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P. 322. _Burnet_. [In this famous campaign of Louis XIV. against the Dutch, (1672,)] there was so little heart or judgement shewn in the management of that run of success, etc.–_Swift_. A metaphor, but from gamesters.

P. 326. _Burnet_, referring to the action of the rabble when Cornelius de Witt was banished, says of the Prince of Orange:–His enemies have taken advantages from thence to cast the infamy of this on him, and on his party, to make them all odious; though the Prince spoke of it always to me with the greatest horror possible.–_Swift_. Yet he was guilty enough.

P. 328. _Burnet_. Prince Waldeck was their chief general: A man of a great compass.–_Swift, i.e._ very fat.

P. 330. _Burnet_. He broke twice with the Prince, after he came into a confidence with him. He employed me to reconcile him to him for the third time–_Swift_. Perspicuity.

_Ibid. Burnet._ The actions sinking on the sudden on the breaking out of a new war, that sunk him into a melancholy, which quite distracted him.–_Swift_. Eloquent.

P. 335. _Burnet_. I will complete the transactions of this memorable year:–P. 337. Thus I have gone far into the state of affairs of Holland in this memorable year.–_Swift_. Why, you called it so but just now before.

P. 337. _Burnet_. It seems, the French made no great account of their prisoners, for they released 25,000 Dutch for 50,000 crowns–_Swift_. What! ten shillings a piece! By much too dear for a Dutchman.

_Ibid. Burnet_. This year [1672] the King declared a new mistress, and made her Duchess of Portsmouth. She had been maid of honour to Madame, the King’s sister, and had come over with her to Dover; where the King had expressed such a regard to her, that the Duke of Buckingham, who hated the Duchess of Cleveland, intended to _put her on the King_.–_Swift._ Surely he means the contrary.

P. 341. _Burnet_. [The Duke of Lauderdale] called for me all on the sudden, and put me in mind of the project I had laid before him, of putting all the outed ministers by _couples_ into parishes: So that instead of wandering about the country to hold conventicles in all places, they might be fixed to a certain abode, and every one might have the half of a benefice.–_Swift._ A sottish project; instead of feeding _fifty_, you starve a _hundred_.

BOOK III.

P. 346. _Burnet_. It was believed, if the design had succeeded, he [Lord Clifford] had agreed with his wife to take orders, and to aspire to a cardinal’s hat.–_Swift_. Was he or she to take orders?

P. 362. _Burnet_. I told him, what afterwards happened, that most of these would make their own terms, and leave him in the lurch.–_Swift_. True sublime.

P. 370. _Burnet_. I was ever of Nazianzen’s opinion, who never wished to see any more synods of the clergy.–_Swift_. Dog!

P. 372. _Burnet_, when he was struck out of the list of chaplains, says:–The King said, he was afraid I had been too busy; and wished me to go home to Scotland, and be more quiet.–_Swift_. The King knew him right.

_Ibid. Burnet_. I preached in many of the churches of London; and was so well received, that it was probable I might be accepted of in any that was to be disposed of by _a popular election._–_Swift_. Much to his honour.

P. 373. _Burnet_. This violent and groundless prosecution lasted some months. And during that time I said to some, that Duke Lauderdale had gone so far in opening some wicked designs to me, that I perceived he could not be satisfied, unless I was undone. So I told what was mentioned before of the discourses that passed between him and me.–_Swift_. Scotch dog!

P. 374. _Burnet_. He [Lord Howard] went over in the beginning of the war, and offered to serve De Witt. But he told me, he found him a dry man.–_Swift_. Who told who? I guess Howard told Burnet.

P. 378. _Burnet_. At least he [Sir William Temple] thought religion was fit only for the mob.–_Swift_. A word of dignity for an historian. _Burnet._ He was a corrupter of all that came near him. And he delivered himself up wholly to study, ease, and pleasure.–_Swift_. Sir William Temple was a man of virtue, to which Burnet was a stranger.

P. 380. _Burnet_, speaking of his being pressed, before Parliament, to reveal what passed between him and the Duke of Lauderdale _in private_; and the Parliament, in case of refusal, threatening him, says:–Upon this I yielded, and gave an account of the discourse formerly mentioned.–_Swift_. Treacherous villain.

_Ibid. Burnet_. My love to my country, and my private friendships carried me perhaps too far.–_Swift_. Right.

P. 382. _Burnet_. [Sir Harbottle Grimstone] had always _a tenderness to the Dissenters_.–_Swift_. Burnet’s test of all virtues.

_Ibid. Burnet_. [Lady Grimstone] was the humblest, the devoutest, and best tempered person I ever _knew of that sort_ [having high notions for Church and Crown].–_Swift_. Rogue.

P. 384. _Burnet_, the country party maintained that:–if a Parliament thought any law inconvenient for the good of the whole, they must be supposed still free to alter it: And no previous limitation could bind up their legislature.–_Swift._ Wrong arguing.

P. 387. _Burnet_. It was said, a standing Parliament changed the constitution of England.–_Swift_. The present case under King George.

_Ibid. Burnet_. It was moved, that an address should be made to the King for dissolving the Parliament.–_Swift. Tempora mutantur_; for nothing now will do but septennial Parliaments.

P. 388 _Burnet_. He [Lord Russell] had from his first education an inclination to favour the Non-conformists.–_Swift_. So have all the author’s favourites.

P. 392. _Burnet_. But with these good qualities Compton was a weak man, wilful, and strangely wedded to a party.–_Swift._ He means, to the Church.

_Ibid. Burnet_. Bancroft, Dean of St. Paul’s, was raised to [the see of Canterbury]. … He was a man of solemn deportment, had a sullen gravity in his looks, and was considerably learned. He had put on a monastic strictness, and lived abstracted from company. … He was a dry, cold man, reserved, and peevish; so that none loved him, and few esteemed him.–_Swift_. False and detracting.

P. 396. _Burnet_. My way of writing history pleased him [Sir William Jones].–_Swift_. Very modest.

P. 399. _Burnet_. Men were now though silent, not quiet.–_Swift_. Nonsense, or printer’s mistake. It should be, “Silent, though not quiet.”

_Ibid, Burnet_. One Carstairs, a loose and vicious gentleman.–_Swift_. Epithets well placed.

P. 404. _Burnet_. It was an extraordinary thing that a random cannon shot should have killed him [Turenne].–_Swift_. How extraordinary? Might it not kill him as well as another man?

P. 406. _Burnet_, in the battle at St. Omer between the Prince of Orange (afterwards King William) and the Duke of Orleans:–some regiments of marines, on whom the Prince depended much, did basely run away. Yet the other bodies fought so well, that he lost not much, besides the _honour of the day_.–_Swift_. He was used to that.

P. 407. _Burnet_. These leading men did so entangle the debates, and over-reached those on whom he had practised, that they, working on the aversion that the English nation naturally has to a French interest, spoiled the hopefullest session the court had had of a great while, before the court was well aware of it.–_Swift_. Rare style!

P. 409. _Burnet_, Lord Danby, speaking to King Charles II., said:–If they saw his [the Duke of York’s] daughter given to one that was at the head of the Protestant interest, it would very much soften those apprehensions, when it did appear that his religion was only a personal thing, not to be derived to his children after him. With all this the King was convinced.–_Swift_. Then how was the King for bringing in Popery?

P. 413. _Burnet_. His friend answered, He hoped he did not intend to make use of him to trepan a man to his ruin. Upon that, with lifted up hands, Sharp promised by the living God, that no hurt should come to him, if he made a full discovery.–_Swift_. Malice.

Ibid. _Burnet_, upon the examination of Mitchell before the privy-council for the intended assassination of Archbishop Sharp, it being first proposed to cut off the prisoner’s right hand, and then his left:–Lord Rothes, who was a pleasant man, said, “How shall he wipe his breech then?” This is not very _decent_ to be mentioned in such a work, if it were not necessary.–_Swift_. As decent as a thousand other passages; so he might have spared his apology.

P. 414. _Burnet_, in the last article of the above trial, observes:– But the judge, who hated Sharp, as he went up to the bench, passing by the prisoner said to him, “Confess nothing, unless you are sure of your limbs as well as of your life.”–_Swift_. A rare judge.

Ibid. _Burnet_, mentioning Mackenzie’s appointment as king’s advocate, says of him:–He has published many books, some of law, but all full of faults; for he was a slight and superficial man.–_Swift_. Envious and base.

P. 416. _Burnet_, speaking of the execution of the above Mitchell for the attempt against Sharp, says:–Yet Duke Lauderdale had a chaplain, Hickes, afterwards Dean of Worcester, who published a false and partial relation of this matter, in order to the justifying of it–_Swift_. A learned, pious man.[4]

[Footnote 4: The “Ravillac [_sic_] Redivivus” of Hickes, is, notwithstanding his learning and piety, in every respect deserving of the censures passed upon it by Burnet. [S.]]

P. 425. _Burnet_. [Titus Oates] got to be a chaplain in one of the king’s ships, from which he was dismissed upon complaint of some unnatural practices, not to be named.–_Swift_. Only sodomy.

P. 434. _Burnet_. He [Staley] was cast.–_Swift. Anglice_, found guilty.

P. 441. _Burnet_, on the impeachment of Lord Danby:–Maynard, an ancient and eminent lawyer, explained the words of the statute of 25 Edward III. that the courts of law could not proceed but upon one of the crimes there enumerated: But the Parliament had still a power, by the clause in that Act, to declare what they thought was treason.–_Swift_. Yes, by a new Act, but not with a retrospect; therefore Maynard was a _knave or a fool, with all his law_.

P. 442. _Burnet_. This indeed would have justified the King, if it had been demanded above board.–_Swift_. Style of a gamester.

P. 451. _Burnet_. Yet many thought, that, what doctrines soever men might by a subtlety of speculation be earned into, the approaches of death, with the seriousness that appeared in their deportment, must needs work so much on the probity and candour which seemed footed in human nature, etc.–_Swift._ Credat Judaeus Apella.

P. 455. _Burnet_, the Bill of Exclusion disinherited:–the next heir, which certainly the King and Parliament might do, as well as any private man might disinherit his next heir.–_Swift._ That is not always true. Yet it was certainly in the power of King and Parliament to exclude the next heir.

P. 457. _Burnet_. Government was appointed for those that were to be governed, and not for the sake of governors themselves.–_Swift_. A true maxim and infallible.

P. 458. _Burnet_. It was a maxim among our lawyers, that even an Act of Parliament against _Magna Charta_ was null of itself.–_Swift_. A sottish maxim.

P. 459. _Burnet_. For a great while I thought the accepting the limitations [proposed in the Exclusion Bill] was the wisest and best method.–_Swift_. It was the wisest, because it would be less opposed; and the King would consent to it; otherwise an _exclusion_ would have done better.

P. 471. _Burnet_. The guards having lost thirty of their number were forced to run for it.–_Swift_. For what?

P. 475. _Burnet_. Dangerfield, a subtle and dexterous man, who … was a false coiner, undertook now to coin a plot for the ends of the Papists.–_Swift_. Witty.

P. 479. _Burnet_. Godolphin … had true principles of religion and virtue, and was free from all vanity, and never heaped up wealth: So that all things being laid together, he was one of the worthiest and wisest men that has been employed in our time.–_Swift_. All this very partial to my knowledge.

P. 483. _Burnet_. I laid open the cruelties of the Church of Rome in many instances that happened in Queen Mary’s reign, which were not then known: And I _aggravated_, though _very truly_, the danger of falling under the power of that religion.–_Swift_. A BULL!

_Ibid. Burnet_. Sprat had studied a polite style much: But there was little strength in it: He had the beginnings of learning laid well in him: But he has allowed himself in a course of some years in much sloth and too many liberties.–_Swift_. Very false.

P. 489. _Burnet_. Here was a justice to be done, and a service to truth, towards the saving a man’s life…. He advised with all his friends, and with my self in particular. The much greater number were of opinion that he ought to be silent.–_Swift_. Damned advice.

P. 496. _Burnet_. Jones stood upon a point of law, of the unseparableness of the prerogative from the person of the King.–_Swift_. A lawyer’s way of arguing, very weak.

P. 509. _Burnet_, speaking of the grand juries in the latter end of King Charles’s reign returning _ignoramus_ so frequently on bills of indictment, states that:–in defence of these _ignoramus juries_ it was said, that by the express words of their oath they were bound to make true presentments of what should appear true to them: And therefore, if they did not believe the evidence, they could not find a bill, though sworn to. A book was writ to support that, in which both law and reason were brought to confirm it: It passed as writ by Lord Essex, though I understood afterwards it was writ by Somers.–_Swift_. Lord Somers.

P. 516. _Burnet_ says, on the imposition of a Test Act:–The bishops were earnest for this, which they thought would secure them for ever from a Presbyterian Parliament. It was carried in the vote: And that made many of the court more zealous than ever for carrying through the Act.–_Swift_. And it was very reasonable.

P. 519. _Burnet_ mentions that, when the Test Act was passed:–about eighty of the most learned and pious of their clergy left all rather than comply with the terms of this law…. About twenty of them came up to England.–_Swift_. Enough to corrupt England.

P. 523. _Burnet_, describing the death of the Duke of Lauderdale, says–His heart seemed quite spent: There was not left above the bigness of a walnut of firm substance: The rest was spongy, liker the lungs than the heart.–_Swift. Anglice_, more like.

P. 525. _Burnet_, Home was convicted on the credit of one infamous evidence:–Applications were made to the Duke [of York] for saving his life: But he was not born under _a pardoning planet_.–_Swift_. Silly fop.

P. 526. _Burnet_ All the Presbyterian party saw they were now disinherited of a main part of their birth-right.–_Swift_. As much of Papists as of Presbyterians.

P. 527. _Burnet_, speaking of the surrender of the charters in 1682:–It was said, that those who were in the government in corporations, and had their charters and seals trusted to their keeping, were not the proprietors nor masters of those rights. They could not extinguish those corporations, nor part with any of their privileges. Others said, that whatever might be objected to the reason and equity of the thing, yet, when the seal of a corporation was put to any deed, such a deed was good in law. The matter goes beyond my skill in law to determine it.–_Swift_. What does he think of the surrenders of the charters of abbeys?

P. 528. _Burnet_ The Non-conformists were now persecuted with much eagerness. This was visibly set on by the Papists: And it was wisely done of them, for they knew how much the _Non-conformists were set against them_.–_Swift_. Not so much as they are against the Church.

P. 531. _Burnet_ Lord Hyde was the person that disposed the Duke to it: Upon that Lord Halifax and he fell to be in ill terms; for he hated Lord Sunderland beyond expression, though he had married his sister.–_Swift_. Who married whose sister?

P. 536. _Burnet_ The truth is, juries became at that time the shame of the nation, as well as a reproach to religion: For they were packed, and prepared to bring in verdicts as they were directed and not as matters appeared on the evidence.–_Swift_. So they are now.

P. 538. _Burnet_ He [Algernon Sidney] was ambassador in Denmark at the time of the Restoration.–_Swift_. For Cromwell.

P. 543. _Burnet_, on Rumbold’s proposal to shoot the King at Hodsdon, in his way to Newmarket, adds:–They [the conspirators] ran into much _wicked talk_ about the way of executing that. But nothing was ever fixed on: All was _but talk_.–_Swift_. All plots begin with talk.

P. 548. _Burnet_. At the time of Lord Russell’s plot, Baillie being asked by the King whether they had any design against his person? he frankly said not; but being asked:–if they had been in any consultations with lords or others in England, in order to an insurrection in Scotland? Baillie faltered at this. For his _conscience_ restrained him from _lying_;–_Swift._ The author and his _cousins_ could _not tell lies_, but they _could plot_.

P. 549. _Burnet._ Next morning he went with him to the Tower gate, the messenger being again fast asleep.–_Swift._ Is this a blunder?

P. 553. _Burnet,_ speaking of Lord Essex’s suicide (1683)–His man, thinking he stayed longer than ordinary in his _closet_, looked through the key hole, and there saw him lying dead.–_Swift._ He was on the close stool.

P. 555. _Burnet,_ on Lord Russell’s trial–Finch summed up the evidence against him. But … shewed more of a vicious eloquence, in turning matters with some subtlety against the prisoners, than of solid or sincere reasoning.–_Swift._ Afterwards Earl of Aylesford, an arrant rascal.

P. 562. _Burnet._ I offered to take my oath, that the speech [of Lord Russell] was penned by himself, and not by me.–_Swift._ Jesuitical.

P. 567. _Burnet._ I knew Spanheim particularly, _who was_ envoy from the Elector of Brandenburg, _who is_ the greatest critic of the age in all ancient learning.–_Swift. Who was–who is_, pure nonsense.

P. 568. _Burnet._ All people were apprehensive of very black designs, when they saw Jeffreys made Lord Chief Justice, who … run out upon all occasions into declamations, that did not become the bar, much less the bench. He was not learned in his profession: And his eloquence, though viciously copious, yet was neither correct nor agreeable.–_Swift._ Like Burnet’s eloquence.

P. 572. _Burnet,_ on Algernon Sidney’s trial, observes, that:–Finch aggravated the matter of the book, as a proof of his intentions, pretending it was an overt act, for he said, _Scribere est agere_.–_Swift._ Yet this Finch was made Earl of Aylesford by King George.

Ibid. _Burnet,_ when Sidney charged the sheriffs who brought him the execution-warrant with having packed the jury–one of the sheriffs … wept. He told it to a person, from whom Tillotson had it, who told it me.–_Swift._ Admirable authority.

P. 577. _Burnet._ So that it was plain, that after all the story they had made of the [Rye-house] Plot, it had gone no further, than that a company of seditious and inconsiderable persons were framing among themselves some treasonable schemes, that were never likely to come to anything.–_Swift._ Cursed partiality.

P. 579. _Burnet_. The King [Charles II.] had published a story all about the court, … as the reason of this extreme severity against Armstrong: He said, that he was sent over by Cromwell to murder him beyond sea; … and that upon his confessing it he had promised him never to speak of it any more as long as he lived. So the King, counting him now dead in law, thought he was free from that promise.–_Swift_. If the King had a mind to lie, he would have stayed till Armstrong was hanged.

P. 583. _Burnet_. It ended in dismissing Lord Aberdeen, and making Lord Perth chancellor, to which he had been long aspiring in a most indecent manner.–_Swift. Decent_ and _indecent_, very useful words to this author.

P. 585. _Burnet_. I saved myself out of those difficulties by saying to all my friends, that I would not be involved in any such confidence; for as long as I thought our circumstances were such that resistance was not lawful, I thought the concealing any design in order to it was likewise unlawful.–_Swift._ Jesuitical.

_Ibid. Burnet_ says, after relating how the thumb-screws were applied to Spence and Carstairs:–Upon what was thus screwed out of these two persons, etc.–_Swift_. Witty the second time.

P. 586. _Burnet_, Baillie suffered several hardships and fines for being supposed to be in the Rye-house Plot; yet:–seemed all the while so composed, and even so cheerful, that his behaviour looked like the reviving of the spirit of the noblest of the old Greeks or Romans.–_Swift_. For he was our _cousin_.

P. 587. _Burnet_, speaking of Baillie’s execution, says:–The only excuse that was ever pretended for this infamous prosecution was, that they were sure he was guilty.–_Swift_. Bishop of Rochester.

P. 588. _Burnet_, Lord Perth wanting to see Leightoun, I writ so earnestly to him, that he came to London; and, on–his coming to me, I was amazed to see him at above seventy look so fresh and well…. [Two days afterwards] Leightoun sunk so, that both speech and sense went away of a sudden: And he continued panting about twelve hours; and then died without pangs or convulsions.–_Swift_. Burnet killed him by bringing him to London.

_Ibid. Burnet_ Leightoun … retained still a peculiar inclination to Scotland.–_Swift_. Yet he chose to live in England.

P. 589. _Burnet_, speaking of Leightoun’s views of the Church of England, says:–As to the administration, both with relation to the ecclesiastical courts, and the pastoral care, he looked on it as one of the most corrupt he had ever seen.–_Swift_. Very civil.

_Ibid. Burnet_. There were two remarkable circumstances in his [Leightoun’s] death. He used often to say, that if he were to choose a place to die in, it should be an inn; it looking like a pilgrim’s going home, to whom this world was all as an inn, and who was weary of the noise and confusion in it.–_Swift._ Canting puppy.

P. 590. _Burnet_. Sterne, Archbishop of York, died in the 86th year of his age: He was a sour ill-tempered man, and minded chiefly the enriching his family.–_Swift_. Yet thought author of “The Whole Duty of Man.”

P. 591. _Burnet_ says of Bishop Mew:–Though he knew very little of divinity, or of any other learning, and was weak to a childish degree, yet obsequiousness and zeal raised him through several steps to this great see [Bath and Wells].–_Swift_. This character is true.

P. 595. _Burnet_. And now the tables were turned–_Swift._ Style of a gamester.

P. 596. _Burnet_, being appointed to preach the sermon on the Gunpowder Plot, (1684,) at the Rolls Chapel:–I chose for my text these words: “Save me from the lion’s mouth, thou hast heard me from the horns of the unicorns.” I made no reflection in my thoughts on the lion and unicorn, as being the two supporters of the King’s scutcheon.–_Swift_. I doubt that.

P. 600. _Burnet_ relates a story of a quarrel between three gentlemen, one of whom was killed. He says that one of the others:–was prevailed on to confess the indictment, and to let sentence pass on him for murder; a pardon being promised him if he should do so. [After this he had to pay L16,000 for his pardon.]–_Swift_. The story is wrong told.

P. 604. _Burnet_ mentions a scheme to raise dissensions between Charles II. and the Duke of York, and adds:–Mr. May of the privy purse told me, that he was told there was a design to break out, with which he himself would be well pleased.–_Swift_. The bishop told me this with many more particulars.

P. 609. _Burnet_, speaking of the suspicion of Charles II. being poisoned, says that:–Lower and Needham, two famous physicians, … [noticed some] blue spots on the outside of the stomach. Needham called twice to have it opened: but the surgeons seemed not to hear him. And when he moved it the second time, he, as he told me, heard Lower say to one that stood next him, “Needham will undo us, calling thus to have the stomach opened, for he may see they will not do it.” … Le Fevre, a French physician, told me, he saw a blackness in the shoulder; Upon which he made an incision, and saw it was all mortified. Short, another physician, who was a Papist, but after a form of his own, did very much suspect foul dealing.–_Swift_. One physician told me this from Short himself.

P. 611. _Burnet_, describing the behaviour of Charles II. when in hiding after the battle of Worcester, says:–Under all the apprehensions he had then upon him, he shewed a temper so careless, and so much turned to levity, that he was then diverting himself with little household sports, in as unconcerned a manner, as if he had made no loss, and had been in no danger at all.–_Swift._ This might admit a more favourable turn.

P. 613. _Burnet,_ in his character of Charles II., says:–His person and temper, his vices as well as his fortunes, resemble the character that we have given us of Tiberius so much, that it were easy to draw the parallel between them. Tiberius’s banishment, and his coming afterwards to reign, makes the comparison in that respect come pretty near. His hating of business, and his love of pleasures, his raising of favourites, and trusting them entirely; and his pulling them down, and hating them excessively; his art of covering deep designs, particularly of revenge, with an appearance of softness, brings them so near a likeness, that I did not wonder much to observe the resemblance of their face and person.–_Swift._ Malicious, and in many circumstances false.

P. 615. _Burnet_ concludes his character of Charles II. with these words:–How ungrateful soever this labour has proved to my self, and how unacceptable soever it may be to some, who are either obliged to remember him gratefully, or by the engagement of parties and interests are under other biasses, yet I have gone through all that I knew relating to his life and reign with that regard to truth, and what I think may be instructive to mankind, which became an impartial writer of history, and one who believes, that he must give an account to God of what he writes, as well as of what he says and does.–_Swift._ He was certainly a very bad prince, but not to the degree described in this character, which is poorly drawn, and mingled with malice very unworthy an historian, and the style abominable, as in the whole history, and the observations trite and vulgar.

BOOK IV.

P. 623. _Burnet._ Because Chudleigh the envoy there had openly broken with the Prince [of Orange], (for he not only waited no more on him, but acted openly against him; and once in the Vorhaut had affronted him, while he was driving the Princess upon the snow in a _trainau_, according to the German manner, and pretending they were masked, and that he did not know them, had ordered his coachman to keep his way, as they were coming towards the place where he drove;) the King recalled him.–_Swift._ A pretty parenthesis.

P. 626. _Burnet._ This gave all thinking men a melancholy prospect. England now seemed lost, unless some happy accident should save it. All people saw the way for packing a Parliament now laid open.–_Swift._ Just our case at the Queen’s death.

P. 638. _Burnet_ says that Musgrave and others pretended:–when money was asked for just and necessary ends, to be frugal patriots, and to be careful managers of the public treasure.–_Swift._ A party remark,

P. 651. _Burnet._ Goodenough, who had been under-sheriff of London when Cornish was sheriff, offered to swear against Cornish; and also said, that Rumsey had not discovered all he knew. So Rumsey to save himself joined with Goodenough, to swear Cornish guilty of that for which the Lord Russell had suffered. And this was driven on so fast, that Cornish was seized on, tried, and executed within the week.–_Swift._ Goodenough went to Ireland, practised law, and died there.

Ibid. _Burnet._ It gave a general horror to the body of the nation: And it let all people see, what might be expected from a reign that seemed to delight in blood.–_Swift._ The same here since the Queen’s death.

P. 654. _Burnet._ The Archbishop of Armagh[5] [1685,] had continued Lord Chancellor of Ireland, and was in all points so compliant to the court, that even his religion came to be suspected on that account.–_Swift._ False.

[Footnote 5: Michael Boyle, who, when Archbishop of Dublin, was made chancellor soon after the Restoration (1665), and continued in that office to January, 1686, during which time he was raised to the Archbishopric of Armagh.–SEWARD.]

Ibid _Burnet,_ and yet this archbishop:–was not thought thorough-paced. So Sir Charles Porter, who was a zealous promoter of everything that the King proposed, and was a man of ready wit, and being poor was thought a person fit to be made a tool of, was declared Lord Chancellor of Ireland.–_Swift._ False and scandalous.

P. 669. _Burnet._ Solicitor-general Finch … was presently after turned out. And Powis succeeded him, who was a compliant young aspiring lawyer, though in himself he was no ill natured man.–_Swift._ Sir Thomas Powis, a good dull lawyer.

P. 670. _Burnet,_ speaking of the power claimed for the King to dispense with the sacramental test, says:–It was an overturning the whole government, … to say that laws, … where one of the penalties was an incapacity, which by a maxim of law cannot be taken away even by a pardon, should at the pleasure of the prince be dispensed with: A fine was also set by the Act on offenders, but not given to the King, but to the informer, which thereby became his. So that the King could no more pardon that, than he could discharge the debts of the subjects, and take away property.–_Swift._ Wrong reasoning.

P. 672. _Burnet._ Intimations were everywhere given, that the King would not have them [Dissenters], or their meetings, to be disturbed. Some of them began to grow insolent upon this shew of favour.–_Swift._ The whole body of them grew insolent, and complying to the King.

P. 675. _Burnet._ Sancroft lay silent at Lambeth. He seemed zealous against Popery in private discourse: But he was of such a timorous temper, and _so set on the enriching his nephew,_ that he shewed no sort of courage.–_Swift._ False as hell.

P. 681. _Burnet,_ referring to the revived national zeal against Popery, says:–The Episcopal clergy were in many places so sunk into sloth and ignorance, that they were not capable of conducting this zeal: … But the Presbyterians, though they were now freed from the great severities they had long smarted under, yet expressed on all occasions their unconquerable aversion to Popery.–_Swift._ Partial dog!

P. 682. _Burnet._ He made the Earl of Tyrconnell Lord Lieutenant.–_Swift._ Lord deputy.

P. 688. _Burnet._ Nor were the clergy more diligent in their labours among their people, in which respect it must be confessed that the English clergy are the most remiss of any.–_Swift._ Civil that.

P. 690. _Burnet,_ speaking of King William’s character, says:–he had no vice, but of one sort, in which he was very _cautious_ and _secret_.–_Swift._ It was of two sorts–_male_ and _female_–in the _former_ he was neither cautious nor secret.

P. 691. _Burnet,_ in a conversation with the Prince of Orange at The Hague, (1686):–When he found I was in my opinion for toleration, he said, that was all he would ever desire to bring us to, for quieting our contentions at home.–_Swift._ It seems the Prince even then thought of being King.

P. 692. _Burnet,_ the advice I gave the Princess of Orange, when she should be Queen of England, was, to:–endeavour effectually to get it [the real authority] to be legally vested in him [the Prince] during life: This would lay the greatest obligation on him possible, and lay the foundation of a perfect union between them, which had been of late a little embroiled.–_Swift._ By Mrs. Villiers, now Lady Orkney; but he proved a _d—-d husband for all that._[6]

[Footnote 6: Lady Orkney was a favourite of Swift, as appears from several passages in the Journal. [S.]]

P. 693. _Burnet,_ having told the Princess of Orange that her succession to the throne would not make her husband king, and given her the advice just quoted, says:–she in a very frank manner told him, that she did not know that the laws of England were so contrary to the laws of God, as I had informed her: she did not think that the husband was ever to be obedient to the wife.–_Swift._ Foolish.

P. 693. _Burnet._ [Penn, the Quaker,] was a talking vain man, who had been long in the King’s favour, he being the vice-admiral’s son. … He had a tedious luscious way, that was not apt to overcome a man’s reason, though it might tire his patience.–_Swift._ He spoke very agreeably, and with much spirit.

P. 695. _Burnet._ Cartwright was promoted to Chester. He was a man of good capacity, and had made some progress in learning. He was ambitious and servile, cruel and boisterous: And, by the great liberties he allowed himself, he fell under much scandal of the _worst sort_.–_Swift._ Only sodomy.

P. 696. _Burnet._ [Cartwright] was looked on as a man that would more effectually advance the design of Popery, than if he should turn over to it. And indeed, bad as he was, he never made that step, even in the most desperate state of his affairs.–_Swift._ He went to Ireland with King James, and there died neglected and poor.

P. 697. _Burnet._ In all nations the privileges of colleges and universities are esteemed such sacred things, that few will venture to dispute these, much less to disturb them.–_Swift._ Yet in King George’s reign, Oxford was bridled and insulted with troops, for no manner of cause but their steadiness to the Church.

P. 699. _Burnet._ It was much observed, that this university [Oxford], that had asserted the King’s prerogative in the highest strains of the most abject flattery possible, etc.–_Swift._ And their virtue and steadiness ought equally to be observed.

P. 701. _Burnet,_ speaking of King James’s proceedings against the universities, and that several of the clergy wrote over to the Prince of Orange to engage in their quarrel, adds:–When that was communicated to me, I was still of opinion, that, though this was indeed an act of despotical and arbitrary power, yet I did not think it struck at the whole: So that it was not in my opinion a lawful case of resistance.–_Swift._ He was a better _Tory_ than I, if he spoke as he thought.

Ibid. _Burnet._ The main difference between these [the Presbyterians and the Independents] was, that the Presbyterians seemed reconcilable to the Church; _for they loved Episcopal ordination and a liturgy._–_Swift._ A damnable lie.

P. 702. _Burnet._ [Both Presbyterians and Independents] were enemies to this high prerogative, that the King was assuming, and were very averse to Popery.–_Swift._ Style.

Ibid. _Burnet._ So the more considerable among them [the Dissenters] resolved not to stand at too great a distance from the court, nor provoke the King so far, as to give him cause to think they were irreconcilable to him, lest they should provoke him to make up matters on any terms with the Church party.–_Swift._ They all complied most shamefully and publicly, as is well known.

P. 703. _Burnet._ The King’s choice of Palmer, Earl of Castlemain, was liable to great exception.–_Swift._ Duchess of Cleveland’s husband.

P. 705. _Burnet._ Since what an ambassador says is understood as said by the prince whose character he bears, this gave the States a right to make use of all advantages that might offer themselves.–_Swift._ Sophistry.

P. 710. _Burnet._ The restless spirit of some of that religion [Popery], and of their clergy in particular, shewed they could not be at quiet till they were masters.–_Swift._ All sects are of that spirit.

P. 716. _Burnet,_ speaking of “the fury that had been driven on for many years by a Popish party,” adds:–When some of those who had been always moderate told these, who were putting on another temper, that they would perhaps forget this as soon as the danger was over, they promised the contrary very solemnly. It shall be told afterwards, how well they remembered this.–_Swift._ False and spiteful.

P. 726. _Burnet._ That which gave the crisis to the King’s anger was that he heard I was to be married to a considerable fortune at The Hague.–_Swift._ A phrase of the rabble.

Ibid. _Burnet,_ when a prosecution was commenced against Burnet in Scotland, he obtained naturalization for himself in Holland, after which he wrote to the Earl of Middleton, saying that:–being now naturalized in Holland, my allegiance was, during my stay in these parts, transferred from His Majesty to the States.–_Swift._ Civilians deny that, but I agree with him.

P. 727. _Burnet._ I come now to the year 1688, which proved memorable, and produced an extraordinary and _unheard_-of revolution.–_Swift._ The Devil’s in that, sure all Europe _heard_ of it.

P. 730. _Burnet,_after saying that he had been naturalized in Holland, upon marrying one of the subjects of the States, goes on:–The King took the matter very ill, and said, it was an affront to him, and a just cause of war.–_Swift._ Vain fop.

P. 731. _Burnet._ I never possessed my own soul in a more perfect calm, and in a clearer cheerfulness of spirit, than I did during all those threatenings, and the apprehensions that others were in concerning me.–_Swift._ A modest account of his own magnanimity.

P. 746. _Burnet._ But after all, though soldiers were _bad Englishmen and worse Christians_, yet the court [of James II.] found them too good Protestants to trust much to them.–_Swift_. Special doctrine.

P. 748. _Burnet_, speaking of the Queen’s expectation of a child, says:–I will give as full and as distinct an account of all that related to that matter, as I could gather up either at that time or afterwards.–_Swift_. All coffee-house chat.

P. 751. _Burnet_. Now a resolution was taken for the Queen’s lying in at St. James’s.–_Swift_. Windsor would have been more suspicious.

P. 752. _Burnet_, doubting of the legitimacy of the Pretender, and describing the Queen’s manner of lying-in, says:–The Queen lay all the while a-bed: And, in order to the warming one side of it, a warming-pan was brought. But it was not opened, that it might be seen that there was fire and nothing else in it.–_Swift_. This, the ladies say, is foolish.

P. 753. _Burnet_. Hemings, a very worthy man,… was reading in his parlour late at night, when he heard one coming into the neighbouring parlour, and say with a doleful voice, “The Prince of Wales is dead”; Upon which … it was plain, they were in a great consternation.–_Swift_. A most foolish story, hardly worthy of a coffee-house.

Ibid. _Burnet_. It was said, that the child was strangely revived of a sudden. Some of the physicians told Lloyd, Bishop of St. Asaph, that it was not possible for them to think it was the same child. They looked on one another, but durst not speak what they thought.–_Swift_. So here are three children.

P. 762. _Burnet_. The Lord Mordaunt was the first of all the English nobility that came over openly to see the Prince of Orange.–_Swift_. Now Earl of Peterborough.

Ibid. _Burnet_. The Earl of Shrewsbury … seemed to be a man of great probity, and to have a high sense of honour.–_Swift_. Quite contrary.

P. 763. _Burnet_. Lord Lumley, who was a late convert from Popery, and had stood out very firmly all this reign.–_Swift_. He was a knave and a coward.

Ibid. _Burnet_. Mr. Sidney,[7] brother to the Earl of Leicester and to Algernon Sidney. He was a graceful man, and had lived long in the court, where he had some adventures that became very public. He was a man of a sweet and caressing temper, had no malice in his heart, but too great a love of pleasure.–_Swift_. An idle, drunken, ignorant rake, without sense, truth, or honour.

[Footnote 7: Henry Sidney, afterwards Earl of Romney. [T.S.]]

P. 764. _Burnet_. But, because he [Mr. Sidney] was lazy, and the business required an active man, who could both run about, and write over long and full accounts of all matters, I recommended a kinsman of my own, Johnstoune, whom I had formed, and knew to be both faithful and diligent.–_Swift_. An arrant Scotch rogue.

P. 764. _Burnet_. The Earl of Nottingham … had great credit with the whole Church party; For he was a man possessed with their notions.–_Swift_. That is, Church notions.

P. 765. _Burnet_. Lord Churchill [afterwards Duke of Marlborough] … was a man of a noble and graceful appearance, bred up in the court with no literature: But he had a solid and clear understanding, with a constant presence of mind. He knew the arts of living in a court better than any man in it. He caressed all people with a soft and obliging deportment, and was always ready to do good offices…. It must be acknowledged, that he is one of the greatest men the age has produced.–_Swift_. A composition of perfidiousness and avarice.

Ibid. _Burnet_, still speaking of Lord Churchill:–He was also very doubtful as to the pretended birth. So he resolved, when the Prince should come over, to go in to him; but to betray no post, nor do anything more than the withdrawing himself, with such officers as he could trust with such a secret.–_Swift_. What could he do more to a mortal enemy.

P. 769. _Burnet_. [Skelton’s] rash folly might have procured the order from the court of France, to own this alliance [with England]; He thought it would terrify the States; And so he pressed this officiously, which they easily granted.–_Swift_. And who can blame him, if in such a necessity he made that alliance?

P. 772. _Burnet_. The King of France thought himself tied by no peace; but that, when he suspected his neighbours were intending to make war upon him, he might upon such a suspicion begin a war on his part.–_Swift_. The common maxim of princes.

P. 776. _Burnet_, speaking of the Declaration prepared for Scotland, says that the:–Presbyterians, had drawn it so, that, by many passages in it, the Prince by an implication declared in favour of Presbytery. He did not see what the consequences of those were, till I explained them. So he ordered them to be altered. And by the Declaration that matter was still entire.–_Swift_. The more shame for King William, who changed it.

P. 782. _Burnet_, three days before the Prince of Orange embarked, he visited the States General, and:–took God to witness, he went to England with no other intentions, but those he had set out in his Declaration.–_Swift_. Then he was perjured; for he designed to get the crown, which he denied in the Declaration.

P. 783. _Burnet_, after describing the storm which put back the Prince of Orange’s fleet, observes:–In France and England … they triumphed not a little, as if God had fought against us, and defeated the whole design. We on our part, who found our selves delivered out of so great a storm and so vast a danger, looked on it as a mark of God’s great care of us, Who, … had preserved us.–_Swift_. Then still it must be a _miracle_.

P. 785. _Burnet_, when matters were coming to a crisis at the Revolution, an order was:–sent to the Bishop of Winchester, to put the President of Magdalen College again in possession, … [But when the court heard] the Prince and his fleet were blown back, it was countermanded; which plainly shewed what it was that drove the court into so much compliance, and how long it was like to last.–_Swift_. The Bishop of Winchester assured me otherwise.

_Ibid. Burnet_. The court thought it necessary, now in an _after-game_ to offer some satisfaction in that point [of the legitimacy of the Prince of Wales].–_Swift_. And this was the proper time.

P. 786. _Burnet_. Princess Anne was not present [at the Queen’s delivery]. She indeed excused herself. She thought she was breeding: And all motion was forbidden her. None believed that to be the true reason…. So it was looked on as a colour that shewed she did not believe the thing, and that therefore she would not by her being present seem to give any credit to it.–_Swift_. I have reason to believe this to be true of the Princess Anne.

P. 790. _Burnet_. [The Prince of Orange’s army] stayed a week at Exeter, before any of the gentlemen of the country about came in to the Prince. Every day some person of condition came from other parts. The first were the Lord Colchester the eldest son of the Earl of Rivers, and the Lord Wharton.–_Swift._ Famous for his cowardice in the rebellion of 1642.

P. 791. _Burnet_. Soon after that. Prince George, the Duke of Ormonde, and the Lord Dramlanrig, the Duke of Queensberry’s eldest son, left him [King James], and came over to the Prince.–_Swift_. Yet how has he been since used? [referring to the Duke of Ormonde.]

P. 792. _Burnet_. In a little while a small army was formed about her [Princess Anne], who chose to be commanded by the Bishop of London; of which he too easily accepted.–_Swift,_ And why should he not?

_Ibid. Burnet_. A foolish ballad was made at that time, treating the Papists, and chiefly the Irish, in a very ridiculous manner, which had a burden, said to be Irish words, “Lero, Lero, Lilibulero,” that made an impression on the army, that cannot be well imagined by those who saw it not.–_Swift_. They are not Irish words, but better than Scotch.

P. 795. _Burnet_. The Queen took up a sudden resolution of going to France with the child. The midwife, together with all who were assisting at the birth, were also carried over, or so disposed of, that it could never be learned what became of them afterwards.–_Swift_ That is strange and incredible.

P. 796. _Burnet_, speaking of King James’s first attempt to leave the kingdom, says:–With this his reign ended: For this was a plain deserting his people, and the exposing the nation to the pillage of an army, which he had ordered the Earl of Feversham to disband.–_Swift_. Abominable assertion, and false consequence.

P. 797. _Burnet_, the incident of the King’s being retaken at Feversham, and the subsequent stragglings, gave rise to the party of Jacobites:—For, if he had got clear away, by all that could be judged, he would not have had a party left: All would have agreed, that here was a desertion, and that therefore the nation was free, and at liberty to secure itself. But what followed upon this gave them a colour to say, that he was forced away, and driven out.–_Swift_. So he certainly was, both now and afterwards.

_Ibid. Burnet_. None were killed, no houses burnt, nor were any robberies committed.–_Swift_. Don Pedro de Ronquillo’s house was plundered and pulled down; he was Spanish ambassador.

_Ibid. Burnet_. Jeffreys, finding the King was gone, saw what reason he had to look to himself: And, apprehending that he was now exposed to the rage of the people, whom he had provoked with so particular a brutality, he had disguised himself to make his escape. But he fell into the hands of some who knew him. He was insulted by them with as much scorn and rudeness as they could invent. And, after many hours tossing him about, he was carried to the Lord Mayor; whom they charged to commit him to the Tower.–_Swift_. He soon after died in the Tower by drinking strong liquors.

P. 798. _Burnet_, when the Prince heard of King James’s flight:–he sent to Oxford, to excuse his not coming thither, and to offer the association to them, which was signed by almost all the heads, and the chief men of the University; even by those, who, being disappointed in the preferments they aspired to, became afterwards his most implacable enemies.–_Swift_. Malice.

P. 799. _Burnet_, when I heard of King James’s flight and capture:–I was affected with this dismal reverse of the fortune of a great prince, more than I think fit to express.–_Swift_. Or than I will believe.

P. 800. _Burnet_, after relating that King James “sent the Earl of Feversham to Windsor, without demanding any passport,” describes his reception, and adds:–Since the Earl of Feversham, who had commanded the army against the Prince, was come without a passport, he was for some days put in arrest.–_Swift._ Base and villainous.

P. 801. _Burnet_, when it was thought prudent for King James to leave London, the Earl of Middleton suggested that he:–should go to Rochester; for “since the Prince was not pleased with his coming up from Kent, it might be perhaps acceptable to him, if he should go thither again.” It was very visible, that this was proposed in order to a second escape.–_Swift_. And why not?

P. 802. _Burnet_. Some said, he [James] was now a prisoner, and remembered the saying of King Charles the First, that the prisons and the graves of princes lay not far distant from one another: The person of the King was now struck at, as well as his government: And this specious undertaking would now appear to be only a disguised and designed usurpation.–_Swift._ All this is certainly true.

P. 803. _Burnet_. Now that the Prince was come, all the bodies about the town came to welcome him…. Old Serjeant Maynard came with the men of the law. He was then near ninety, and yet he said the liveliest thing that was heard of on that occasion. The Prince took notice of his great age, and said, “that he had outlived all the men of the law of his time:” He answered, “He had like to have outlived the law itself, if his Highness had not come over.”–_Swift_. He was an old rogue for all that.

P. 805. _Burnet_, speaking of the first effects of the Revolution upon the Presbyterians in Scotland, says:–They generally broke in upon the Episcopal clergy with great insolence and much cruelty. They carried them about the parishes in a mock procession: They tore their gowns, and drove them from their churches and houses. Nor did they treat those of them, who had appeared very zealously against Popery, with any distinction.–_Swift_. To reward them for which, King William abolished Episcopacy.

_Ibid. Burnet_, The Episcopal party in Scotland saw themselves under a great cloud: So they resolved all to adhere to the Earl of Dundee, who had served some years in Holland, and was both an able officer, and a man of good parts, and of some very valuable virtues.–_Swift_. He was the best man in Scotland.

P. 806. _Burnet_, speaking of Londonderry and Inniskilling, says:–Those two small unfurnished and unfortified places, resolved to stand to their own defence, and at all perils to stay till supplies should come to them from England.–_Swift_. He should have mentioned Doctor Walker, who defended Derry.

P. 807. _Burnet_. Those, who were employed by Tyrconnell to deceive the Prince, made their applications by Sir William Temple, who had a long and well established credit with him.–_Swift._ A lie of a Scot; for Sir William Temple did not know Tyrconnell.

P. 807. _Burnet._ Others thought, that the leaving Ireland in that dangerous state, might be a mean to bring the convention to a more speedy settlement of England; and that therefore the Prince ought not to make too much haste to relieve Ireland.–_Swift._ That is agreed to be the true reason, and it was a wicked one.

P. 810. _Burnet_, speaking of Archbishop Sancroft, says:–He was a poor spirited, and fearful man; and acted a very mean part in all this great transaction.–_Swift._ Others think very differently.

P. 811. _Burnet_, speaking of the proposal to establish a regency, says:–The much greater part of the House of Lords was for this, and stuck long to it: And so was about a third part of the House of Commons. The greatest part of the clergy declared themselves for it.–_Swift._ And it was certainly much the best expedient.

_Ibid. Burnet._ The third party was made up of those, who thought that there was an original contract between the King and the people of England; by which the kings were bound to defend their people, and to govern them according to law, in lieu of which the people were bound to obey and serve the king.–_Swift._ I am of this party, and yet I would have been for a regency.

P. 813. _Burnet_, it was argued that this scheme of a regency was:–both more illegal; and more unsafe, than the method they proposed. The law of England had settled the point of the subject’s security in obeying the king in possession, in the statute made by Henry the Seventh. So every man knew he was safe under a king, and so would act with zeal and courage. But all such as should act under a _prince-regent_, created by this convention, were upon a bottom that had not the necessary forms of law for it.–_Swift._ There is something in this argument.

P. 814. _Burnet._ It was believed, that those of his [King James’s] party, who were looked on as men of conscience, had secret orders from him to act upon this pretence; since otherwise they offered to act clearly in contradiction to their own oaths and principles,–_Swift._ This is malice.

_Ibid. Burnet._ [Others thought] that in our present circumstances the extremity of affairs, by reason of the late ill government, and by King James’s flying over to the enemy of the nation, rather than submit to reasonable terms, had put the people of England on the necessity of securing themselves upon a legal bottom.–_Swift._ This was the best reason.

P. 815. _Burnet._ There were good authorities brought, by which it appeared, that when a person did a thing upon which his leaving any office ought to follow, he was said to abdicate. But this was a critical dispute: And it scarce became the greatness of that assembly, or the importance of the matter.–_Swift._ It was a very material point.

P. 815. _Burnet._ It was urged, that, by the law, the king did never die; but that with the last breath of the dying king the regal authority went to the next heir.–_Swift._ This is certainly true.

P. 816. _Burnet._ An heir was one that came in the room of a person that was dead: it being a maxim that no man can be the heir of a living man–_Swift._ This is sophistry.

_Ibid. Burnet._ It was proposed, that the birth of the pretended prince might be examined into…. I was ordered to gather together all the presumptive proofs that were formerly mentioned:…. It is true, these did not amount to a full and legal proof: Yet they seemed to be such violent presumptions, that, when they were all laid together, they were more convincing than plain and downright evidence: For that was liable to the suspicion of subornation: Whereas the other seemed to carry on them very convincing characters of truth and certainty.–_Swift._ Well said, Bishop.

P. 817. _Burnet._ If there was no clear and positive proof made of an imposture, the pretending to examine into it, and then the not being able to make it out beyond the possibility of contradiction, would really give more credit to the thing, than it then had, and, instead of weakening it, would strengthen the pretension of his birth.–_Swift._ Wisely done.

_Ibid. Burnet._ [Some people] thought, it would be a good security for the nation, to have a dormant title to the crown lie as it were neglected, to oblige our princes to govern well, while they would apprehend the danger of a revolt to a Pretender still in their eye.–_Swift._ I think this was no ill design; yet it hath not succeeded in mending kings.

_Ibid. Burnet._ I have used more than ordinary care to gather together all the particulars that were then laid before me as to that matter [the birth of the Pretender].–_Swift._ And where are they?

P. 818. _Burnet_, after relating a long conversation with Bentinck [afterwards Earl of Portland], adds–Next morning I came to him, and desired my _conge_. I would oppose nothing in which the Prince seemed to be concerned, as long as I was his servant. And therefore I desired to be disengaged, that I might be free to oppose this proposition [to offer him the crown] with all the strength and credit I had. He answered me, that I might desire that when I saw a step made: But till then he wished me to stay where I was.–_Swift._ Is all this true?

P. 819. _Burnet._ I heard no more of this; in which the Marquess of Halifax was single among the peers: For I did not find there was any one of them of his mind; unless it was the Lord Colepeper, who was a vicious and corrupt man, but made a figure in the debates that were now in the House of Lords, and died about the end of them.–_Swift._ Yet was not the same thing done in effect, while the King had the sole administration?

P. 819. _Burnet._ The Princess continued all the while in Holland, being shut in there during the east winds, by the freezing of the rivers, and by contrary winds after the thaw came. So that she came not to England till all the debates were over.–_Swift._ Why was she [not] sent for till the matter was agreed? This clearly shews the Prince’s original design was to be king, against what he professed in his Declaration.

P. 820. _Burnet._ [The Prince of Orange] said, he came over, being invited, to save the nation: He had now brought together a free and true representative of the kingdom: He left it therefore to them to do what they thought best for the good of the kingdom: And, when things were once settled, he should be well satisfied to go back to Holland again.–_Swift._ Did he tell truth?

_Ibid. Burnet._ He thought it necessary to tell them, that he would not be the Regent: So, if they continued in that design, they must look out for some other person to be put in that post.–_Swift._ Was not this a plain confession of what he came for?

P. 821. _Burnet._ In the end he said, that he could not resolve to accept of a dignity, so as to hold it only the life of another: Yet he thought, that the issue of Princess Anne should be preferred, in the succession, to any issue that he might have by any other wife than the Princess.–_Swift._ A great concession truly.

P. 822. _Burnet._ The poor Bishop of Durham [Lord Crewe], who had absconded for some time, … was now prevailed on to come, and by voting the new settlement to merit at least a pardon for all that he had done: Which, all things considered, was thought very indecent in him, yet not unbecoming the rest of his life and character.–_Swift._ This is too hard, though almost true.

_Ibid. Burnet._ Then the power of the Crown to grant a _non-obstante_ to some statutes was objected.–_Swift._ Yet the words continue in patents.

P. 824. _Burnet._ A notion was started, which … was laid thus: “The Prince had a just cause of making war on the King.” In that most of them agreed. In a just war, in which an appeal is made to God, success is considered as the decision of Heaven. So the Prince’s success against King James gave him the right of conquest over him. And by it all his rights were transferred to the Prince.–_Swift._ The author wrote a paper to prove this, and it was burnt by the hangman, and is a very foolish scheme.[8]

[Footnote 8: “A Pastoral Letter writ by … Gilbert, Lord Bishop of Sarum, to the clergy of his Diocess” [dated May 15th, 1689] was condemned by the House of Commons on Jan. 23rd, 169-2/3, and ordered to “be burnt by the hand of the common hangman.” [T.S.]]

BOOK VII.

P. 525 (second volume). _Burnet_, speaking of the Act for the General Naturalization of Protestants, and the opposition made against it by the High Church, adds:–This was carried in the House of Commons, with a great majority; but all those, who appeared for this large and comprehensive way, were reproached for their coldness and indifference in the concerns of the Church: And in that I had a large share.–_Swift_. Dog.

P. 526. _Burnet_. The faction here in England found out proper instruments, to set the same humour on foot [in Ireland], during the Earl of Rochester’s government, and, as was said, by his directions:… So the clergy were making the same bold claim there, that had raised such disputes among us.–_Swift_. Dog, dog, dog.

P. 580. _Burnet_, speaking of the interruption in the negotiations for a peace consequent on the Earl of Jersey’s death, adds:–_One Prior_, who had been Jersey’s secretary, upon his death, was employed to prosecute that, which the other did not live to finish. Prior had been taken a boy, out of a tavern, by the Earl of Dorset, who accidentally found him reading Horace; and he, being very generous, gave him an education in literature.–_Swift_. Malice.

P. 581. _Burnet_. Many mercenary pens were set on work, to justify our proceedings, and to defame our allies, more particularly the Dutch; this was done with much art, but _with no regard to truth_, in a pamphlet entitled “The Conduct of the Allies, and of the late Ministry.”–_Swift It was all true_.

_Ibid. Burnet_. The Jacobites did, with the greater joy entertain this prospect of peace, because the Dauphin had, in a visit to St. Germains, congratulated that court upon it; which made them conclude, that it was to have a happy effect, with relation to the Pretender’s affairs.–_Swift_. The Queen hated and despised the Pretender, to my knowledge.

P. 583. _Burnet_, in a conference I had with the Queen on the subject of peace.–she hoped bishops would not be against peace: I said, a good peace was what we prayed daily for, but … any treaty by which Spain and the West Indies were left to King Philip, must in a little while deliver up all Europe into the hands of France; and, if any such peace should be made, she was betrayed, and we were all ruined; in less than three years’ time, she would be murdered, and the fires would be again raised in Smithfield.–_Swift_. A false prophet in every particular.

P. 589. _Burnet_, the Queen having sent a message to the Lords to adjourn, it was debated:–that the Queen could not send a message to any one House to adjourn, when the like message was not sent to both Houses: the pleasure of the Prince, in convening, dissolving, proroguing, or ordering the adjournment of Parliaments, was always directed to both Houses; but never to any one House, without the same intimation was made, at the same time, to the other.–_Swift_. Modern nonsense.

P. 591. _Burnet_. The House of Commons, after the recess, entered on the observations of the commissioners for taking the public accounts; and began with [Sir Robert] Walpole, whom they resolved to put out of the way of disturbing them in the House.–_Swift_. He began early, and has been thriving _twenty-seven years_, to January 1739.

P. 609. _Burnet_. A new set of addresses ran about…. Some of these addresses mentioned the Protestant succession, and the House of Hanover, with zeal; others did it more coldly; and some made no mention at all of it. And it was universally believed, that no addresses were so acceptable to the ministers, as those of _the last sort_.–_Swift_. Foolish and factious.

P. 610. _Burnet_. The Duke of Ormonde had given the States such assurances, of his going along with them through the whole campaign, that he was let into the secrets of all their counsels, which by that confidence were all known to the French: And, if the auxiliary German troops had not been prepared to disobey his orders, it was believed he, in conjunction with the French army, would have forced the States to come into the new measures.–_Swift_. Vile Scot, dare to touch Ormonde’s honour, and so falsely.

P. 612. _Burnet_, the Duke of Hamilton and Lord Mohun were engaged in litigation; and:–upon a very high provocation, the Lord Mohun sent him [the Duke] a challenge, which he tried to decline: but both being hurried, by those false points of honour, they fatally went out to Hyde Park, in the middle of November, and fought with so violent an animosity, that neglecting the rules of art, they seemed to run on one another, as if they tried who should kill first; in which they were both so unhappily successful, that the Lord Mohun was killed outright, and Duke Hamilton died in a few minutes after.[9]–_Swift_. Wrongly told.

[Footnote: 9: A footnote to the 1833 edition of Burnet says that “the duke in the belief of some was killed by General Macartney, the Lord Mohun’s second.” See also Chesterfield’s letter quoted in Introduction, and Swift’s own version in the “Four Last Years,” p. 178. [T.S.]]

P. 614. _Burnet_ says of the Earl of Godolphin:–After having been thirty years in the Treasury, and during nine of those Lord Treasurer, as he was never once suspected of corruption, or of suffering his servants to grow rich under him, so in all that time his estate was not increased by him to the value of L4,000. _Swift_. A great lie.

THE CONCLUSION.

P. 669. _Burnet_, speaking of the progress of his own life, says:–The pleasures of sense I did soon nauseate.–_Swift_. Not so soon with the wine of some elections.

THE LIFE OF THE AUTHOR, BY THOMAS BURNET, ESQ.

Opposite to the title-page:–_Swift_. A rude violent party jackanapes.

In the Life, p. 719, is printed a letter from Archbishop Tillotson, dated October 23, 1764 [sic, the volume was printed in 1734, the date should be 1694], in which he says: “The account given of Athanasius’s Creed, seems to me no-wise satisfactory; I wish we were well rid of it.”–_Swift_ has drawn a finger in the margin of his copy of Burnet’s History pointing to this passage.

P. 722. _Thomas Burnet_. The character I have given his wives, will scarce make it an addition to his, that he was a most affectionate husband. His tender care of the _first_, during a course of sickness, that lasted for many years; and _his fond love to the other two_, and the deep concern he expressed for their loss, were no more than their just due, from one of his humanity, gratitude and discernment.–_Swift_. Three wives.

P. 723. _Thomas Burnet_. The bishop was a kind and bountiful master to his servants, whom he never changed, but with regret and through necessity: Friendly and obliging to all in employment under him, and peculiarly happy in the choice of them; especially in that of the steward to the bishopric and his courts, William Wastefield, Esq. (a gentleman of a plentiful fortune, at the time of his accepting this post) and in that of his domestic steward, Mr. _Mackney_.–_Swift_. A Scot, his own countryman.

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

NOTES ON THE FREE-HOLDER.

NOTE

“THE FREE HOLDER” was a political periodical written in the form of essays. It continued for fifty five numbers from Friday, December 23rd, 1715, to Friday, June 29th, 1716. Its purpose was to reconcile the English nation to the Hanoverian succession. “These papers,” notes Scott, “while they exhibit the exquisite humour and solid sense peculiar to the author, show also, even amid the strength of party, that philanthropy and gentleness of nature, which were equally his distinguishing attributes. None of these qualities would have conciliated his great opponent, Swift, had the field of combat yet remained open to him. But as he withdrew from it in sullen indignation, he seems to have thrown out the following flashes of satire, as brief examples of what he would have done had the hour of answer been yet current.”

Scott obtained these “notes” from a transcription of the original in Swift’s own hand, in a copy of “The Free holder” which belonged to Dr. Bernard, Bishop of Limerick. The present text is a reprint of Scott’s, but the text of “The Free holder” has been read with the octavo and duodecimo editions of that periodical issued by Midwinter in 1716. The titles to the essays were not given in the original issue, except that to No. 9. They were added as a “Contents” to the re-issue in volume form.

[T.S.]

NOTES ON THE FREE-HOLDER.[1]

No. 2. _Dec. 26, 1715_.–_Of His Majesty’s Character._

_Addison._

[Footnote 1: “The Free-holder,” conducted by Addison, was published on Mondays and Fridays from December 23rd, 1715, till June 29th, 1716; fifty-five numbers were issued altogether. [T.S.]]

It was by this [this firmness of mind] that he surmounted those many difficulties which lay in the way to his succession.–_Swift_. What difficulties were those, or what methods did he take to surmount them?

_Addison_. It is observed by Sir William Temple, that the English are particularly fond of a king who is valiant: Upon which account His Majesty has a title to all the esteem that can be paid the most warlike prince; though at the same time, for the good of his subjects, he studies to decline all occasions of military glory.–_Swift_. This seems to be a discovery.

_Addison_. I might here take notice of His Majesty’s more private virtues, but have rather chosen to remind my countrymen of the public parts of his character.–_Swift_. This is prudent.

_Addison_. But the most remarkable interpositions of Providence, in favour of him, have appeared in removing those seemingly invincible obstacles to his succession; in taking away, at so critical a juncture, the person who might have proved a dangerous enemy; etc.–_Swift_. False, groundless, invidious, and ungrateful. Was that person the Queen?

No. 3. _Dec. 30, 1715_.–_The Memoirs of a Preston Rebel._

[_A Ludicrous Account of the Principles of the Northumberland Insurgents, and the Causes of their taking Arms_.]–_Swift_. Could this author, or his party, offer as good reasons for their infamous treatment of our blessed Queen’s person, government, and majesty?

The same. _Addison_. Having been joined by a considerable reinforcement of Roman Catholics, whom we could rely upon, as knowing them to be the best Tories in the nation, and avowed enemies to Presbyterianism.–_Swift_. By this irony, the best Whigs are professed friends to fanatics.

The same. _Addison_. But before we could give the word [to retreat], the trainbands, taking advantage of our delay, fled first.–_Swift_. An argument for a standing army.

No. 6. _Jan. 9, 1715-16_.–_The Guilt of Perjury._

_Addison_. Though I should be unwilling to pronounce the man who is indolent, or indifferent in the cause of his prince, to be absolutely perjured; I may venture to affirm, that he falls very short of that allegiance to which he is obliged by oath.–_Swift_. Suppose a king grows a beast, or a tyrant, after I have taken an oath: a ‘prentice takes an oath; but if his master useth him barbarously, the lad may be excused if he wishes for a better.

No. 7. _Jan. 13, 1715-16_.–_Of Party Lies._

_Addison_. If we may credit common report, there are several remote parts of the nation in which it is firmly believed, that all the churches in London are shut up; and that if any clergyman walks the streets in his habit, ’tis ten to one but he is knocked down by some sturdy schismatic.–_Swift_. No–but treated like a dog.

No. 8. _Jan. 16, 1715-16_.–_The Female Association._

_Addison_. It is therefore to be hoped that every fine woman will make this laudable use of her charms; and that she may not want to be frequently reminded of this great duty, I will only desire her to think of her country every time she looks in her glass.–_Swift_. By no means, for if she loves her country, she will not be pleased with the sight.

_Addison_. Every wife ought to answer for her man. If the husband be engaged in a seditious club or drinks mysterious healths … let her look to him, and keep him out of harm’s way; etc.–_Swift_. Will they hang a man for that.

No. 9. _Jan. 20, 1715-16_.–_Answer of the Free-holders of Great Britain to the Pretender’s Declaration._

_The Declaration of the Free-holders of Great Britain, in Answer to that of the Pretender_.–_Addison_. Can you in conscience think us to be such fools as to rebel against the King, for … having removed a general [the Duke of Ormonde] who is now actually in arms against him, etc.–_Swift_. Driven out by tyranny, malice, and faction.

_Addison_. The next grievance, which you have a mighty mind to redress among us, is the Parliament of Great Britain, against whom you bring a stale accusation which has been used by every minority in the memory of man; namely, that it was procured by unwarrantable influences and corruptions.–_Swift._ The freeholders will never sign this paragraph.

_Addison_. How comes it to pass that the Electorate of Hanover is become all of a sudden one of the most inconsiderable provinces of the empire?–_Swift_. It is indeed grown considerable by draining of England.

No. 12. _Jan_. 30, 1715-16.–_The Guilt of Rebellion in general, and of the late Rebellion in particular_.

_Addison_. The present rebellion [1715] is formed against a king, … who has not been charged with one illegal proceeding.–_Swift_ Are you serious?

No. 13. _Feb_. 3, 1715-16.–_Of those who are indifferent in a time of Rebellion_,

_Addison_. In such a juncture [a rebellion], though a man may be innocent of the great breach which is made upon government, he is highly culpable, if he does not use all the means that are suitable to his station for reducing the community into its former state of peace and good order.–_Swift_. He speaks at his ease, but those who are ill used will be apt to apply what the boy said to his mother, who told him the enemy was approaching.

_Addison_. This law [one of Solon’s] made it necessary for every citizen to take his party, because it was highly probable the majority would be so wise as to espouse that cause which was most agreeable to the public weal.–_Swift_. No–for, in England, a faction that governs a weak, or honours a wicked prince, will carry all against a majority in the kingdom, as we have seen by sad experience.

No. 14. _Feb._ 6, 1715-16.–_The Political Creed of a Tory Malcontent._

_Addison_. Article XIII, That there is an unwarrantable faction in this island, consisting of King, Lords, and Commons.–_Swift_. This article is too true, with a little alteration.

The same. _Addison_. Article XV. That an Act of Parliament to empower the King to secure suspected persons in times of rebellion, is the means to establish the sovereign on the throne, and consequently a great infringement of the liberties of the subject.–_Swift_. No–but to destroy liberty.

No. 21. _Mar_. 2, 1715-16.–_The Birthday of Her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales_.

_Addison_. When this excellent princess was yet in her father’s court, she was so celebrated for the beauty of her person, etc.–_Swift_. I have bad eyes.

_Addison_. There is no part of her Royal Highness’s character which we observe with greater pleasure, than that behaviour by which she has so much endeared herself to His Majesty.–_Swift._ What would he say now?[2]

[Footnote: 2: The prince and his father, George I., were now [1727, just before George I. died] at variance. [S.]]

No. 24. _Mar_. 12, 1715-16.–_The Designs of His Majesty’s Enemies impracticable_.

_Addison_. To this we may add … that submissive deference of his Royal Highness both from duty and inclination to all the measures of his Royal father.–_Swift_. Which still continues.

_Addison_. There is no question but His Majesty will be as generally valued and beloved in his British as he is in his German dominions, when he shall have time to make his royal virtues equally known among us.–_Swift._ How long time does he require?

No. 26. _Mar_. 19, 1715-16.–_Considerations offered to the disaffected part of the Fair Sex_.

_Addison_. Several inconveniencies which those among them undergo, who have not yet surrendered to the government.–_Swift_. Would he pimp for the court?

No. 29. _Mar_. 30, 1716.–_The Practice of Morality necessary to make a Party flourish_.

_Addison_. Those of our fellow-subjects, who are sensible of the happiness they enjoy in His Majesty’s accession to the throne, are obliged, by all the duties of gratitude, to adore that Providence which has so signally interposed in our behalf, by clearing a way to the Protestant succession through such difficulties as seemed insuperable–_Swift_. I wish he had told us any one of those difficulties.

_Addison_. It is the duty of an honest and prudent man, to sacrifice a doubtful opinion to the concurring judgement of those whom he believes to be well intentioned to their country, and who have better opportunities of looking into all its most complicated interests.–_Swift_. A motion to make men go every length with their party. I am sorry to see such a principle in this author.

No. 31. _Apr_. 6, 1716.–_Answer to a celebrated Pamphlet entitled “An Argument to prove the Affections of the People of England to be the best Security of the Government; etc.”_

_Addison_. This middle method [of tempering justice with mercy] … has hitherto been made use of by our sovereign.–_Swift_. In trifles.

_Addison_. Would it be possible for him [the reader] to imagine, that of the several thousands openly taken in arms, and liable to death by the laws of their country, not above forty have yet suffered?–_Swift._ A trifle!

_Addison_. Has not His Majesty then shewn the least appearance of grace in that generous forgiveness which he has already extended to such great numbers of his rebellious subjects, who must have died by the laws of their country, had not his mercy interposed in their behalf?–_Swift_. Prodigious clemency, not to hang all the common soldiers who followed their leaders!

_Addison_. Those who are pardoned would not have known the value of grace, if none had felt the effects of justice.–_Swift._ And only hanging the lords and gentlemen, and some of the rabble.

_Addison_. Their [the last ministry’s] friends have ever since made use of the most base methods to infuse those groundless discontents into the minds of the common people, etc.–_Swift._ Hath experience shown those discontents groundless?

_Addison_. If the removal of these persons from their posts has produced such popular commotions, the continuance of them might have produced something much more fatal to their king and country.–_Swift_. Very false reasoning.

_Addison_. No man would make such a parallel, [between the treatment of the rebels, and that of the Catalans under King Philip,] unless his mind be so blinded with passion and prejudice, as to assert, in the language of this pamphlet, “That no instances can be produced of the least lenity under the present administration from the first hour it commenced to this day.”–_Swift_. Nor to this, 1727.

_Addison_. God be thanked we have a king who punishes with reluctancy.–_Swift_. A great comfort to the sufferers!

_Addison_. It would be well if all those who … are clamorous at the proceedings of His present Majesty, would remember, that notwithstanding that rebellion [the Duke of Monmouth’s] … had no tendency … to destroy the national religion, etc.–_Swift_. To introduce fanaticism, and destroy monarchy.

_Addison_. No prince has ever given a greater instance of his inclinations to rule without a standing army.–_Swift_. We find this true by experience.

_Addison_. What greater instances could His Majesty have given of his love to the Church of England, than those he has exhibited by his most solemn declarations; by his daily example; and by his promotions of the most eminent among the clergy to such vacancies as have happened in his reign.–_Swift._ Most undeniable truth, as any in Rabelais.

No. 44. _May_ 21, 1716.–_Tory Foxhunter’s Account of the Masquerade on the Birth of the Arch-Duke._

_Addison_. What still gave him greater offence was a drunken bishop, who reeled from one side of the court to the other, and was very sweet upon an Indian Queen.–_Swift_. Then, that story is true?

No. 45. _May_ 25, 1716.–_The Use and Advantage of Wit and Humour under proper Regulations_.

_Addison_. I have lately read with much pleasure, the “Essays upon several Subjects” published by Sir Richard Blackmore.–_Swift_. I admire to see such praises from this author to so insipid a scoundrel, whom I know he despised.

No. 51. _June_ 15, 1716.–_Cautions to be observed in the reading of ancient Greek and Roman Historians_.

_Addison_. “History of Free-thinking.”–_Swift_. Writ by Collins.

_Addison_. The greatest theorists … among those very people [the Greeks and Romans,] have given the preference to such a form of government, as that which obtains in this kingdom.–_Swift_. Yet, this we see is liable to be wholly corrupted.

No. 52. _June_ 18, 1716.–_Of State Jealousy_.

_Addison_. It is plain, … that such a base ungenerous race of men could rely upon nothing for their safety in this affront to His Majesty, [wearing a mark on the Pretender’s birth-day,] but the known gentleness and lenity of his government.–_Swift_. Then the devil was in them.

No. 54. _June_ 25, 1716.–_Preference of the Whig Scheme to that of the Tories_.

_Addison_. The Whigs tell us … that the Tory scheme would terminate in Popery and arbitrary government.–_Swift._ But Tories never writ or spoke so gently and favourably of Popery, as Whigs do of Presbytery. Witness a thousand pamphlets on both sides.

_Addison_. I shall not impute to any Tory scheme the administration of King James the Second, on condition that they do not reproach the Whigs with the usurpation of Oliver.–_Swift_. I will not accept that condition, nor did I ever see so unfair a one offered.

No. 55. _June_ 29, 1716.–_Conclusion_.

_Addison_. The enemies of His present Majesty … find him in a condition to visit his dominions in Germany, without any danger to himself, or to the public; whilst his dutiful subjects would be in no ordinary concern upon this occasion, had they not the consolation to find themselves left under the protection of a prince who makes it his ambition to copy out his Royal Father’s example.–_Swift_ Then, why was he never trusted a second time?

_Addison_. It would indeed have been an unpardonable insolence for a fellow-subject to treat in a vindictive and cruel style, those persons whom His Majesty has endeavoured to reduce to obedience by gentle methods, which he has declared from the throne to be most agreeable to his inclinations.–_Swift_. And is that enough?

_Addison_. May we not hope that all of this kind, who have the least sentiments of honour or gratitude, will be won over to their duty by so many instances of Royal clemency?–_Swift_ Not one instance produced.

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INDEX.

ABINGDON, Earl of, character of, 279. Addison, Joseph, Swift and, 15;
Swift’s Notes on the Freeholder, 371-377. Aglionby, Mr., character of, 284.
Albemarle, Earl of, defeated at Denain, 169, 175; character of, 276.
Allies, the, unfair treatment of England by, 104 _et seq_. Ancaster, Duke of, character of, 279.
Anne, the Princess, her behaviour at the birth of the Pretender, 360. _See_ Anne, Queen.
Anne, Queen, her treatment of Swift, 10 and _n_., 15; offers a reward for discovery of author of the “Public Spirit of the Whigs,” 15; her change of ministry, 19, 31;
her overtures with regard to peace, 31, 50; creates twelve new peers, 38, 39;
stated to have pressed Marlborough to become general for life, 40;
dismisses Marlborough, 48, 49;
her conduct of the peace negotiations, _see_ Utrecht, Congress of; speech on the terms of peace with France, 151 _et seq_. Argyle, the family of, Swift on,
293, 300, 306, 308, 312, 313, 314, 317, 318, 319, 332, 335. Argyle, Archibald, Duke of, character of, 286. Arlington, Earl of, character of, 334.
Assiento, the, demanded by England, 63, 67, 136, 144, 145, 153; the Dutch demand a share in, 130, 138, 140, 141. Aylesford, Earl of, Swift on, 350.
Aylmer, Colonel Matthew (Lord), character of, 284.

Baillie, Robert, 349-350;
his execution, 351.
Barrier Treaty, the, 41, 80-82;
inquiry into, 99;
laid before the House, 100;
interests of Great Britain sacrificed by, 110-114; peace proposals affecting, 134, 135, 138, 140, 143; new treaty signed, 180-182.
Bavaria, Elector of, peace proposals affecting, 79, 171, 176, 179, 183, 184, 188.
Baxter, Richard, 337.
Berkeley, Earl of, character of, 279. Berry, Duke of, declared heir to the French throne, 152, 174. Blackmore, Sir Richard, 376.
Blackwell, Sir Lambert, character of, 284. Blunt, Sir John, on the National Debt, 91, 92. Bolingbroke, Henry St. John, Lord, his estrangement from Harley, 13, 16; information given to Swift by, 18 _n_.; and the Duke of Somerset, 33;
his interview with Bothmar, 43;
introduces Prince Eugene to the Queen, 43; hated by Eugene, 45;
his attacks on Walpole, 84 and _n_.; his energy in instituting an enquiry into the war, 119; his negotiations with Buys, 130;
orders Ormonde not to fight, 150 _n_., 156 _n_.; letter to Thomas Harley on the conduct of the Dutch, 160 _n_.; his opinion of Rebellion, 166 _n_.;
created Viscount, 170;
his indignation at not being made an Earl, 170 _n_.; his mission to France, 171, 172;
mentioned, 76, 77, 121.
Bolton, Charles, Duke of, character of, 274; Bothmar, M., Hanover Envoy,
memorial of, 42, 43, 129, 167;
his interview with Bolingbroke, 43, 45, 48; deceives his master by false representations, 166. Boyle, Archbishop Michael, 354.
Boyle, Hon. Henry (Lord Carleton),
character of, 281.
Boyle, Robert, 338.
Bristol, John Digby, 3rd Earl of, 27 _n_. Bromley, William, 121.
Brydges, Mr. (Duke of Chandos), character of, 280. Buckingham, Duke of, character of, 334, 335. Buckinghamshire, John Duke of, character of, 273. Burnet, Gilbert, Bishop of Salisbury, 16, the originator of the National Debt, 88; character of, 282;
Swift’s remarks on his “History,” 325-368; appointed Professor of Divinity at Glasgow, 341; his “Lives of the Dukes of Hamilton,” 341; settled in Holland, 357;
and the Earl of Portland, 364;
his “Pastoral Letter,” 365, 366;
his criticism of “The Conduct of the Allies,” 366; his opinion on the peace, 366, 367;
his wives, 368.
Burnet, Thomas, his life of Bishop Burnet, 368. Butler of Weston, Lord, character of, 281. Buys, Pensionary,
Dutch envoy in London, 38, 41-43, 48, 60,74-76, 80-82, 129; account of, 41, 42;
on national debts, 88;
his unreasonable proposals, 130;
goes to Utrecht, 136;
his hostile attitude to England, 136-139, 144; his altered behaviour, 187;
charges all delays to Heinsius, 187.

Cadogan, General, 164.
Cardonnell, Adam, secretary to the Duke of Marlborough, expelled the house, 87.
Carstairs, William, character of, 287, 345. Carstares, Rev. W., 117, 118 _n_.
Cartwright, Bishop, 356.
Chandos, Lord, character of, 280.
Charles II., his mistresses, 339, 340, 344; Burnet’s character of, 353.
Charles VI., Emperor, averse from ending the war, 42; his proposals, 43, 44;
how affected by Treaty of Utrecht, 188; does not sign the Treaty, 190.
Charles XII., King of Sweden, Swift’s veneration for, 195. Chesterfield, Earl of, character of, 279. Cholmondeley, Earl of, 19; character of, 280. Church of Rome, the, usurpations of, 207. Churches, suggestion for building fifty new, 20. Clarendon, Earl of, 16;
Swift’s remarks on his “History of the Rebellion,” 291-323, 332; Burnet on his banishment, 339, 340.
Congreve, William, Swift and, 15.
Cowper, Lord, character of, 28, 29. Craggs, father of the Secretary, 40.

Crewe, Lord, Bishop of Durham, 365.
Croissy, Chevalier de, 54.
Cromwell, Oliver, Swift on, 314, 316, 333, 334; and the Countess of Dysert, 339.
Cutts, Lord, character of, 284.

Dartmouth, Earl of, 129;
character of, 278.
D’Avenant, Charles, character of, 282. D’Avenant, Mr., agent at Frankfort, character of, 284. De La Warr, Lord, character of, 280.
Denain, battle of, 52, 169.
Derby, Earl of, character of, 276.
De Witt, Pensionary, 338;
the Prince of Orange and, 343.
Disney, Colonel, 165.
Dorislaus, Dr., 317.
Dorset, Earl of, character of, 276. Dundee, Earl of, Swift on, 362.
Dunkirk, proposed demolition of, 62, 67, 68, 70, 74, 135, 153; Hill takes possession of, 161, 163, 165. Dutch, the, the French affect resentment against, 55 and _n._; negotiate secretly with France, 55 _n._, 60, 61, 139, 143, 145; their answer to the French proposals, 59; French and English preliminaries submitted to, 71; their object in sending M. Buys to London, 76; agree to Congress of Utrecht, 79;
their treaty with England, 80-82, 129; fail to observe their agreements, 104, 105; unreasonable demands of, 130;
misled by factions in England, 131, 137, 142, 145, 158, 161, 175; the Queen’s indignation with, 131;
hostile attitude of, to England, 138, 139, 144, 145; English concessions to, 143;
protest against Ormonde’s refusal to fight, 159, 160, 162; refuse Ormonde passage through their towns, 163; refuse to join England in the armistice, 168; their consequent losses, 175;
discover they have been deceived, 176, 184; their proposals, 176;
last English offers to, 179;
new Succession and Barrier treaty concluded with, 180, 181, 182; convinced of the Queen’s sincerity, 184. Dysert, Countess of, and Cromwell, 339.

“Eikon Basilike,” Swift on, 333.
England, Abstract of the History of, 195-270. Essex, Earl of, 276, 303, 305;
Swift on, 305;
suicide of, 350.
Eugene, Prince, in England, 43;
design of his visit, 44, 45, 132;
his hatred of Bolingbroke, 45;
his action in Flanders, 147;
deserts Ormonde, 162.

Fairfax, Lord, 333.
Falkland, Lord, and Prince Rupert, 300; his discourses against the Roman Catholic religion, 303; character of, 303.
Feversham, Earl of, character of, 279; Burnet on, 361.
Fitzgerald, Percy, his collation of the “Four Last Years,” xxi; his collation of Swift’s remarks on Clarendon, 290. “Four Last Years of the Queen,”
History of the, editor’s advertisement to, 5; editor’s motives in publishing, 7;
editor’s criticism of Swift, 8-11; Swift’s reasons for writing, 13, 14;
Swift’s materials for, 14.
_See also_ Introduction.
Fletcher, Andrew, of Saltoun, character of, 287. France, offers terms of peace, 51;
refuses the British demands, 51, 53; anxious for peace, 53;
affects resentment against the Dutch, 55 and _n._; negotiations between the Allies and, 56 _et seq., see_ Utrecht, Congress of;
renounces the succession In Spain, 152, 173, 174. Frankland, Sir Thomas, character of, 281. “Free Thoughts on the Present State of Affairs,” publication of, delayed by Bolingbroke, 21 _n_.

Gallas, Count, Austrian Ambassador, 44, 54; forbidden the Court, 77, 78.
Galway, Earl of, character of, 284. Gaultier, Abbe, employed in peace negotiations, 53 and _n_., 54 _et seq_., 78, 142.
George I., Addison on, 374, 375, 376, 377. Gertruydenberg, conference at, 54, 55, 56, 59, 76. Gibraltar, to be annexed to Britain, 136, 140, 141, 153. Godolphin, Earl of, character of, 26, 27; nicknamed “Volpone,” 27;
his treatment of the Duke of Somerset, 33; in need of protection, 41;
debt incurred under his administration, 92, 93, 96; at the head of the Junto, 129;
Burnet on, 348, 368.
Goodenough, under-sheriff of London, 354. Grafton, Duke of, character of, 275.
Grand Alliance, the, 70, 83.
Grantham, Earl of, character of, 279. Greenvil, Sir Richard, Swift on, 309.
Grey of Werke, Lord, character of, 280. Griffin, Lord, character of, 280.
Guernsey, Heneage Finch, Lord, 30.
Guilford, Lord, character of, 280.
Guiscard, Marquis de, 97, 120.
Gyllenborg, Count de, the “Abstract of the History of England,” dedicated to, 194, 195.

Hague, The, conference at, 51, 54, 55, 59, 65. Halifax, Lord, character of, 275.

Hamilton, 3rd Marquess, afterwards Duke of, Swift on, 293,305, 306, 317, 321.
Hamilton, James Douglas, 4th Duke of, his duel with Lord Mohun, 178, 179, 286, 367; character of, 286.
Hanmer, Sir Thomas, his “Representation,” 100. Hanover, the Elector of, 34, 42;
his “Memorial to the Queen,” 42, 43 and _n_.; deceived by Robethon and Bothmar, 166, 167; T. Harley’s mission to, 167, 168.
Hanover, House of, Bill for fixing the precedence of the, 98, 99. Harley, Robert, Earl of Oxford,
his estrangement from Bolingbroke, 13, 16; information given to Swift by, 18 _n_.; his financial measures, 20, 96-98;
blamed in connection with Nottingham’s amendment to the address, 38; advises the Queen to create new peers, 38; character of, 93-96, 281.
Harley, Thomas, his mission to Utrecht, 140; sent to Hanover, 166, 167, 168.
Hartington, Marquess of, character of, 275. Hedges, Sir Charles, 86.
Heinsius, Pensionary, 60;
charged by Bays with all delays, 187. Henderson, Alexander, “a cursed fanatic,” 294. Henry I., history of reign of, 217-237;
his character and person, 236.
Henry II., history of the reign of, 265-268; character of, 269.
Hickes, Dean, 346, 347.
Hill, John, takes Dunkirk, 161, 163, 165. Hill, Richard, character of, 283.
Hoffman, the Emperor’s Resident in England, 129, 132. Holland, Earl of, Swift on, 304.
Hompesch, Count, Dutch General, 164, 175. Hurry, Colonel, character of, 302, 303, 307.

Ingoldsby, Colonel, 323.
Ireland, “a most obscure disagreeable country,” 196; slow growth of civilization in, 267, 268.

James II, the “abdicated king,” 10, 11, 26; flight and capture of, 361.
Jeffreys, Judge, his death in the Tower, 361. Jersey, Earl of, 35;
and the Abbe Gaultier, 54.
Johnstoun, James, character of, 287. Junto, Lords of the, 32, 39, 129.

Kennedy, Lady Margaret, married Bishop Burnet, 328. Kent, Earl (afterwards Duke) of, character of, 279.

Land, Bill appointing Commissioners to examine into Crown grants of, 121. Lauderdale, Earl of, Swift on, 317.
Leightoun, Bishop, Burnet on, 335;
death of, 351, 352.
Leopold, the Emperor, fails to observe his agreements, 105. Lewis, Erasmus, letter of, to Swift, on the “Four Last Years,” quoted, x, 25 _n_., 30 _n_., 33 _n_., 42 _n_., 45 _n_. Lexington, Lord, appointed Ambassador in Spain, 178, 190; character of, 280;
Lindsey, Earl of _See_ Ancaster, Duke of. Louis XIV., King of France, his negotiations for peace, 51 _et seq_., _See_ Utrecht, Congress of.
Lorraine, Duke of, 61.
Lucas, Dr. Charles, Editor of the “Four Last Years,” 5 _n_. Lucas, Lord; character of, 277.
Lumley, Lord, character of, 358.

Macartney, General, kills the Duke of Hamilton, 178, 179, 286. Macky, John, account of, 272;
“Memoirs of the Secret Services of,” 272; his characters of the Court of Queen Anne, 273, 288. Mansell, Thomas (afterwards Lord), character of, 281. Mar, Earl of, character of, 287.
March Club, the, 121.
Marlborough, Duke of, 19, 58;
character of, 24, 25, 273;
insinuations against his courage, 25 and _n_., 48; fears an inquiry, 40;
his demand to be made general for life, 40, 41; fall of, 46, 49;
accused of corruption, 84, 86;
his deduction of 2-1/2 per cent from the pay of foreign troops, 85, 116; at the head of the Junto, 129;
endeavours to dissuade the Dutch from concluding peace, 187, 188; “detestably covetous,” 273;
Burnet on, 359.
Marlborough, Duchess of, character of, 25, 26. Masham, Mrs., her hostility to the Duke of Marlborough, 87. Maynard, Sir John, 347, 362.
Mesnager, M., his mission to London, 66, 67; appointed plenipotentiary at Utrecht, 80; favours the Dutch, 165;
quarrels with Count Rechteren, 177, 181, 182; his unreasonable attitude, 182, 183, 189. Methuen, Sir Paul, character of, 283.
Mew, Bishop, character of, 352.
Middleton, Earl of, character of, 287. Milton’s “Paradise Lost,” Burnet’s criticism of, 336. Mohun, Lord, his duel with the Duke of Hamilton, 178, 367; character of, 278.
Molo, Dutch agent, 139, 166.
Montagu, Duke of, character of, 275. Monteleon, Marquis of, Spanish ambassador in London, 190. Montrevil, M., 310, 311.
Montrose, Marquess (afterwards Duke) of, character of, 286, 311, 318, 333. Munster, Treaty of, 112.

Nassau, Count, 164.
National Debt, the, origin of, 87.
Newcastle, Duke of, 35;
character of, 274.
Newfoundland, to be restored to England, 63, 68, 136, 153; French fishing rights in, 68.
Northumberland, George, Duke of, character of, 274.