of Nassau bay is in lat. 55 deg. 30′ N. long. 68 deg. 20′ W. This bay is formed between Terra del Fuego on the north, and Hermite’s island south by east, the south-eastern extreme point of which is Cape Horn. This island appears to have been named after admiral Le Hermite.–E.]

On the 23d a storm arose with such violence that nineteen men belonging to the Eagle were compelled to remain on shore; and next day, when the boats were able to go for them, only two of these men were left alive, the savages having come upon them in the dark, and knocked seventeen of them on the head with their slings and wooden clubs, the poor Dutchmen being all unarmed, and not having offered the least injury or insult to the savages. Only five of the dead bodies were found on the shore, which were strangely mangled, all the rest having been carried away by the savages, as it was supposed, to eat them. After this, every boat that went ashore carried eight or ten soldiers for their security; but none of the savages ever appeared again.

The vice-admiral went on the 25th in the Greyhound to visit the coast. On his return he reported to the admiral, that he found the Terra del Fuego divided into several islands, and that it was by no means necessary to double Cape Horn in order to get into the South Sea, as they might pass out from Nassau bay to the west into the open sea, leaving Cape Horn on the south. He apprehended also, that there were several passages from Nassau bay leading into the Straits of Magellan. The greatest part of the _Terra del Fuego_ is mountainous, but interspersed with many fine vallies and meadows, and watered by numerous streams or rivulets, descending from the hills. Between the islands there are many good roads, where large fleets may anchor in safety, and where there is every desirable convenience for taking in wood, water, and ballast. The winds, which rage here more than in any other country, and with inexpressible violence, blow constantly from the west, for which reason such ships as are bound westerly ought to avoid this coast as much as possible, keeping as far south as they can, where they are likely to meet with southerly winds to facilitate their westerly course.

The inhabitants of the Terra del Fuego are as fair as any Europeans, as was concluded by seeing a young child; but the grown-up people disguise themselves strangely, painting themselves with a red earth after many fanciful devices, some having their heads, others their arms, their legs and thighs red, and other parts of their bodies white. Many of them have one half of their bodies red, from the forehead to the feet, and the other side white. They are all strong made and well-proportioned, and generally about the same stature with Europeans. Their hair is black, which they wear long, thick, and bushy, to make them the more frightful. They have good teeth, but very thin, and as sharp as the edge of a knife. The men go entirely naked, and the women have only a piece of skin about their waists, which is very surprising, considering the severity of the climate. Their huts are made of trees, in the form of a round tent, having a hole at the top to let out the smoke. Within they are sunk two or three feet under the surface of the ground, and the earth taken from this hollow is thrown upon the outside. Their fishing-tackle is very curious, and is furnished with hooks made of stone, nearly of the same shape with ours. They are variously armed, some having bows and arrows artificially headed with stone; others long javelins or spears, headed with bone; some have great wooden clubs, some have slings, and most have stone knives, or daggers, which are very sharp. They are never seen without their arms, as they are always at war among themselves; and it would appear that the several tribes paint differently, that they may distinguish each other; for the people about the island of _Torhaltens_, and about _Schapenham bay_, were all painted black, while those about _Greyhound bay_ were painted red.

Their canoes are very singular, being formed of bark, fortified both on the inside and outside with several pieces of small wood, and then covered over by bark, so as to be both tight and strong. These canoes are from ten to fourteen, and even sixteen feet long, and two feet broad, and will contain seven or eight men, who navigate them as swiftly as our boats. In manners, these people resemble beasts more than men, for they tear human bodies in pieces, and eat the raw and bloody flesh. They have not the smallest spark of religion, neither any appearance of polity or civilization, being in all respects utterly brutal, insomuch that if they have occasion to make water, they let fly upon whoever is nearest them. They have no knowledge of our arms, and would even lay their hands on the edges of the Dutchmen’s swords; yet are exceedingly cunning, faithless, and cruel; shewing every appearance of friendship at one time, and instantly afterwards murdering those with whom they have been familiar. The Dutch found it impossible to procure any kind of refreshments from them, though such surely were among them, for quantities of cow-dung were seen; and their bow-strings were made of ox sinews: besides, a soldier who went ashore from the Greyhound yacht, while she lay at anchor, reported to the vice-admiral, that he had seen a large herd of cattle feeding in a meadow.[137]

[Footnote 137: This is not at all likely to have been true. The cattle, the dung, and the sinews mentioned in the text, are more likely to have been of some species of the seal tribe–E.]

On the 27th of February, 1624, the admiral made a signal for sailing, the wind being then N. so that hopes were entertained of getting from the bay of Nassau to the west; but a storm came on in the evening at W. and blew hard all night. March 3d, they had an observation at noon, when they were in lat, 59 deg. 45′ S. with the wind at N.W. Hitherto it had been the opinion of nautical men, that it was easy to get from the Straits of Le Maire to Chili, but hardly possible to pass from Chili by that strait into the Atlantic, as they imagined that the south wind blew constantly in these seas: but they now found the case quite otherwise, as the frequent tempests they encountered from W. and N.W. rendered it beyond comparison easier to have passed through the Straits of Le Maire from the South Sea than from the Atlantic.

The wind still continuing strong from the west on the 6th, the admiral held a council to consider of a proper rendezvous for the fleet, in case of separation, or of being forced to winter, if these west winds should still continue to oppose their entry into the South Sea. Some proposed the Terra del Fuego, and others the Straits of Magellan. But the majority were of opinion, that it was best to wait two months for a fair wind, and to use their utmost endeavours to get into the South Sea. On the 8th they were in 61 deg. S. on the 14th in 58 deg., and on the 18th, 19th and 20th they had a fair wind at S.E. with warm weather, so that they were now in hopes of having accomplished their purpose. On the 24th they lost sight of the Maurice and David, the fleet being now reduced to seven sail; and the same evening they were in lat. 47 deg. S. The 25th, having still a fair wind and good weather, they reached 45 deg. S. and were then in great hopes of overcoming all difficulties. The 28th they got sight of the coast of Chili, bearing E.S.E. and in the evening were within a league of the shore, which appeared high and mountainous.

SECTION II:

_Transactions of the Fleet on the Western Coast of America_.

The admiral was at this time confined to bed, and wished to have put into the port of Chiloe; but his instructions did not allow of this measure, requiring the performance of some action of importance against the Spaniards in Peru. It was therefore resolved to proceed for the island of Juan Fernandez, to make the best preparations in their power for attacking the Spanish galleons in the port of Arica, if found there, and to gain possession of that place, after which it was proposed to extend their conquests by the aid of the Indians. On the 1st April, being then in lat. 38 deg. 10′ S. the vice-admiral took to his bed, quite worn out with fatigue, so that they expected to lose both the admiral and him. On the 4th they had sight of Juan Fernandez, in lat. 33 deg. 50′ S. and next day came to anchor in sixty fathoms in a fine bay. The 6th orders were issued to provide all the ships with as many cheveaux-de-frize and pallisades as they could. The Griffin joined the fleet in the evening, not having been seen since the 2d February. She had been in the lat. of 60 deg. S. and had got into the South Sea without seeing Cape Horn. The Orange arrived on the 7th, having twice seen the southern continent on her passage, once in lat. 50 deg., and the other time in lat. 41 deg. S.[138] The David came in on the 7th, bringing advice of the Maurice, both vessels having been five or six days beating about the island, but hindered from getting in by contrary winds.

[Footnote 138: No land whatever could be seen in these latitudes in the eastern Pacific, so that they must have been deceived by fog, banks, or islands of ice.–E.]

The larger and more easterly of the two islands of Juan Fernandez is in the latitude of 30 deg. 40′ S. five degrees west from the coast of Chili; this island being called by the Spaniards _Isla de Tierra_, and the smaller or more westerly island _Isla de Fuera_, which is a degree and a half farther east.[139]

[Footnote 139: Isola de Tierra, the eastermost of these islands of Juan Fernandez, in lat. 33 deg. 42′ S. and long. 79 deg. 5′ E. is about 15 English miles from E. to W. by 5-1/2 miles in its greatest breadth from N. to S. Besides this and Isola de Fuera, mentioned in the text, there is still a third, or smallest island, a mile and a half south from the S.W. end of the Isola de Tierra, called Isola de Cabras or Conejos, Goat or Rabbit island, three English miles from N.W. to S.E. and a mile in breadth.–E.]

The more easterly and larger island, at which the Nassau fleet anchored, is about six leagues in circuit, and is about two leagues and a half long, from east to west. The road is on the N.E. part of the island, from whence there is a beautiful prospect of valleys covered with clover. The ground of this bay is in some places rocky, and in others a fine black sand, and it affords good anchorage in thirty to thirty-five fathoms. The island produces excellent water, and fish are to be had in abundance in the bay, and of various kinds. Many thousand seals and sea-lions come daily on shore to bask in the sun, of which the seamen killed great numbers, both for food and amusement. Some of the Dutch fancied that the flesh of these animals tasted as if twice cooked, while others thought, after the grease and tallow were carefully taken out, that it was as good as mutton. There were many goats in the island, but difficult to be taken, and neither so fat nor so well tasted as those of St Vincents. There were plenty of palm-trees in the interior, and three large quince-trees near the bay, the fruit of which was very refreshing. They found also plenty of timber for all kinds of uses, but none fit for masts. Formerly, ten or twelve Indians used to reside here, for the sake of fishing and making oil from the seals and sea-lions, but it was now quite uninhabited. Three gunners and three soldiers belonging to the vice-admiral, were so sick of the voyage, that they asked and obtained leave to remain here.

Every thing being in readiness, the fleet departed from _Isla de Tierra_ on the 13th April. On the 8th May, being near the coast of Peru, they took a Spanish bark, in which, besides the captain, there were four Spaniards, and six or seven Indians and Negroes. From these, they learnt that the Plate fleet had sailed on the 3d of the month from Calao de Lima for Panama, consisting of five treasure ships, three rich merchantmen, and two men of war. They were also informed that the Spanish admiral was still at Calao, his ship being of 800 tons burden, and mounting 40 brass cannon; besides which, there were two _pataches_ of 14 guns each, and forty or fifty unarmed merchant vessels. All these vessels were said to have been hauled on shore, and secured by three strong batteries and other works, furnished with upwards of fifty pieces of cannon, all ready prepared for the reception of the Dutch, of whose motions the Spaniards had received early and certain intelligence. The viceroy had likewise formed four companies of foot, of eighty men each,

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