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the King’s defeat and imprisonment, reduced without any difficulty the whole Duchy of Normandy to his obedience.

The legate himself, although brother to King Stephen, received her at Winchester with great solemnity, accepted her oath for governing with justice, redressing grievances, and supporting the rights of the Church, and took the old conditional one of fealty to her; then in an assembly of bishops and clergy convoked for the purpose, he displayed the miscarriages of his brother, and declared his approbation of the Empress to be Queen; to which they unanimously agreed. To complete all, he prevailed by his credit with the Londoners, who stood out the last of any, to acknowledge and receive her into the city, where she arrived at length in great pomp, and with general satisfaction.

But it was the misfortune of this Princess to possess many weaknesses that are charged to the sex, and very few of its commendable qualities: she was now in peaceable possession of the whole kingdom, except the county of Kent, where William d’Ypres pretended to keep up a small party for the King; when by her pride, wilfulness, indiscretion, and a disobliging behaviour, she soon turned the hearts of all men against her, and in a short time lost the fruits of that victory and success which had been so hardly gained by the prudence and valour of her excellent brother. The first occasion she took to discover the perverseness of her nature, was in the treatment of Maud, the wife of King Stephen, a lady of great virtue, and courage above her sex, who, coming to the Empress an humble suitor in behalf of her husband, offered, as a price of his liberty, that he should resign all pretensions to the crown, and pass the rest of his life in exile, or in a convent: but this request was rejected with scorn and reproaches; and the Queen finding all entreaties to no purpose, writ to her son Eustace to let him understand the ill success of her negotiation, that no relief was to be otherwise hoped for than by arms, and therefore advised him to raise immediately what forces he could for the relief of his father.

Her next miscarriage was towards the Londoners, who presented her a petition for redressing certain rigorous laws of her father, and restoring those of Edward the Confessor. The Empress put them off for a time with excuses, but at last discovered some displeasure at their importunity. The citizens, who had with much difficulty been persuaded to receive her against their inclinations, which stood wholly for the King, were moved with indignation at her unreasonable refusal of their just demands, and entered into a conspiracy to seize her person. But she had timely notice of their design, and leaving the city by night in disguise, fled to Oxford.

A third false step the Empress made,[36] was in refusing her new powerful friend the legate a favour he desired in behalf of Eustace, the King’s son, to grant him the lands and honours held by his father before he came to the crown. She had made large promises to this prelate, that she would be directed in all things by his advice, and to be refused upon his first application a small favour for his own nephew, stung him to the quick; however, he governed his resentments a while, but began at the same time to resume his affection for his brother. These thoughts were cultivated with great address by Queen Maud, who prevailed at last so far upon the legate, that private measures were agreed between them for restoring Stephen to his liberty and crown. The bishop took leave of the Empress, upon some plausible pretence, and retired to Winchester, where he gave directions for supplying with men and provisions several strong castles he had built in his diocese, while the Queen with her son Eustace prevailed with the Londoners and men of Kent to rise in great numbers for the King; and a powerful army was quickly on foot, under the command of William d’Ypres Earl of Kent.

[Footnote 36: William of Malmesbury. [D.S.]]

In the mean time the Empress began to be sensible of the errors she had committed; and in hope either to retrieve the friendship of the legate, or take him prisoner, marched with her army to Winchester, where being received and lodged in the castle, she sent immediately for the legate, spoke much in excuse of what was past, and used all endeavours to regain him to her interests. Bishop Henry, on the other side, amused her with dubious answers, and kept her in suspense for some days; but sent privately at the same time to the King’s army, desiring them to advance with all possible speed; which was executed with so much diligence, that the Empress and her brother had only time with their troops to march a back way out of the town. They were pursued by the enemy so close in the rear, that the Empress had hardly time, by counterfeiting herself dead, to make her escape; in which posture she was carried as a corpse to Gloucester; but the Earl her brother, while he made what opposition he could, with design to stop her pursuers, was himself taken prisoner, with great slaughter of his men. After the battle, the Earl was in his turn presented to Queen Maud, and by her command sent to Rochester to be treated in the same manner with the King.

Thus the heads of both parties were each in the power of his enemy, and Fortune seemed to have dealt with great equality between them. Two factions divided the whole kingdom, and, as it usually happens, private animosities were inflamed by the quarrel of the public; which introduced a miserable face of things throughout the land, whereof the writers of our English story give melancholy descriptions, not to be repeated in this history; since the usual effects of civil war are obvious to conceive, and tiresome as well as useless to relate. However, as the quarrel between the King and Empress was grounded upon a cause that in its own nature little concerned the interests of the people, this was thought a convenient juncture for transacting a peace, to which there appeared an universal disposition. Several expedients were proposed; but Earl Robert would consent upon no other terms than the deposing of Stephen, and immediate delivery of the crown to his sister. These debates lasted for some months, until the two prisoners, weary of their long constraint, by mutual consent were exchanged for each other, and all thoughts of agreement laid aside.

The King, upon recovery of his freedom, hastened to London, to get supplies of men and money for renewing the war. He there found that his brother of Winchester had, in a council of bishops and abbots, renounced all obedience to the Empress, and persuaded the assembly to follow his example. The legate, in excuse for this proceeding, loaded her with infamy, produced several instances wherein she had broken the oath she took when he received her as Queen, and upon which his obedience was grounded; said, he had received information that she had a design upon his life.[37]

[Footnote 37: William of Malmesbury. [D.S.]]

It must be confessed that oaths of fealty in this Prince’s reign were feeble ties for binding the subject to any reasonable degree of obedience; and the warmest advocates for liberty cannot but allow, from those examples here produced, that it is very possible for people to run upon great extremes in this matter, that a monarch may be too much limited, and a subject too little; whereof the consequences have been fully as pernicious for the time as the worst that can be apprehended from arbitrary power in all its heights, although not perhaps so lasting or so hard to be remedied; since all the miseries of this kingdom, during the period we are treating of, were manifestly owing to that continual violation of such oaths of allegiance, as appear to have been contrived on purpose by ambitious men to be broken at pleasure, without the least apprehension of perjury, and in the mean time keep the prince in a continual slavish dependence.

The Earl of Gloucester, soon after his release, went over into Normandy, where he found the Earl of Anjou employed in completing the conquest of that duchy; there he delivered him the sons of several English noblemen, to be kept as hostages for their fathers’ fidelity to the Empress, and used many arguments for persuading him to come over in person with an army to her assistance: but Geoffrey excused himself by the importance of other affairs, and the danger of exposing the dominions he had newly acquired to rebellions in his absence. However, he lent the Earl of Gloucester a supply of four hundred men, and sent along with him his eldest son Henry, to comfort his mother, and be shewn to the people.

During the short absence of the Earl of Gloucester, the Empress was closely besieged in Oxford by the King; and provisions beginning to fail, she was in cruel apprehensions of falling into his hands. This gave her occasion to put in practice the only talent wherein she seemed to excel, which was that of contriving some little shift or expedient to secure her person upon any sudden emergency. A long season of frost had made the Thames passable upon the ice, and much snow lay on the ground; Maud with some few attendants clad all in white, to avoid being discovered from the King’s camp, crossed the river at midnight on foot, and travelling all night, got safe to Wallingford Castle, where her brother and young son Henry, newly returned from France, arrived soon after, to her great satisfaction: but Oxford, immediately upon the news of her flight, surrendered to the King.

However, this disgrace was fully compensated soon after by another of the same kind, which happened to King Stephen; for whilst he and his brother of Winchester were fortifying a nunnery at Wilton, to bridle his enemies at Salisbury, who very much harassed those parts by their frequent excursions, the Earl of Gloucester, who watched all opportunities, came unaware with a strong body of men, and set fire on the nunnery while the King himself was in it. Stephen, upon the sudden surprise of the thing, wholly lost or forgot his usual courage, and fled shamefully away, leaving his soldiers to be cut in pieces by the Earl.

During the rest of the war, although it lasted nine years longer, there is little memorable recorded by any writer; whether the parties being pretty equal, and both sufficiently tired with so long a contention, wanted vigour and spirit to make a thorough conquest, and only endeavoured to keep what they had, or whether the multitude of strong castles, whose number daily increased, made it very difficult to end a war between two contending powers almost in balance; let the cause be what it will, the whole time passed in mutual sieges, surprises, revolts, surrenders of fortified places, without any decisive action, or other event of importance to be related. By which at length the very genius of the people became wholly bent upon a life of spoil, robbery, and plunder; many of the nobles, although pretending to hold their castles for the King or the Empress, lived like petty independent princes in a perpetual state of war against their neighbours; the fields lay uncultivated, all the arts of civil life were banished, no veneration left for sacred persons or things; in short, no law, truth, or religion among men, but a scene of universal misery, attended with all the consequences of an embroiled and distracted state.

About the eleventh year of the King’s reign, young Henry, now growing towards a man, was sent for to France by a message from his father, who was desirous to see him; but left a considerable party in England, to adhere to his interests; and in a short time after (as some write[38]) the Empress herself grown weary of contending any longer in a cause where she had met with nothing but misfortunes of her own procuring, left the kingdom likewise, and retired to her husband. Nor was this the only good fortune that befell Stephen; for before the year ended, the main prop and pillar of his enemies was taken away by death; this was Robert Earl of Gloucester, than whom there have been few private persons known in the world that deserve a fairer place and character in the registers of time, for his inviolable faith, disinterested friendship, indefatigable zeal, and firm constancy to the cause he espoused, and unparalleled generosity in the conduct thereof: he adhered to his sister in all her fortunes, to the ruin of his own; he placed a crown on her head; and when she had lost it by her folly and perverseness refused the greatest offers from a victorious enemy, who had him in his power, and chose to continue a prisoner rather than recover his liberty by any hazard to her pretensions: he bore up her sinking title in spite of her own frequent miscarriages, and at last died in her cause by a fever contracted with perpetual toils for her service. An example fit to be shewn the world, although few perhaps are like to follow it; but however, a small tribute of praise, justly due to extraordinary virtue, may prove no ill expedient to encourage imitation.

[Footnote 38: Gervase. [D.S.]]

But the death of this lord, together with the absence of the Empress and her son in France, added very little to the quiet or security of the King. For the Earl of Gloucester, suspecting the fidelity of the lords, had, with great sagacity, delivered their sons to the Earl of Anjou, to be kept as pledges for their fathers’ fidelity, as we have before related: by which means a powerful party was still kept up against Stephen, too strong to be suddenly broken. Besides, he had, by an unusual strain of his conduct, lately lost much good-will, as well as reputation, in committing an act of violence and fraud on the person of the Earl of Chester, a principal adherent of the Empress. This nobleman, of great power and possessions, had newly reconciled himself to Stephen, and came to his court at Northampton, where, against all laws of hospitality, as well as common faith and justice, he was committed to prison, and forced to buy his liberty with the surrender of Lincoln, and all his other places, into the King’s hands.

1149.

1150.

Affairs continued in this turbulent posture about two years, the nobles neither trusting the King nor each other. The number of castles still increased, which every man who had any possessions was forced to build, or else become a prey to his powerful neighbours. This was thought a convenient juncture, by the Empress and her friends, for sending young Prince Henry to try his fortune in England, where he landed at the head of a considerable number of horse and foot, although he was then but sixteen years old. Immediately after his arrival he went to Carlisle, where he met his cousin David King of Scots, by whom he was made knight, after the usual custom of young princes and noblemen in that age. The King of England, who had soon intelligence of Henry’s landing and motions, marched down to secure York, against which he expected the first attempt of his enemy was designed. But, whatever the cause might be (wherein the writers of those ages are either silent or unsatisfactory) both armies remained at that secure distance for three months, after which Henry returned back to Normandy, leaving the kingdom in the state of confusion he found it at his coming.

The fortunes of this young prince Henry Fitz-Empress now began to advance by great and sudden steps, whereof it will be no digression to inform the reader, as well upon the connection they have with the affairs at home about this time, as because they concern the immediate successor to the crown.

1151.

Prince Henry’s voyage to France was soon followed by the death of his father Geoffrey Earl of Anjou, whereby the son became possessed of that earldom, together with the Duchy of Normandy; but in a short time after he very much enlarged his dominions by a marriage, in which he consulted his reputation less than his advantage. For Louis the Young, King of France, was lately divorced from his wife Eleanor, who, as the French writers relate, bore a great contempt and hatred to her husband, and had long desired such a separation. Other authors give her not so fair a character: but whatever might be the real cause, the pretext was consanguinity in the fourth degree.[39] Henry was content to accept this lady with all her faults, and in her right became Duke of Aquitaine, and Earl of Poitou, very considerable provinces, added to his other dominions.

[Footnote 39: Louis VII., after living fourteen years with his Queen, obtained a dissolution of the marriage on the plea of relationship within the prohibited degrees. See Bouchet, “Annalles d’Acquitaine.” [W.S.J.]]

But the two Kings of France and England began to apprehend much danger from the sudden greatness of a young ambitious prince; and their interests were jointly concerned to check his growth. Duke Henry was now ready to sail for England, in a condition to assert his title upon more equal terms; when the King of France, in conjunction with Eustace, King Stephen’s son, and Geoffrey, the Duke’s own brother, suddenly entered into his dominions with a mighty army; took the Castle of Neufmarche by storm, and laid siege to that of Angers. The Duke, by this incident, was forced to lay aside his thoughts of England, and marching boldly towards the enemy, resolved to relieve the besieged; but finding they had already taken the castle, he thought it best to make a diversion, by carrying the war into the enemy’s country, where he left all to the mercy of his soldiers, surprised and burnt several castles, and made great devastations wherever he came. This proceeding answered the end for which it was designed; the King of France thought he had already done enough for his honour, and began to grow weary of a ruinous war, which was likely to be protracted. The conditions of a peace, by the intervention of some religious men, were soon agreed. The Duke, after some time spent in settling his affairs, and preparing all things necessary for his intended expedition, set sail for England, where he landed[40] the same year in the depth of winter, with a hundred and forty knights, and three thousand foot.

[Footnote 40: The place where he landed is not mentioned by our historians. It was probably in the West of England, as the first garrisoned town he attacked was Malmesbury. [D.S.]]

Some time before Henry landed, the King had conceived a project to disappoint his designs, by confirming the crown upon himself and his own posterity.[41] He sent for the Archbishop of Canterbury, with several other prelates, and proposed that his son Eustace should be crowned King with all the usual solemnity: but the bishops absolutely refused to perform the office, by express orders from the Pope, who was an enemy to Stephen, partly upon account of his unjust or declining cause, but chiefly for his strict alliance with the King of France, who was then engaged in a quarrel against that See, upon a very tender point relating to the revenues of vacant churches. The King and his son were both enraged at the bishops’ refusal, and kept them prisoners in the chamber where they assembled, with many threats to force them to a compliance, and some other circumstances of rigour; but all to no purpose, so that he was at length forced to desist. But the archbishop, to avoid further vexation, fled the realm.

[Footnote 41: Gervase, Hen. Huntingdon. [D.S.]]

This contrivance of crowning the son during the life and reign of the father, which appears so absurd in speculation, was actually performed in the succeeding reign, and seems to have been taken up by those two princes of French birth and extraction, in imitation of the like practice in their native country,[42] where it was usual for kings grown old and infirm, or swayed by paternal indulgence, to receive their eldest son into a share of the administration, with the title of King; a custom borrowed, no doubt, from the later emperors of Rome, who adopted their Caesars after the like manner.

[Footnote 42: Mezeray. [D.S.]]

1153

The King was employed in his usual exercise of besieging castles when the news was brought of Henry’s arrival. He left the work he was about, and marched directly against the Duke, who was then sat down before Malmesbury. But Stephen forced him to raise the siege, and immediately offered him battle. The Duke, although his army was much increased by continual revolts, thought it best to gain time, being still in number far inferior to the King, and therefore kept himself strongly entrenched. There is some difference among writers about the particulars of this war: however, it is generally agreed, that in a short time after, the two armies met, and were prepared for battle, when the nobles on both sides, either dreading the consequences, or weary of a tedious war, prevailed with the King and Duke to agree to a truce for some days in order to a peace; which was violently opposed by Eustace, the King’s son, a youth of great spirit and courage, because he knew very well it could not be built but upon the ruin of his interests; and therefore finding he could not prevail, he left the army in a rage, and, attended by some followers, endeavoured to satiate his fury, by destroying the country in his march: But in a few days, as he sat at dinner in a castle of his own, he fell suddenly dead, either through grief, madness, or poison.

The truce was now expired, and the Duke began to renew the war with fresh vigour; but the King was wholly dispirited upon this fatal accident, and now first began to entertain real thoughts of a peace. He had lost a son whom he dearly loved, and with him he likewise lost the alliance of the French King, to whose sister the young prince was married. He had indeed another son left, but little esteemed by the nobles and people; nor, as it appears, much regarded by his father. He was now in the decline of his age, decayed in his health, forsaken by his friends, who, since the death of Eustace, fell daily from him; and having no further care at heart for his posterity, he thought it high time to seek repose for his person. The nobles soon observed this disposition in their King, which was so agreeable to their own; therefore, by general consent, Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury was appointed mediator between both princes. All matters were soon agreed; an assembly of lords was convened at Winchester, where the King received the Duke with great marks of courtesy and kindness. There the peace was confirmed by the King’s charter, wherein are expressed the terms of agreement. But I shall relate only the principal.

The King, by this charter, acknowledged Henry for lawful successor to the crown; in which capacity all the nobles paid him homage: and Henry himself, with his party, paid homage to Stephen. There is likewise a reservation for William, the King’s son, of all the honours possessed by his father before he came to the crown. The King likewise acknowledges the obedience of his subjects to be no longer due to him than he shall observe the conditions of this charter. And for the performance of these articles, the archbishops and bishops were appointed guarantees. There were some other articles agreed on, which are not mentioned in the charter; as, a general pardon; a restitution, to the right owners, of those lands and possessions, which had been usurped in the time of the troubles; that all castles built during the war should be razed to the ground, which are said to have been above eleven hundred; that the rights of the Church should be preserved; with other matters of less moment.

Thus, by the prudence of Archbishop Theobald, the moderation of the two princes engaged, and the universal inclination of the people, a happy period was put to this tedious and troublesome war: men began to have the prospect of a long peace; nor was it easy to foresee what could possibly arise to disturb it; when discovery was made, by accident, of a most horrible piece of treachery, which, if it had met with success, would have once more set the whole nation in a flame. The Duke, after the peace, attended the King to London, to be shewn to the people as the undoubted successor to the crown; and having made a progress together through some other parts of the kingdom, they came to Canterbury; where Henry received private notice of a design upon his life. It hath been already observed, that the King employed in his wars a body of Flemings, to the great discontent of his own subjects, with whom they were very ungracious. These foreigners were much discontented at the peace, whereby they were likely to become useless and burthensome to the present King, and hateful to the successor. To prevent which, the commanders among them began to practise upon the levity and ambition of William the King’s son. They urged the indignity he had received in being deprived of his birthright; offered to support his title by their valour, as they had done that of his father; and, as an earnest of their intentions, to remove the chief impediment by dispatching his rival out of the world, The young prince was easily wrought upon to be at the head of this conspiracy; time and place were fixed; when, upon the day appointed, William broke his leg by a fall from his horse; and the conspirators wanting their leader immediately dispersed. This disappointment and delay, as it usually happens among conspirators, were soon followed by a discovery of the whole plot, whereof the Duke, with great discretion, made no other use than to consult his own safety; therefore, without any shew of suspicion or displeasure, he took leave of the King, and returned to Normandy.

1154.

Stephen lived not above a year to share the happiness of this peace with his people, in which time he made a progress through most parts of the kingdom, where he gained universal love and veneration, by a most affable and courteous behaviour to all men. A few months after his return he went to Dover, to have an interview with the Earl of Flanders;[43] where, after a short sickness, he died of the iliac passion, together with his old distemper the hemorrhoids, upon the twenty-fifth day of October, in the forty-ninth year of his age, and the nineteenth of his reign.

[Footnote 43: The Earl of Flanders was a potent sovereign on the continent, and had landed at Dover, in order to meet and confer with the King. [D.S.]]

He was a prince of wonderful endowments, both in body and mind: in his person tall and graceful, of great strength as well as vigour: he had a large portion of most virtues that can be useful in a King towards the happiness of his subjects or himself; courtesy and valour, liberality and clemency, in an eminent degree; especially the last, which he carried to an extreme, though very pardonable, yet hardly consisting with prudence, or his own safety. If we except his usurpation of the crown, he must be allowed a prince of great justice, which most writers affirm to have been always unblemished, except in that single instance: for, as to his treatment of the bishops and the Earl of Chester, it seems very excusable by the necessity of the time; and it was the general opinion, if he had not used that proceeding with the latter, it would have cost him his crown. Perhaps his injustice to the Empress might likewise admit a little extenuation. Four kings successively had sat on the throne without any regard to lineal descent; a period beyond the memory of most men then alive; whereby the people had lost much of that devotion they were used to bear towards an established succession: besides, the government of a woman was then a thing unknown, and for that reason disliked by all who professed to hate innovations.

But the wisdom of this prince was by no means equal to the rest of his virtues. He came to the crown upon as fair a title as his predecessor, being elected by the general consent of the nobles, through the credit of his brother, and his own personal merit. He had no disturbance for some time, which he might easily have employed in settling the kingdom, and acquiring the love of his people. He had treasure enough to raise and pay armies, without burthening the subject. His competitor was a woman, whose sex was the least of her infirmities, and with whom he had already compounded for his quiet by a considerable pension: yet with all these advantages he seldom was master of above half the kingdom at once, and that by the force of perpetual struggling, and with frequent danger of losing the whole. The principal difficulties he had to encounter, appear to have been manifest consequences of several most imprudent steps in his conduct, whereof many instances have been produced in the history of his reign; such as, the unlimited permission of building castles; his raising the siege of a weak place where the Empress was shut up, and must, in a few days, have fallen into his hands; his employing the Flemings in his wars, and favouring them above his own subjects; and lastly, that abortive project of crowning his son, which procured him at once the hatred and contempt of the clergy, by discovering an inclination to violence and injustice that he durst not pursue: whereas, it was nothing else but an effect of that hasty and sudden disposition usually ascribed to those of his country, and in a peculiar manner charged to this prince: for authors give it as a part of his character, to be hot and violent in the beginning of an enterprise, but to slacken and grow cold in the prosecution.

He had a just sense of religion, and was frequent in attending the service of the Church, yet reported to be no great friend of the clergy; which, however, is a general imputation upon all the kings of this realm in that and some succeeding reigns, and by no means personal to this prince, who deserved it as little as any.

I do not find any alterations during this reign in the meetings of general assemblies, further than that the Commons do not seem to have been represented in any of them; for which I can assign no other reason than the will of the King, or the disturbance of the time.[44] I observed the word Parliament is used promiscuously among authors, for a general assembly of nobles, and for a council of bishops, or synod of the clergy; which renders this matter too perplexed to ascertain anything about it.

[Footnote 44: The rise and history of Parliaments had not been cleared up when the Doctor writ in the beginning of this current century. It is certain, that the Commons had as yet never been represented. [D.S.]]

As for affairs of the Church, that deserve particular mention, I have not met with any; unless it should be worth relating, that Henry Bishop of Winchester, the Pope’s legate, who held frequent synods during this reign, was the first introducer of appeals to Rome, in this kingdom, for which he is blamed by all the monkish historians who give us the account.

THE REIGN OF HENRY THE SECOND

A FRAGMENT

1154.

The spirit of war and contention, which had for a long time possessed the nation, became so effectually laid during the last year of King Stephen’s reign, that no alteration or disturbance ensued upon his death, although the new King,[45] after he had received intelligence of it, was detained six weeks[46] by contrary winds: besides, the opinion of this prince’s power and virtues, had already begotten so great an awe and reverence for him among the people, that upon his arrival he found the whole kingdom in a profound peace. He landed at Hostreham,[47] about the beginning of December, was received at Winchester by a great number of the nobility, who came there to attend and swear fealty to him, and three weeks after was crowned at Westminster, about the twenty-third year of his age.

[Footnote 45: Henry was at that time besieging a castle on the frontiers of Normandy. [D.S.]]

[Footnote 46: Five weeks at the most; a month, saith Brompton. [D.S.]]

[Footnote 47: At Hostreham, saith Gervase. This place is not easy to be found; however, it must be on the Sussex or Hampshire coast, because the King went directly from the place of his landing to Winchester. Carte says he landed December 8th, near Hurst Castle in the New Forest. [D.S.]]

For the further settling of the kingdom, after the long distractions in the preceding reign, he seized on all the castles which remained undestroyed since the last peace between him and King Stephen; whereof some he demolished, and trusted others to the government of persons in whom he could confide.

But that which most contributed to the quiet of the realm, and the general satisfaction of his subjects, was a proclamation published, commanding all foreigners to leave England, enforced with a most effectual clause, whereby a day was fixed, after which it should be capital for any of them to appear; among these was William d’Ypres Earl of Kent, whose possessions the King seized into his own hands.

These foreigners, generally called Flemings by the writers of the English story, were a sort of vagabond soldiers of fortune, who in those ages, under several denominations, infested other parts of Europe as well as England: they were a mixed people, natives of Arragon, Navarre, Biscay, Brabant, and other parts of Spain and Flanders. They were ready to be hired to whatever prince thought fit to employ them, but always upon condition to have full liberty of plunder and spoil. Nor was it an easy matter to get rid of them, when there was no further need of their service. In England they were always hated by the people, and by this prince in particular, whose continual enemies they had been.

After the expulsion of these foreigners, and the forcing a few refractory lords to a surrender of their castles, King Henry, like a wise prince, began to consider that a time of settled peace was the fittest juncture to recover the rights of the crown, which had been lost by the war. He therefore resumed, by his royal authority, all crown lands that had been alienated by his predecessor; alleging that they were unalienable in themselves, and besides, that the grants were void, as coming from an usurper. Whether such proceedings are agreeable with justice, I shall not examine; but certainly a prince cannot better consult his own safety than by disabling those whom he renders discontent, which is effectually done no other way but by depriving them of their possessions.

1156.

While the King was thus employed at home, intelligence came that his brother Geoffrey was endeavouring by force to possess himself of the Earldom of Anjou, to which he had fair pretensions; for their father considering what vast dominions would fall to his eldest son, bequeathed that earldom to the second in his last sickness, and commanded his nobles then about him, to take an oath that they would not suffer his body to be buried until Henry (who was then absent) should swear to observe his will. The Duke of Normandy, when he came to assist at his father’s obsequies, and found that without his compliance he must draw upon himself the scandal of keeping a father unburied, took the oath that was exacted for observance of his will, though very much against his own. But after he was in possession of England, whether it were that his ambition enlarged with his dominions, or that from the beginning he had never intended to observe what he had sworn, he prevailed with Pope Adrian (of English birth) to dispense with his oath, and in the second year of his reign went over into Normandy, drove his brother entirely out of Anjou, and forced him to accept a pension for his maintenance. But the young prince, through the resentment of this unnatural dealing, in a short time died of grief.

Nor was his treatment more favourable to the King of Scots, whom, upon a slight pretence, he took occasion to dispossess of Carlisle, Newcastle, and other places granted by the Empress to that prince’s father, for his services and assistance in her quarrel against Stephen.

Having thus recovered whatever he had any title to demand, he began to look out for new acquisitions. Ireland was in that age a country little known in the world. The legates sent sometimes thither from the Court of Rome, for urging the payment of annats, or directing other Church affairs, represented the inhabitants as a savage people, overrun with barbarism and superstition: for indeed no nation of Europe, where the Christian religion received so early and universal admittance, was ever so late or slow in feeling its effects upon their manners and civility.[48] Instead of refining their manners by their faith, they had suffered their faith to be corrupted by their manners; true religion being almost defaced, both in doctrine and discipline, after a long course of time, among a people wholly sunk in ignorance and barbarity. There seem to have been two reasons why the inhabitants of that island continued so long uncultivated; first, their subjection or vassalage to so many petty kings, whereof a great number is mentioned by authors, besides those four or five usually assigned to the several provinces. These princes were engaged in perpetual quarrels, in doing or revenging injuries of violence, or lust, or treachery, or injustice, which kept them all in a continual state of war. And indeed there is hardly any country, how renowned soever in ancient or modern story, which may not be traced from the like original. Neither can a nation come out from this state of confusion, until it is either reduced under one head at home, or by force or conquest becomes subject to a foreign administration.

[Footnote 48: The Irish had been very learned in former ages, but had declined for several centuries before the reign of Henry II. _Vide_ Bede. [D.S.]]

The other reason why civility made such late entrances into that island, may be imputed to its natural situation, lying more out of the road of commerce or conquest than any other part of the known world. All the intercourse the inhabitants had, was only with the western coasts of Wales and Scotland, from whence, at least in those ages, they were not like to learn very much politeness.

1155.

The King, about the second year of his reign, sent ambassadors to Pope Adrian, with injunctions to desire his licence for reducing the savage people of Ireland from their brutish way of living, and subjecting them to the crown of England. The King proceeded thus, in order to set up a title to the island, wherein the Pope himself pretended to be lord of the see; for in his letter, which is an answer and grant to the King’s requests, he insists upon it, that all islands, upon their admitting the Christian faith, become subject to the See of Rome; and the Irish themselves avowed the same thing to some of the first conquerors. In that forementioned letter, the Pope highly praises the King’s generous design,[49] and recommends to him the civilizing the natives, the protection of the Church, and the payment of Peter-pence. The ill success of all past endeavours to procure from a people so miserable and irreligious this revenue to the holy see was a main inducement with the Pope to be easy and liberal in his grant; for the King professed a design of securing its regular payment. However, this expedition was not undertaken until some years after, when there happened an incident to set it forward, as we shall relate in its place.

[Footnote 49: Radulphus de Diceto. [D.S.]]

HENRY THE SECOND’S CHARACTER

EXTRACTED FROM THE MONKS

Hard to gather his character from such bad authors.

A wise prince, to whom other princes referred their differences; and had ambassadors from both empires, east and west, as well as others, at once in his court.

Strong and brawny body, patient of cold and heat, big head, broad breast, broken voice, temperate in meat, using much exercise, just stature, _forma elegantissima, colore sub-rufo, oculis glaucis_, sharp wit, very great memory, constancy in adversity [and] in felicity, except at last he yielded, because almost forsaken of all; liberal, imposed few tributes, excellent soldier and fortunate, wise and not unlearned. His vices: mild and promising in adversity, fierce and hard, and a violator of faith in prosperity; covetous to his domestics and children, although liberal to soldiers and strangers, which turned the former from him; loved profit more than justice; very lustful, which likewise turned his sons and others from him. Rosamond and the labyrinth at Woodstock. Not very religious;[50] _mortuos milites lugens plus quam vivos amans, largus in publico, parcus in privato_. Constant in love and hatred, false to his word, morose, a lover of ease. Oppressor of nobles, sullen, and a delayer of justice; _verbo varius et versutus_–Used churchmen well after Becket’s death; charitable to the poor, levied few taxes, hated slaughter and cruelty.[51] A great memory, and always knew those he once saw.

[Footnote 50: Brompton. [D.S.]]

[Footnote 51: Giraldus. [D.S.]]

Very indefatigable in his travels backwards and forwards to Normandy, &c. of most endless desires to increase his dominions.

_Caetera desiderantur_.

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

SWIFT’S REMARKS ON THE CHARACTERS

OF THE COURT OF QUEEN ANNE.

FROM “MEMOIRS OF THE SECRET SERVICES OF JOHN MACKY, ESQ.”

NOTE.

JOHN MACKY, the author of the “Characters,” was, for many years, in the employ of the English government, as an agent for obtaining information as to the movements of the French. He published, in 1696, “A View of the Court of St. Germains from the Year 1690 to 1695.” The information embodied in this work he obtained from personal observation while in Paris. About 1709, however, he aroused the government’s suspicions, and was imprisoned. He was kept confined until the accession of George I. On his release he attempted to establish a packet-service between England and Ireland, to Dublin; but the venture failed. He died at Rotterdam in 1726. The “Characters” was first published in 1733, with the title:

“Memoirs of the Secret Services of John Macky, Esq., during the Reigns of King William, Queen Anne, and King George I. Including also the true Secret History of the Rise, Promotions, etc., of the English and Scots Nobility; Officers, Civil, Military, Naval, and other Persons of distinction from the Revolution. In their respective Characters at large: drawn up by Mr. Macky pursuant to the direction of Her Royal Highness the Princess Sophia. Published from his original manuscript, as attested by his son, Spring Macky, Esq. London, 1733.” The work was prepared for the press by a Mr. Davis, an officer in the Customs.

It has been questioned whether Swift did really make the “remarks” attributed to him by his various editors; but there can be little doubt about their authenticity. Thomas Birch seems to have transcribed the “remarks” in 1753, if we are to believe a note in a copy of Macky’s book in the British Museum, which says: “The MS. notes on the Characters in this Book were written by Dr. Swift, and transcribed by Tho. Birch. Aug. 15, 1753.” Isaac Reed’s copy is also in the British Museum, but his notes were transcribed from another copy in the possession of J. Putland, and Putland’s copy, Reed notes, was “formerly in the possession of Philip Carteret Webb, Esq., now [1770] of Thomas Astle, Esq.” J. Ritson’s copy, which is at the South Kensington Museum, had the “remarks” transcribed to it from Reed’s copy, but Ritson notes that Reed copied the “remarks” from J. Putland’s transcript of the Dean’s own original. Ritson, however, does not say how he knew that Putland had the “Dean’s own original.” In “Notes and Queries” (3, ii. 430) the Rev. J. Jebb, Rector of Peterstow, states he had (in 1862) a copy of the “Characters” with transcript of Swift’s “remarks” by Bishop Jebb. Mr. Edward Solly has an interesting paper on this matter in the “Bibliographer” for March, 1883. He suggests that Mr. Putland may have written them down himself from remarks made by Swift. “The Crypt” for December, 1829, published Swift’s “remarks” from a copy in the possession of Mr. Pickering, the bookseller.

A careful collation of all the available copies has been made for this edition, and the text of Macky’s work has been read with the first edition. Where neither Reed nor Birch give no remarks, they have been omitted from this reprint. “The Crypt” and Nichols in his quarto edition (vol. xiv.) often differ, but these differences have been adjusted.

It is almost needless to say that Sir Walter Scott’s text and notes have been very much altered by this process.

[T.S.]

REMARKS ON THE CHARACTERS
OF THE COURT OF QUEEN ANNE.

JOHN, DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH.

_Macky_.

A tall, handsome man for his age, with a very obliging address; of a wonderful presence of mind, so as hardly ever to be discomposed; of a very clean head, and sound judgment; … every way capable of being a great man, if the great success of his arms, and the heaps of favours thrown upon him by his sovereign, does not raise his thoughts above the rest of the nobility, and consequently draw upon him the envy of the people of England. He is turned of 50 years of age.–_Swift_. Detestably covetous.

JAMES, DUKE OF ORMONDE.

_Macky_. He hath all the qualities of a great man, except that one of a statesman, hating business. … He is about 40 years old.–_Swift_. Fairly enough writ.

CHARLES, DUKE OF SOMERSET.

_Macky_. Is of a middle stature, well shaped, a very black complexion, a lover of music and poetry; of good judgment.–_Swift_. Not a grain; hardly common sense.

JOHN, DUKE OF BUCKINGHAMSHIRE.

_Macky._ He is a nobleman of learning, and good natural parts, but of no principles. Violent for the high-church, yet seldom goes to it. Very proud, insolent, and covetous, and takes all advantages. In paying his debts, unwilling; and is neither esteemed nor beloved.–_Swift_. This character is the truest of any.

DANIEL, EARL OF NOTTINGHAM [AFTERWARDS EARL OF WINCHILSEA].

_Macky_. He hath the exterior air of business, and application enough to make him very capable. In his habit and manners very formal; a tall, thin, very black man, like a Spaniard or Jew, about 50 years old.–_Swift_. He fell in with the Whigs, was an endless talker.

HENRY, EARL OF ROMNEY.

_Macky_. He was indeed the great wheel on which the Revolution rolled.–_Swift_. He had not a wheel to turn a mouse.

_Macky_. He is a gentleman that hath lived up [_Swift_, down] to the employments the King gave him; of great honour and honesty, with a moderate capacity.–_Swift_. None at all.

JOHN, DUKE OF NEWCASTLE.

_Macky_. He hath one only daughter, who will be the richest heiress in Europe.–_Swift_. Now Countess of Oxford; cheated by her father.

CHARLES [LENNOX], DUKE OF RICHMOND.

_Macky_. He is a gentleman good-natured to a fault; very well bred, and hath many valuable things in him; is an enemy to business, very credulous, well shaped, black complexion, much like King Charles; not 30 years old.–_Swift_. A shallow coxcomb.

CHARLES, DUKE OF BOLTON.

_Macky_. Does not now make any figure at court.–_Swift_. Nor anywhere else. A great booby.

GEORGE, DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

_Macky_. He is a man of honour, nice in paying his debts, and living well with his neighbours in the country; does not much care for the conversation of men of quality, or business. Is a tall black man, like his father the King, about 40 years old.–_Swift_. He was a most worthy person, very good-natured, and had very good sense.

CHARLES [FITZROY], DUKE OF GRAFTON.

_Macky_. Grandson to King Charles II.; … a very pretty gentleman, hath been abroad in the world; zealous for the constitution of his country. A tall black man, about 25 years old.–_Swift_. Almost a slobberer; without one good quality.

SIR NATHAN WRIGHT, LORD KEEPER.

_Macky_. Is son of a clergyman,[1] a good common lawyer, a slow chancellor, and no civilian. Chance more than choice brought him the seals.–_Swift_. Very covetous.

[Footnote 1: His father had the living of Thurcaston, in Leicestershire. [S.]]

RALPH, DUKE OF MONTAGU.

_Macky_. He is a great supporter of the French, and other Protestants … an admirer of learning.–_Swift_. As arrant a knave as any in his time.

WILLIAM, MARQUESS OF HARTINGTON.

_Macky_. One of the best beloved gentlemen, by the country party, in England.–_Swift_. A very poor understanding.

JOHN, LORD SOMERS.

_Macky_. Of a creditable family, in the city of Worcester.–_Swift_. Very mean; his father was a noted rogue.–_Macky_. He is believed to be the best chancellor that ever sat in the chair.–_Swift_. I allow him to have possessed all excellent qualifications except virtue. He had violent passions, and hardly subdued them by his great prudence.

CHARLES, LORD HALIFAX [AFTERWARDS EARL OF HALIFAX].

_Macky_. He is a great encourager of learning and learned men, is the patron of the muses, of very agreeable conversation, a short fair man, not 40 years old.–_Swift_. His encouragements were only good words and dinners; I never heard him say one good thing, or seem to taste what was said by another.

CHARLES, EARL OF DORSET.

_Macky_. One of the finest gentlemen, in England, in the reign of King Charles II.; of great learning [_Swift_. small, or none], extremely witty, and hath been the author of some of the finest poems in the English language, especially satire…. One of the pleasantest companions in the world [_Swift_. not of late years, but a very dull one], when he likes his company.

RICHARD, EARL RIVERS.

_Macky_. He was one of the greatest rakes in England in his younger days, but always a lover of the constitution of his country; is a gentleman of very good sense, and very cunning.–_Swift_. An arrant knave in common dealings, and very prostitute.

ARNOLD, EARL OF ALBEMARLE.

_Macky_. He was King William’s constant companion in all his diversions and pleasures.–_Swift_. Very infamous pleasures.

ALGERNON, EARL OF ESSEX.

_Macky_. Is son to that earl whose throat was cut in the Tower.–_Swift_. Cut his own throat.

WILLIAM, EARL OF PORTLAND.

_Macky_. He is supposed to be the richest subject in Europe, very profuse in gardening, birds, and household furniture, but mighty frugal and parsimonious in everything else; of a very lofty mien, and yet not proud; of no deep understanding.–_Swift_. As great a dunce as ever I knew.

JAMES, EARL OF DERBY.

_Macky_. On his brothers death he came to the House of Peers, where he never will make any great figure, the sword being more his profession; he is a fair-complexioned man, well shaped, taller than the ordinary size, and a man of honour.–_Swift_. As arrant a scoundrel as his brothers.

CHARLES, EARL OF PETERBOROUGH.

_Macky_. He affects popularity, and loves to preach in coffee-houses, and public places; is an open enemy to revealed religion; brave in his person; hath a good estate; does not seem expensive, yet always in debt, and very poor.–_Swift_. This character is for the most part true.

CHARLES, EARL OF SUNDERLAND.

_Macky_. This gentleman is endued with a great deal of learning, virtue [_Swift_, no], and good sense.

THOMAS, EARL OF STAMFORD.

_Macky_. Is one of the first branches of the Greys, a noble family in England…. He doth not want sense; but by reason of a defect in his speech, wants elocution.–_Swift_. He looked and talked like a very weak man; but it was said he spoke well at council.

THOMAS [TUFTON], EARL OF THANET.

_Macky_. He is a good country gentleman, a great assertor of the prerogatives of the monarchy and the Church.–_Swift_. Of great piety and charity.

EDWARD [MONTAGU], EARL OF SANDWICH.

_Macky_. Of very ordinary parts; married the witty Lord Rochester’s daughter, who makes him very expensive.–_Swift_. As much a puppy as ever I saw; very ugly, and a fop.

ROBERT, LORD LUCAS.

_Macky_. He is every way a plain man, yet took a great deal of pains to seem knowing and wise; everybody pitied him when the Queen turned him out, for his seeming good nature, and real poverty.–_Swift_. A good plain humdrum.

CHARLES, EARL OF WINCHILSEA.

_Macky_. He hath neither genius nor gusto for business,… and is zealous for the monarchy and Church to the highest degree. He loves jests and puns, [_Swift_. I never observed it,] and that sort of low wit.–_Swift_. Being very poor, he complied too much with the party he hated.

JOHN, LORD POULETT OF HINTON [AFTERWARDS EARL POULETT].

_Macky_. He is certainly one of the hopefullest gentlemen in England; is very learned, virtuous, and a man of honour; much esteemed in the country, for his generous way of living with the gentry, and his charity to the poorest sort.–_Swift_. This character is fair enough.

CHARLES, LORD [VISCOUNT] TOWNSHEND.

_Macky_. Is a gentleman of great learning, attended with a sweet disposition; a lover of the constitution of his country; is beloved by everybody that knows him.–_Swift_. I except one.

WILLIAM, LORD DARTMOUTH [AFTERWARDS EARL OF DARTMOUTH].

_Macky_. He sets up for a critic in conversation, makes jests, and loves to laugh at them; takes a great deal of pains in his office, and is in a fair way of rising at court.–_Swift_. This is right enough, but he has little sincerity.

THOMAS, LORD WHARTON [AFTERWARDS EARL OF WHARTON].

_Macky_. One of the completest gentlemen in England, hath a very clear understanding, and manly expressions, with abundance of wit. He is brave in his person, much of a libertine, of a middle stature, fair complexion, and 50 years old.–_Swift_. The most universal villain I ever knew.

CHARLES, LORD MOHUN.

_Macky_. He is brave in his person, bold in his expressions, and rectifies, as fast as he can, the slips of his youth by acts of honesty; which he now glories in more, than he was formerly extravagant.–_Swift_. He was little better than a conceited talker in company.

HENRY, EARL OF KENT.[2]

[Footnote 2: Afterwards Duke of Kent.]

_Macky_. Is the first branch of the ancient family of Grey. The present gentleman was much esteemed, when Lord Ruthen; was always very moderate, has good sense, and a good estate; which, with his quality, must make him always bear a considerable figure in the nation.–_Swift_. He seems a good-natured man, but of very little consequence.

ROBERT, EARL OF LINDSEY [AFTERWARDS DUKE OF ANCASTER].

_Macky_. A fine gentleman, has both wit and learning.–_Swift_. I never observed a grain of either.

MONTAGU, EARL OF ABINGDON.

_Macky_. A gentleman of fine parts, makes a good figure in the counties of Oxford and Buckinghamshire:… is very high for the monarchy and Church.–_Swift_. Very covetous.

PHILIP, EARL OF CHESTERFIELD.

_Macky_. He is very subtle and cunning, never entered into the measures of King William, nor ever will, in all probability, make any great appearance in any other reign.–_Swift_. If it be old Chesterfield, I have heard he was the greatest knave in England.

CHARLES, EARL OF BERKELEY.

_Macky_. A gentleman of learning, parts, and a lover of the constitution of his country; a short fat man.–_Swift_. Intolerably lazy and indolent, and somewhat covetous.

LOUIS, EARL OF FEVERSHAM.

_Macky_. A third son of the family of Duras in France; he came over with one of the Duke of York’s family;… is a middle-statured brown man, turned of 50 years old.–_Swift_. He was a very dull old fellow.

HENRY, EARL OF GRANTHAM.

_Macky_. He is a very pretty gentleman, fair complexioned, and past 30 years old.–_Swift_. And good for nothing.

JOHN, LORD DE LA WARR.

_Macky_. A free jolly gentleman, turned of 40 years old.–_Swift_. Of very little sense; but formal, and well stocked with the low kind of lowest politics.

ROBERT, LORD LEXINTON.

_Macky_. He is of a good understanding, and very capable to be in the ministry; a well-bred gentleman, and an agreeable companion.–_Swift_. A very moderate degree of understanding.

RALPH, LORD GREY OF WERKE.

_Macky_. A sweet disposed gentleman; he joined King William at the Revolution, and is a zealous assertor of the liberties of the people.–_Swift_. Had very little in him.

JAMES, LORD CHANDOS.

_Macky_. Was warm against King William’s reign, and doth not make any great figure in this; but, his son, Mr. Brydges[3] does, being a member of the House of Commons, one of the counsellors to the prince, and a very worthy gentleman.–_Swift_. But a great compiler with every court.

[Footnote 3: Afterwards Duke of Chandos.]

FRANCIS, LORD GUILFORD.

_Macky_. Is son to the lord-keeper North, hath been abroad, does not want sense nor application to business, and his genius leads him that way.–_Swift_. A mighty silly fellow.

EDWARD, LORD GRIFFIN.

_Macky_. Having-followed King James’s fortunes, is now in France. He was always a great sportsman, and brave; a good companion, turned of 60 years old.–_Swift_. His son was a plain drunken fellow.

HUGH, LORD CHOLMONDELEY [AFTERWARDS EARL OF CHOLMONDELEY].

_Macky_. This lord is a great lover of country sports; is handsome in his person, and turned of 40 years old.–_Swift_. Good for nothing, as far as ever I knew.

CHARLES, LORD BUTLER OF WESTON.

_Macky_. Earl of Arran in Ireland, and brother to the Duke of Ormonde;… of very good sense, though seldom shows it.–_Swift_. This is right; but he is the most negligent of his own affairs.

MR. THOMAS MANSELL [AFTERWARDS LORD MANSELL].

_Macky_. He is a gentleman of a great deal of wit and good nature, a lover of the ladies, and a pleasant companion.–_Swift_. Of very good nature, but a very moderate capacity.

ROBERT HARLEY, ESQ. [AFTERWARDS EARL OF OXFORD], SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

_Macky_. He is skilled in most things, and very eloquent, [_Swift_, a great lie;] was bred a Presbyterian, yet joins with the Church party in everything; and they do nothing without him.–_Swift_. He could not properly be called eloquent, but he knew how to prevail on the House with few words and strong reasons.

THE HON. HENRY BOYLE [AFTERWARDS LORD CARLETON], CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER.

_Macky_. Is a good companion in conversation; agreeable amongst the ladies; serves the Queen very assiduously in council; makes a considerable figure in the House of Commons; by his prudent administration, obliges everybody in the exchequer; and in time may prove a great man.–_Swift_. He had some very scurvy qualities, particularly avarice.

SIR THOMAS FRANKLAND, POST-MASTER-GENERAL.

_Macky_. He is a gentleman of a very sweet, easy, affable disposition; of good sense, extremely zealous for the constitution of his country, yet does not seem over forward; keeps an exact unity amongst the officers under him, and encourages them in their duty, through a peculiar familiarity, by which he obliges them, and keeps up the dignity of being master.–_Swift_. A fair character.

THE RT. HON. JOHN SMITH,
ONE OF HER MAJESTY’S PRIVY-COUNCIL.

_Macky_. A gentleman of much honour, a lover of the constitution of his country; a very agreeable companion in conversation, a bold orator in the House of Commons,[4] when the interest of his country is at stake; of a good address.–_Swift_. I thought him a heavy man.

[Footnote 4: He was Speaker of the House of Commons, 1705-1708. [T.S.]]

CHARLES D’AVENANT, LL.D.

_Macky_. He was very poor at the Revolution, had no business to support him all the reign of King William, yet made a good figure. He is a very cloudy-looked man, fat, of middle stature, about 50 years old.–_Swift_. He was used ill by most ministries; he ruined his own estate, which put him under a necessity to comply with the times.

MATTHEW PRIOR, ESQ., COMMISSIONER OF TRADE.

_Macky_. On the Queen’s accession to the throne, he was continued in his office, is very well at court with the ministry, and is an entire creature of my Lord Jersey’s, whom he supports by his advice. Is one of the best poets in England, but very factious in conversation; a thin hollow-looked man, turned of 40 years old.–_Swift_. This is near the truth.

THOMAS TENISON, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY.

_Macky_. A plain, good, heavy man, now much in years, and wearing out; very tall, of a fair complexion, and 70 years old.–_Swift_. The most good-for-nothing prelate I ever knew.

GILBERT BURNET. BISHOP OF SALISBURY.

_Macky_. Of a very good family in Scotland, of the name of Burnet, his father was Lord [_Swift_, laird] of Cremont…. He is one of the greatest [_Swift_, Scotch] orators of the age he lives in. His “History of the Reformation,” and his “Exposition of the Thirty-nine Articles,” show him to be a man of great learning; but several of his other works show him to be a man neither of prudence nor temper; his sometimes opposing, and sometimes favouring, the Dissenters, hath much exposed him to the generality of the people of England; yet he is very useful in the House of Peers, and proves a great pillar, both of the civil and ecclesiastical constitution, against the encroachments of a party which would destroy both.–_Swift_. His true character would take up too much time for me (who knew him well) to describe it.

GEORGE STEPNEY, ESQ.,
ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY TO THE EMPEROR [OF AUSTRIA].

_Macky_. A gentleman of admirable natural parts, very learned, one of the best poets [_Swift_, scarce of a third rate] now in England.

MR. [AFTERWARDS SIR PAUL] METHUEN,
AMBASSADOR TO THE KING OF PORTUGAL.

_Macky_. A man of intrigue, but very muddy in his conceptions, and not quickly understood in anything. In his complexion and manners, much of a Spaniard.–_Swift_. A profligate rogue, without religion or morals; but cunning enough, yet without abilities of any kind.

THOMAS, LORD RABY [AFTERWARDS EARL OF STRAFFORD], ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY TO THE KING OF PRUSSIA.

_Macky_. He is a young gentleman, _de bon naturel_, handsome, of fine understanding, [_Swift_, very bad, and can’t spell,] and, with application, may prove a man of business. He is of low stature [_Swift_, he is tall].

MR. [RICHARD] HILL,
ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY TO THE DUKE OF SAVOY.

_Macky_. Is a gentleman of a good family in Shropshire. He was designed for the church, and took deacon’s [_Swift_, priest’s] orders; but having a genius for business, and falling into the acquaintance of my Lord Ranelagh, when tutor to my Lord Hyde, he was sent into Flanders as paymaster to the English troops there. … He is a gentleman of very clear parts, and affects plainness and simplicity [_Swift, au contraire_] in his dress, and conversation especially. He is a favourite to both parties [_Swift_, to neither]; and is beloved for his easy access, and affable way by those he has business to do with. He is a thin, tall man, [_Swift,_ short, if I remember right,] taller than the ordinary stature, near 50 years old.

SIR LAMBERT BLACKWELL,
ENVOY TO THE GREAT DUKE OF TUSCANY.

_Macky_. He affects much the gentleman in his dress, and the minister in his conversation: Is very lofty, yet courteous, when he knows his people; much envied by his fellow merchants.–_Swift_. He seemed to be a very good-natured man.

MR. _[Dr.]_ AGLIONBY,
ENVOY TO THE SWISS CANTONS.

_Macky_. He hath abundance of wit, and understands most of the modern languages well; knows how to tell a story to the best advantage; but has an affected manner of conversation; is thin, splenetic, and tawny complexioned, turned of 60 years old.–_Swift_. He had been a Papist.

MR. D’AVENANT, AGENT AT FRANKFORT.

_Macky_. A very giddy-headed young fellow, with some wit; about 25 years old.–_Swift_. He is not worth mentioning.

JOHN, LORD CUTTS.

_Macky_. He hath abundance of wit, but too much seized with vanity and self-conceit; he is affable, familiar, and very brave; … towards 50 years old.–_Swift_. The vainest old fool alive.

HENRY, EARL OF GALWAY.

_Macky_. One of the finest gentlemen in the army, with a head fitted for the cabinet, as well as the camp; is very modest, vigilant, and sincere; a man of honour and honesty, [_Swift_, in all directly otherwise;] without pride or affectation; wears his own hair, is plain in his dress and manners, towards 60 years old.–_Swift_. A deceitful, hypocritical, factious knave; a damnable hypocrite, of no religion.

GEORGE, EARL OF ORKNEY.

_Macky_. He is a very well-shaped black man; is brave; but, by reason of a hesitation in his speech wants expression.–_Swift_. An honest good-natured gentleman, and hath much distinguished himself as a soldier.

MR. JAMES STANHOPE [AFTERWARDS EARL STANHOPE], ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY TO THE STATES GENERAL.

_Macky_. He is a man of honour,… and pleases the Dutch. His son, Colonel Stanhope, is one of the finest young gentlemen we have; is very learned, with a great deal of wit. … A handsome [_Swift_, ugly] black man.

SIR CHARLES O’HARA [AFTERWARDS LORD TYRAWLEY], LIEUTENANT-GENERAL.

_Macky_. At the Revolution he had a company in the foot-guards; was afterwards lieutenant-colonel to that regiment; was made colonel to the fusileers, and gradually advanced to the post he now hath, which he well deserves, being of good understanding, and abundance of learning; fit to command, if not too covetous; he is a short, black man, 50 years old.–_Swift_. His father was a groom; he was a man of sense, without one grain of honesty.

COLONEL MATTHEW AYLMER [AFTERWARDS LORD AYLMER], VICE-ADMIRAL OF THE FLEET.

_Macky_. He hath a very good head, indefatigable and designing; is very zealous for the liberties of the people, makes a good figure in the Parliament, as well as the fleet.–_Swift_. A virulent party man, born in Ireland.

JAMES, DUKE OF HAMILTON.

_Macky_. On the Queen’s accession to the throne, he made strong efforts to get into the administration, but hath not yet succeeded, though he is well received at court; he is brave in his person, with a rough air of boldness; of good sense, very forward and hot for what he undertakes; ambitious and haughty, a violent enemy; hath been very extravagant in his manner of living; but now grows covetous.–_Swift_. He was made master of the ordnance; a worthy good-natured person, very generous, but of a middle understanding; he was murdered by that villain Macartney, an Irish Scot.

ARCHIBALD, DUKE OF ARGYLL.

_Macky_. Few of his years hath a better understanding, nor a more manly behaviour. He hath seen most of the courts of Europe, is very handsome in his person, fair complexioned; about 25 years old.–_Swift_. Ambitious, covetous, cunning Scot; has no principle, but his own interest and greatness. A true Scot in his whole conduct.

JAMES, MARQUESS OF MONTROSE [AFTERWARDS DUKE OF MONTROSE].

_Macky_. Representative of the ancient and noble family of Graham; great-grandson to that famous Montrose, who was hanged and quartered for Charles I.; and grandson, by the mother, to the Duke of Rothes. He inherits all the great qualities of those two families, with a sweetness of behaviour, which charms all those who know him; hath improved himself in most foreign courts; is very beautiful in his person, and about 25 years old.–_Swift_. Now very homely, and makes a sorry appearance.

JOHN, EARL OF SUTHERLAND.

_Macky_. A very honest man, a great assertor of the liberties of the people; hath a good, rough sense; is open and free; a great lover of his bottle and his friend; brave in his person, which he hath shown in several duels; too familiar for his quality, and often keeps company below it.–_Swift_. A blundering, rattle-pated, drunken sot.

SECRETARY [JAMES] JOHNSTOUN, NOW LORD-REGISTER.

_Macky_. Is a younger son of my Lord Warriston, who was beheaded. … He is very honest, [_Swift_, a treacherous knave,] yet something too credulous and suspicious; endued with a great deal of learning and virtue; is above little tricks, free from ceremony; and would not tell a lie for the world.–_Swift._ One of the greatest knaves even in Scotland.

MR. [WILLIAM] CARSTAIRS.

_Macky_. He is the cunningest, subtle dissembler in the world, with an air of sincerity, a dangerous enemy, because always hid. An instance of which was Secretary Johnstoun, to whom he pretended friendship, till the very morning he gave him a blow, though he had been worming him out of the King’s favour for many months before; he is a fat, sanguine-complexioned fair man, always smiling, where he designs most mischief, a good friend when he is sincere; turned of 50 years old.–_Swift_. A true character; but not strong enough by a fiftieth part.

JOHN, EARL OF MAR.

_Macky_. He is a very good manager in his private affairs, which were in disorder when his father died, and is a stanch countryman, fair complexioned, low stature, and 30 years old.–_Swift_. He is crooked; he seemed to me to be a gentleman of good sense and good nature,

ANDREW FLETCHER, OF SALTON.

_Macky_. A gentleman of a fair estate in Scotland, attended with the improvement of a good education. … He hath written some excellent tracts, but not published in his name; and hath a very fine genius; is a low, thin man, brown complexion, full of fire, with a stern, sour look, and 50 years old.–_Swift_. A most arrogant, conceited pedant in politics; cannot endure the least contradiction in any of his visions or paradoxes.

CHARLES, EARL OF MIDDLETON.

_Macky_. He is one of the politest gentlemen in Europe; hath a great deal of wit, mixed with a sound judgment, and a very clear understanding; of an easy, indifferent access, but a careless way of living. … He is a black man, of a middle stature, with a sanguine complexion; and one of the pleasantest companions in the world. Towards 60 years old.–_Swift_. Sir William Temple told me, he was a very valuable man, and a good scholar. I once saw him.

DAVID, EARL OF WEEMS.

_Macky_. He hath not yet been in the administration; is a fine personage, and very beautiful; hath good sense, and is a man of honour. About 30 years old.–_Swift_. He was a black man, and handsome for a Scot.

NOTE.–The characters on the Duke of Shrewsbury, the Duke of Devonshire, the Earl of Ranelagh, and Rear-Admiral Byng, have been entirely omitted. The first is not given by Reed, and includes in Birch the single word “none”; the second is not given either by Birch or Reed, but appears only in “The Crypt”; the third is given only by Nichols; and the last is not given by Birch or Reed.

***** ***** ***** ***** *****

REMARKS ON

LORD CLARENDON’S HISTORY OF

THE REBELLION

OXFORD EDITION, 1707, 3 VOLS.

FROM THE ORIGINAL, IN ST. PATRICK’S LIBRARY.

NOTE.

The text of this edition of Swift’s notes on Clarendon has been founded on the careful transcript made by Mr. Percy Fitzgerald. This transcript is now in the Victoria and Albert Museum, South Kensington. Mr. Fitzgerald refers to Dr. Rowan’s collation, but I have been unable to find the original of this. Rowan’s additions, however, were noted by Mr. Fitzgerald, and they have been included here. Mr. Fitzgerald says: “Scott’s notes, subject to the corrections just given [by himself], are correct, and would serve as the base of the new edition. The additions I have given and the few given by Dr. Rowan (which are given here a little further on) will have to be inserted in their proper places and will make the whole complete.” This has been done, and the present reprint is a very careful following out of this suggestion.

After the following pages were in type, however, I have had the opportunity, through the kindness of Dr. Bernard, the Dean of St. Patrick’s Cathedral, of examining the original copy in the Marsh Library at Dublin. Assisted by the Rev. Newport J.D. White, the librarian of the Marsh Library, I have been able to correct several of Mr. Percy Fitzgerald’s transcripts, and to add some “remarks” omitted both by him and Scott.

Mr. White, in an article in “Hermathena” (No. xxvii., 1901), suggests that the successive perusals by Swift account “for the fact that some of the notes are in ink, though most are in pencil; while in one or two cases Swift seems to have retraced in ink a remark originally in pencil.” Although Swift finished his fourth reading of the “History” in 1741, it is undoubted that he had already annotated the volumes at a much earlier date. The copy of the “History,” now in the Marsh Library, was presented to it by Archbishop King, though the exact date of this presentation can only be guessed. “In the register of benefactions,” writes Mr. White in “Hermathena,” “the first list, which was evidently written at one time and by one hand, contains the names of all books presented by King. Two of these were published as late as 1723. The next entry is dated April 12th, 1726. It is probable, therefore, that these volumes came into their present abode between 1723 and 1726. As Dean of St. Patrick’s, Swift was one of the governors of the library, and in that capacity attended many of the annual visitations between 1718 and 1736. It is natural to suppose that he was a constant reader.” It follows, therefore, that Swift borrowed the volumes from the library for his re-perusal; and perhaps retraced his annotations at that time and added new ones.

It is worth while to reprint a sentence from Scott’s note on these “Remarks” of Swift’s, if only to continue a record of retort against Swift’s intemperance of feeling against the Scottish nation: “The ludicrous virulence of his execrations against the Scottish nation, go a great way to remove the effect of his censure; and a native of Scotland may be justified in retaining them, were it but for that reason.”

[T.S.]

REMARKS ON CLARENDON’S
HISTORY OF THE
REBELLION.

VOL. I.

On the first board: Finished the 4th time, April 18, 1741. Judicium de authore.[1]

[Footnote: 1 The note “Finished the 4th time April 18, 1741,” which Scott and Fitzgerald record as written on the first board of vol. i., is not now to be traced, the volume having been rebound since their transcripts were made.]

The cursed, hellish villainy, treachery, treasons of the Scots, were the chief grounds and causes of that execrable rebellion.–_Swift_.

“The word of a king.” This phrase is repeated some hundred times; but is ever foolish, and too often false.–_Swift_.

PREFACE.

P. v. [p. xxi.[2]] _Clarendon_. We might give instances … of those points … which have brought the prince, sometimes, under the disadvantageous suspicion of being inclined to the love of arbitrary power.–_Swift_. What king doth not love, and endeavour at it?

[Footnote: 2 The references in square brackets apply to the recent Oxford edition of Clarendon’s “Rebellion” (6 vols., cr. 8vo, 1888). The prefaces can only be referred to by the page, but throughout the body of the work the _paragraphs_ are separately numbered for each book. [T. S.]]

P, vi. [p. xxii.] _Clarendon_. The people may not always be restrained from attempting by force to do themselves right, though they ought not.–_Swift_. They _ought!_

BOOK I.

P. 9. [par. 12.] _Clarendon_. All men being inhibited, by the proclamation at the dissolution of the Parliament in the fourth year, so much as to mention or speak as if a Parliament should be called.–_Swift_. Great weakness.

P. 47. [par. 128.] _Clarendon_. He [the Earl of Montgomery] had not sat many years in that sunshine, when a new comet appeared in court, Robert Carr, a Scotsman, quickly after declared favourite.–_Swift_. A Scottish king makes a Scottish favourite.

P. 48. [par. 133.] _Clarendon_. The Earl of Carlisle … wrought himself into … greater affection and esteem with the whole English nation, than any other of that country; by choosing their friendships, and conversation, and really preferring it to any of his own–_Swift_. A miracle in a Scot!

P. 58. [par. 159.] _Clarendon_. During the whole time that these pressures were exercised, and those new, and extraordinary ways were run, that is, from the dissolution of the Parliament in the fourth year, to the beginning of this Parliament, which was above twelve years, this kingdom … enjoyed the greatest calm, and the fullest measure of felicity, that any people in any age, for so long time together, have been blessed with.–_Swift_. Partial.

P. 59. [par. 162.] _Clarendon_. The kingdoms, we now lament, were alone looked upon as the garden of the world; Scotland (which was but the wilderness of that garden), etc.–_Swift_. The _dunghill!_

_Ibid_, [par. 163.] _Clarendon_. Those rough courses, which made him [the King] perhaps less loved at home, made him more feared abroad; by how much the power of kingdoms is more reverenced than their justice by their neighbours: and it may be this consideration might not be the least motive, and may not be the worst excuse for those counsels.–_Swift_ Too arbitrary.

P. 60. [par. 163.] _Clarendon_. Nerva was deified for uniting, _Imperium et Libertas_.–_Swift_. “Libertas” underlined and “_nego_” written in the margin.

_Ibid_. [par. 165.] _Clarendon_. Wise men knew that that which looked like pride in some, would, etc. [Swift places a condemnatory pencil mark beneath “that.”]

P. 75. [par. 201.] _Clarendon_. A book so full of good learning,[3] [_i e.,_ Bp. John Williams (of Lincoln) against Innovations in Religion].–_Swift_. Is that book to be bought or borrowed?

[Footnote 3: Again referred to on p. 271. _See_ Scott’s note _in loco_ (p. 297). [T.S.]]

BOOK II.

P. 88. [par. 18.] _Clarendon_. There was so little curiosity either in the court, or the country, to know anything of Scotland, or what was done there, that when the whole nation was solicitous to know what passed weekly in Germany, and Poland, and all other parts of Europe, no man ever enquired what was doing in Scotland, nor had that kingdom a place or mention in one page of any gazette.–_Swift_. Should Bridewell news be in any gazette?

P.88. [par 18.] _Clarendon_. The people [the Scotch] after they had once begun, pursued the business vigorously, and with all imaginable contempt of the government.–_Swift_. Scottish scoundrels!

P. 94. [par. 38.] _Clarendon_ in the address of the Scots to the King:–Lamenting “their ill fortune that their enemies had so great credit with the King, as to persuade him to believe that they were or could be disobedient to him, a thing that could never enter into their loyal hearts.”–_Swift_. Scotch dogs!

_Ibid_. [par. 39.] _Clarendon_. Into Scotland … as far as a place called Dunce.–_Swift_. “Dunce” underlined.

P. 95. [par. 42.] _Clarendon_. The Covenanters … were very reasonably exalted with this success, [the retreat of the Earl of Holland from Dunse,] and scattered their letters abroad amongst the noblemen at court, according to the humours of the men to whom they writ.–_Swift_. Cursed Scots for ever!

P. 96. [par. 46.] _Clarendon_, speaking of the Marquess of Hamilton.–_Swift_. A cursed true Scot!

P. 100. [par. 55] _Clarendon_ The Scots got so much benefit and advantage by it [the treaty of pacification], that they brought all their other mischievous devices to pass, with ease.–_Swift_. Confounded Scots!

P. 101. [par. 58.] Marginal note to Clarendon: The Earl of Argyle joins with the Covenanters, notwithstanding his great obligations to the King.–_Swift_. All Argyles, cursed Scottish hell-hounds for ever!

P. 103. [par. 60.] _Clarendon_, on the letter from the Scotch nobility to the French King, which was intercepted, and upon Lord Lowden, in his examination:–refusing to give any other answer, than that it was writ before the agreement … and never sent; that if he had committed any offence, he ought to be questioned for it in Scotland, and not in England.–_Swift_. Scottish traitors!

_Ibid_. [par. 61.] _Clarendon_. The opinion of the prejudice and general aversion over the whole kingdom to the Scots, and the indignation they had at their presumption in their design of invading England, made it believed that a Parliament would express a very sharp sense of their insolence and carriage towards the King.–_Swift_. Cursed hellish Scots for ever!

P. 104. [par. 62.] _Clarendon_, on the calling together of the Parliament in 1640:–The King … directed the lord-keeper to issue out writs for the meeting of a Parliament upon the third day of April then next ensuing.–_Swift_. April 3d for knaves; the 1st for fools!

P. 114. [par, 90.] _Clarendon_. The Scots army … were always beaten.–_Swift_. “Always beaten” trebly underlined.

P. 116. [par. 97.] _Clarendon_ The convocation-house (the regular and legal assembling of the clergy) customarily beginning and ending with Parliaments, was, after the determination of the last, by a new writ continued.–_Swift_. Convocations of the clergy are as legal and as necessary as those of the laity.

P. 122. [par 108.] _Clarendon_, on the commissioners who met at Ripon:–When these commissioners from the King arrived at Ripon, there came others from the Scots army of a quality much inferior–_Swift_. A cursed committee!

_Ibid_. [par. 108.] _Clarendon_. Alexander Henderson.–_Swift_. A cursed fanatic! (Written in pencil, and partially rubbed out.)

P. 123. [par. 109.] _Clarendon_. There was not a man of all the English, etc.–_Swift_. Cursed hellish Scots!

P. 124. [par. 111.] _Clarendon_. They brought them with them and presented them to the King [Swift underscores _them_.]

_Ibid_. [par. 113.] _Clarendon_. Three of the commissioners, and no more, were of the King’s council, the Earls of Pembroke, Salisbury, and Holland.–_Swift_. Bad counsellors.

P. 125. [par. 116.] _Clarendon_ The commissioners at Ripon quickly agreed upon the cessation; and were not unwilling to have allowed fifty thousand pounds a month for the support of the Scots army, when they did assign but thirty thousand pounds a month for the payment of the King’s.–_Swift_. Greedy Scotch rebellious dogs.

P. 129. [par. 126.] _Clarendon_. It must not be doubted that there were many particular persons of honour of that nation who abhorred the outrages which were committed.–_Swift_. I doubt it; for they were Scots.

P. 130. [par. 128.] _Clarendon_. It can hardly be conceived, with what entire confidence in each other, the numerous and _not very rich_ nobility of Scotland … concurred in the carrying on this rebellion.–_Swift_. Beggarly, beggarly!

BOOK III.

P. 148. [par. 32.] _Clarendon_. Mr. Saint-John … a natural son of the house of Bullingbrook.–_Swift_. A bastard.

P. 151. [par. 38.] _Clarendon_. The Earl of Rothes … was a man very well bred, of very good parts, and great address.–_Swift_. A Scotch freethinker.

P. 152. [par. 42.] _Clarendon_, on the order of the Houses of Parliament, to use the appellation of “our brethren of Scotland” towards the Scotch commissioners.–_Swift_ Cursed Scots, brethren in iniquity.

P. 153 [par 44] _Clarendon_ The allegation was, “That the charge against the Earl of Stafford was of an extraordinary nature, being to make a treason evident out of a complication of several ill acts, That he must be traced through many dark paths,” etc.–_Swift._ As a boy.

_Ibid_ [par 45] _Clarendon_ It was alleged, “That at his coming from Ireland the Earl had said in council there, That if ever he returned to that sword again, he would not leave a Scottishman in that kingdom”.–_Swift_ And it was a good resolution.

P 153 [par 45] _Clarendon_ —- “And at his arrival in this kingdom, the lord mayor and some aldermen of London attending the board about the loan of moneys, and not giving that satisfaction was expected, that he should tell the King, That it would never be well till he hanged up a Lord Mayor of London in the City to terrify the rest”.–_Swift_ At worst, only a rash expression.

P 155 [par 50] _Clarendon_ Hereupon, in one day, were sworn privy councillors, much to the public joy, the Earl of Hertford (whom the King afterwards made marquess), the Earl of Bedford, the Earl of Essex, the Earl of Bristol, the Lord Say, the Lord Saville, and the Lord Kimbolton, and within two or three days after, the Earl of Warwick.–_Swift_ All [_rogues,_ perhaps,[4]] but the first.

[Footnote: 4 P Fitzgerald says _[sworn,_ more likely] [T.S.]]

P 161 [par 67] _Clarendon_, on the method of procuring signatures to one petition, and then cutting them off, and affixing them to a petition of quite a different tendency.–_Swift_ Dogs, villains, almost as bad as the cursed Scots.

P 366 [par 85] _Clarendon_ The Earl of Bedford prevailed with the King … to make Oliver Saint-John … his solicitor-general, which His Majesty readily consented to: … being a gentleman of an honourable extraction (if he had been legitimate).–_Swift_ The bastard before mentioned.

P 183 [par 140] _Clarendon_, trial of Strafford–Mr Solicitor Saint-John … argued for the space of near an hour the matter of law. Of the argument itself I shall say little, it being in print, and in many hands, I shall only remember two notable propositions, which are sufficient characters of the person and the time.–_Swift_ Bp. A[tterbury]

P 187 [par 156] _Clarendon_, on the bill for extirpating bishops, deans, and chapters, etc.–Though the rejecting it, was earnestly urged by very many, … yet, all the other people, as violently pressed the reading it; and none so importunately, as Saint-John.–_Swift_. The bastard!

P. 195. [par. 179.] _Clarendon_. It being always their custom, when they found the heat and distemper of the House (which they endeavoured to keep up, by the sharp mention and remembrance of former grievances and pressures) in any degree allayed, by some gracious act, or gracious profession of the King’s, to warm and inflame them again with a discovery, or promise of a discovery, of some notable plot and conspiracy against themselves.–_Swift._ King George I.’s reign.

P. 199. [par. 189.] _Clarendon_. Whereas some doubts, etc.–_Swift_. True Popish evasion.

_Ibid. Clarendon_, on the explanation of the Protestation for the Church of England:–concerning the meaning of these words … “_viz_ The true reformed Protestant religion, expressed in the doctrine of the Church of England, against all Popery and Popish innovations within this realm, contrary to the same doctrine,” This House doth declare, that by those words, was and is meant, only the public doctrine professed in the said Church, so far as it is opposite to Popery, etc.–_Swift_. Fanatic dogs!

P. 202. [par. 198.] _Clarendon_. The Archbishop of York.–_Swift_. Williams, before of Lincoln.

_Ibid_. [par. 200.] _Clarendon_, on the letter of Strafford to the King, persuading him no longer to delay the order for his execution.–_Swift_. Great magnanimity!

P. 203. [par. 201.] _Clarendon_. The delivery of this letter being quickly known, new arguments were applied; “that this free consent of his own, clearly absolved the King from any scruple that could remain with him.”–_Swift_. Weak, and wrong.

_Ibid_. [par. 202.] _Clarendon_. There was reason enough to believe, their impious hands would be lifted up against his own person, and (which he much more apprehended) against the person of his royal consort.–_Swift_. A most unhappy marriage.

P. 204. [par. 206.] _Clarendon_. Together with that of attainder of the Earl of Strafford, another Bill was passed by the King, of almost as fatal a consequence both to the King and kingdom, … “the Act for the perpetual Parliament;” as it is since called.–_Swift_. Cursed stupidity! _Hinc illae lachrymae_.

P. 205. [par. 207.] _Clarendon_. No way could be thought of so sure, as an Act of Parliament, “that this Parliament should not be adjourned, prorogued, or dissolved, but by Act of Parliament, which, upon this occasion, His Majesty would never deny to pass.”–_Swift_. The fatal stroke.

_Ibid_. [par. 210.] _Clarendon_, on the King’s passing this Bill. –_Swift_. I wish the author had enlarged here upon what motives the King passed that Bill.

P 205 [par 210] _Clarendon_, on the same.–_Swift_ The King by this act utterly ruined.

P 207 [par 217] _Clarendon_, on the passing of the tonnage and poundage bill–And so in expectation and confidence, that they would make glorious additions to the state and revenue of the crown, His Majesty suffered himself to be stripped of all that he had left.–_Swift_ Great weakness in the King.

P 225 [par 271] _Clarendon_ These Acts of Parliament, etc will be acknowledged, by an uncorrupted posterity, to be everlasting monuments of the King’s princely and fatherly affection to his people.–_Swift_ Rather of his weakness.

BOOK IV

P 237 [par 24] _Clarendon_ A general insurrection of the Irish, spread itself over the whole country, in such an inhumane and barbarous manner, that there were forty or fifty thousand of the English Protestants murdered.–_Swift_ At least.

P 243 [par 43] _Clarendon_ That which should have been an act of oblivion, was made a defence and justification of whatsoever they [the Scotch] had done.–_Swift_ Scot, Scot, Scot, for ever Scot.

P 244 [par 47] _Clarendon_ His Majesty having never received any considerable profit from Scotland, etc.–_Swift_ How could he, from Scottish rebels and beggars?

P 245 [par 47] _Clarendon_ Surely he had then very hard thoughts of a great part of the nation [the Scotch].–_Swift_ Who can doubt of it?

P 257 [par 87] _Clarendon_ The propositions made from Scotland, “for the sending ten thousand men from thence, into Ulster, to be paid by the Parliament,” were consented to, whereby some soldiers were dispatched thither, to defend their own plantation, and did in truth, at our charge, as much oppress the English that were there, as the rebels could have done.–_Swift_ Send cursed rebel Scots, who oppressed the English in that kingdom as the Irish rebels did, and were governors of that province, etc.

P 271 [par 130] _Clarendon_, Doctor Williams, Archbishop of York–had himself published, by his own authority, a book against the using those ceremonies [which were countenanced by Laud], in which there was much good learning, and too little gravity for a bishop.–_Swift_ Where is that book to be had?[5]

[Footnote 5: The book is extant, and was written in answer to Dr Heyhn’s “Coal from the Altar”. Even the title page contains a punning allusion to his adversary’s work, rather too facetious for the subject of his own. It is entitled “The Holy Table, name and thing, more anciently, properly, and literally used under the New Testament, than that of Altar.”]

P. 272. [par. 130.] _Clarendon_, Archbishop Williams:–appeared to be a man of a very corrupt nature, whose passions could have transported him into the most unjustifiable actions.–_Swift._ This character I think too severe.

P. 275. [par. 138.] _Clarendon_, the same:–The great hatred of this man’s person and behaviour, was the greatest invitation to the House of Commons so irregularly to revive that Bill to remove the bishops.–_Swift_. How came he to be so hated by that faction he is so said to favour?

P. 277. [par. 140.] _Clarendon_, petition and protestation of the bishops.–_Swift_. I see no fault in this protestation.

P. 280. [par. 149.] _Clarendon_, on the articles of high treason against Lord Kimbolton, Pym, Hampden, Hollis, Haslerigg, and Strode.–_Swift_. It proved a long and vexatious affair.

P. 281. [par. 152.] _Clarendon_. The next day in the afternoon, the King … came to the House of Commons…. Himself, with his nephew, the Prince Elector, went into the House, to the great amazement of all.–_Swift._ Too rash and indiscreet; the second great and fatal error.

P. 282. [par. 152.] _Clarendon_. He assured them in the word of a King, etc.–_Swift_. Never to be relied upon.

P. 284. [par. 157.] _Clarendon_. The King … published, the next day, a proclamation, for the apprehension of all those, whom he had accused of high treason, forbidding any person to harbour them; the articles of their charge being likewise printed, and dispersed.–_Swift_. A very weak and wrong proceeding in the King, which had very bad consequences.

_Ibid. Clarendon_, on the same proceeding.–_Swift_. What was their crime?

P. 322. [par. 264.] _Clarendon_. The humble petition of many thousands of poor people in and about the city of London.–_Swift._ Who was the author?

P. 334. [par. 302.] _Clarendon_, on the King’s passing the bills against the bishops’ votes, and about pressing.–_Swift_. Too great a weakness, and attended by a heap of gross follies.

P. 336. [par. 307.] _Clarendon_, on:–An Ordinance of both Houses of Parliament for the ordering of the Militia of the kingdom of England, and dominion of Wales.–_Swift_. The most ruinous consequence of the King’s weakness and cowardice.

BOOK V.

P. 364. [par. 6.] _Clarendon,_ in the King’s Declaration, March 9, 164-1/2:–For the Lord Digby, he assured them in the word of a King, etc.–_Swift_. I cannot endure that phrase any more.

Written long ago by a minister in Lincolnshire, in answer to D. Coal, a judicious divine of Q. Marie’s dayes. 1637. [S.]

P. 365. [par. 9.] _Clarendon_, in the same:–What greater earnest of his trust, and reliance on his Parliament could he give, than the passing the Bill for the continuance of this present Parliament?–_Swift_. Like a very weak prince.

_Ibid. Clarendon_, in the same:–The length of which [Parliament] he said, he hoped, would never alter the nature of Parliaments, and the constitution of this kingdom; or invite his subjects so much to abuse his confidence, as to esteem anything fit for this Parliament to do, which were not fit, if it were in his power to dissolve it to-morrow.–_Swift_. Yet, that was his ruin.

P. 366. [par. 11.] _Clarendon_. The factious party [persuaded the people] … that there was a design to send the prince beyond the seas, and to marry him to some Papist.–_Swift_. As it fell out.

P. 384. [par. 56.] _Clarendon_, in the King’s answer to the petition to remove the magazine from Hull:–We have … most solemnly promised, in the word of a king, etc.–_Swift_. How long is that phrase to last?

P. 415. [par. 136] _Clarendon_. Whoever concurred, voted, and sided with them, in their extravagant conclusions, let the infamy of his former life, or present practice be what it would; his injustice and oppression never so scandalous, and notorious; he was received, countenanced, and protected with marvellous demonstrations of affection.–_Swift_. King George’s reign.

P. 419. [par. 148.] _Clarendon_, in the King’s answer to the petition to dissolve his Guards:–He asked them, “when they had so many months together not contented themselves to rely for security, as their predecessors had done, upon the affection of the people, but by their own single authority had raised to themselves a guard … and yet all those pikes and protestations, that army, on one side, and that navy, on the other, had not persuaded His Majesty to command them to disband their forces,” etc.–_Swift_. What are those pikes?

P. 427. [par. 162.] _Clarendon_, in the Declaration of the Lords and Commons, May 19, 1642–That, in the word of a King, _etc.–Swift._ A frequent foolish word, battered as a phrase.

P. 472. [par. 269.] _Clarendon_. He divested himself of the power of dissolving this Parliament.–_Swift_. Proved his ruin.

P. 543. [par. 425.] _Clarendon_, on the deposition of Sir Richard Gurney, lord mayor.–_Swift_ Dogs!

VOL. II.–BOOK VI.

P. 7. [par. 11.] _Clarendon_, Message of the King, Aug. 25th, 1642:–“Wherein, as we promise, in the word of a King, all safety and encouragement to such as shall be sent unto us … for the treaty.”–_Swift_. Very weak.

P. 10. [par. 18.] _Clarendon_, answer of the Parliament to the King’s message received the 5th of September, 1642.–_Swift._ I do not much dislike this answer.

P. 17. [par. 38.] _Clarendon._ The same rabble entered the house of the Countess of Rivers near Colchester; for no other ground, than that she was a Papist; and in few hours disfurnished it of all the goods.–_Swift._ As bad as Scots.

P. 18. [par. 40.] _Clarendon._ There are monuments enough in the seditious sermons at that time printed … of such wresting, and perverting of Scripture to the odious purposes of the preacher.–_Swift._ I wish I could find them.

P. 20. [par. 43.] _Clarendon._ Scottish officers.–_Swift._ Dogs.

P. 31 [par. 74.] _Clarendon._. A thousand at the most. Most of the persons of quality, etc. [Swift underscores _most._]

P. 33. [par. 78.] _Clarendon,_ on the exemption of Prince Rupert from being under the command of the general, Lord Lindsey:–When the King at midnight, being in his bed, and receiving intelligence of the enemy’s motion, commanded the Lord Falkland, his principal secretary of state, to direct Prince Rupert, what he should do, his Highness took it very ill, and expostulated with the Lord Falkland, for giving him orders.–_Swift._ A great mistake in the King, by too much indulgence to Prince Rupert.

P. 40. [par. 90.] _Clarendon._ The King’s preferring the Prince’s [Rupert’s] opinion in all matters relating to the war before his [Lord Lindsey’s].–_Swift._ I blame the King’s Partiality.

P. 48, line 28.–_Swift._ Cursed Scots.

P. 50. [par. 109.] _Clarendon._ His Majesty had, from time to time, given his council of that kingdom [Scotland] full relations of all his differences with his Parliament.–_Swift._ Cursed Scots for ever.

P. 51. [par. 112.] _Clarendon._ The chief managers and governors in the first war, by their late intercourse, and communication of guilt, having a firm correspondence with the Marquess of Argyle, the Earl of Lowden, and that party.–_Swift._ Always a cursed family of Scots.

P. 59. [par. 142.] _Clarendon._ As the inviting the Scots, etc.–_Swift._ Too long a parenthesis.

P. 62. [par. 154.] _Clarendon._ For the better recruiting whereof [the Parliament’s army], two of their most eminent chaplains, Dr. Downing and Mr. Marshal, publicly avowed, “that the soldiers lately taken prisoners at Brentford, and discharged, and released by the King upon their oaths that they would never again bear arms against him, were not obliged by