Quarum quae media est, non est habitabilis aestu. Imagining, as most men then did, Zonam Torridam, the hot zone, to be altogether dishabited for heat, though presently we know many famous and worthy kingdoms and cities in that part of the earth, and the island of S. Thomas near Ethiopia, and the wealthy islands for the which chiefly all these voyages are taken in hand, to be inhabited even under the equinoctial line.
To answer the third objection, besides Cabot and all other travellers’ navigations, the only credit of Master Frobisher may suffice, who lately, through all these islands of ice and mountains of snow, passed that way, even beyond the gulf that tumbleth down from the north, and in some places, though he drew one inch thick ice, as he returning in August did, came home safely again.
The fourth argument is altogether frivolous and vain, for neither is there any isthmus or strait of land between America and Asia, nor can these two lands jointly be one continent. The first part of my answer is manifestly allowed by Homer, whom that excellent geographer, Strabo, followeth, yielding him in this faculty the prize. The author of that book likewise On the Universe to Alexander, attributed unto Aristotle, is of the same opinion that Homer and Strabo be of, in two or three places. Dionysius, in his Periegesis, hath this verse, “So doeth the ocean sea run round about the world:” speaking only of Europe, Africa, and Asia, as then Asia was travelled and known. With these doctors may you join Pomponius Mela, Pliny, Pius, in his description of Asia. All the which writers do no less confirm the whole eastern side of Asia to be compassed about with the sea; then Plato doth affirm in is Timaeus, under the name Atlantis, the West Indies to be an island, as in a special discourse thereof R. Eden writeth, agreeable unto the sentence of Proclus, Marsilius Ficinus, and others. Out of Plato it is gathered that America is an island. Homer, Strabo, Aristotle, Dionysius, Mela, Pliny, Pius, affirm the continent of Asia, Africa, and Europe, to be environed with the ocean. I may therefore boldly say (though later intelligences thereof had we none at all) that Asia and the West Indies be not tied together by any isthmus or strait of land, contrary to the opinion of some new cosmographers, by whom doubtfully this matter hath been brought in controversy. And thus much for the first part of my answer unto the fourth objection.
The second part, namely, that America and Asia cannot be one continent, may thus be proved:- “The most rivers take down that way their course, where the earth is most hollow and deep,” writeth Aristotle; and the sea (saith he in the same place), as it goeth further, so is it found deeper. Into what gulf do the Moscovian rivers Onega, Dwina, Ob, pour out their streams? northward out of Moscovy into the sea. Which way doth that sea strike? The south is main land, the eastern coast waxeth more and more shallow: from the north, either naturally, because that part of the earth is higher, or of necessity, for that the forcible influence of some northern stars causeth the earth there to shake off the sea, as some philosophers do think; or, finally, for the great store of waters engendered in that frosty and cold climate, that the banks are not able to hold them. From the north, I say, continually falleth down great abundance of water; so this north-eastern current must at the length abruptly bow toward us south on the west side of Finmark and Norway, or else strike down south-west above Greenland, or betwixt Greenland and Iceland, into the north-west strait we speak of, as of congruence it doth, if you mark the situation of that region, and by the report of Master Frobisher experience teacheth us. And, Master Frobisher, the further he travelled in the former passage, as he told me, the deeper always he found the sea. Lay you now the sum hereof together, the rivers run where the channels are most hollow, the sea in taking his course waxeth deeper, the sea waters fall continually from the north southward, the north-eastern current striketh down into the strait we speak of and is there augmented with whole mountains of ice and snow falling down furiously out from the land under the North Pole. Where store of water is, there is it a thing impossible to want sea; where sea not only doth not want, but waxeth deeper, there can be discovered no land. Finally, whence I pray you came the contrary tide, that Master Frobisher met withal, after that he had sailed no small way in that passage, if there be any isthmus or strait of land betwixt the aforesaid north-western gulf and Mare del Sur, to join Asia and America together? That conclusion arrived at in the schools, “Whatsoever land doth neither appertain unto Africa, nor to Europe, is part of Asia,” was meant of the parts of the world then known, and so is it of right to be understood.
The fifth objection requireth for answer wisdom and policy in the traveller to win the barbarians’ favour by some good means; and so to arm and strengthen himself, that when he shall have the repulse in one coast, he may safely travel to another, commodiously taking his convenient times, and discreetly making choice of them with whom he will thoroughly deal. To force a violent entry would for us Englishmen be very hard, considering the strength and valour of so great a nation, far distant from us, and the attempt thereof might be most perilous unto the doers, unless their park were very good.
Touching their laws against strangers, you shall read nevertheless in the same relations of Galeotto Perera, that the Cathaian king is wont to grant free access unto all foreigners that trade into his country for merchandise, and a place of liberty for them to remain in; as the Moors had, until such time as they had brought the Loutea or Lieutenant of that coast to be a circumcised Saracen: wherefore some of them were put to the sword, the rest were scattered abroad; at Fuquien, a great city in China, certain of them are yet this day to be seen. As for the Japanese, they be most desirous to be acquainted with strangers. The Portuguese, though they were straitly handled there at the first, yet in the end they found great favour at the prince’s hands, insomuch that the Loutea or President that misused them was therefore put to death. The rude Indian canoe voyageth in those seas, the Portuguese, the Saracens, and Moors travel continually up and down that reach from Japan to China, from China to Malacca, from Malacca to the Moluccas, and shall an Englishman better appointed than any of them all (that I say no more of our navy) fear to sail in that ocean? what seat at all do want piracy? what navigation is there void of peril?
To the last argument our travellers need not to seek their return by the north-east, neither shall they be constrained, except they list, either to attempt Magellan’s strait at the south-west, or to be in danger of the Portuguese on the south-east; they may return by the north-west, that same way they do go forth, as experience hath showed.
The reason alleged for proof of the contrary may be disposed after this manner: And first, it may be called in controversy, whether any current continually be forced by the motion of primum mobile, round about the world or no; for learned men do diversely handle that question. The natural course of all waters is downward, wherefore of congruence they fall that way where they find the earth most low and deep: in respect whereof, it was erst said, the seas do strike from the northern lands southerly. Violently the seas are tossed and troubled divers ways with the winds, increased and diminished by the course of the moon, hoisted up and down through the sundry operations of the sun and the stars: finally, some be of opinion that the seas be carried in part violently about the world, after the daily motion of the highest movable heaven, in like manner as the elements of air and fire, with the rest of the heavenly spheres, are from the east unto the west. And this they do call their eastern current, or Levant stream. Some such current may not be denied to be of great force in the hot zone, for the nearness thereof unto the centre of the sun, and blustering eastern winds violently driving the seas westward; howbeit in the temperate climes the sun being farther off, and the winds more diverse, blowing as much from the north, the west, and south, as from the east, this rule doth not effectually withhold us from travelling eastwards, neither be we kept ever back by the aforesaid Levant winds and stream. But in Magellan strait we are violently driven back westward, ergo through the north-western strait or Anian frith shall we not be able to return eastward: it followeth not. The first, for that the north-western strait hath more sea room at the least by one hundred English miles than Magellan’s strait hath, the only want whereof causeth all narrow passages generally to be most violent. So would I say in the Anian Gulf, if it were so narrow as Don Diego and Zalterius have painted it out, any return that way to be full of difficulties, in respect of such straitness thereof, not for the nearness of the sun or eastern winds, violently forcing that way any Levant stream; but in that place there is more sea room by many degrees, if the cards of Cabot and Gemma Frisius, and that which Tramezine imprinted, be true.
And hitherto reasons see I none at all, but that I may as well give credit unto their doings as to any of the rest. It must be Peregrinationis historia, that is, true reports of skilful travellers, as Ptolemy writeth, that in such controversies of geography must put us out of doubt. Ortellius, in his universal tables, in his particular maps of the West Indies, of all Asia, of the northern kingdoms, of the East Indies; Mercator in some of his globes and general maps of the world, Moletius in his universal table of the Globe divided, in his sea-card and particular tables of the East Indies Zanterius and Don Diego with Fernando Bertely, and others, do so much differ both from Gemma Frisius and Cabot among themselves, and in divers places from themselves, concerning the divers situation and sundry limits of America, that one may not so rashly as truly surmise these men either to be ignorant in those points touching the aforesaid region, or that the maps they have given out unto the world were collected only by them, and never of their own drawing.
THE FIRST VOYAGE OF MASTER MARTIN FROBISHER To the North-West for the search of the passage or strait to China, written by Christopher Hall, and made in the year of our Lord 1576.
Upon Monday, the thirteenth of May, the barque Gabriel was launched at Redriffe, and upon the twenty-seventh day following she sailed from Redriffe to Ratcliffe.
The seventh of June being Thursday, the two barques, viz., the Gabriel and the Michael, and our pinnace, set sail at Ratcliffe, and bare down to Deptford, and there we anchored. The cause was, that our pinnace burst her bowsprit and foremast aboard of a ship that rowed at Deptford, else we meant to have passed that day by the court, then at Greenwich.
The eighth day being Friday, about twelve o’clock, we weighed at Deptford and set sail all three of us and bare down by the court, where we shot off our ordinance, and made the best show we could; her Majesty beholding the same commended it, and bade us farewell with shaking her hand at us out of the window. Afterwards she sent a gentleman aboard of us, who declared that her Majesty had good liking of our doings, and thanked us for it, and also willed our captain to come the next day to the court to take his leave of her.
The same day, towards night, Master Secretary Woolley came aboard of us, and declared to the company that her Majesty had appointed him to give them charge to be obedient, and diligent to their captain and governors in all things, and wished us happy success.
The ninth day about noon, the wind being westerly, having our anchors aboard ready to set sail to depart, we wanted some of our company, and therefore stayed and moored them again.
Sunday, the tenth of June, we set sail from Blackwall at a south- west and by west sun, the wind being at north-north-west, and sailed to Gravesend, and anchored there at a west-north-west sun, the wind being as before.
The twelfth day, being over against Gravesend, by the Castle or Blockhouse, we observed the latitude, which was 51 degrees 33 minutes, and in that place the variation of the compass is 11 degrees and a half. This day we departed from Gravesend at a west- south-west sun, the wind at north and by east a fair gale, and sailed to the west part of Tilbury Hope, and so turned down the Hope, and at a west sun the wind came to the east-south-east, and we anchored in seven fathoms, being low water.
[Here there follows an abstract of the ship’s log, showing the navigation until the 28th of July, when they had sight of land supposed to be Labrador.]
July 28th. From 4 to 8, 4 leagues: from 8. to 12, 3 leagues: from 12 to 4, north and by west, 6 leagues, but very foggy; from thence to 8 of the clock in the morning little wind, but at the clearing up of the fog we had sight of land, which I supposed to be Labrador, with great store of ice about the land; I ran in towards it, and sounded, but could get no land at 100 fathoms, and the ice being so thick I could not get to the shore, and so lay off and came clear of the ice. Upon Monday we came within a mile of the shore, and sought a harbour; all the sound was full of ice, and our boat rowing ashore could get no ground at 100 fathom, within a cable’s length of the shore; then we sailed east-north-east along the shore, for so the land lieth, and the current is there great, setting north-east and south-west; and if we could have gotten anchor ground we would have seen with what force it had run, but I judge a ship may drive a league and a half in one hour with that tide.
This day, at four of the clock in the morning, being fair and clear, we had sight of a headland as we judged bearing from us north and by east, and we sailed north-east and by north to that land, and when we came thither we could not get to the land for ice, for the ice stretched along the coast, so that we could not come to the land by 5 leagues.
Wednesday, the first of August, it calmed, and in the afternoon I caused my boat to be hoisted out, being hard by a great island of ice, and I and four men rowed to that ice, and sounded within two cables’ length of it, and had 16 fathoms and little stones, and after that sounded again within a minion’s shot, and had ground at 100 fathoms, and fair sand. We sounded the next day a quarter of a mile from it, and had 60 fathoms rough ground, and at that present being aboard, that great island of ice fell one part from another, making a noise as if a great cliff had fallen into the sea. And at 4 of the clock I sounded again, and had 90 fathoms, and small black stones, and little white stones like pearls. The tide here did set to the shore.
We sailed this day south-south-east ofward, and laid it a tric.
The next day was calm and thick, with a great sea.
The next day we sailed south and by east two leagues, and at 8 of the clock in the forenoon we cast about to the eastward.
The sixth day it cleared, and we ran north-west into the shore to get a harbour, and being towards night, we notwithstanding kept at sea.
The seventh day we plied room with the shore, but being near it it waxed thick, and we bare off again.
The eighth day we bended in towards the shore again.
The ninth day we sounded, but could get no ground at 130 fathoms. The weather was calm.
The tenth I took four men and myself, and rode to shore, to an island one league from the main, and there the flood setteth south- west along the shore, and it floweth as near as I could judge so too. I could not tarry to prove it, because the ship was a great way from me, and I feared a fog; but when I came ashore it was low water. I went to the top of the islands and before I came back it was hied a foot water, and so without tarrying I came aboard.
The eleventh we found our latitude to be 63 degrees and 8 minutes, and this day entered the strait.
The twelfth we set sail towards an island called the Gabriel’s Island, which was 10 leagues then from us.
We espied a sound, and bare with it, and came to a sandy bay, where we came to an anchor, the land bearing east-south-east of us, and there we rode all night in 8 fathom water. It floweth there at a south-east moon; we called it Prior’s Sound, being from the Gabriel’s Island 10 leagues.
The fourteenth we weighed and ran into another sound, where we anchored in 8 fathoms water, fair sand, and black ooze, and there caulked our ship, being weak from the gunwales upward, and took in fresh water.
The fifteenth day we weighed, and sailed to Prior’s Bay, being a mile from thence.
The sixteenth day was calm, and we rode still without ice, but presently within two hours it was frozen round about the ship, a quarter of an inch thick, and that bay very fair and calm.
The seventeenth day we weighed, and came to Thomas William’s Island.
The eighteenth day we sailed north-north-west and anchored again in 23 fathoms, and caught ooze under Bircher’s Island, which is from the former island 10 leagues.
The nineteenth day in the morning, being calm, and no wind, the captain and I took our boat, with eight men in her, to row us ashore, to see if there were there any people, or no, and going to the top of the island, we had sight of seven boats, which came rowing from the east side toward that island; whereupon we returned aboard again. At length we sent our boat, with five men in her, to see whither they rowed, and so with a white cloth brought one of their boats with their men along the shore, rowing after our boat, till such time as they saw our ship, and then they rowed ashore. Then I went on shore myself, and gave every of them a threaden point, and brought one of them aboard of me, where he did eat and drink, and then carried him on shore again. Whereupon all the rest came aboard with their boats, being nineteen persons, and they spake, but we understood them not. They be like to Tartars, with long black hair, broad faces, and flat noses, and tawny in colour, wearing seal skins, and so do the women, not differing in the fashion, but the women are marked in the face with blue streaks down the cheeks and round about the eyes. Their boats are made all of seal skins, with a keel of wood within the skin: the proportion of them is like a Spanish shallop, save only they be flat in the bottom and sharp at both ends.
The twentieth day we weighed, and went to the east side of this island, and I and the captain, with four men more, went on shore, and there we saw their houses, and the people espying us, came rowing towards our boat, whereupon we plied to our boat; and we being in our boat and they ashore, they called to us, and we rowed to them, and one of their company came into our boat, and we carried him aboard, and gave him a bell and a knife; so the captain and I willed five of our men to set him ashore at a rock, and not among the company which they came from, but their wilfulness was such that they would go to them, and so were taken themselves and our boat lost.
The next day in the morning we stood in near the shore and shot off a fauconet, and sounded our trumpet, but we could hear nothing of our men. This sound we called the Five Men’s Sound, and plied out of it, but anchored again in 30 fathoms and ooze; and riding there all night, in the morning the snow lay a foot thick upon our hatches.
The two-and-twentieth day in the morning we weighed, and went again to the place where we lost our men and our boat. We had sight of fourteen boats, and some came near to us, but we could learn nothing of our men. Among the rest, we enticed one in a boat to our ship’s side with a bell; and in giving him the bell we took him and his boat, and so kept him, and so rowed down to Thomas William’s island, and there anchored all night.
The twenty-sixth day we weighed to come homeward, and by twelve of the clock at noon we were thwart of Trumpet’s Island.
The next day we came thwart of Gabriel’s Island, and at eight of the clock at night we had the Cape Labrador west from us ten leagues.
The twenty-eighth day we went our course south-east.
We sailed south-east and by east, twenty-two leagues.
The first day of September, in the morning, we had sight of the land of Friesland, being eight leagues from us, but we could not come nearer it for the monstrous ice that lay about it. From this day till the sixth of this month we ran along Iceland, and had the south part of it at eight of the clock east from us ten leagues.
The seventh day of this month we had a very terrible storm, by force whereof one of our men was blown into the sea out of our waste, but he caught hold of the foresail sheet, and there held till the captain plucked him again into the ship.
The twenty-fifth day of this month we had sight of the island of Orkney, which was then east from us.
The first day of October we had sight of the Sheld, and so sailed along the coast, and anchored at Yarmouth, and the next day we came into Harwich.
THE LANGUAGE OF THE PEOPLE OF META INCOGNITA.
Argotteyt, a hand. Attegay, a coat. Cangnawe, a nose. Polleuetagay, a knife. Arered, an eye. Accaskay, a ship. Keiotot, a tooth. Coblone, a thumb. Mutchatet, the head. Teckkere, the foremost finger. Chewat, an ear. Ketteckle, the middle finger. Comagaye, a leg. Mekellacane, the fourth finger. Atoniagay, a foot.
Callagay, a pair of breeches. Yachethronc, the little finger.
THE SECOND VOYAGE OF MASTER MARTIN FROBISHER, Made to the West and North-West Regions in the year 1577, with a Description of the Country and People, written by Dionise Settle.
On Whit Sunday, being the sixth-and-twentieth day of May, in the year of our Lord God 1577, Captain Frobisher departed from Blackwall–with one of the Queen’s Majesty’s ships called the Aid, of nine score ton or thereabout, and two other little barques likewise, the one called the Gabriel, whereof Master Fenton, a gentleman of my Lord of Warwick’s, was captain; and the other the Michael, whereof Master York, a gentleman of my lord admiral’s, was captain, accompanied with seven score gentlemen, soldiers, and sailors, well furnished with victuals and other provisions necessary for one half year–on this, his second year, for the further discovering of the passage to Cathay and other countries thereunto adjacent, by west and north-west navigations, which passage or way is supposed to be on the north and north-west parts of America, and the said America to be an island environed with the sea, where through our merchants might have course and recourse with their merchandise from these our northernmost parts of Europe, to those Oriental coasts of Asia in much shorter time and with greater benefit than any others, to their no little commodity and profit that do or shall traffic the same. Our said captain and general of this present voyage and company, having the year before, with two little pinnaces to his great danger, and no small commendations, given a worthy attempt towards the performance thereof, is also pressed when occasion shall be ministered to the benefit of his prince and native country–to adventure himself further therein. As for this second voyage, it seemeth sufficient that he hath better explored and searched the commodities of those people and countries, with sufficient commodity unto the adventurers, which, in his first voyage the year before, he had found out.
Upon which considerations the day and year before expressed, he departed from Blackwall to Harwich, where making an accomplishment of things necessary, the last of May we hoisted up sails, and with a merry wind the 7th of June we arrived at the islands called Orchades, or vulgarly Orkney, being in number thirty, subject and adjacent to Scotland, where we made provision of fresh water, in the doing whereof our general licensed the gentlemen and soldiers, for their recreation, to go on shore. At our landing the people fled from their poor cottages with shrieks and alarms, to warn their neighbours of enemies, but by gentle persuasions we reclaimed them to their houses. It seemeth they are often frighted with pirates, or some other enemies, that move them to such sudden fear. Their houses are very simply builded with pebble stone, without any chimneys, the fire being made in the midst thereof. The good man, wife, children, and other of their family, eat and sleep on the one side of the house, and their cattle on the other, very beastly and rudely in respect of civilisation. They are destitute of wood, their fire is turf and cow shardes. They have corn, bigge, and oats, with which they pay their king’s rent to the maintenance of his house. They take great quantity of fish, which they dry in the wind and sun; they dress their meat very filthily, and eat it without salt. Their apparel is after the nudest sort of Scotland. Their money is all base. Their Church and religion is reformed according to the Scots. The fishermen of England can better declare the dispositions of those people than I, wherefore I remit other their usages to their reports, as yearly repairers thither in their courses to and from Iceland for fish.
We departed here hence the 8th of June, and followed our course between west and north-west until the 4th of July, all which time we had no night, but that easily, and without any impediment, we had, when we were so disposed, the fruition of our books, and other pleasures to pass away the time, a thing of no small moment to such as wander in unknown seas and long navigations, especially when both the winds and raging surges do pass their common and wonted course. This benefit endureth in those parts not six weeks, whilst the sun is near the tropic of Cancer, but where the pole is raised to 70 or 80 degrees it continueth the longer.
All along these seas, after we were six days sailing from Orkney, we met, floating in the sea, great fir trees, which, as we judged, were, with the fury of great floods, rooted up, and so driven into the sea. Iceland hath almost no other wood nor fuel but such as they take up upon their coasts. It seemeth that these trees are driven from some part of the Newfoundland, with the current that setteth from the west to the east.
The 4th of July we came within the making of Friesland. From this shore, ten or twelve leagues, we met great islands of ice of half a mile, some more, some less in compass, showing above the sea thirty or forty fathoms, and as we supposed fast on ground, where, with our lead, we could scarce sound the bottom for depth.
Here, in place of odoriferous and fragrant smells of sweet gums and pleasant notes of musical birds, which other countries in more temperate zones do yield, we tasted the most boisterous Boreal blasts, mixed with snow and hail, in the months of June and July, nothing inferior to our untemperate winter: a sudden alteration, and especially in a place of parallel, where the pole is not elevated above 61 degrees, at which height other countries more to the north, yea unto 70 degrees, show themselves more temperate than this doth. All along this coast ice lieth as a continual bulwark, and so defendeth the country, that those which would land there incur great danger. Our general, three days together, attempted with the ship boat to have gone on shore, which, for that without great danger he could not accomplish, he deferred it until a more convenient time. All along the coast lie very high mountains, covered with snow, except in such places where, through the steepness of the mountains, of force it must needs fall. Four days coasting along this land we found no sign of habitation. Little birds which we judged to have lost the shore, by reason of thick fogs which that country is much subject unto, came flying to our ships, which causeth us to suppose that the country is both more tolerable and also habitable within than the outward shore maketh show or signification.
From hence we departed the 8th of July, and the 16th of the same we came with the making of land, which land our general the year before had named the Queen’s Forehand, being an island, as we judge, lying near the supposed continent with America, and on the other side, opposite to the same, one other island, called Halles Isle, after the name of the master of the ship, near adjacent to the firm land, supposed continent with Asia. Between the which two islands there is a large entrance or strait, called Frobisher’s Strait, after the name of our general, the first finder thereof. This said strait is supposed to have passage into the sea of Sur, which I leave unknown as yet.
It seemeth that either here, or not far hence, the sea should have more large entrance than in other parts within the frozen or untemperate zone, and that some contrary tide, either from the east or west, with main force casteth out that great quantity of ice which cometh floating from this coast, even unto Friesland, causing that country to seem more untemperate than others much more northerly than the same.
I cannot judge that any temperature under the Pole, being the time of the Sun’s northern declination, half a year together, and one whole day (considering that the sun’s elevation surmounteth not twenty-three degrees and thirty minutes), can have power to dissolve such monstrous and huge ice, comparable to great mountains, except by some other force, as by swift currents and tides, with the help of the said day of half a year.
Before we came within the making of these lands, we tasted cold storms, insomuch that it seemed we had changed with winter, if the length of the days had not removed us from that opinion.
At our first coming, the straits seemed to be shut up with a long mure of ice, which gave no little cause of discomfort unto us all; but our general (to whose diligence, imminent dangers and difficult attempts seemed nothing in respect of his willing mind for the commodity of his prince and country), with two little pinnaces prepared of purpose, passed twice through them to the east shore, and the islands thereunto adjacent; and the ship, with the two barques, lay off and on something farther into the sea from the danger of the ice.
Whilst he was searching the country near the shore, some of the people of the country showed themselves, leaping and dancing, with strange shrieks and cries, which gave no little admiration to our men. Our general, desirous to allure them unto him by fair means, caused knives and other things to be proffered unto them, which they would not take at our hands; but being laid on the ground, and the party going away, they came and took up, leaving something of theirs to countervail the same. At the length, two them, leaving their weapons, came down to our general and master, who did the like to them, commanding the company to stay, and went unto them, who, after certain dumb signs and mute congratulations, began to lay hands upon them, but they deliverly escaped, and ran to their bows and arrows and came fiercely upon them, not respecting the rest of our company, which were ready for their defence, but with their arrows hurt divers of them. We took the one, and the other escaped.
Whilst our general was busied in searching the country, and those islands adjacent on the east shore, the ships and barques, having great care not to put far into the sea from him, for that he had small store of victuals, were forced to abide in a cruel tempest, chancing in the night amongst and in the thickest of the ice, which was so monstrous that even the least of a thousand had been of force sufficient to have shivered our ship and barques into small portions, if God (who in all necessities hath care upon the infirmity of man) had not provided for this our extremity a sufficient remedy, through the light of the night, whereby we might well discern to flee from such imminent dangers, which we avoided within fourteen bourdes in one watch, the space of four hours. If we had not incurred this danger amongst these monstrous islands of ice, we should have lost our general and master, and the most of our best sailors, which were on the shore destitute of victuals; but by the valour of our master gunner, Master Jackman and Andrew Dier, the master’s mates, men expert both in navigation and other good qualities, we were all content to incur the dangers afore rehearsed, before we would, with our own safety, run into the seas, to the destruction of our said general and his company.
The day following, being the 19th of July, our captain returned to the ship with good news of great riches, which showed itself in the bowels of those barren mountains, wherewith we were all satisfied. A sudden mutation. The one part of us being almost swallowed up the night before, with cruel Neptune’s force, and the rest on shore, taking thought for their greedy paunches how to find the way to Newfoundland; at one moment we were racked with joy, forgetting both where we were and what we had suffered. Behold the glory of man: to-night contemning riches, and rather looking for death than otherwise, and to-morrow devising how to satisfy his greedy appetite with gold.
Within four days after we had been at the entrance of the straits, the north-west and west winds dispersed the ice into the sea, and made us a large entrance into the Straits, that without impediment, on the 19th July, we entered them; and the 20th thereof our general and master, with great diligence, sought out and sounded the west shore, and found out a fair harbour for the ship and barques to ride in, and named it after our master’s mate, Jackman’s Sound, and brought the ship, barques, and all their company to safe anchor, except one man which died by God’s visitation.
At our first arrival, after the ship rode at anchor, general, with such company as could well be spared from the ships, in marching order entered the land, having special care by exhortations that at our entrance thereinto we should all with one voice, kneeling upon our knees, chiefly thank God for our safe arrival; secondly, beseech Him that it would please His Divine Majesty long to continue our Queen, for whom he, and all the rest of our company, in this order took possession of the country; and thirdly, that by our Christian study and endeavour, those barbarous people, trained up in paganry and infidelity, might be reduced to the knowledge of true religion, and to the hope of salvation in Christ our Redeemer, with other words very apt to signify his willing mind and affection towards his prince and country, whereby all suspicion of an undutiful subject may credibly be judged to be utterly exempted from his mind. All the rest of the gentlemen, and others, deserve worthily herein their due praise and commendation.
These things in order accomplished, our general commanded all the company to be obedient in things needful for our own safeguard to Master Fenton, Master Yorke, and Master Beast, his lieutenant, while he was occupied in other necessary affairs concerning our coming thither.
After this order we marched through the country, with ensign displayed, so far as was thought needful, and now and then heaped up stones on high mountains and other places, in token of possession, as likewise to signify unto such as hereafter may chance to arrive there that possession is taken in the behalf of some other prince by those which first found out the country.
Whose maketh navigation to these countries hath not only extreme winds and furious seas to encounter withal, but also many monstrous and great islands of ice: a thing both rare, wonderful, and greatly to be regarded.
We were forced sundry times, while the ship did ride here at anchor, to have continual watch, with boats and men ready with hawsers, to knit fast unto such ice which with the ebb and flood were tossed to and fro in the harbour, and with force of oars to hail them away, for endangering the ship.
Our general certain days searched this supposed continent with America, and not finding the commodity to answer his expectations, after he had made trial thereof, he departed thence, with two little barques, and men sufficient, to the east shore, being he supposed continent of Asia, and left the ship, with most of the gentlemen soldiers and sailors, until such time as he either thought good to send or come for them.
The stones on this supposed continent with America be altogether sparkled and glister in the sun like gold; so likewise doth the sand in the bright water, yet they verify the old proverb, “All is not gold that glistereth.”
On this west shore we found a dead fish floating, which had in his nose a horn, straight and torquet, of length two yards lacking two inches, being broken in the top, where we might perceive it hollow, into which some of our sailors putting spiders they presently died. I saw not the trial hereof, but it was reported unto me of a truth, by the virtue whereof we supposed it to be the sea unicorn.
After our general had found out good harbour for the ship and barques to anchor in, and also such store of gold ore as he thought himself satisfied withal, he returned to the Michael, whereof Master Yorke aforesaid was captain, accompanied with our master and his mate, who coasting along the west shore, not far from whence the ship rode, they perceived a fair harbour, and willing to sound the same, at the entrance thereof they espied two tents of seal skins, unto which the captain, our said master, and other company resorted. At the sight of our men the people fled into the mountains; nevertheless, they went to their tents, where, leaving certain trifles of ours as glasses, bells, knives, and such like things, they departed, not taking anything of theirs except one dog. They did in like manner leave behind them a letter, pen, ink, and paper, whereby our men whom the captain lost the year before, and in that people’s custody, might (if any of them were alive) be advertised of our presence and being there.
On the same day, after consultation, all the gentlemen, and others likewise that could be spared from the ship, under the conduct and leading of Master Philpot (unto whom, in our general’s absence, and his lieutenant, Master Beast, all the rest were obedient), went ashore, determining to see if by fair means we could either allure them to familiarity, or otherwise take some of them, and so attain to some knowledge of those men whom our general lost the year before.
At our coming back again to the place where their tents were before, they had removed their tents farther into the said bay or sound, where they might, if they were driven from the land, flee with their boats into the sea. We, parting ourselves into two companies, and compassing a mountain, came suddenly upon them by land, who, espying us, without any tarrying fled to their boats, leaving the most part of their oars behind them for haste, and rowed down the bay, where our two pinnaces met them and drove them to shore. But if they had had all their oars, so swift are they in rowing, it had been lost time to have chased them.
When they were landed they fiercely assaulted our men with their bows and arrows, who wounded three of them with our arrows, and perceiving themselves thus hurt they desperately leaped off the rocks into the sea and drowned themselves; which if they had not done but had submitted themselves, or if by any means we could have taken alive (being their enemies as they judged), we would both have saved them, and also have sought remedy to cure their wounds received at our hands. But they, altogether void of humanity, and ignorant what mercy meaneth, in extremities look for no other than death, and perceiving that they should fall into our hands, thus miserably by drowning rather desired death than otherwise to be saved by us. The rest, perceiving their fellows in this distress, fled into the high mountains. Two women, not being so apt to escape as the men were, the one for her age, and the other being encumbered with a young child, we took. The old wretch, whom divers of our sailors supposed to be either a devil or a witch, had her buskins plucked off to see if she were cloven-footed, and for her ugly hue and deformity we let her go; the young woman and the child we brought away. We named the place where they were slain Bloody Point, and the bay or harbour Yorke’s Sound, after the name of one of the captains of the two barques.
Having this knowledge both of their fierceness and cruelty, and perceiving that fair means as yet is not able to allure them to familiarity, we disposed ourselves, contrary to our inclination, something to be cruel, returned to their tents, and made a spoil of the same, where we found an old shirt, a doublet, a girdle, and also shoes of our men, whom we lost the year before; on nothing else unto them belonging could we set our eyes.
Their riches are not gold, silver, or precious drapery, but their said tents and boats made of the skins of red deer and seal skins, also dogs like unto wolves, but for the most part black, with other trifles, more to be wondered at for their strangeness than for any other commodity needful for our use.
Thus returning to our ship the 3rd of August, we departed from the west shore, supposed firm with America, after we had anchored there thirteen days, and so the 4th thereof we came to our general on the east shore, and anchored in a fair harbour named Anne Warwick’s Sound, and to which is annexed an island, both named after the Countess of Warwick–Anne Warwick’s Sound and Isle.
In this isle our general thought good for this voyage to freight both the ships and barques with such stone or gold mineral as he judged to countervail the charges of his first and this his second navigation to these countries, with sufficient interest to the venturers whereby they might both be satisfied for this time and also in time to come (if it please God and our prince) to expect a much more benefit out of the bowels of those septentrional parallels, which long time hath concealed itself till at this present, through the wonderful diligence and great danger of our general and others, God is contented with the revealing thereof. It riseth so abundantly, that from the beginning of August to the 22nd thereof (every man following the diligence of our general) we raised above ground 200 ton, which we judged a reasonable freight for the ship and two barques in the said Anne Warwick’s Isle.
In the meantime of our abode here some of the country people came to show themselves unto us sundry times from the main shore, near adjacent to the said isle. Our general, desirous to have some news of his men whom he lost the year before, with some company with him repaired with the ship boat to commune or sign with them for familiarity, whereunto he is persuaded to bring them. They at the first show made tokens that three of his five men were alive, and desired pen, ink, and paper, and that within three or four days they would return, and, as we judged, bring those of our men which were living with them.
They also made signs or tokens of their king, whom they called Cacough, and how he was carried on men’s shoulders, and a man far surmounting any of our company in bigness and stature.
With these tokens and signs of writing, pen, ink, and paper were delivered them, which they would not take at our hands, but being laid upon the shore, and the party gone away, they took up; which likewise they do when they desire anything for change of theirs, laying for that which is left so much as they think will countervail the same, and not coming near together. It seemeth they have been used to this trade or traffic with some other people adjoining, or not far distant from their country.
After four days some of them showed themselves upon the firm land, but not where they were before. Our general, very glad thereof, supposing to hear of our men, went from the island with the boat and sufficient company with him. They seemed very glad, and allured him about a certain point of the land, behind which they might perceive a company of the crafty villains to lie lurking, whom our general would not deal withal, for that he knew not what company they were, so with few signs dismissed them and returned to his company.
Another time, as our said general was coasting the country with two little pinnaces, whereby at our return he might make the better relation thereof, three of the crafty villains with a white skin allured us to them. Once again our general, for that he hoped to hear of his men, went towards them; at our coming near the shore whereon they were we might perceive a number of them lie hidden behind great stones, and those three in sight labouring by all means possible that some would come on land; and perceiving we made no haste, by words nor friendly signs, which they used by clapping their hands, and being without weapon, and but three in sight, they sought further means to provoke us thereunto. One alone laid flesh on the shore, which we took up with the boat-hook as necessary victuals for the relieving of the man, woman, and child whom we had taken, for that as yet they could not digest our meat; whereby they perceived themselves deceived of their expectation for all their crafty allurements. Yet once again to make, as it were, a full show of their crafty natures and subtle sleights, to the intent thereby to have entrapped and taken some of our men, one of them counterfeited himself impotent and lame of his legs, who seemed to descend to the water’s side with great difficulty, and to cover his craft the more one of his fellows came down with him, and in such places where he seemed unable to pass, he took him on his shoulders, set him by the water’s side, and departed from him, leaving him, as it should seem, all alone; who, playing his counterfeit pageant very well, thought thereby to provoke some of us to come on shore, not fearing but that one of us might make our party good with a lame man.
Our general, having compassion of his impotency, thought good, if it were possible, to cure him thereof; wherefore he caused a soldier to shoot at him with his calever, which grazed before his face. The counterfeit villain deliverly fled without any impediment at all, and got him to his bow and arrows, and the rest from their lurking holes with their weapons, bows, arrows, slings, and darts. Our general caused some calevers to be shot off at them, whereby, some being hurt, they might hereafter stand in more fear of us.
This was all the answer for this time we could have of our men, or of our general’s letter. Their crafty dealing at these three several times being thus manifest unto us, may plainly show their disposition in other things to be correspondent. We judged that they used these stratagems thereby to have caught some of us for the delivering of the man, woman, and child, whom we had taken.
They are men of a large corporature, and good proportion; their colour is not much unlike the sunburnt countryman, who laboureth daily in sun for his living.
They wear their hair something long, and cut before either with stone or knife, very disorderly. Their women wear their hair long, knit up with two loops, showing forth on either side of their faces, and the rest faltered upon a knot. Also, some of their women tint their faces proportionally, as chin, cheeks, and forehead and the wrists of their hands, whereupon they lay a colour which continueth dark azurine.
They eat their meat all raw, both flesh, fish, and fowl, or something parboiled with blood, and a little water, which they drink. For lack of water, they will eat ice that is hard frozen as pleasantly as we will do sugar-candy, or other sugar.
If they, for necessity’s sake, stand in need of the premises, such grass as the country yieldeth they pluck up and eat, not daintily, or saladwise, to allure their stomachs to appetite, but for necessity’s sake, without either salt, oils, or washing, like brute beasts devouring the same. They neither use table, stool, or table- cloth for comeliness: but when they are imbrued with blood, knuckle deep, and their knives in like sort, they use their tongues as apt instruments to lick them clean; in doing whereof they are assured to lose none of their victuals.
They keep certain dogs, not much unlike wolves, which they yoke together, as we do oxen and horses, to a sled or trail, and so carry their necessaries over the ice and snow, from place to place, as the captain, whom we have, made perfect signs. And when those dogs are not apt for the same use, or when with hunger they are constrained for lack of other victuals, they eat them, so that they are as needful for them, in respect of their bigness, as our oxen are for us.
They apparel themselves in the skins of such beasts as they kill, sewed together with the sinews of them. All the fowl which they kill they skin, and make thereof one kind of garment or other to defend them from the cold.
They make their apparel with hoods and tails, which tails they give, when they think to gratify any friendship shown unto them; a great sign of friendship with them. The men have them not so syde as the women.
The men and women wear their hose close to their legs, from the waist to the knee, without any open before, as well the one kind as the other. Upon their legs they wear hose of leather, with the fur side inward, two or three pair on at once, and especially the women. In those hose they put their knives, needles, and other things needful to bear about. They put a bone within their hose, which reacheth from the foot to the knee, whereupon they draw their said hose, and so in place of garters they are holden from falling down about their feet.
They dress their skins very soft and supple with the hair on. In cold weather or winter they wear the fur side inward, and in summer outward. Other apparel they have none but the said skins.
Those beasts, fishes, and fowls which they kill are their meat, drink, apparel, houses, bedding, hose, shoes, thread, and sails for their boats, with many other necessaries, whereof they stand in need, and almost all their riches.
The houses are tents made of seal skins, pitched up with four fir quarters, four-square, meeting at the top, and the skins sewed together with sinews, and laid thereupon; they are so pitched up, that the entrance into them is always south, or against the sun.
They have other sort of houses, which we found not to be inhabited, which are raised with stones and whalebones, and a skin laid over them to withstand the rain, or other weather; the entrance of them being not much unlike an oven’s mouth, whereunto, I think, they resort for a time to fish, hunt, and fowl, and so leave them until the next time they come thither again.
Their weapons are bows, arrows, darts, and slings. Their bows are of wood, of a yard long, sinewed on the back with firm sinews, not glued to, but fast girded and tied on. Their bow strings are likewise sinews. Their arrows are three pieces, nocked with bone and ended with bone; with those two ends, and the wood in the midst, they pass not in length half a yard, or little more. They are feathered with two feathers, the pen end being cut away, and the feathers laid upon the arrow with the broad side to the wood, insomuch, that they seem, when they are tied on, to have four feathers. They have likewise three sorts of heads to those arrows; one sort of stone or iron, proportioned like to a heart; the second sort of bone much like unto a stopt head, with a hook on the same, the third sort of bone likewise, made sharp at both sides, and sharp pointed. They are not made very fast, but lightly tied to, or else set in a nocke, that, upon small occasion, the arrow leaveth these heads behind them; they are of small force except they be very near when they shoot.
Their darts are made of two sorts: the one with many forks of bones in the fore end, and likewise in the midst; their proportions are not much unlike our toasting-irons, but longer; these they cast out of an instrument of wood very readily. The other sort is greater than the first aforesaid, with a long bone made sharp on both sides, not much unlike a rapier, which I take to be their most hurtful weapon.
They have two sorts of boats made of leather, set out on the inner side with quarters of wood, artificially tied together with thongs of the same; the greater sort are not much unlike our wherries, wherein sixteen or twenty men may sit; they have for a sail dressed the guts of such beasts as they kill, very fine and thin, which they sew together; the other boat is but for one man to sit and row in, with one oar.
Their order of fishing, hunting, and fowling, are with these said weapons; but in what sort or how they use them we have no perfect knowledge as yet.
I can suppose their abode or habitation not to be here, for that neither their houses nor apparel are of such force to withstand the extremity of cold that the country seemeth to be infected withal; neither do I see any sign likely to perform the same.
Those houses, or rather dens, which stand there, have no sign of footway, or anything else trodden, which is one of the chiefest tokens of habitation. And those tents, which they bring with them, when they have sufficiently hunted and fished, they remove to other places; and when they have sufficiently stored them of such victuals as the country yieldeth, or bringeth forth, they return to their winter stations or habitations. This conjecture do I make for the infertility which I perceive to be in that country.
They have some iron, whereof they make arrow-heads, knives, and other little instruments, to work their boats, bows, arrows, and darts withal, which are very unapt to do anything withal, but with great labour.
It seemeth that they have conversation with some other people, of whom for exchange they should receive the same. They are greatly delighted with anything that is bright or giveth a sound.
What knowledge they have of God, or what idol they adore, we have no perfect intelligence. I think them rather anthropophagi, or devourers of man’s flesh, than otherwise; that there is no flesh or fish which they find dead (smell it never so filthily), but they will eat it as they find it without any other dressing. A loathsome thing, either to the beholders or the hearers. There is no manner of creeping beast hurtful, except some spiders (which as many affirm are signs of great store of gold), and also certain stinging gnats, which bite so fiercely that the place where they bite shortly after swelleth, and itcheth very sore.
They make signs of certain people that wear bright plates of gold in their foreheads and other places of their bodies.
The countries on both sides the straits lie very high, with rough stony mountains, and great quantity of snow thereon. There is very little plain ground, and no grass except a little, which is much like unto moss that groweth on soft ground, such as we get turfs in. There is no wood at all. To be brief, there is nothing fit or profitable for the use of man which that country with root yieldeth or bringeth forth; howbeit there is great quantity of deer, whose skins are like unto asses, their heads or horns do far exceed, as well in length as also in breadth, any in these our parts or countries: their feet likewise are as great as our oxen’s, which we measure to be seven or eight inches in breadth. There are also hares, wolves, fishing bears, and sea-fowl of sundry sorts.
As the country is barren and unfertile, so are they rude, and of no capacity to culture the same to any perfection; but are contented by their hunting, fishing, and fowling, with raw flesh and warm blood, to satisfy their greedy paunches, which is their only glory.
There is great likelihood of earthquakes or thunder, for there are huge and monstrous mountains, whose greatest substance are stones, and those stones so shapen with some extraordinary means, that one is separated from another, which is discordant from all other quarries.
There are no rivers or running springs, but such as through the heat of the sun, with such water as descendeth from the mountains and hills, whereon great drifts of snow do lie, are engendered.
It argueth also that there should be none; for that the earth, which with the extremity of the winter is so frozen within, that that water which should have recourse within the same to maintain springs hath not his motion, whereof great waters have their origin, as by experience is seen otherwhere. Such valleys as are capable to receive the water, that in the summer time, by the operation of the sun, descendeth from great abundance of snow, which continually lieth on the mountains, and hath no passage, sinketh into the earth, and so vanisheth away, without any runnel above the earth, by which occasion or continual standing of the said water the earth is opened and the great frost yieldeth to the force thereof, which in other places, four or five fathoms within the ground, for lack of the said moisture, the earth even in the very summer time is frozen, and so combineth the stones together, that scarcely instruments with great force can unknit them.
Also, where the water in those valleys can have no such passage away, by the continuance of time in such order as is before rehearsed, the yearly descent from the mountains filleth them full, that at the lowest bank of the same they fall into the next valley, and so continue as fishing ponds, in summer time full of water, and in the winter hard frozen, as by scars that remain thereof in summer may easily be perceived; so that the heat of summer is nothing comparable or of force to dissolve the extremity of cold that cometh in winter.
Nevertheless, I am assured, that below the force of the frost, within the earth, the waters have recourse, and empty themselves out of sight into the sea, which, through the extremity of the frost, are constrained to do the same; by which occasion, the earth within is kept the warmer, and springs have their recourse, which is the only nutriment of gold and minerals within the same.
There is much to be said of the commodities of these countries, which are couched within the bowels of the earth, which I let pass till more perfect trial be made thereof.
Thus conjecturing, till time, with the earnest industry of our general and others (who, by all diligence, remain pressed to explore the truth of that which is unexplored, as he hath to his everlasting praise found out that which is like to yield an innumerable benefit to his prince and country), offer further trial, I conclude.
The 23rd August, after we had satisfied our minds with freight sufficient for our vessels, though not our covetous desires, with such knowledge of the country, people, and other commodities as are before rehearsed, the 24th thereof we departed there hence: the 17th of September we fell with the Land’s End of England, and so to Milford Haven, from whence our general rowed to the court for order to what port or haven to conduct the ship.
We lost our two barques in the way homeward, the one the 29th of August, the other the 31st of the same month, by occasion of great tempest and fog; howbeit, God restored the one to Bristol, and the other making his course by Scotland to Yarmouth. In this voyage we lost two men, one in the way by God’s visitation, and the other homeward, cast overboard with a surge of the sea.
I could declare unto the readers the latitude and longitude of such places and regions as we have been at, but not altogether so perfectly as our masters and others, with many circumstances of tempests and other accidents incident to seafaring men, which seem not altogether strange, but I let them pass to their reports as men most apt to set forth and declare the same. I have also left the names of the countries on both the shores untouched for lack of understanding the people’s language, as also for sundry respects not needful as yet to be declared.
Countries new explored, where commodity is to be looked for, do better accord with a new name given by the explorers than an uncertain name by a doubtful author.
Our general named sundry islands, mountains, capes, and harbours after the names of divers noblemen, and other gentlemen his friends, as well on the one shore as also on the other.
THE THIRD AND LAST VOYAGE INTO META INCOGNITA, Made by Master Martin Frobisher, in the year 1578, written by Thomas Ellis.
These are to let you know, that upon the 25th May, the Thomas Allen, being vice-admiral, whose captain was Master Yorke; Master Gibbes, master; Master Christopher Hall, pilot, accompanied with the rear- admiral, named the Hopewell, whose captain was Master Henry Carew, the Master Andrew Dier, and certain other ships, came to Gravesend, where we anchored, and abode the coming of certain other of our fleet, which were not yet come.
The 27th of the same month, our fleet being now come together, and all things pressed in a readiness, the wind favouring and tide serving, we being of sails in number eight, weighed anchors, and hoisted our sails towards Harwich, to meet with our admiral and the residue, which then and there abode our arrival, where we safely arrived the 28th thereof; finding there our admiral, whom we, with the discharge of certain pieces, saluted (according to order and duty), and were welcomed with the like courtesy, which being finished we landed, where our general continued mustering his soldiers and miners, and setting things in order appertaining to the voyage, until the last of the said month of May, which day we hoisted our sails, and committing ourselves to the conducting of Almighty God, we set forward toward the West Country, in such lucky wise and good success, that by the 5th June we passed the Dursies, being the utmost part of Ireland, to the westward.
And here it were not much amiss, nor far from our purpose, if I should a little discourse and speak of our adventures and chances by the way, as our landing at Plymouth, as also the meeting of certain poor men, which were robbed and spoiled of all that they had by pirates and rovers; amongst whom was a man of Bristol, on whom our general used his liberality, and sent him away with letters into England.
But because such things are impertinent to the matter, I will return (without any more mentioning of the same) to that from which I have digressed and swerved, I mean our ships, now sailing on the surging seas, sometimes passing at pleasure with a wished eastern wind, sometimes hindered of our course again by the western blasts, until the 20th day of the foresaid month of June, on which day in the morning we fell in with Friesland, which is a very high and cragged land, and was almost clean covered with snow, so that we might see nought but craggy rocks and the tops of high and huge hills, sometimes (and for the most part) all covered with foggy mists. There might we also perceive the great isles of ice lying on the seas like mountains, some small, some big, of sundry kinds of shapes, and such a number of them, that we could not come near the shore for them.
Thus sailing along the coast, at the last we saw a place somewhat void of ice, where our general (accompanied with certain other) went ashore, where they saw certain tents made of beasts’ skins, and boats much like unto theirs of Meta Incognita. The tents were furnished with flesh, fish, skins, and other trifles: amongst the which was found a box of nails, whereby we did conjecture that they had either artificers amongst them, or else a traffic with some other nation. The men ran away, so that we could have no conference or communication with them. Our general (because he would have them no more to flee, but rather encouraged to stay through his courteous dealing) gave commandment that his men should take nothing away with them, saving only a couple of white dogs, for which he left pins, points, knives, and other trifling things, and departed, without taking or hurting anything, and so came aboard, and hoisted sails and passed forwards.
But being scarce out of the sight thereof, there fell such a fog and hideous mist that we could not see one another; whereupon we struck our drums, and sounded our trumpets to the end we might keep together; and so continued all that day and night, till the next day, that the mist brake up; so that we might easily perceive all the ships thus sailing together all that day, until the next day, being the 22nd of the same, on which day we saw an infinite number of ice, from the which we cast about to shun the danger thereof.
But one of our small barques named the Michael, whose captain was Master Kinderslie, the master, Bartholomew Bull, lost our company, insomuch that we could not obtain the sight of her many days after, of whom I mean to speak further anon, when occasion shall be ministered, and opportunity served. Thus we continued on our course until the 2nd of July, on which day we fell with the Queen’s Foreland, where we saw so much ice, that we thought it impossible to get into the straits, yet at the last we gave the adventure, and entered the ice.
Being in amongst it, we saw the Michael, of whom I spake before, accompanied with the, Judith, whose captain was Master Fenton, the master, Charles Jackman, bearing into the aforesaid ice, far distant from us, who in a storm that fell that present night (whereof I will at large, God willing, discourse hereafter), were severed from us, and being in, wandered up and down the straits amongst the ice, many days in great peril, till at the last (by the providence of God) they came safely to harbour in their wished port in the Countess of Warwick’s Sound the 20th July aforesaid, ten days before any of the other ships; who going on shore, found where the people of the country had been, and had hid their provision in great heaps of stone, being both of flesh and fish, which they had killed, whereof we also found great store in other places after our arrival. They found also divers engines, as bows, slings, and darts. They found likewise certain pieces of the pinnace which our general left there the year before; which pinnace he had sunk, minding to have it again the next year.
Now, seeing I have entreated so much of the Judith and the Michael, I will return to the rest of the other ships, and will speak a little of the storm which fell, with the mishaps that we had, the night that we put into the ice, whereof I made mention before.
At the first entry into the ice, in the mouth of the straits, our passage was very narrow and difficult; but being once gotten in, we had a fair, open place without any ice for the most part; being a league in compass, the ice being round about us, and enclosing us, as it were, within the pales of a park. In which place (because it was almost night) we minded to take in our sails and lie a hull all that night. But the storm so increased, and the waves began to mount aloft, which brought the ice so near us, and coming in so fast upon us, that we were fain to bear in and out, where ye might espy an open place. Thus the ice coming on us so fast we were in great danger, looking every hour for death, and thus passed we on in that great danger, seeing both ourselves and the rest of our ships so troubled and tossed amongst the ice, that it would make the strongest-heart to relent.
At the last, the barque Dionyse, being but a weak ship, and bruised afore amongst the ice, being so leak that she no longer could carry above water, sank without saving any of the goods which were in her: the sight so abashed the whole fleet, that we thought verily we should have tasted of the same sauce. But nevertheless, we seeing them in such danger, manned our boats, and saved all the men, in such wise that not one perished. (God be thanked.)
The storm still increased and the ice enclosed us, that we were fain to take down top and topmasts; for the ice had so environed us, that we could see neither land nor sea as far as we could ken; so that we were fain to cut our cables to hang overboard for fenders, somewhat to ease the ship’s sides from the great and dreary strokes of the ice; some with capstan bars, some fending off with oars, some with planks of two inches thick, which were broken immediately with the force of the ice, some going out upon the ice, to bear it off with their shoulders from the ships. But the rigorousness of the tempest was such, and the force of the ice so great, that not only they burst and spoiled the foresaid provision, but likewise so raised the sides of the ships that it was pitiful to behold, and caused the hearts of many to faint.
Thus continued we all that dismal and lamentable night, plunged in this perplexity, looking for instant death; but our God (who never leaveth them destitute which faithfully call upon Him), although He often punisheth for amendment’s sake, in the morning caused the winds to cease, and the fog, which all that night lay on the face of the water, to clear, so that we might perceive about a mile from us a certain place clear from any ice, to the which with an easy breath of wind, which our God sent us, we bent ourselves, and furthermore He provided better for us than we deserved, or hoped for; for when we were in the foresaid clear place, He sent us a fresh gale at west, or at west-south-west, which set us clear without all the ice. And further He added more, for He sent us so pleasant a day, as the like we had not of a long time before, as after punishment consolation.
Thus we joyful whites, being at liberty, took in all our sails, and lay a hull, praising God for our deliverance, and stayed to gather together our fleet; which once being done, we seeing that none of them had any great hurt, neither any of them wanted, saving only they of whom I spake before, and the ship which was lost, then at the last we hoisted our sails, and lay bulting off and on, till such time as it would please God to take away the ice, that we might get into the straits.
As we thus lay off and on, we came by a marvellous huge mountain of ice, which surpassed all the rest that ever we saw, for we judged it to be near four score fathoms above water, and we thought it to be aground for anything that we could perceive, being there nine score fathoms deep, and of compass about half a mile.
Also the fifth of July there fell a hideous fog and mist, that continued till the nineteenth of the same, so that one ship could not see another. Therefore we were fain to bear a small sail, and to observe the time, but there ran such a current of tide, that it set us to the north-west of the Queen’s Forehand, the back side of all the straits, where (through the contagious fog having no sight either of sun or star) we scarce knew where we were. In this fog the 10th July we lost the company of the Vice-Admiral, the Anne Francis, the Busse of Bridgewater, and the Francis of Foy.
The sixteenth day, one of our small barques, named the Gabriel, was sent by our general to bear in with the land, to descry it, where, being on land, they met with the people of the country, which seemed very humane and civilised, and offered to traffic with our men, proffering them fowls and skins for knives and other trifles, whose courtesy caused us to think that they had small conversation with the other of the straits. Then we bare back again, to go with the Queen’s Forehand, and the 18th day we came by two islands, whereon we went on shore, and found where the people had been, but we saw none of them. This day we were again in the ice, and like to be in as great peril as we were at the first. For through the darkness and obscurity of the foggy mist we were almost run on rocks and islands before we saw them: but God (even miraculously) provided for us, opening the fogs that we might see clearly, both where and in what danger we presently were, and also the way to escape; or else, without fail we had ruinously run upon the rocks.
When we knew perfectly our instant case, we cast about to get again on sea board, which (God be thanked) by might we obtained, and praised God. The clear continued scarce an hour, but the fog fell again as thick as ever it was.
Then the Rear-Admiral and the Bear got themselves clear without danger of ice and rocks, struck their sails and lay a hull, staying to have the rest of the fleet come forth, which as yet had not found the right way to clear themselves from the danger of rocks and ice, until the next morning, at what time the Rear-Admiral discharged certain warning pieces, to give notice that she had escaped, and that the rest (by following of her) might set themselves free, which they did that day. Then having gathered ourselves together, we proceeded on our purposed voyage, bearing off, and keeping ourselves distant from the coast, until the 19th day of July, at which time the fogs brake up and dispersed, so that we might plainly and clearly behold the pleasant air which had so long been taken from us by the obscurity of the foggy mists; and, after that time, we were not much encumbered therewith until we had left the confines of the country.
Then we, espying a fair sound, supposed it to go into the straits, between the Queen’s Foreland and Jackman’s Sound, which proved as we imagined. For our general sent forth again the Gabriel to discover it, who passed through with much difficulty, for there ran such an extreme current of a tide, with so horrible a gulf, that with a fresh gale of wind they were scarce able to stem it, yet at the length with great travel they passed it, and came to the straits, where they met with the Thomas Allen, the Thomas of Ipswich, and the Busse of Bridgewater, who all together adventured to bear into the ice again, to see if they could obtain their wished port. But they were so encumbered, that with much difficulty they were able to get out again, yet at the last they escaping the Thomas Allen and the Gabriel, bear in with the western shore, where they found harbour, and they moored their ships until the 4th of August, at which time they came to us, in the Countess of Warwick’s Sound. The Thomas of Ipswich caught a great leak, which caused her to cast again to sea board, and so was mended.
We sailed along still by the coast until we came to the Queen’s Forehand, at the point whereof we met with part of the gulf aforesaid, which place or gulf (as some of our masters do credibly report) doth flow nine hours and ebbs but three. At that point we discovered certain lands southward, which neither time nor opportunity would serve to search. Then being come to the mouth of the straits, we met with the Anne Francis, who had lain bulting up and down ever since her departure alone, never finding any of her company. We met then also the Francis of Foy, with whom again we intended to venture and get in, but the ice was yet so thick, that we were compelled again to retire and get us on sea board.
There fell also the same day, being the 26th July, such a horrible snow, that it lay a foot thick upon the hatches, which froze as fast as it fell.
We had also at other times divers cruel storms, both snow and hail, which manifestly declared the distemperature of the country: yet for all that we were so many times repulsed and put back from our purpose, knowing that lingering delay was not profitable for us, but hurtful to our voyage, we mutually consented to our valiant general once again to give the onset.
The 28th day, therefore, of the same July we assayed, and with little trouble (God be praised) we passed the dangers by daylight. Then night falling on the face of the earth, we hulled in the clear, till the cheerful light of the day had chased away the noisome darkness of the night, at which the we set forward toward our wished port; by the 30th day we obtained our expected desire, where we found the Judith and the Michael, which brought no small joy unto the general, and great consolation to the heavy hearts of those wearied wights.
The 30th day of July we brought our ships into the Countess of Warwick’s Sound, and moored them, namely these ships, the Admiral, the Rear-Admiral, the Francis of Foy, the Bear, Armenel, the Salomon, and the Busse of Bridgewater, which being done, our general commanded us all to come ashore upon the Countess Island, where he set his miners to work upon the mine, giving charge with expedition to despatch with their lading.
Our general himself, accompanied with his gentleman, divers times made roads into sundry parts of the country, as well to find new mines as also to find out and see the people of the country. He found out one mine, upon an island by Bear’s Sound, and named it the Countess of Sussex Island. One other was found in Winter’s Fornace, with divers others, to which the ships were sent sunderly to be laden. In the same roads he met with divers of the people of the country at sundry times, as once at a place called David’s Sound, who shot at our men, and very desperately gave them the onset, being not above three or four in number, there being of our countrymen above a dozen; but seeing themselves not able to prevail, they took themselves to flight, whom our men pursued, but being not used to such craggy cliffs, they soon lost the sight of them, and so in vain returned.
We also saw them at Bear’s Sound, both by sea and land, in great companies; but they would at all times keep the water between them and us. And if any of our ships chanced to be in the sound (as they came divers times), because the harbour was not very good, the ship laded, and departed again; then so long as any ships were in sight, the people would not be seen. But when as they perceived the ships to be gone, they would not only show themselves standing upon high cliffs, and call us to come over unto them, but also would come in their boats very near to us, as it were to brag at us; whereof our general, having advertisement, sent for the captain and gentlemen of the ships to accompany and attend upon him, with the captain also of the Anne Francis, who was but the night before come unto us. For they and the fleet-boat, having lost us the 26th day, in the great snow, put into a harbour in the Queen’s Forehand, where they found good ore, wherewith they laded themselves, and came to seek the general; so that now we had all our ships, saving one barque, which was lost, and the Thomas of Ipswich who (compelled by what fury I know not) forsook our company, and returned home without lading.
Our general, accompanied with his gentlemen (of whom I spake), came altogether to the Countess of Sussex Island, near to Bear’s Sound, where he manned out certain pinnaces and went over to the people, who, perceiving his arrival, fled away with all speed, and in haste left certain darts and other engines behind them which we found, but the people we could not find.
The next morning our general, perceiving certain of them in boat upon the sea, gave chase to them in a pinnace under sail, with a fresh gale of wind, but could by no means come near unto them, for the longer he sailed the farther off he was from them, which well showed their cunning and activity. Thus time wearing away, and the day of our departure approaching, our general commanded to lade with all expedition, that we might be again on sea board with our ship; for whilst we were in the country we were in continual danger of freezing in, for often snow and hail, often the water was so much frozen and congealed in the night, that in the morning we could scarce row our boats or pinnaces, especially in Dier’s Sound, which is a calm and still water, which caused our general to make the more haste, so that by the 30th day of August we were all laden, and made all things ready to depart. But before I proceed any further herein, to show what fortune befell at our departure, I will turn my pen a little to Master Captain Fenton, and those gentlemen which should have inhabited all the year in those countries, whose valiant minds were much to be commended, that neither fear of force, nor the cruel nipping storms of the raging winter, neither the intemperature of so unhealthful a country, neither the savageness of the people, neither the sight and show of such and so many strange meteors, neither the desire to return to their native soil, neither regard of friends, neither care of possessions and inheritances, finally, not the love of life (a thing of all other most sweet), neither the terror of dreadful death itself, might seem to be of sufficient force to withdraw their prowess, or to restrain from that purpose, thereby to have profited their country; but that with most willing hearts, venturous minds, stout stomachs, and singular manhood, they were content there to have tarried for the time, among a barbarous and uncivilised people, infidels and miscreants, to have made their dwelling, not terrified with the manifold and imminent dangers which they were like to run into; and seeing before their eyes so many casualties, whereto their life was subject, the least whereof would have made a milksop Thersites astonished and utterly discomfited; being, I say, thus minded and purposed, they deserved special commendation, for, doubtless, they had done as they intended, if luck had not withstood their willingness, and if that fortune had not so frowned upon their intents.
For the bark Dionyse, which was lost, had in her much of their house, which was prepared and should have been builded for them, with many other implements. Also the Thomas of Ipswich, which had most of their provision in her, came not into the straits at all, neither did we see her since the day we were separated in the great snow (of which I spake before). For these causes, having not their house nor yet provision, they were disappointed of their pretence to tarry, and therefore laded their ships and so came away with us.
But before we took shipping, we builded a little house in the Countess of Warwick’s Island, and garnished it with many kinds of trifles, as pins, points, laces, glasses, combs, babes on horseback and on foot, with innumerable other such fancies and toys, thereby to allure and entice the people to some familiarity against other years.
Thus having finished all things we departed the country (as I said before); but because the Busse had not lading enough in her, she put into Bear’s Sound to take a little more. In the meanwhile, the Admiral, and the rest without the sea, stayed for her. And that night fell such an outrageous tempest, beating on our ships with such vehement rigour that anchor and cable availed nought, for we were driven on rocks and islands of ice, insomuch that had not the great goodness of God been miraculously showed to us, we had been cast away every man. This danger was more doubtful and terrible than any that preceded or went before, for there was not any one ship (I think) that escaped without damage. Some lost anchor, and also gables, some boats, some pinnaces, some anchor, gables, boats, and pinnaces.
This boisterous storm so severed us one from another, that one ship knew not what was become of another. The Admiral knew not where to find the Vice-Admiral or Rear-Admiral, or any other ship of our company. Our general, being on land in Bear’s Sound, could not come to his ship, but was compelled to go aboard the Gabriel, where he continued all the way homewards, for the boisterous blasts continued so extremely, and so long a time, that it sent us homeward (which was God’s favour towards us), will we, nill we, in such haste, as not any one of us were able to keep in company of other, but were separated. And if by chance any one ship did overtake other by swiftness of sail, or met (as they often did), yet was the rigour of the wind so hideous, that they could not continue company together the space of one whole night.
Thus our journey outward was not so pleasant, but our coming thither, entering the coasts and country by narrow straits, perilous ice, and swift tides, our times of abode there in snow and storms, and our departure from thence, the 3rd of August, with dangerous blustering winds and tempest’s, which that night arose, was as uncomfortable, separating us so, as we sailed, that not any of us met together until the 28th of September, which day we fell on the English coasts, between Scilly and the Land’s End, and passed the Channel, until our arrival in the river Thames.
THE REPORT OF THOMAS WIARS,
Passenger in the “Emmanuel,” otherwise called the “Busse of Bridgewater,” wherein James Leeche was Master, one of the ships in the last voyage of Master Martin Frobisher, 1578, concerning the discovery of the great island in their way homeward, the 12th of September.
The Busse of Bridgewater was left in Bear’s Sound, at Meta Incognita, the 2nd day of September, behind the fleet, in some distress, through much wind riding near the lee shore, and forced there to ride it out upon the hazard of her cables and anchors, which were all aground but two. The 3rd of September being fair weather, and the wind north-north-west, she set sail, and departed thence and fell with Friesland, on he 8th day of September, at six of the clock at night, and then they set off from the south-west point of Friesland, the wind being at east and east-south-east; but that night the wind veered southerly, and shifted oftentimes that night. But on the 10th day, in the morning, the wind at west-north- west, fair weather, they steered south-east and by south, and continued that course until the 12th day of September, when about 11 o’clock before noon they descried a land, which was from them about five leagues, and the southernmost part of it was south-east-by-east from them, and the northernmost next north-north-east, or north- east. The master accounted that Friesland, the south-east point of it, was from him at that instant, when he first descried this new island, north-west-by-north fifty leagues. They account this island to be twenty-five leagues long, and the longest way of it south-east and north-west. The southern part of it is in the latitude of fifty-seven degrees and one second part, or thereabout. They continued in sight of it from the twelfth day at eleven of the clock till the thirteenth day three of the clock in the afternoon, when they left it; and the last part they saw of it bare from them north- west-by-north. There appeared two harbours upon that coast, the greatest of them seven leagues to the northwards of the southernmost point, the other but four leagues. There was very much ice near the same land, and also twenty or thirty leagues from it, for they were not clear of ice till the 15th day of September, afternoon. They plied their voyage homeward, and fell with the west part of Ireland, about Galway, and had first sight of it on the 25th day of September.
THE FIRST VOYAGE OF MASTER JOHN DAVIS, Undertaken in June, 1585, for the discovery of the North-West Passage, written by John James Marchant, servant to the Worshipful Master William Sanderson.
Certain honourable personages and worthy gentlemen of the Court and country, with divers worshipful merchants of London and of the West Countrie, moved with desire to advance God’s glory, and to seek the good of their native country, consulting together of the likelihood of the discovery of the North-West Passage, which heretofore had been attempted, but unhappily given over by accidents unlooked for, which turned the enterprisers from their principal purpose, resolved, after good deliberation, to put down their adventures, to provide for necessary shipping, and a fit man to be chief conductor of this so hard an enterprise. The setting forth of this action was committed by the adventurers especially to the care of Master William Sanderson, merchant of London, who was so forward therein, that besides his travel, which was not small, he became the greatest adventurer with his purse, and commended unto the rest of the company one Master John Davis, a man very well grounded in the principles of the art of navigation, for captain and chief pilot of this exploit.
Thus, therefore, all things being put in a readiness, we departed from Dartmouth the 7th of June towards the discovery of the aforesaid North-West Passage with two barques, the one being of fifty tons, named the Sunshine, of London, and the other being thirty-five tons, named the Moonshine, of Dartmouth. In the Sunshine we had twenty-three persons, whose names are these following: Master John Davis, captain; William Eston, master; Richard Pope, master’s mate; John Jane, merchant; Henry Davie, gunner; William Crosse, boatswain; John Bagge, Walter Arthur, Luke Adams, Robert Coxworthie, John Ellis, John Kelly, Edward Helman, William Dicke, Andrew Maddocke, Thomas Hill, Robert Wats, carpenter, William Russell, Christopher Gorney, boy; James Cole, Francis Ridley, John Russel, Robert Cornish, musicians.
The Moonshine had nineteen persons, William Bruton, captain; John Ellis, master; the rest mariners.
The 7th of June the captain and the master drew out a proportion for the continuance of our victuals.
The 8th day, the wind being at south-west and west-south-west, we put in for Falmouth, where we remained until the 13th.
The 13th the wind blew at north, and being fair weather we departed.
The 14th, with contrary wind, we were forced to put into Scilly.
The 15th we departed thence, having the wind north and by east, moderate and fair weather.
The 16th we were driven back again, and were constrained to arrive at New Grimsby, at Scilly; here the wind remained contrary twelve days, and in that space the captain, the master, and I went about all the islands, and the captain did plan out and describe the situation of all the islands, rocks, and harbours to the exact use of navigation, with lines and scale thereunto convenient.
The 28th, in God’s name, we departed, the wind being easterly, but calm.
The 29th very foggy.
The 30th foggy.
The 1st of July we saw great store of porpoises, the master called for a harping-iron, and shot twice or thrice; sometimes he missed, and at last shot one and struck him in the side, and wound him into the ship; when we had him aboard, the master said it was a darley head.
The 2nd we had some of the fish boiled, and it did eat as sweet as any mutton.
The 3rd we had more in sight, and the master went to shoot at them, but they were so great, that they burst our irons, and we lost both fish, irons, pastime, and all; yet, nevertheless, the master shot at them with a pike, and had well-nigh gotten one, but he was so strong, that he burst off the bars of the pike and went away. Then he took the boat-hook, and hit one with that; but all would not prevail, so at length we let them alone.
The 6th we saw a very great whale, and every day after we saw whales continually.
The 16th, 17th, and 18th we saw great store of whales.
The 19th of July we fell into a great whirling and brustling of a tide, setting to the northward; and sailing about half a league we came into a very calm sea, which bent to the south-south-west. Here we heard a mighty great roaring of the sea, as if it had been the breach of some shore, the air being so foggy and full of thick mist, that we could not see the one ship from the other, being a very small distance asunder; so the captain and the master, being in distrust how the tide might set them, caused the Moonshine to hoist out her boat and to sound, but they could not find ground in three hundred fathoms and better. Then the captain, master, and I went towards the breach to see what it should be, giving charge to our gunners that at every blast they should shoot off a musket shot, to the intent we might keep ourselves from losing them; then coming near to the breach, we met many islands of ice floating, which had quickly compassed us about. Then we went upon some of them, and did perceive that all the roaring which we heard was caused only by the rolling of this ice together. Our company seeing us not to return according to our appointment, left off shooting muskets and began to shoot falconets, for they feared some mishap had befallen us; but before night we came aboard again, with our boat laden with ice, which made very good fresh water. Then we bent our course toward the north, hoping by that means to double the land.
The 20th, as we sailed along the coast, the fog brake up, and we discovered the land, which was the most deformed, rocky, and mountainous land that ever we saw, the first sight whereof did show as if it had been in form of a sugar loaf, standing to our sight above the clouds, for that it did show over the fog like a white liste in the sky, the tops altogether covered with snow, and the shore beset with ice a league off into the sea, making such irksome noise as that it seemed to be the true pattern of desolation, and after the same our captain named it the land of desolation.
The 21st the wind came northerly and overblew, so that we were constrained to bend our course south again, for we perceived that we were run into a very deep bay, where we were almost compassed with ice, for we saw very much towards the north-north-east, west, and south-west; and this day and this night we cleared ourselves of the ice, running south-south-west along the shore.
Upon Thursday, being the 22nd of this month, about three of the clock in the morning, we hoisted out our boat, and the captain, with six sailors, went towards the shore, thinking to find a landing- place, for the night before we did perceive the coast to be void of ice to our judgment; and the same night we were all persuaded that we had seen a canoe rowing along the shore, but afterwards we fell in some doubt of it, but we had no great reason so to do. The captain, rowing towards the shore, willed the master to bear in with the land after him; and before he came near the shore, by the space of a league, or about two miles, he found so much ice that he could not get to land by any means. Here our mariners put to their lines to see if they could get any fish, because there were so many seals upon the coast, and the birds did beat upon the water, but all was in vain: the water about this coast was very black and thick, like to a filthy standing pool; we sounded, and had ground in 120 fathoms. While the captain was rowing to the shore our men saw woods upon the rocks, like to the rocks of Newfoundland, but I could not discern them; yet it might be so very well, for we had wood floating upon the coast every day, and the Moonshine took up a tree at sea not far from the coast, being sixty foot of length and fourteen handfuls about, having the root upon it. After, the captain came aboard, the weather being very calm and fair, we bent our course toward the south with intent to double the land.
The 23rd we coasted the land which did lie east-north-east and west- south-west.
The 24th, the wind being very fair at east, we coasted the land, which did lie east and west, not being able to come near the shore by reason of the great quantity of ice. At this place, because the weather was somewhat cold by reason of the ice, and the better to encourage our men, their allowance was increased. The captain and the master took order that every mess, being five persons, should have half a pound of bread and a can of beer every morning to breakfast. The weather was not very cold, but the air was moderate, like to our April weather in England. When the wind came from the land or the ice it was somewhat cold, but when it came off the sea it was very hot.
The 25th of this month we departed from sight of this land at six of the clock in the morning, directing our course to the north- westward, hoping in God’s mercy to find our desired passage, and so continued above four days.
The 29th of July we discovered land in 64 degrees 15 minutes of latitude, bearing north-east from us. The wind being contrary to go to the north-westward, we bear in with this land to take some view of it, being utterly void of the pester of ice, and very temperate. Coming near the coast we found many fair sounds and good roads for shipping, and many great inlets into the land, whereby we judged this land to be a great number of islands standing together. Here, having moored our barque in good order, we went on shore upon a small island to seek for water and wood. Upon this island we did perceive that there had been people, for we found a small shoe and pieces of leather sewed with sinews and a piece of fur, and wool like to beaver. Then we went upon another island on the other side of our ships, and the captain, the master, and I, being got up to the top of a high rock, the people of the country having espied us made a lamentable noise, as we thought, with great outcries and screechings; we, hearing them, thought it had been the howling of wolves. At last I halloed again, and they likewise cried; then we, perceiving where they stood–some on the shore, and one rowing in a canoe about a small island fast by them–we made a great noise, partly to allure them to us and partly to warn our company of them. Whereupon Master Bruton and the master of his ship, with others of their company, made great haste towards us, and brought our musicians with them from our ship, purposing either by force to rescue us, if needs should so require, or with courtesy to allure the people. When they came unto us we caused our musicians to play, ourselves dancing and making many signs of friendship. At length there came ten canoes from the other islands, and two of them came so near the shore where we were that they talked with us, the other being in their boats a pretty way off. Their pronunciation was very hollow through the throat, and their speech such as we could not understand, only we allured them by friendly embracings and signs of courtesy. At length one of them, pointing up to the sun with his hand, would presently strike his breast so hard that we might hear the blow. This he did many times before he would any way trust us. Then John Ellis, the master of the Moonshine, was appointed to use his best policy to gain their friendship, who shook his breast and pointed to the sun after their order, which when he had divers times done they began to trust him, and one of them came on shore, to whom we threw our caps, stockings, and gloves, and such other things as then we had about us, playing with our music, and making signs of joy, and dancing. So the night coming we bade them farewell, and went aboard our barques.
The next morning, being the 30th of July, there came thirty-seven canoes rowing by our ships calling to us to come on shore; we not making any great haste unto them, one of them went up to the top of the rock, and leaped and danced as they had done the day before, showing us a seal skin, and another thing made like a timbrel, which he did beat upon with a stick, making a noise like a small drum. Whereupon we manned our boats and came to them, they all staying in their canoes. We came to the water’s side, where they were, and after we had sworn by the sun after their fashion they did trust us. So I shook hands with one of them, and he kissed my hand, and we were very familiar with them. We were in so great credit with them upon this single acquaintance that we could have anything they had. We bought five canoes of them; we bought their clothes from their backs, which were all made of seal skins and birds’ skins; their buskins, their hose, their gloves, all being commonly sewed and well dressed, so that we were fully persuaded that they have divers artificers among them. We had a pair of buskins of them full of fine wool like beaver. Their apparel for heat was made of birds’ skins with their feathers on them. We saw among them leather dressed like glover’s leather, and thick thongs like white leather of good length. We had of their darts and oars, and found in them that they would by no means displease us, but would give us whatsoever we asked of them, and would be satisfied with whatsoever we gave them. They took great care one of another, for when we had bought their boats then two other would come, and carry him away between them that had sold us his. They are a very tractable people, void of craft or double dealing, and easy to be brought to any civility or good order, but we judged them to be idolaters, and to worship the sun.
During the time of our abode among these islands we found reasonable quantity of wood, both fir, spruce, and juniper; which, whether it came floating any great distance to these places where we found it, or whether it grew in some great islands near the same place by us not yet discovered, we know not. But we judge that it groweth there farther into the land than we were, because the people had great store of darts and oars which they made none account of, but gave them to us for small trifles as points and pieces of paper. We saw about this coast marvellous great abundance of seals sculling together like sculls of small fish. We found no fresh water among these islands, but only snow-water, whereof we found great pools. The cliffs were all of such ore as Master Frobisher brought from Meta Incognita. We had divers shewes of study or Moscovie glass, shining not altogether unlike to crystal. We found an herb growing upon the rocks whose fruit was sweet, full of red juice, and the ripe ones were like currants. We found also birch and willow growing like shrubs low to the ground. These people have great store of furs as we judged. They made shows unto us the 30th of this present, which was the second time of our being with them, after they perceived we would have skins and furs, that they would go into the country and come again the next day with such things as they had; but this night the wind coming fair the captain and the master would by no means detract the purpose our discovery. And so the last of this month, about four of the clock in the morning, in God’s name we set sail, and were all that day becalmed upon the coast.
The 1st of August we had a fair wind, and so proceeded towards the north-west for our discovery.
The 6th of August we discovered land in 66 degrees 40 minutes of latitude altogether void from the pester of ice; we anchored in a very fair road, under a very brave mount, the cliffs whereof were as orient as gold. This mount was named Mount Raleigh; the road where our ships lay at anchor was called Totnes Road; the sound which did compass the mount was named Exeter Sound; the foreland towards the north was called Dier’s Cape; the foreland towards the south was named Cape Walsingham. So soon as we were come to an anchor in Totnes Road under Mount Raleigh we espied four white bears at the foot of the mount. We, supposing them to be goats or wolves, manned our boats and went towards them, but when we came near the shore we found them to be white bears of a monstrous bigness; we, being desirous of fresh victual and the sport, began to assault them, and I being on land, one of them came down the hill right against me. My piece was charged with hail-shot and a bullet; I discharged my piece and shot him in the neck; he roared a little, and took the water straight, making small account of his hurt. Then we followed him with our boat, and killed him with boars’ spears, and two more that night. We found nothing in their maws, but we judged by their dung that they fed upon grass, because it appeared in all respects like the dung of a horse, wherein we might very plainly see the very straws.
The 7th we went on shore to another bear, which lay all night upon the top of an island under Mount Raleigh, and when we came up to him he lay fast asleep. I levelled at his head, and the stone of my piece gave no fire; with that he looked up and laid down his head again; then I shot, being charged with two bullets, and struck him in the head; he, being but amazed, fell backwards, whereupon we ran all upon him with boar spears and thrust him in the body, yet for all that he gripped away our boar spears and went towards the water, and as he was going down he came back again. Then our master shot his boar spear and struck him in the head, and made him to take the water, and swim into a cove fast by, where we killed him and brought him aboard. The breadth of his fore foot from one side to the other was fourteen inches over. They were very fat, so as we were constrained to cast the fat away. We saw a raven upon Mount Raleigh. We found withies, also, growing low like shrubs, and flowers like primroses in the said place. The coast is very mountainous, altogether without wood, grass, or earth, and is only huge mountains of stone, but the bravest stone that ever we saw. The air was very moderate in this country.
The 8th we departed from Mount Raleigh, coasting along the shore which lieth south-south-west and east-north-east.
The 9th our men fell in dislike of their allowance because it was so small as they thought. Whereupon we made a new proportion, every mess, being five to a mess, should have four pound of bread a day, twelve wine quarts of beer, six new land fishes, and the flesh days a gin of pease more; so we restrained them from their butter and cheese.
The 11th we came to the most southerly cape of this land, which we named the Cape of God’s Mercy, as being the place of our first entrance for the discovery. The weather being very foggy we coasted this north land; at length when it brake up we perceived that we were shot into a very fair entrance or passage, being in some places twenty leagues broad and in some thirty, altogether void of any pester of ice, the weather very tolerable, and the water of the very colour, nature, and quality of the main ocean, which gave us the greater hope of our passage. Having sailed north-west sixty leagues in this entrance, we discovered certain islands standing in the midst thereof, having open passages on both sides. Whereupon our ships divided themselves, the one sailing on the north side, the other on the south side of the said isles, where we stayed five days, having the wind at south-east, very foggy, and foul weather.
The 14th we went on shore and found signs of people, for we found stones laid up together like a wall, and saw the skull of a man or a woman.
The 15th we heard dogs howl on the shore, which we thought had been wolves, and therefore we went on shore to kill them. When we came on land the dogs came presently to our boat very gently, yet we thought they came to prey upon us, and therefore we shot at them and killed two, and about the neck of one of them we found a leathern collar, whereupon we thought them to be tame dogs. There were twenty dogs like mastiffs, with pricked ears and long bushed tails; we found a bone in the pizels of their dogs. Then we went farther and found two sleds made like ours in England. The one was made of fir, spruce, and oaken boards, sawn like inch boards; the other was made all of whalebone, and there hung on the tops of the sleds three heads of beasts which they had killed. We saw here larks, ravens, and partridges.
The 17th we went on shore, and in a little thing made like an oven with stones I found many small trifles, as a small canoe made of wood, a piece of wood made like an image, a bird made of bone, beads having small holes in one end of them to hang about their necks, and other small things. The coast was very barbarous, without wood or grass. The rocks were very fair, like marble, full of veins of divers colours. We found a seal which was killed not long before, being flayed and hid under stones.
Our captain and master searched still for probabilities of the passage, and first found that this place was all islands with great sounds passing between them.
Secondly, the water remained of one colour with the main ocean without altering.
Thirdly, we saw to the west of those isles three or four whales in a scull, which they judged to come from a westerly sea, because to the eastward we saw not any whale.
Also, as we were rowing into a very great sound lying south-west from whence these whales came, upon the sudden there came a violent countercheck of a tide from the south-west against the flood which we came with, not knowing from whence it was maintained.
Fifthly, in sailing 20 leagues within the mouth of this entrance we had sounding in 90 fathoms, fair, grey, oozy sand, and the farther we run into the westwards the deeper was the water, so that hard aboard the shore among these isles we could not have ground in 330 fathoms.
Lastly, it did ebb and flow six or seven fathom up and down, the flood coming from divers parts, so as we could not perceive the chief maintenance thereof.
The 18th and 19th our captain and master determined what was best to do, both for the safe guard of their credits and satisfy of the adventurers, and resolved if the weather brake up to make further search.
The 20th, the wind came directly against us, so they altered their purpose, and reasoned both for proceeding and returning.
The 21st, the wind being north-west, we departed from these islands, and as we coasted the south shore we saw many fair sounds, whereby we were persuaded that it was no firm land but islands.
The 23rd of this month the wind came south-east, very stormy and foul weather. So we were constrained to seek harbour upon the south coast of this entrance, where we fell into a very fair sound, and anchored in 25 fathoms of green, oozy sand, where we went on shore, where we had manifest signs of people, where they had made their fire, and laid stones like a wall. In this place we saw four very