sometimes on the other (p. 451, n. 1). There is a seasonable warning in Reuss (_Gesch. h. S. N. T._ p. 254) that the Tuebingen critics here, as elsewhere, are apt to exaggerate the polemical aspect of the writing.
[162:2] It should be noticed that Hilgenfeld and Volkmar, though assigning the second place to the Homilies, both take the _terminus ad quem_ for this work no later than 180 A.D. It seems that a Syriac version, partly of the Homilies, partly of the Recognitions, exists in a MS. which itself was written in the year 411, and bears at that date marks of transcription from a still earlier copy (cf. Lightfoot, _Galatians_, p. 341, n. 1).
[163:1] This table is made, as in the case of Justin, with the help of the collection of passages in the works of Credner and Hilgenfeld.
[167:1] Or rather perhaps ‘morning baptism.’ (Cf. Lightfoot, _Colossians,_ p. 162 sqq., where the meaning of the name and the character and relations of the sect are fully discussed).
[168:1] _Hom._ i. 6; ii. 19, 23; iii. 73; iv. 1; xiii. 7; xvii. 19.
[170:1] So Tregelles expressly (_Introduction_, p. 240), after Wiseman; Scrivener (_Introd._, p. 308) adds (?); M’Clellan classes with ‘Italic Family’ (p. lxxiii). [On returning to this passage I incline rather more definitely to regard the reading [Greek: Haesaiou], from the group in which it is found, as an early Alexandrine corruption. Still the Clementine writer may have had it before him.]
[170:2] ii. p. 10 sqq.
[172:1] ii. p. 21.
[172:2] Preface to the fourth edition of _Canon_, p. xxxii.
[174:1] _Evangelien_, p. 31.
[174:2] _Das Marcus-evangelium_, p. 282.
[175:1] _Synopt. Ev._ p. 193.
[176:1] _Das Marcus-evangelium_, p. 295.
[178:1] A friend has kindly extracted for me, from Holmes and Parsons, the authorities for the Septuagint text of Deut. vi. 4. For [Greek: sou] there are ‘Const. App. 219, 354, 355; Ignat. Epp. 104, 112; Clem. Al. 68, 718; Chrys. i. 482 et saepe, al.’ For _tuus_, ‘Iren. (int.), Tert., Cypr., Ambr., Anonym. ap. Aug., Gaud., Brix., Alii Latini.’ No authorities for [Greek: humon]. Was the change first introduced into the text of the New Testament?
[178:2] _S. R._ ii. p. 25.
[179:1] _Beitraege_, i. p. 326.
[179:2] _On the Canon_, p. 261, n. 2.
[188:1] _Hom._ 1. _in Lucam_.
[189:1] _H.E._ iv. 7.
[189:2] _Strom._ iv. 12.
[189:3] _S.R._ ii. p. 42.
[189:4] _Ibid._ n. 2; cp. p. 47.
[190:1] _Ref. Omn. Haer._ vii, 27.
[190:2] ii. p. 45.
[191:1] _Ref. Omn. Haer._ vii. 20.
[192:1] _S. R._ ii. p. 49.
[197:1] _Adv. Haer._ i. Pref. 2.
[198:1] ii. p. 59.
[199:1] _S.R._ ii. p. 211 sq.
[200:1] _Strom._ ii. 20; see Westcott, _Canon_, p. 269; Volkmar, _Ursprung_, p. 152.
[203:1] _Adv. Haer._ iii. 11. 7, 9.
[203:2] _Ibid._ iii. 12. 12.
[204:1] The corresponding chapter to this in ‘Supernatural Religion’ has been considerably altered, and indeed in part rewritten, in the sixth edition. The author very kindly sent me a copy of this after the appearance of my article in the _Fortnightly Review_, and I at once made use of it for the part of the work on which I was engaged; but I regret that my attention was not directed, as it should have been, to the changes in this chapter until it was too late to take quite sufficient account of them. The argument, however, I think I may say, is not materially affected. Several criticisms which I had been led to make in the _Fortnightly_ I now find had been anticipated, and these have been cancelled or a note added in the present work; I have also appended to the volume a supplemental note of greater length on the reconstruction of Marcion’s text, the only point on which I believe there is really very much room for doubt.
[205:1] See above, p. 89.
[205:2] _Apol._ i. 26.
[205:3] _Ibid._ i. 58.
[205:4] ii. p. 80.
[205:5] _Der Ursprung_, p. 89.
[205:6] Cf. Tertullian, _De Praescript. Haeret._ c. 38.
[206:1] _Adv. Haer._ iv. 27. 2; 12. 12.
[209:1] _Das Ev. Marcion’s_, pp. 28-54. [Volkmar’s view is stated less inadequately in the sixth edition of _S. R._, but still not quite adequately. Perhaps it could hardly be otherwise where arguments that were originally adduced in favour of one conclusion are employed to support its opposite.]
[210:1] [Greek: oida] for [Greek: oidas] in Luke xiv. 20. Cf. Volkmar, p. 46.
[211:1] _Das Ev. Marcion’s_, p. 45.
[211:2] _Ibid._ pp. 46-48.
[211:3] ‘We have, in fact, no guarantee of the accuracy or trustworthiness of any of their statements’ (_S.R._ ii. p. 100). We have just the remarkable coincidence spoken of above. It does not prove that Tertullian did not faithfully reproduce the text of Marcion to show, which is the real drift of the argument on the preceding page (_S.R._ ii. p. 99), that he had not the canonical Gospel before him; rather it removes the suspicion that he might have confused the text of Marcion’s Gospel with the canonical.
[212:1] This table has been constructed from that of De Wette, _Einleitung_, pp. 123-132, compared with the works of Volkmar and Hilgenfeld.
[213:1]: _S.R._ ii. p. 110, n. 3. The statement is mistaken in regard to Volkmar and Hilgenfeld. Both these writers would make Marcion retain this passage. It happens rather oddly that this is one of the sections on which the philological evidence for St. Luke’s authorship is least abundant (see below).
[215:1] There is direct evidence for the presence in Marcion’s Gospel of the passages relating to the personages here named, except Martha and Mary; see _Tert. Adv. Marc._ iv. 19, 37, 43.
[217:1] _S. R._ ii. 142 sq.
[217:2] This admission does not damage the credit of Tertullian and Epiphanius as witnesses; because what we want from them is a statement of the facts; the construction which they put upon the facts is a matter of no importance.
[217:3] The omission in 2 Cor. iv. 13 must be due to Marcion (_Epiph._ 321 c.); so probably an insertion in 1 Cor. ix. 8.
[218:1] Tert. _Adv. Marc._ v. 16: ‘Haec si Marcion de industria erasit,’ &c. V. 14: ‘Salio et hic amplissimum abruptum intercisae scripturae.’ V. 3: ‘Ostenditur quid supra haeretica industria eraserit, mentionem scilicet Abrahae,’ &c. Cf. Bleek, _Einleitung_, p. 136; Hilgenfeld, _Evv. Justin’s_, &c., p. 473.
[219:1] ‘Anno xv. Tiberii Christus Jesus de coelo manare dignatus est’ (Tert. _Adv. Marc._ i. 19).
[220:1] I give mainly the explanations of Volkmar, who, it should be remembered, is the very reverse of an apologist, indicating the points where they seem least satisfactory.
[220:2] It is highly probable that many of the points mentioned by Tertullian and Epiphanius as ‘adulterations’ were simply various readings in Marcion’s Codex; such would be v. 14, x. 25, xvii. 2, and xxiii. 2, which are directly supported by other authority: xi. 2 and xii. 28 would probably belong to this class. So perhaps the insertion of iv. 27 in the history of the Samaritan leper. The phenomenon of a transposition of verses from one part of a Gospel to another is not an infrequent one in early MSS.
[223:1] _Die Synoptischen Evangelien_, 1863, pp. 302 sqq.
[224:1] Where a reference is given thus in brackets, it is confirmatory, from the part of the Gospel retained by Marcion.
[229:1] An analysis of the words which are only found in St. Luke, or very rarely found elsewhere, gives the following results.–The number of words found only in the portion of the Gospel retained by Marcion and in the Acts is 231; that of words found in these retained portions and not besides in the Gospels or the two other Synoptics is 58; and both these classes together for the portions omitted in Marcion’s Gospel reach a total of 62, which is decidedly under the proportion that might have been expected. The list is diminished by a number of words which are found only in the omitted and retained portions, furnishing evidence, as above, that both proceed from the same hand.
[231:1] This list has been made from the valuable work of Roensch, _Das Neue Testament Tertullian’s_, 1871, and the critical editions, compared with the text of Marcion’s Gospel as given by Hilgenfeld and Volkmar.
[231:2] It might be thought that Tertullian was giving his own text and not that of Marcion’s Gospel, but this supposition is excluded both by the confirmation which he receives from Epiphanius, and also by the fact, which is generally admitted (see _S.R._ ii. p. 100), that he had not the canonical Luke, but only Marcion’s Gospel before him.
[233:1] See Crowfoot, _Observations on the Collation in Greek of Cureton’s Syriac Fragments of the Gospels_, 1872, p. 5; Scrivener, _Introduction to the Criticism of the New Testament_, 2nd edition, 1874, p. 452.
[233:2] See Scrivener, _Introduction_, p. 307 sq.; and Dr. Westcott’s article on the ‘Vulgate’ in Smith’s Dictionary. It should be noticed that Dr. Westcott’s literation differs from that of Dr. Scrivener and Tregelles, which has been adopted here.
[235:1] Cf. Friedlaender, _Sittengeschichte Roms_, iii. p. 315.
[238:1] See p. 89, above.
[238:2] _Strom._ iii. 12; compare _S.R._ ii. p. 151.
[239:1] [Greek: Ho mentoi ge proteros auton archaegos ho Tatianos sunapheian tina kai sunagogaen ouk oid’ hopos ton euangelion suntheis to dia tessaron touto prosonomasin, ho kai para tisin eiseti nun pheretai.] _H. E._ iv. 29.
[239:2] _Beitraege_, i. p. 441.
[240:1] _Haer._ 391 D (xlvi. 1).
[240:2] [Greek: Outos kai to dia tessaron kaloumenon suntetheiken euangelion, tas te genealogias perikopsas, kai ta alla, hosa ek spermatos Dabid kata sorka genennaemenon ton Kurion deiknusin. Echraesanto de touto ou monon oi taes ekeinou summorias, alla kai oi tous apostolikois epomenoi dogmasi, taen taes sunthaekaes kakourgian ouk egnokotes, all’ aplousteron hos suntomo to biblio chraesamenoi. Euron de kago pleious ae diakosias biblous toiautas en tais par’ haemin ekklaesiois tetimaemenas, kai pasas sunagagan apethemaen, kai ta ton tettaron euangeliston anteisaegagon euangelia] (_Haeret. Fab._ i. 20, quoted by Credner, _Beitraege_, i. p. 442).
[240:3] See _S.R._ ii. p. 15.
[241:1] _S.R._ ii. p. 162; compare Credner, _Beitraege_, i. p. 446 sqq.
[241:2] _Adv. Haer._ iii. 11. 8.
[241:3] _Beit_. i. p. 443.
[241:4] May not Tatian have given his name to a collection of materials begun, used, and left in a more or less advanced stage of compilation, by Justin? However, we can really do little more than note the resemblance: any theory we may form must be purely conjectural.
[242:1] [Greek: Epistolas gar adelphon axiosanton me grapsai egarapsa. Kai tautas oi tou diabolon apostoloi zizanion gegemikan, ha men exairountes, ha de prostithentes. Ois to ouai keitai. Ou thaumaston ara, ei kai ton kuriakon rhadiourgaesai tines epibeblaentai graphon, hopote tais ou toiautais epibebouleukasi.] _H.E._ iv. 23 (Routh, _Rel. Sac._ i. p. 181).
[243:1] [Greek: Allae d’ epistolae tis autou pros Nikomaedeas pheretai en hae taen Markionos airesin polemon to taes alaetheias paristatai kanoni]. _H.E._ iv. 23_.
[244:1] [Greek: Akribos mathon ta taes palaias diathaekaes Biblia, hipotaxas epempsa soi.] Euseb. _H.E._ iv. 26 (Routh, _Rel. Sac._ i. p. 119).
[245:1] Westcott, _On the Canon_, p. 201.
[245:2] ii. p. 177.
[245:3] _Adv. Marc._ iv. 1 (cf. Roensch, _Das neue Testament Tertullian’s_, p. 48), ‘duo deos dividens, proinde diversos, alterum alterius instrumenti–vel, _quod magis usui est dicere, testamenti_.’
[246:1] [Greek: Eisi toinun hoi di’ hagnoian philoneikousi peri touton, sungnoston pragma peponthotes agnoia gar ou kataegorian anadechetai, alla didachaes prosdeitai. Kai legousin hoti tae id’ to probaton meta ton mathaeton ephagen ho Kurios tae de mealier haemera ton azumon autos epathen; kai diaegountai Matthaion outo legein hos nenoaekasin; hothen asumphonos te nomo hae noaesis auton, kai stasiazein dokei kat’ autous ta euangelia.] _Chron. Pasch._ in Routh, _Rel. Sac._ i. p. 160.
[247:1] _S. R._ ii. p. 188 sqq. The reference to Routh is given on p. 188, n. 1; that to Lardner in the same note should, I believe, be ii. p. 316, not p. 296.
[247:2] _Rel. Sac._ i. p. 167.
[249:1] The quotations from Athenagoras are transcribed from ‘Supernatural Religion’ and Lardner (_Credibility &c._, ii. p. 195 sq.). I have not access to the original work.
[251:1] _Credibility &c._, ii. p. 161.
[252:1] _Ep. Vien. et Lugd._ Sec. 3 (in Routh, _Rel. Sac._ i. p. 297).
[252:2] _S.R._ ii. p. 203; _Evv. Justin’s u.s.w._ p. 155.
[254:1] _Wann wurden u.s.w._ p. 48 sq.
[254:2] _Ursprung_, p. 130; _S.R._ ii. p. 222.
[255:1] Cf. Credner, _Beitraege_, ii. p. 254.
[256:1] _Adv. Haer._ i. Praef. 2.
[257:1] _Strom._ iv. 9.
[257:2] [Greek: Ton Oualentinou legomenon einai gnorimon Haerakleouna] … Origen, _Comm. in Joh._ ii. p. 60 (quoted by Volkmar, _Ursprung_, p. 127).
[259:1] ‘In affirming that [these quotations] are taken from the Gospel according to St. Matthew apologists exhibit their usual arbitrary haste,’ &c. _S.R._ ii. p. 224.
[260:1] _Celsus’ Wahres Wort_, Zurich, 1873. For what follows, see especially p. 261 sqq.
[263:1] Keim, _Celsus’ Wahres Wort_, p. 262.
[263:2] _Ibid_. p. 228 sq.; Volkmar, _Ursprung_, p. 80.
[263:3] The text of this document is printed in full by Routh, _Rel. Sac_. i. pp. 394-396; Westcott, _On the Canon_, p. 487 sqq.; Hilgenfeld, _Der Kanon und die Kritik des N.T._ ad p. 40, n.; Credner, _Geschichte des Noutestamentlichen Kanon_, ed. Volkmar, p. 153 sqq., &c.
[264:1] See however Dr. Lightfoot in _Cont. Rev_., Oct. 1875, p. 837.
[265:1] _Ursprung_, p. 28.
[265:2] ii. p. 245.
[266:1] Cf. Credner, _Gesch. des Kanon_, p. 167.
[266:2] _S.R._ ii. p. 241.
[267:1] Quoted in _S.R._ ii. p. 247.
[269:1] _Adv. Haer_. ii, 22. 5, iii. 3.4.
[270:1] _Geschichte Jesu von Nazara_, i. pp. 141-143.
[273:1] _Geschichte Jesu von Nazara_. i. pp. 143, 144.
[273:2] _On the Canon_, p. 182 sqq.
[275:1] [Greek: Ouch haedomai trophae phthoras, oude haedonais tou biou toutou. Arton Theou thelo, arton ouranion, arton zoaes, hos estin sarx Iaesou Christou tou Huiou tou Theou tou genomenou en hustero ek spermatos Dabid kai Abraam; kai poma Theou thelo to haima aoutou, ho estin agapae aphthartos kai aennaos zoae.] _Ep. ad Rom_. c. vii.
[275:2] [Greek: Alla to Pneuma ou planatai, apo Theou on; oiden gar pothen erchetai kai pou hupagei, kai ta drupta elenche]. _Ep. ad Philad_. c. vii.
[276:1] Cf. Lipsius in Schenkel’s _Bibel-Lexicon_, i. p. 98.
[277:1] The second and third Epistles stand upon a somewhat different footing.
[277:2] Cf. _S.R._ ii. p. 269.
[278:1] _S.R._ ii p. 323.
[278:2] _Geschichte Jesu von Nazara_, i. p. 138 sq.
[280:1] Cf. _S.R._ ii. p. 302.
[280:2] So _Dial. c. Tryph_. 69; in _Apol._ i. 22 the MSS. of Justin read [Greek: ponaerous], which might stand, though some editors substitute or prefer [Greek: paerous]. In both quotations [Greek: ek genetaes] is added. The nearest parallel in the Synoptics is Mark ix. 21, [Greek: ek paidiothen] (of the paralytic boy).
[280:3] _Wann wurden u. s. w_. p. 34.
[283:1] ii. p. 308. [Has the author perhaps misunderstood Credner (_Beit_. i. p. 253), whose argument on this head is not indeed quite clear?]
[283:2] _The New Testament &c_., i. p. 709.
[284:1] See _Apol_. i. 23, 32, 63; ii. 10.
[284:2] [Greek: Hae de protae dunamis meta ton patera panton kai despotaen Theon kai uios ho logos estin.] This is not quite rightly translated by Tischendorf and in ‘Supernatural Religion:’ [Greek: uios], like [Greek: dunamis], is a predicate; ‘the next Power who also stands in the relation of Son.’
[285:1] Prov. viii. 22-24, 27, 30.
[285:2] Wisd. vii. 25, 26; viii. 1, 4.
[286:1] Ecclus. xxiv. 9.
[286:2] Wisd. ix. 1, 2; xvi. 12; xviii. 15.
[287:1] Cf. Lipsius in _S. B. L._ i. p. 95 sqq.
[288:1] _Der Kanon und die Kritik des N. T_. (Halle, 1863), p. 29; _Einleitung_, P. 43, n.
[288:2] _Der Ursprung unserer Evangelien_, p. 63.
[288:3] ii. p. 346.
[290:1] _S. R._ ii. p. 340.
[293:1] The force of the article ([Greek: tou paerou]) should be noticed, as showing that the incident (and therefore the Gospel) is assumed to be well known.
[293:2] _S.R._ ii. p. 341.
[295:1] Tischendorf, _Wann wurden_, p. 40; Westcott, _Canon_, p. 80.
[296:1] ii. p. 357 sqq.
[297:1] _Adv. Haer._ V. 36. 1, 2.
[297:2] _S. R._ ii. p. 329.
[298:1] Advanced by Routh (or rather Feuardentius in his notes on Irenaeus; cf. _Rel. Sac_. i. p. 31), and adopted by Tischendorf and Dr. Westcott. [The identification has since been ably and elaborately maintained by Dr. Lightfoot; see _Cont. Rev_. Oct. 1875, p. 841 sqq.]
[298:2] It is not necessary here to determine the sense in which these words are to be taken. I had elsewhere given my reasons for taking [Greek: erchomenon] with [Greek: anthropon], as A. V. (_Fourth Gospel_, p. 6, n.). Mr. M’Clellan is now to be added to the number of those who prefer to take it with [Greek: phos], and argues ably in favour of his opinion.
[299:1] The translation of this difficult passage has been left on purpose somewhat baldly literal. The idea seems to be that Basilides refused to accept projection or emanation as a hypothesis to account for the existence of created things. Compare Mansel, _Gnost. Her._ p. 148.
[301:1] _Adv. Haer._. iii. 11. 7.
[302:1] _Haer_. 216-222.
[302:2] It should however be noticed that these words are given only in the old Latin translation of Irenaeus and are wanting in the Greek as preserved by Epiphanius. Whether the words were accidentally omitted, or whether they were inserted inferentially, for greater clearness, by the translator, it is hard to say. In any case the bearing of the quotations must be very much the same. If not made by Ptolemaeus himself, they were made by a contemporary of Ptolemaeus, i.e. at least by a writer anterior to Irenaeus.
[302:3] _Adv. Haer_. ii. 4. 1; cf. _S.R._ ii. p. 211 sq.
[302:4] The somewhat copious fragments of Heracleon’s Commentary are given in Stieren’s edition of Irenaeus, p. 938 sqq. Origen says that Heracleon read ‘Bethany’ in John i. 28 (M’Clellan, i. p. 708).
[305:1] ii. p. 378.
[306:1] _S.R._ ii. p. 379.
[307:1] There is also perhaps a probable reference to St. John in Section 6, [Greek: taes aionioi paegaes tou hudatos taes zoaes tou exiontos ek taes naeduos tou Christou.]
[307:2] _Celsus’ Wahres Wort_, p. 229.
[308:1] [Greek: ho taen hagian pleuran ekkentaetheis, ho ekcheas ek taes pleuras autou ta duo palin katharsia, hudor kai aima, logon kai pneuma]. See Routh, _Rel. Sac_. i. p. 161.
[308:2] Lardner, _Credibility_, &c., ii. p. 196.
[315:1] Tregelles in Horne’s _Introduction_, p. 334.
[315:2] _Adv. Haer._ iii. 11. 8.
[316:1] _Adv. Haer._ iii. 1. 1.
[317:1] See Lardner, _Credibility_, &c., ii. pp. 223, 224, and Eus. _H.E._ ii. 15 (14 Lardner).
[317:2] Compare _H.E._ ii. 15 and vi. 14.
[317:3] _H.E._ vi. 14.
[317:4] _Strom._ iii. 13.
[318:1] For the meaning of this word (‘schriftliche Beweisurkunde’) see Roensch, _Das N.T. Tertullian’s_, p. 48.
[318:2] _Adv. Marc._ iv. 2.
[318:2] _Ibid_. iv. 5.
[318:4] _Ibid_. v. 9.
[318:5] _Ibid_. iv. 2-5; compare v. 9, and Roensch, pp. 53, 54.
[319:1] Eus. _H.E._ vi. 25.
[319:2] See M’Clellan on Luke i. 1-4. On the general position of Origen in regard to the Canon, compare Hilgenfeld, _Kanon_, p. 49.
[320:1] So Westcott in _S.D._ iii. 1692, n. Tregelles, in Horne’s _Introduction_, p. 333, speaks of this translation as ‘coeval, apparently, with Irenaeus himself.’ We must not, however, omit to notice that Roensch (p. 43, n.) is more reserved in his verdict on the ground that the translation of Irenaeus ‘in its peculiarities and in its relation to Tertullian has not yet received a thorough investigation;’ compare Hilgenfeld, _Einleitung_, p. 797.
[320:2] Roensch, _Das N.T. Tertullian’s_, p. 43.
[321:1] Roensch, _Itala und Vulgata_, pp. 2, 3.
[321:2] Horne’s _Introduction_, p. 233.
[321:3] _Introduction_ (2nd ed.), pp. 300, 302, 450, 452.
[321:4] iii. p. 1690 b.
[322:1] Hilgenfeld, in his recent _Einleitung_, says expressly (p. 797) that ‘the New Testament had already in the second century been translated into Latin.’ This admission is not affected by the argument which follows, which goes to prove that the version used by Tertullian was not the ‘Itala’ properly so called.
[322:2] See Smith’s Dictionary, iii. p. 1630 b.
[322:3] _Introduction_, p. 274.
[322:4] See Routh, _Rel. Sac._ i. pp. 124 and 152.
[323:1] See Scrivener, _loc. cit_.
[323:2] See _New Testament_, &c., i. p. 635.
[323:3] _S.D._ iii. p. 1634 b.
[324:1] _Einleitung in das Neue Testament_, p. 724.
[324:2] _Geschichte der heiligen Schriften Neuen Testaments_, p. 302.
[324:3] _Einleitung_, p. 804.
[324:4] See Tregelles, _loc. cit_.
[324:5] Cf. Hilgenfeld, _Einleitung_, p. 805. It hardly seems clear that Origen had _no_ MS. authority for his reading.
[324:6] _Introduction_, p. 530. But [Greek: oupo] is admitted into the text by Westcott and Hort.
[324:7] ‘The text of the Curetonian Gospels is in itself a sufficient proof of the extreme antiquity of the Syriac Version. This, as has been already remarked, offers a striking resemblance to that of the Old Latin, and cannot be later than the middle or close of the second century. It would be difficult to point out a more interesting subject for criticism than the respective relations of the Old Latin and Syriac Versions to the Latin and Syriac Vulgates. But at present it is almost untouched.’ Westcott, _On the Canon_ (3rd ed.), p. 218, n. 3.
[325:1] See Scrivener’s _Introduction_, p. 324.
[325:2] Cf. Bleek, _Einleitung_, p. 735; Reuss, _Gesch. N.T._ p. 447.
[326:1] This is the date commonly accepted since Massuet, _Diss. in Irenaeum_, ii. 1. 2. Grabe had previously placed the date in A.D. 108, Dodwell as early as A.D. 97 (of. Stieren, _Irenaeus_, ii. pp. 32, 34, 182).
[326:2] Routh, _Rel. Sac._ i. p. 306.
[327:1] Eus. _H.E._ v. 11, vi. 6. Eusebius, in his, ‘Chronicle,’ speaks of Clement as eminent for his writings ([Greek suntatton dielampen]) in A.D. 194.
[327:2] The books called ‘Stromateis’ or ‘Miscellanies’ date from this reign. _H.E._ vi. 6.
[327:3] _Stromateis_, i. 1.
[327:4] _Adv. Marc._ iv. 5.
[327:5] _De Praescript. Haeret_. c. 36; see Scrivener, _Introduction_, p. 446.
[328:1] pp. 450, 451.
[328:2] p. 452. These facts may be held to show that the books were not regarded with the same veneration as now.
[329:1] v. 30. 1.
[330:1] _Adv. Haer._ iii. 11. 8.
[330:2] _Ib_. iii. 14. 2.
[331:1] Cf. _Adv. Haer._ iv. 13. 1.
[332:1] The varieties of reading in this verse are exhibited in full by Dr. Westcott, _On the Canon_, p. 120, notes 4 and 5.
[336:1] Matt. v. 28 is omitted as too ambiguous and confusing, though it is especially important for the point in question as showing that Tertullian himself had a variety of MSS. before him.
[336:2] St. Matthew’s Gospel is wanting in this MS. to xxv. 6; two leaves are also lost, from John vi. 50 to viii. 52.
[346:1] _Strom_. ii. 20.
[347:1] In a volume entitled _The Authorship and Historical Character of the Fourth Gospel_, Macmillan, 1872. I may say with reference to this book–a ‘firstling’ of theological study– that I am inclined now to think that I exaggerated somewhat the importance of minute details as an evidence of the work of an eye-witness. The whole of the arguments, however, summarised on pp. 287-293 seem to me to be still perfectly valid and sound, and the greater part of them–notably that which relates to the Messianic expectations–is quite untouched by ‘Supernatural Religion.’
[348:1] It is instructive to compare the canons elaborately drawn up by Mr. M’Clellan (_N.T._ i. 375-389) with those tacitly assumed in ‘Supernatural Religion.’ The inference in the one case seems to be ‘possible, therefore true,’ in the other, ‘not probable, or not confirmed, therefore false.’ Surely neither of these tallies with experience.
[352:1] This, perhaps, is one that is apt to be overlooked. In order to be quite sure that the process of analysis is complete it must be supplemented and verified by the reversed process of synthesis. If a compound has been resolved into its elements, we cannot be sure that it has been resolved into _all_ its elements until the original compound has been produced by their recombination. Where this second reverse process fails, the inference is that some unknown element which was originally present has escaped in the analysis. The analysis may be true as far as it goes, but it is incomplete. The causes are ‘verae causae,’ but they are not all the causes in operation. So it seems to be with the analysis of the vital organism. We may be said to know entirely what air and water are because the chemist can produce them, but we only know very imperfectly the nature of life and will and conscience, because when the physiological analysis has been carried as far as it will go there still remains a large unknown element. Within this element may very well reside those distinctive properties which make man (as the moralist is _obliged_ to assume that he is) a responsible and religious being. The hypotheses which lie at the root of morals and religion are derived from another source than physiology, but physiology does not exclude them, and will not do so until it gives a far more verifiably complete account of human nature than it does at present.
[354:1] Mr. Browning has expressed this with his usual incisiveness and penetration:–
‘I hear you recommend, I might at least Eliminate, decrassify my faith …
Still, when you bid me purify the same, To such a process I discern no end,
Clearing off one excrescence to see two; There’s ever a next in size, now grown as big, That meets the knife: I cut and cut again! First cut the liquefaction, what comes last But Fichte’s clever cut at God himself?’
But also, on the other hand:–
‘Where’s
The gain? how can we guard our unbelief? Just when we are safest, there’s a sunset-touch, A fancy from a flower-bell, some one’s death, A chorus ending from Euripides,–
And that’s enough for fifty hopes and fears, As old and new at once as Nature’s self, To rap and knock and enter in our soul … All we have gained then by our unbelief Is a life of doubt diversified by faith, For one of faith diversified by doubt: We called the chess-board white,–we call it black.’
_Bishop Blongram’s Apology_.
[359:1] As to the defects of the present edition, see Tischendorf, Prolegomena to _Vetus Testamentum Graece juxta LXX Interpretes_, p. liii: ‘Eae vero (collationes) quemadmodum in editis habentur non modo universae graviter differunt inter se fide atque accuratione, sed ad ipsos principales testes tam negligenter tamque male factae sunt ut etiam atque etiam dolendum sit tantos numos rara liberalitate per Angliam suppeditatos criticae sacrae parum profuisse.’ Similarly Credner, in regard to the use of the Codex Alexandrinus, _Beitraege_, ii. 16: ‘Wahrhaft unbegreiflich und unverzeihlich ist es, dass die Herausgeber der kostbaren Kritischen Ausgabe der LXX, welcher zu Oxford vor wenigen Jahren vollendet und von Holmes und Parsons besorgt worden ist, statt cine sorgfaeltige Vergleichung des in London aufbewahrten Cod. Alex. zu veranstalten, sich lediglich auf die Ausgabe von Grabe beschraenkt haben, dessen Kritik vielfach nicht einmal verstanden worden ist.’
APPENDIX.
SUPPLEMENTAL NOTE ON THE RECONSTRUCTION OF MARCION’S GOSPEL.
If the reader should happen to possess the work of Roensch, Das Neue Testament Tertullian’s, to which allusion has frequently been made above, and will simply glance over the pages, noting the references, from Luke iv. 16 to the end of the Gospel, I do not think he will need any other proof of the sufficiency of the grounds for the reconstruction of Marcion’s Gospel, so as at least to admit of a decision as to whether it was our present St. Luke or not.
Failing this, it may be well to give a brief example of the kind of data available, going back straight to the original authorities themselves.
For this purpose we will take the first chapter that Marcion preserved entire, Luke v, and set forth in full such fragments of it as have come down to us.
We take up the argument of Tertullian at the point where he begins to treat of this chapter.
In the fourth book of the treatise against Marcion Tertullian begins by dealing with the Antitheses (a sort of criticism by Marcion on what he regarded as the Judaising portions of the Canonical Gospel), and then, in general terms, with the actual Gospel which Marcion used. From the general he descends to the particular, and in c.6 Tertullian pledges himself to show in detail, that even in those parts of the Gospel which Marcion retained there was enough to refute his own system.
Marcion’s Gospel began with the descent of Jesus upon Capernaum in the fifteenth year of Tiberias. Tertullian makes points out of this, also from the account of His preaching in the synagogue and of the expulsion of the devil. After this incident Marcion’s Gospel represented our Lord as retiring into solitude. It did this as it would appear in words very similar to those of the Canonical Gospel. I place side by side the language of Tertullian with that of the Vulgate (Codex Fuldensis, as given by Tregelles). I have also compared the translation in the two codd., Vercellensis and Veronensis, of the Old Latin in Bianchini’s edition. It will be remembered however that Tertullian is admitted to have Marcion’s (and _not_ the Canonical) Gospel before him, and he probably translates directly from that.
In solitudinem procedit…. Detentus a turbis: _Oportet me,_ inquit, _el aliis civitatibus_ _annuntiare regnum dei._
Luke v. 42, 43: Ibat in desertum sertum locum … et detinebant illum ne discederet ab eis. Quibus ille ait quia, Et aliis civitatibus oportet me evangelizare regnum dei.
His discussion of the fifth chapter Tertullian begins by asking why, out of all possible occupations, Christ should have fixed upon that of fishing, to take from thence His apostles, Simon and the sons of Zebedee. There was a meaning in the act which appears in the reply to Peter, ‘Thou shalt catch men,’ where there is a reference to a prophecy of Jeremiah (ch. xvi. 16). By this allusion Jesus sanctioned those very prophecies which Marcion rejected. In the end the fishermen left their boats and followed Him.
De tot generibus operum quid utique ad piscaturam respexit ut, ab illa in apostolos sumeret _Simonem et filios Zebedaei … _dicens Petro _trepidanti de copiosa indagine piscium: ne time abhinc enum homines eris capiens…._ Denique _relictis naviculis secuti sunt ipsum…_
Luke v. 1-11:[1] Factum est autem cum turbae irruereut in eum et ipse stabat secus stagnum Gennesareth:[2] et vidit duas naves….[3] Ascendens in unam navem quae erat Simonis…[4] dixit ad Simonem, Duc in altum, et laxate retia vestra in capturam. [6]Et cum hoc fecissent concluserunt piscium multitudinem copiosam…. [7]Et impleverunt ambas naviculas ita ut mergerentur. [8]Quod cum videret Simon Petrus, procidit ad genua Jesu…. [9]Stupor enim circumdederat eum … [10]similiter autem Jacobum et Johannem filios Zebedaei…. Et ait ad Simonem Jesus, Noli timere, ex hoc jam homines eris capiens. [11]Et subductis ad terram navibus relictis omnibus secuti sunt illum.
For Noli timere &c., cod. a has, Noli timere, jam amodo eris vivificans homines; cod. b, Nol. tim., ex hoc jam eris homines vivificans.
In passing to the incident of the leper, Tertullian argues that the prohibition of contact with a leper was figurative, applying really to the contact with sin. But the Godhead is incapable of pollution, and therefore Jesus touched the leper. It would be in vain for Marcion to suggest that this was done in contempt of the law. For, upon his own (Docetic) theory, the body of Jesus was phantasmal, and therefore could not receive pollution: so that there would be no real contact or contempt of the law. Neither, as Marcion maintained, did a comparison with the miracle of Elisha tend to the disparagement of that prophet. True, Christ healed with a word. So also with a word had the Creator made the world. And, after all, the word of Christ produced no greater result than a river which came from the Creator’s hands. Further, the command of Jesus to the leper when healed, showed His desire that the law should be fulfilled. Nay, He added an explanation which conveyed that He was not come to destroy the law, but Himself to fulfil it. This He did deliberately, and not from mere indulgence to the man, who, He knew, would wish to do as the law required.
Argumentatur … _in leprosi purgationem … Tetigit leprosum_ … Et hoc opponit Marcion … Christum … verbo solo, et hoc semel functo, curationem statim repraesentasse. Quantam ad gloriae humanae aversionem pertinebat, _vetuit eum divulgare_. Quantum autem ad tutelam legis jussit ordinem impleri. _Vade, ostende te sacerdoti, et offer munus quod praecepit Moyses_…. Itaque adjecit: _ut sit vobis in testimonium_.
Luke v. 12-14: [12] Ecce vir plenus lepra: et videns Jesum … rogavit eum dicens, Domine, si vis, potes me mundare. [13] Et extendens manum tetigit illum dicens, Volo, mundare. Et confestim lepra discessit ab illo. [14] Et ipse praecepit illi ut nemini diceret, sed Vade ostende te sacerdoti, et offer pro emundatione tua sicut praecepit Moses, in testimonium illis.
For emundatione in ver. 14, a has purgatione; b as Vulg. Both a and b have the form offers (see Roensch, It. u. Vulg. p. 294), b the plural sacerdotibus. Both codd. have a variation similar to that of Marcion, ut sit etc.; a inserts hoc.
Next follows the healing of the paralytic, which was done in fulfilment of Is. xxxv. 2. The miracle also itself in its details was a special and exact fulfilment of the prophecy contained in the next verse, Is. xxxv. 3. That the Messiah should forgive sins had been repeatedly prophesied, e.g. in Is. liii. 12, i. 18, Micah vii. 18. Not only were these prophecies thus actually sanctioned by Christ, but, in forgiving the sins of the paralytic, He was only doing what the Creator or Demiurge had done before Him. In proof of this Tertullian appeals to the examples of the Ninevites, of David and Nathan, of Ahab, of Jonathan the son of Saul, and of the chosen people themselves. Thus Marcion was doubly refuted, because the prerogative of forgiveness was asserted of the Messiah in the prophecies which he rejected and attributed to the Creator whom he denied. In like manner, when Jesus called Himself the ‘Son of Man,’ He did so in a real sense, signifying that He was really born of a virgin. This appellation too had been applied to Him by the prophet Daniel. (Dan. vii. 13, iii. 25). But if Jesus claimed to be the Son of Man, if, standing before the Jews as a man, He claimed as man the power of forgiving sins, He thereby showed that He possessed a real human body and not the mere phantasm of which Marcion spoke.
_Curatur_ et _paralyticus_, et quidem in coetu, spectante populo… Cum redintegratione membrorum virium quoque repraesentationem pollicebatur: _Exsurge et tolle grabatum tuum;_–simul et animi vigorem ad non timendos qui dicturi erant: _Qui dimittet peccata nisi solus deus?_… Cum Judaei merito retractarent non posse hominem _delicta dimittere_ sed _deum solum_, cur… _respondit, habere eum potestatem dimittendi delicta_, quando et _filium hominis_ nominans hominem nominaret?
Luke v. 17-26: [17] Et factum est in una dierum et ipse sedebat docens…. [18] Et ecce viri portantes in lecto hominem, qui erat paralyticus, et quaerebant eum inferre… [19] et non invenientes qua parte illum inferrent prae turba,… per tegulas… summiserunt illum cum lecto in medium ante Jesum. [20] Quorum fidem ut vidit, dixit, Homo, remittuntur tibi peccata tua. [21] Et coeperunt cogitare Scribae et Pharisaei, dicentes, Quis est hic qui loquitur blasphemias? quis potest dimittere peccata nisi solus deus? [22] Ut cognovit autem Jesus cogitationes eorum, respondens dixit ad illos. … [23] Quid est facilius dicere, Dimittuntur tibi peccata, an dicere, Surge et ambula? [24] Ut autem sciatis quia filius hominis potestatem habet in terra dimittere peccata, ait paralytico, Tibi dico, surge, tolle lectum tuum et vade in domum tuam. [25] Et confestim surgens … abiit in domum suam.
Grabatum is the reading of a in ver. 25.
Marcion drew an argument from the calling of the publican (Levi)– one under ban of the law–as if it were done in disparagement of the law. Tertullian reminds him in reply of the calling and confession of Peter, who was a representative of the law. Further, when he said that ‘the whole need not a physician’ Jesus declared that the Jews were whole, the publicans sick.
_Publicanum_ adlectum a domino … dicendo, _medicum sanis non esse necessarium sed male habentibus_…
Luke v. 27-32: [27] Et post hoc exiit et vidit publicanum … et ait illi, Sequere me…. [30] Et murmurabant Pharisaei et Scribae eorum… [31] et respondens Jesus dixit ad illos, Non egent qui sani sunt medico sed qui male habent.
The question respecting the disciples of John is turned against Marcion, as a recognition of the Baptist’s mission. If John had not prepared the way for Christ, if he had not actually baptized Him, if, in fact, there was that diversity between the two which Marcion assumed, no one would ever have thought of instituting a comparison between them or the conduct of their disciples. In His reply, ‘that the children of the bridegroom could not fast,’ Jesus virtually allowed the practice of the disciples of John, and excused, as only for a time, that of His own disciples. The very name, ‘bridegroom,’ was taken from the Old Testament (Ps. xix. 6 sq., Is. lxi. 10, xlix. 18, Cant. iv. 8); and its assumption by Christ was a sanction of marriage, and showed that Marcion did wrong to condemn the married state.
Unde autem et Joannes venit in medium?… Si nihil omnino administrasset Joannes … nemo _discipulos Christi manducantes et bibentes_ ad formam _discipulorum Joannis assidue jejunantium et orantium_ provocasset…. Nunc humiliter reddens rationem, quod _non possent jejunare filii sponsi quamdiu cum eis esset sponsus, postea vero jejunaturos_ promittens, _cum ablatus ab eis sponsus esset_.
Luke v. 33-35: [33] At illi dixerunt ad eum, Quare discipuli Johannis jejunant frequenter et obsecrationes faciunt, … tui autem edunt et bibunt? [34] Quibus ipse ait, Numquid potestis filios sponsi dum cum illis est sponsus facere jejunare? [35] Venient autem dies cum ablatus fuerit ab illis sponsus, tune jejunabunt in illis diebus.
In ver. 33, for obsecrationes a has orationes, and for edunt manducant: a and b also have quamdiu (Vulg. cum) in ver. 35.
Equally erroneous was Marcion’s interpretation of the concluding verses of the chapter which dealt with the distinction between old and new. He indeed was intoxicated with ‘new wine’–though the real ‘new wine’ had been prophesied as far back as Jer. iv. 4 and Is. xliii. 19–but He to whom belonged the new wine and the new bottles also belonged the old. The difference between the old and new dispensations was of developement and progression, not of diversity or contrariety. Both had one and the same Author.
Errasti in illa etiam domini pronuntiatione qua videtur nova et vetera discernere. Inflatus es _utribus veteribus_ et excerebratus es _novo vino_: atque ita _veteri_, i.e. priori evangelio _pannum_ haereticae _novitatis adsuisli … Venum novum_ is _non committit in veteres utres_ qui et veteres utres non habuerit, et _novum additamentum nemo inicit veteri vestimento_ nisi cui non defuerit vetus vestimentum.
Luke v. 36-38: [36] Dicebat autem et similitudinem ad illos quia nemo commissuram a vestimento novo inmittit in vestimentum vetus…. [37] Et nemo mittit vinum novum in utres veteres…. [38] Sed vinum novum in utres novos mittendum est.
Of the phrases peculiar to Tertullian’s version of Marcion’s text, a has pannum (-no) and adsuisti (-it).
It is observed that Tertullian does not quote verse 39, which is omitted by D, a, b, c, c, ff, l, and perhaps, also by Eusebius.
Two of the Scholia of Epiphanius (Adv. Haer. 322 D sqq.), nos. 1 and 2, have reference to this chapter.
[Greek: Echul. a. Apelthon deixon seauton to hierei kai prosenenke peri tou katharismou sou, kathos prosetaxe Mousaes, hina ae marturion touto humin.]
Luke v. 14. [Greek: Apeltheon deixon seauton to hierei, kai prosenenke peri tou katharismou sou, kathos prosetaxen Mousaes, eis marturion autois.]
v.l. [Greek: hina eis marturion] (D’1, [Greek: ae] D’2) [Greek: humin touto] D, (a, b), c, ff, l.
The comment of Epiphanius on this is similar to that of Tertullian. To bid the leper ‘do as Moses commanded,’ was practically to sanction the law of Moses. Epiphanius expressly accuses Marcion of falsifying the phrase ‘for a testimony unto them.’ He says that he changed ‘them’ to ‘you,’ without however, even in this perverted form, preventing the text from recoiling upon his own head [Greek: diestrepsas de to rhaeton, o Markion, anti tou eipein ‘eis marturion autois’ marturion legon ‘humin.’ kai touto saphos epseuso kata taes sautou kephalaes].
[Greek: Echol. B’. Hina de eidaete hoti exousian echei ho uhios tou anthropou aphienai hamartias epi taes gaes.]
Luke v. 24. [Greek: Hina de eidaete hoti exousian echei ho uhios tou anthropou epi taes gaes aphienai hamartias.]
In this order, [Hebrew aleph], A, C, D, rel., a, c, e, Syrr. Pst. and Hcl., (Memph.), Goth., Arm., Aeth.; [Greek: ex. ech.] after [Greek: ho, hu. t. a.], B, L, [Greek: Xi symbol], K, Vulg., b, f, g’1, ff, l.
By calling Himself ‘Son of Man,’ Epiphanius says, our Lord asserts His proper manhood and repels Docetism, and, by claiming ‘power upon earth,’ He declares that earth not to belong to an alien creation.
Reverting to Tertullian, we observe, (1) that the narrative of the draught of fishes, with the fear of Peter, and the promise _in this form_, ‘Thou shalt catch men,’ ([Greek: Mae phobou apo tou nun anthropous esae zogron]; the other Synoptists have, [Greek: Deute opiso mou, kai poiaeso humas halieis anthropon]), are found only in St. Luke; (2) that the second section of the chapter, the healing of the leper, is placed by the other Synoptists in a different order, by Mark immediately after our Lord’s retirement into solitude (= Luke iv. 42-44), and by Matthew after the Sermon on the Mount; the phrase [Greek: eis marturion autois] is common to all three Gospels, but in the text of St. Luke alone is there the variant Ut sit vobis &c.; (3) that, while the remaining sections follow in the same order in all the Synoptics, still there is much to identify the text from which Tertullian is quoting with that of Luke. Thus, in the account of the case of Levi, the third Evangelist alone has the word [Greek: telonaen] (=publicanum) and [Greek: hugiainontes] (=sani; the other Gospels [Greek: ischontes] =valentes); in the question as to the practice of the disciples of John, he alone has the allusion to prayers ([Greek: deaeseis poiountai]) and the combination ‘eat and drink’ (the other Gospels, [Greek: ou naesteyousin]): he too has the simple [Greek: epiblaema], for [Greek: epiblaema rhakous agnaphou]. It seems quite incredible that these accumulated coincidences should be merely the result of accident.
But this is only the beginning. The same kind of coincidences run uniformly all through the Gospel. From the next chapter, Luke vi, Marcion had, in due order, the plucking of the ears of corn on the sabbath day (‘rubbing them with their hands,’ Luke and Marcion alone), the precedent of David and his companions and the shewbread, the watching _of the Pharisees_ (so Luke only) to see if He would heal on the sabbath day, the healing of the withered hand–with an exact resemblance to the text of Luke and divergence from the other Gospels (licetne animam liberare an perdere? [Greek: psuchaen apolesai] Luke, [Greek: apokteinai] Mark), in the order and words of Luke alone, the retreat into the mountain for prayer, the selection of the twelve Apostles, and then, in a strictly Lucan form and introduced precisely at the same point, the Sermon on the Mount, the blessing on ‘the poor’ (not the ‘poor in spirit’), on those ‘who hunger’ (not on those ‘who hunger and thirst after righteousness’), on those ‘who weep, for they shall laugh’ (not on those ‘who mourn, for they shall be comforted’), with an exact translation of St. Luke and difference from St. Matthew, the clause relating to those who are persecuted and reviled: then follow the ‘woes;’ to the rich, ‘for ye have received your consolation;’ to ‘those who are full, for they shall hunger;’ to ‘those who laugh now, for they shall mourn:’ and so on almost verse by verse.
It is surely needless to go further. There are indeed very rarely what seem to be reminiscences of the other Gospels (e.g. ‘esurierunt discipuli’ in the parallel to Luke vi. 1), but the total amount of resemblance to St. Luke and divergence from St. Matthew and St. Mark is overwhelming. Of course the remainder of the evidence can easily be produced if necessary, but I do not think it will long remain in doubt that our present St. Luke was really the foundation of the Gospel that Marcion used.
INDEX I.
References to the Four Gospels.
The asterisk indicates that the passage in question is discussed in some detail.
_St. Matthew._
I. 1 2-6 18* 18 ff 18-25 21 23
II. 1 1-7 1-23 2 5,6 6 11 12 13 13-15 16 17,18 18 22. III. 2 4 8 10 11,12 15* 16 18
IV. 1 8-10 9 10 11 17 18 23
V. 1-48 3 4,5* 7* 8 10* 11 13,14 14 16* 17 17,18 18* 20 21-48 22 28 29 29,30 29,32 32 34* 37* 38,39 39,40 41 42 44,45 45* 46* 48
VI. 1 1-34 6 8 10 13 14 19 19,20 20 21 25-27 25-37 32* 32,33 VII. 1-29 2 6 7 9-11* 12 13,14* 15* 16 19 21* 22 22,23 28,29 VIII. 9 11 11,12 17 26 28-34
IX. 1-8 13* 16 17 22 29-31 33
X. 1 8 10 11* 13 15 16* 22 26 28* 29,30 33 38,39 40 XI. 5 7 10 11 12-15 18 26 25-27 27* 28 XII. 1-8* 7 9-14* 17-21 18-21 24 25* 26 31,32 34 41 42 43 48 XIII. 1-58 3 3ff 5 11 15 16 24-30 25 26* 34 35 37-39 38 39 42,43 XIV. 1 3 3-12 6
XV. 4-6 4-8* 4-9 8* 13 15 17 20 21-28 26 36 XVI. 1 1-4 4 15-18 16* 19 21 24 24,25 26 XVII. 3 5 11 11-13* 12,13 13
XVIII. 1-35 3* 6 7 8 8,9 10 19
XIX. 4 6* 8* 9 10-12 11,12* 12* 13 16,17* 17 19 22 26* XX. 8 16 19 20-28
XXI. 1 5 12,13 16 20-22 23 33 42
XXII. 9 11 14* 21 24 29 30 32 37 38 39 40 44* XXIII. 2 2,3 5 10 13 15 18 20 23 24 25 25,26* 27 29 35 XXIV. 1-51 3 14 45-51*
XXV. 1-46 14-30 21 26,27 34 41*
XXVI. 1-75 17,18 24* 30 31* 36,37 38 39 41 43 56 56,57 57 64* XXVII. 9 9,10* 11f. 14 35 39ff 42 43 46 57-60 XXVIII. 1 12-15 19.
_St. Mark._
I. 1 2 4 17 22 24 26
II. 23-28* 28
III. 1-6* 17 23 25 29
IV. 1-34 11 12 33,34 34*
V. 1-20 31
VI. 3 11 14 17-29
VII. 6* 6-13 7 10,11 11-13 13 21,22 24-30 VIII. 29 31 34
IX. 7 21 43 47
X. 5 5,6 6 8 9 17 18 19 21 22 27* 37-45 XI. 20-26
XII. 17 20 24 27* 29* 30 38-44
XIII. 2* 22
XIV. 12,13 12-14 40 51,52
XV. 14 34
XVI. 14-16
_St. Luke._
I. 1-4 1-80 3 6 7 7-10 8 9 12 13 15 17 18,19 19 20 20-22 21 23 24 26 27 28 29 31 32 33 34 34,35 35* 36 39 41 48 55 56 57 61 62 64 67 69 73 74 76 77 78 80
II. 1,2 1-52 4 6 7 8 11 13 14 15 16 18 19 20 21 21,22 22 24 25 26 27 28 29 33 34 35 36 37 39 40 41 42 43 45 46 48,49 49 50 51 52 66
III. 1 1-38 3 12-14 13 15 16 16,17 17 19 20 21 21,22 22 23 31-34 IV. 1 1-13 4 6 6-8 7 8 10 13 14 16 17 17-20 18,19 19 20 24 25 32 42,43 42-44
V. 1 1-11 1-39 12-14 14 17-26 24 27-32 32 33-35 36-38 39 VI. 1 1-5* 1-49 6-11* 13 14* 20* 27,28 29 30 31 32 34 35 36 36,37 36-38* 37,38 45 46*
VII. 2* 8 11-18 12* 24-28 26 27 28 29-35 30 35 36-38 VIII. 1-3 5 10 19 23 26-39 41
IX. 5 7 17,18 20 22 55 57,58 60 61 61,62 62 X. 3 5,6 7* 10-12 16 18 19* 20 21 21,22 22 23 24 25 37 XI. 2 9 11-13* 14 17 22 29-32 32 39 42 47 49-51 52 XII. 4,5* 6,7 9 10 14 22-24 30 38 42-46* 48 50 XIII. 1 sqq. 1-9 6 7 7-8 24* 26,27 27 28 28,29 29 29-35 31-35 33 34 XIV. 27
XV. 4 8 11-32 13 14 17 18 20 22 24 25 26 29 XVI. 12 16 17*
XVII. 1,2* 2 5-10 9 9,10
XVIII. 6-8 18,18 19 27* 31 31-34 34 35-43 XIX. 5 9 17 22,23 29 29-48 33-39 35 37 37-48 38 41 42 43 46 47 XX. 9 9-l8 14 17 19 21 22 22-25 24 25 35,36 35 37,38 38 XXI. 1-4 4 18 21 21,22 22 27 28 34
XXII. 9-11 16-18 17 18 18-36 19 19,20 28-30 30 35-38 37 38 42-44 43,44* 53,54 66
XXIII. 1 ff. 2 5 7 34 35 46
XXIV. 1 ff. 21 26 32 38,39 39* 40 42 46 47-53 49 50 5l 52 53
_St. John._
I. 1,2 1-3 3* 4 5* 9 13 14 18 19 19,20* 23* 28 II. 4 16,17
III. 3-5* 5* 6 8 12 14 16 36
IV. 6
V. 2 3,4 4 8 17 18 43 46
VI. 15 39 51 53 54* 55* 70
VII. 8 38 42
VIII. 17 40 44
IX. 1-3*
X. 8 9* 23,24 27* 30
XI. 54
XII. 14,15 22 27 30 40 41
XIII. 18
XIV. 2 6 10
XV. 25
XVI. 2* 3
XVII. 3 11,12 14*
XVIII. 36
XIX. 36 37*
INDEX II.
Chronological and Analytical.
_Writer_. | _Works Extant_. | _Date_ | _Evangelical Documents | | A.D. | used_.
| | |
Clement of |One genuine Epistle | c.95- |Traces, perhaps Rome. | addressed to the | 100. | probable of the three | Philippians. | | Synoptics. | | |
Barnabas. |Pseud-egraphical | c.100- |Probably St. Matthew, | Epistle | 125. | perhaps St. Luke, | | | possibly the fourth Gospel. | | |
Ignatius. |Three short Epistles,| 107 or |Probably St. Matthew, | probably genuine. | 115. | and perhaps St. John. | [Spurious, S.R.] | |
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|Seven short Epistles,| |Probably St. Matthew, | perhaps genuine. | | perhaps also St. John. | [Spurious, S.R.] | |
| | |
Hermas. |Allegorical work, | c.135- |No distinct traces of | entitled the | 140. | any writing of Old or | ‘Shepherd.’ | | New Testament. | | |
Polycarp. |Short Epistle to | c.140- |Doubtful traces of | Philippians, | 155. | St. Matthew, probable | probably genuine. | | of 1 John. | [Spurious, S.R.] | |
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Presbyters. |Quoted by Irenaeus. | c.140? |Probably St. John. | | |
Papias. |Short fragments in | +155. |Some account of | Eusebius. |[see pp.| works written by | |145, 82;| St. Matthew and | |164-167,| St. Mark, but | |S.R.] | probably not our | | | present Gospels in | | | their present form. | | |
Basilides. }|Allusions, not | c.125. |Certain use of }| certain, in | | St. Luke and St. John, }| Hippolytus, Clem. | | perhaps probably by Basilidians.}| Alex., Epiphanius, | | Basilides himself. | | |
Marcion. |Copious references | c.140. |Certainly the third | in Tertullian and | | Gospel, with text | Epiphanius. | | already corrupt. | | |
Justin |Two Apologies and | +148. |Three Synoptic Martyr. | Dialogue against | [166- | Gospels either | Tryphon. | 167, | separately or in | | S.R.] | Harmony, probably the | | | fourth Gospel, and also | | | an Apocryphal Gospel or | | | Gospels; text showing | | | marks of corruption. | | |
|Old Latin translation| c.150. |Four Canonical | of N.T. | | Gospels, with | | | corrupt text.
| | |
Valentinus. }|Allusions, not | c.140. |References to all four }| certain in | | Gospels, but not clear Valentinians}| Hippolytus, &c. | before | by whom made. | | 178. |
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Clement. |Nineteen pseudo- | c.160? |Four Canonical Gospels | epigraphical | | (possibly in a | | | Harmony), with other | | | Apocryphal sources | | | to some extent. | | |
Hegesippus. |Few fragments |fl.157- |Apparent traces of | chiefly preserved | 180. | St. Matthew and | by Eusebius. | | St. Luke. | | |
Tatian. |Few allusions, |fl.150- |Diatessaron, |’Address to Greeks.’ | 170. | probably consisting | | | of our four Gospels, | | | quotations from | | | St. John in Orat. | | | ad Graec.
| | |
|Old Syriac | c.160? |Four Canonical Gospels, | Translation of N.T. | | with corrupt text. | | |
|Muratorian Fragment | c.170. |Four Gospels as | | | Canonical.
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Ptolomaeus. |Allusions in | before |Clear references | Irenaeus, &c., | 178. | to St. Matthew and | fragments in | | St. John. | Epiphanius. | |
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Heracleon. |Allusions in | before |Third and fourth | Irenaeus, &c., | 178. | gospels. | fragments in Origen.| |
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Melito. |Few slight fragments.| c.176. |Doubtful indirect | | | allusions to Canon | | | of N.T.
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Apollinaris. |Two slight fragments.| 176- |Allusion to | | 180. | discrepancy
| | | between Gospels, | | | fourth Gospel. | | |
Athenagoras. |An Apology and tract | c.177. |One fairly clear | on the Resurrection.| | quotation from | | | St. Matthew,
| | | perhaps from | | | St. Mark and
| | | St. John. | | |
Churches of |An Epistle. | 177. |Clear allusions to Vienne and | | | St. Luke and St. John, Lyons. | | | perhaps also to | | | St. Matthew.
| | |
Celsus. |Fragments in Origen. | c.178. |Somewhat vague traces | | | of all four Gospels. | | |
Irenaeus. |Treatise ‘Against | c.140- |Four Gospels as | Heresies.’ | 202. | Canonical, with | | | corrupt text.
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Clement of |Several considerable |fl.185- |Four Gospels as Alexandria | works. | 211. | Canonical, with | | | corrupt text.
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Tertullian. |Voluminous works. |fl.198- |Four Gospels as | | 210. | Canonical, with | | | corrupt text.