Lander’s Travels by Robert HuishTravels of Richard and John Lander, into the Interior of Africa, for the Discovery of the course and Termination of the Niger (page 14)

Here he found every thing in as sad a condition, as he had in the schooner, four of the crew had just died of fever, four more which completed the whole, were lying sick in their hammocks, and the captain himself appeared to be in the very last stage of illness. He had recovered from a severe attack of fever, and having suffered a relapse in consequence of having exposed himself too soon, which had been nearly fatal to him, Lander now stated to him who he was, explained his situation to him as fully as he could, and had his instructions read to him by one of his own people, that he might see there was no intention to impose upon him. Lander then requested that he would redeem them by paying what had been demanded by King Boy, and assured him, that whatever he might give to him on their account would certainly be repaid him by the British government. To the utter surprise, however, of Lander, he flatly refused to give a single thing, ill and weak as he was, made use of the most offensive and the most shameful oaths, which he ever heard. Petrified amazement, and horror-struck at such conduct, Lander shrunk from him with terror. He could scarcely believe what he had heard, till his ears were assailed by a repetition of the same oaths. Disappointed beyond measure, by such brutal conduct from one of his own countrymen, he could not have believed it possible, his feelings completely overpowered him, and he was ready to sink with grief and shame. He was now undetermined how to act, or what course to pursue. Never in his life did he feel such humiliation as at this moment. In his way through the country he had been treated well; he had been in the habit of making such presents as had been expected from them, and above all, they had maintained their character amongst the natives, by keeping their promises. This was now no longer in his power, as his means were all expended, and when as a last, and as he had imagined, a certain resource, he had promised the price of his ransom should be paid by the first of his countrymen that he might meet with, on the best of all securities, to be thus refused and dishonoured by him, would, he knew, degrade them sadly in the opinion of the natives, if it did not lessen them in their own.

As there were no hopes that the captain of this vessel would pay any thing for them, he went on board the canoe again, and told King Boy, that he must take him to Bonny, as a number of English ships were there. “No, no,” said he, “dis captain no pay, Bonny captain no pay. I won’t take you any further.” As this would not do, Lander again had recourse to the captain, and implored him to do something for him, telling him that if he would only let him have ten muskets, Boy might be content with them, when he found that he could get nothing else. The only reply Lander received was; “I have told you already I will not let you have even a flint, so bother me no more.” “But I have a brother and eight people at Brass Town,” said Lander to him, “and if you do not intend to pay King Boy, at least persuade him to bring them here, or else he will poison or starve my brother, before I can get any assistance from a man of war, and sell all my people.” The only answer given was; “If you can get them on board, I will take them away, but as I have told you before, you do not get a flint from me.” Lander then endeavoured to persuade Boy to go back for his people, and that he should be paid some time or other. “Yes,” said the captain, “make haste and bring them.” Boy very naturally required some of his goods before he went, and it was with no small difficulty, that Lander prevailed on him afterwards to go without them.

The captain of the brig now inquired what men Lander had, and on his telling him he had two seamen, and three others, who might be useful to him in working his vessel, his tone and manner began to soften. He fully agreed with Lander, that they might be useful in getting the brig out of the river, as half of his crew were dead, and the other half sick, so Lander took courage and asked him for a piece of beef to send to his brother, and a small quantity of rum, which he readily gave. Lander knew that his brother as well as himself, much needed a change of linen, but he could not venture to ask such a thing from the captain with much hopes of success, so the cook of the brig, appearing to be a respectable sort of a man, an application was made to him, and he produced instantly three white shirts. King Boy was now ready to depart, not a little discontented, and Lander sent his own man in the canoe, with the few things which he had been able to obtain, and a note for his brother. The latter was desired to give Antonio an order on any English captain that he might find at Bonny, for his wages, and also one for the Damaggoo people, that they might receive the small present he had promised to their good old chief, who had treated them so well. At two in the afternoon, King Boy took his departure, promising to return with John Lander and his people in three days, but grumbling much at not having been paid his goods.

Lander endeavoured to make himself as comfortable as he could in the vessel, and thinking that the captain might change his behaviour towards him, when he got better, he determined to have as little to say to him till then as possible. On the following day, Captain Lake appeared to be much better, and Lander ventured to ask him for a change of linen, of which he was in great want. This request was immediately complied with, and he enjoyed a luxury which he had not experienced a long time. In the course of the morning, Lander conversed with him about his travels in the country, and related the whole of the particulars of the manner in which they had been attacked and plundered at Kirree. He then explained to him how King Boy had saved them from slavery in the Eboe country, and how much they felt indebted to him for it. He endeavoured particularly to impress this on his mind, as he still hoped to bring him round to pay what he had promised. Having laid all before him as fully as he was able, and pointed out to him the bad opinion which Boy would have of them, and the injurious tendency towards Englishmen in general, that would result from not keeping their word with him, which it was in his power to enable them to do, he ventured to ask him to give him ten muskets for his bill on government. He listened apparently with great attention to his story, but Lander no sooner advanced his wants, than with a furious oath, he repeated his refusal, and finding him as determined as ever he had been, he mentioned it no more. He moreover told him in the most unkind and petulant manner, “If your brother and people are not here in three days, I go without them.” This, it was believed, he would not do, as the men would be of service to him, but Boy had given his promise, that they should be at the vessel in that time.

In the middle of the day, the pilot who had brought the vessel into the river, came on board and demanded payment for it, which gave Lander an opportunity of seeing more of the disposition of Mr. Lake. The pilot had no sooner made his business known, than Lake flew into a violent passion, cursing and abusing him in the most disgusting language he could use; he refused to pay him any thing whatever, and ordered him to go out of the ship immediately. Whether Lake was right or wrong in this, Lander knew not, but he was shocked at his expressions, and the pilot reluctantly went away, threatening that he would sink his vessel, if he offered to leave the river without paying him his due. He was rather surprised to hear such language from the pilot, and doubted his meaning, until he found that he had a battery of seven brass guns at the town on the eastern side of the river, near its entrance, which, if well managed, might soon produce that effect. This town, as before observed, is named Pilot’s Town, being the established residence of those who conduct vessels over the bar.

On the following day, Lander inquired of Capt. Lake, whether, when they left the river, he would take them to Fernando Po. This, however, he again refused, saying that the island had been given up; that there was not a single white man on it, and that no assistance could be got there, but that if all the people should arrive by the morning of the 23rd, he would land them at Bimbia, a small island in the river Cameroons, whither he was going to complete his cargo, and at this island he said that Lander would find a white man, who kept a store for Captain Smith. Lander was quite satisfied with this arrangement, feeling assured that he should get every thing he might want from him.

Lander’s chief concern was now about his brother, and he much feared that the vessel would sail without him, for there was no dependence on the captain, so little did he care for them, or the object for which they had visited the country. Lander took an opportunity of begging him, in the event of his brother and the men not arriving by the 23rd, to wait a little longer for them, asserting at the same time, that if he went away without them, they would be assuredly starved or sold as slaves, before he could return to them with assistance. He might just as well have addressed himself to the wind–“I can’t help it, I shall wait no longer,” was the only reply he made, in a surly, hasty tone, which was a convincing proof that all attempts to reason with him would be fruitless.

In the afternoon, the chief mate and three Kroomen were sent away by his direction to sound the bar of the river, to know whether there was sufficient depth of water for the vessel to pass over it. The pilot, who had been dismissed so peremptorily on the preceding day, was determined to have his revenge, and being naturally on the look out, had observed the movements of the boat; so favourable an opportunity was not to be lost, and accordingly watching her, he despatched an armed canoe, and intercepted her return at the mouth of the river. The mate of the brig and one of the Kroomen were quickly made prisoners and conveyed to Pilot’s Town, and the boat with the remainder sent back with a message to the captain, that they would not be given up until the pilotage should be paid. Lake must have felt somewhat annoyed at this, but whether he did or not, he treated it with the greatest indifference, saying that he did not care, he would go to sea without his mate or the Kroomen either, and that he was determined not to pay the pilotage.

On the 22nd of December, the anxiety of Lander for his brother’s safety made him extremely unhappy, and during the whole of the day he was on the look out for him; Lake, observing the distress he was in, told him not to trouble himself any more about him, adding, that he was sure he was dead, and that he need not expect to see him again. “If he had been alive,” said Lake, “he would have been here by this time, to-morrow morning I shall leave the river.” Such inhuman and unfeeling conduct from this man only tended to increase Lander’s dislike for him, and without paying him any attention, he kept looking out for his party. So great was his anxiety that he was on the look out long after dusk, nor could he sleep during the whole of the night.

The 23rd arrived, the day fixed for the departure, but to the great joy of Lander, and the mortification of Lake, the sea breeze was so strong that it raised a considerable surf on the bar, and prevented them from getting out. This was a most anxious time for Lander, and the whole of the day his eyes were riveted to the part of the river where he knew his brother must come. The whole day passed in tedious watching, and the night was far spent without any tidings of him. About midnight he saw several large canoes making their way over to the west bank of the river, in one of which he imagined that he could distinguish his brother. He observed them soon after landing, and saw by the fires which they made, that they had encamped under some mangrove trees. All his fears and apprehensions vanished in an instant, and he was overjoyed with the thoughts of meeting his brother in the morning.

The captain of the brig having observed them, suddenly exclaimed, “Now we shall have a little fighting to-morrow, go you and load seventeen muskets, and put five buck shot into each. I will take care that the cannon shall be loaded to the muzzle with balls and flints, and if there is any row, I will give them such a scouring as they never had.” He then directed Lander to place the muskets and cutlasses out of sight, near the stern of the vessel, and said to him, “The instant that your people come on board, call them aft, and let them stand by the arms. Tell them, if there is any row to arm themselves directly, and drive all the Brass people overboard.” This was summary work with a vengeance, and every thing betokened that Lake was in earnest. Lander saw clearly that he was resolved on adopting severe measures, and he appeared to possess all the determination necessary to carry them through.

Lander could not help feeling otherwise than distressed and ashamed of leaving the Brass people in this manner, but he had no alternative, there was no one to whom he could apply for assistance in his present situation, except the captain of the vessel, and to him he had applied in vain. His entreaties were thrown away on him, and even the certainty of an ample recompense by the British government, which had been held out to him, had been treated with contempt. He, therefore, had no hopes from that quarter. Boy had refused to take them to Bonny, asserting that if he could not be paid here, he should not be paid there, and to go back to Brass Town would be deliberately returning to starvation. His last resource, therefore, was to put the best face on the business which he could, and as no other plan was left him, to get away by fair means or foul, and let the blame fall where it was incurred.

Early on the following morning, Lander was on the look out for his brother, and soon observed him and the people get into the canoe. They were no sooner embarked than they all landed again, which could be accounted for in no other way, than by supposing that it was the intention of Boy to keep them on shore, until he had received the goods. He was, however, not long in this state of anxiety, for about seven o’clock, they embarked and were brought on board.

The following is the account which John Lander gave, of the events which fell under his notice at Brass Town, and his proceedings during the time that he was separated from his brother.

Wednesday, November 17th. “This morning, my brother, attended by one of our men, quitted this town with King Boy and suite, leaving the remainder of the party and myself behind, as hostages for the fulfilment of the conditions, which we entered into with him in the Eboe country. For myself, though greatly chagrined at this unforeseen arrangement, I could not from my heart, altogether condemn the framer of it; for it is quite natural to suppose that a savage should distrust the promises of Europeans, when he himself is at all times guilty of breach of faith and trust, not only in his trading transactions with foreigners, but likewise in familiar intercourse with his own people. Forday is the cause of it, and he displays all the artifice, chicanery, and low cunning of a crafty and corrupt mind. Therefore, after a moment’s reflection, I was not much surprised at the step which King Boy has taken, nor can I be very angry with him, and I am resolved to await with composure his return, and consequently my release from this miserable place, though I have begun to consider with seriousness, what will become of us, in the event of Lake’s refusal to honour the bill which we have sent him. Besides, I am rather uneasy on our people’s account, for during these two or three days past, they have had scarcely any thing to eat, and we are now left entirely destitute, nor do I know where to obtain relief. The Damaggoo people are with us likewise, and they are interested in my brother’s return, equally as much as myself. Instead of being our guides and protectors, these poor creatures have shared in our calamity; their little all has either been lost or stolen, or else expended in provisions, and like us, they are reduced to great distress and wretchedness. They will remain here, in order to receive the few things which we have promised them and their chief, but should Lake object to part with his goods, we shall give them a note to the master of any English vessel at Bonny, whither they are destined to go, requesting him to pay the poor strangers their demands.

“After a good deal of solicitation and importunity, we received this morning four small yams from the wives of King Boy, who informed us that the same number of yams will be given us daily. Our people having nothing else to eat, made a kind of broth with this vegetable; at first it was, of course, a most insipid mess, but with the addition of a little salt, it is rendered more palatable. We sent to King Forday in the afternoon, for a few plantains, or any thing that could be eaten, but the gloomy old savage shook his head, folded his arms, and refused.

“Nothing could exceed my regret and consternation on the perusal of the letter which I received from my brother, and somehow, I almost dreaded to meet with King Boy. Well knowing how much it would influence his behaviour towards us, we had been careful to represent to that individual, the thanks and cheering which he would receive from our countrymen, the moment he should take us on board the English brig, that he would be favoured and caressed beyond measure, and receive plenty of beef, bread, and rum. His face used to shine with delight on anticipating so luxurious a treat, and he had uniformly been in a better humour, after listening to these promises of ours, than any thing else could have made him. The contrast between his actual reception on board Lake’s ship, to that which his own fancy and our repeated assurances had taught him to expect, was too dreadful to think on even for a moment, and for this reason, as much as any other, I looked forward with something of apprehension and anxiety to an interview with this savage, because I knew, that after the cutting disappointment which he had experienced, he would be under the influence of strongly excited feelings, and stormy passions, over which he exercises no control. I was convinced too, that the whole weight of his resentment, and the fury of his rage, would fall upon me, for I am completely in his power.

“The interesting moment at length arrived. We heard King Boy quarrelling with his women, and afterwards walking through their apartments towards ours, muttering as he went along. He entered it, and stood still; I was reposing, as I usually do for the greater part of the day, upon a mat which is placed on the seat of wet clay, but on perceiving him, I lifted my head without arising, and reclined it on my hand. He looked fixedly upon me, and I returned his glance with the same unshrinking steadfastness. But his dark eye was flashing with anger, whilst his upturned lip, which exposed his white teeth, quivered with passion. No face in the world could convey more forcibly to the mind the feeling of contempt and bitter scorn, than the distorted one before me. It was dreadfully expressive, drawing up the left angle of his mouth in a parallel with his eyes, he broke silence, with a sneering, long-drawn ‘Eh!’ and almost choked with rage, he cursed me; and in a tone and manner, which it is infinitely out of my power to describe, he spoke to the following effect: ‘You are thief, man; English captain, no will! You assured me, when I took you from the Eboe country, that he would be overjoyed to see me, and give me plenty of beef and rum; I received from him neither the one nor the other. Eh! English captain, no will! I gave a quantity of goods to free you from the slavery of Obie; I took you into my own canoe; you were hungry, and I gave you yam and fish; you were almost naked, I was sorry to see you so, because you were white men and strangers, and I gave each of you a red cap and a silk handkerchief; but you are no good, you are thief, man. Eh! English captain, no will; he no will. You also told me your countrymen would do this (taking off his cap, and flourishing it in circles over his head,) and cry hurra! hurra! on receiving me on board their vessel; you promised my wife a necklace, and my father, four bars. But eh! English captain, no will! he tell me he no will: yes, I will satisfy your hunger with plenty more of my fish and yams, and your thirst I will quench with rum and palm wine. Eh! you thief man, you are no good, English captain, no will!’ He then stamped on the ground, and gnashing at me with his teeth like a dog, he cursed me again and again.

“It is true I did not feel perfectly easy at this severe rebuke, and under such taunting reproaches; but I refrained from giving utterance to a single thought till after he had concluded his abuse and anathematizing. Had a spirited person been in my situation, he might have knocked him down, and might have had his head taken off for his pains, but as for me, all such kind of spirit is gone out of me entirely. Besides we had, though unintentionally, deceived King Boy, and I also bore in mind the kindness which he had done us, in ransoming us from a state of slavery. Most of what he had asserted was most unquestionably true, and in some measure, I was deserving his severest reprehension and displeasure.

“The fury of Boy having been somewhat appeased by my silence and submission, as well as by his own extraordinary and violent agitation, I ventured mildly to assure him, on the strength of my brother’s letter, that his suspicions were entirely groundless, that Mr. Lake had certainly a _will_ or inclination to enter into arrangements with him for the payment of his just demands, and that when he should convey our people and myself to the Thomas, every thing would be settled to his complete satisfaction. He half believed, half mistrusted my words, and shortly afterwards quitted the apartment, threatening, however, that we should not leave Brass till it suited his own pleasure and convenience.

“It is really a most humiliating reflection, that we are reduced to the most contemptible subterfuges of deceit and falsehood, in order to carry a point which might have been easily gained by straightforward integrity. But the conduct of Lake has left us no alternative, and whatever my opinion of that individual may be, he surely must be destitute of all those manly characteristics of a British seaman, as well as of the more generous feelings of our common nature, to be guilty, on a sick bed, of an action which might, for aught he knew or cared, produce the most serious consequences to his unfortunate countrymen in a savage land, by exposing them to the wretchedness of want, and the miseries of slavery, to mockery, ill-usage, contempt, and scorn, and even to death itself.

“November 20th. King Boy has not visited us to-day, though we have received the customary allowance of four yams from his women. In addition to which, Adizzetta made us a present of half a dozen this morning, as an acknowledgment for the benefit she had derived from a dose of laudanum, which I gave her last night, for the purpose of removing pain from the lower regions of the stomach, a complaint by which she says she is occasionally visited.

“This morning, November 21st, I dismissed the poor Damaggoo people, with a note to either of the English vessels lying in the Bonny river, requesting him to give the bearer three barrels of gunpowder, and a few muskets, On the faith of being paid for the same by the British government. They left Brass in their own canoe, quite dejected and out of heart, and Antonio, the young man who volunteered to accompany us from his majesty’s brig, Clinker, at Badagry, went along with them, on his return to his country, from which he has been absent two or three years.

“The following day, one or two crafty little urchins, who are slaves to King Boy, brought us a few plantains as a gift. They had been engaged in pilfering tobacco leaves from an adjoining apartment, to which our people were witnesses, and the juvenile depredators, fearing the consequences of a disclosure, bribed them to secrecy in the manner already mentioned. Boy’s women have also been guilty, during the temporary absence of their lord and master, of stealing a quantity of rum from the store room, and distributing it amongst their friends and acquaintance, and they have resorted to the same plan as the boys, to prevent the exposure, which they dreaded. One of them, who acts as a duenna, is the favourite and confidante of Boy, and she wears a bunch of keys round her neck in token of her authority. She has likewise the care of all her master’s effects, and as a further mark of distinction, she is allowed the privilege of using a walking-stick with a knob at the end, which is her constant companion. This woman is exceedingly good-natured, and indulges our men with a glass or two of rum every day.

“Last evening, King Boy stripped to the skin, and having his body most hideously marked, ran about the town like a maniac with a spear in his hand, calling loudly on _Dju dju_, and uttering a wild, frantic cry at every corner. It appears that one of his father’s wives had been strongly suspected of adulterous intercourse with a free man residing in the town, and that this strange means was adopted, in pursuance of an ancient custom, to apprize the inhabitants publicly of the circumstance, and implore the counsel and assistance of the god at the examination of the parties. This morning the male aggressor was found dead, having swallowed poison, it is believed, to avoid a worse kind of death, and the priest declaring his opinion of the guilt of the surviving party, she was immediately sentenced to be drowned. This afternoon, the ill-fated woman was tied hand and foot, and conveyed in a canoe to the main body of the river, into which she was thrown without hesitation, a weight of some kind having been fastened to her feet for the purpose of sinking her. She met her death with incredible firmness and resolution. The superstitious people believe, that had the deceased been innocent of the crime laid to her charge, their god would have saved her life, even after she had been flung into the river; but because she had perished, her guilt was unquestionably attested. The mother of the deceased is not allowed to display any signs of sorrow or sadness at the untimely death of her daughter, for were she to do so, the same dreadful punishment would be inflicted upon her, ‘For,’ say the Brass people, ‘if the parent should mourn or weep over the fate of a child guilty of so heinous a crime, we should pronounce her instantly to be as criminal as her daughter, and to have tolerated her offence. But if, on the contrary, she betrays no maternal tenderness, nor bewail her bereavement in tears and groans, we should then conclude her to be entirely ignorant of the whole transaction; she would then give a tacit acknowledgment to the justice of the sentence, and rejoice to be rid of an object that would only entail disgrace on her as long as she lived.

“Our people are become heartily tired of their situation, and impatient to be gone; they were regaled with an extra quantity of rum last evening, by their female friend, the duenna; when their grievances appearing to them in a more grievous light than ever, they had the courage to go in a body to King Boy, to demand an explanation of his intentions towards them. They told him, indignantly, either to convey them to the English brig, or sell them for slaves to the Spaniards, ‘For,’ say they, ‘we would rather lose our liberty, than be kept here to die of hunger.’ Boy returned them an equivocating answer, but treated them much less roughly than I had reason to anticipate. Afterwards, I went myself to the same individual, and with a similar motive, but for some time I had no opportunity of conversing with him. It is a kind of holiday here, and most of the Brass people, with their chiefs, are merry with intoxication. As well as I can understand, during the earlier part of the day they were engaged in a solemn, religious observance, and since then King Forday has publicly abdicated in favour of Boy, who is his eldest son. I discovered those individuals in a court annexed to the habitation of the former, surrounded by a great number of individuals with bottles, glasses, and decanters at their feet; they were all in a state of drunkenness, more or less; and all had their faces and bodies chalked over in rude and various characters. Forday, alone, sat in a chair, Boy was at his side, and the others, amongst whom was our friend Gun and a drummer, were sitting around on blocks of wood, and on the trunk of a fallen tree. The chairman delivered a long oration, but he was too tipsy, and perhaps too full of days to speak with grace, animation, or power; therefore his eloquence was not very persuasive, and his nodding hearers, overcome with drowsiness, listened to him with scarcely any attention. They smiled, however, and laughed occasionally, but I could not find why they did so; I don’t think they themselves could tell. The old chief wore an English superfine beaver hat, and an old jacket, that once belonged to a private soldier, but the latter was so small that he was able only to thrust an arm into one of the sleeves, the other part of the jacket being thrown upon his left shoulder. These, with the addition of a cotton handkerchief, which was tied round his waist, were his only apparel. By far the most showy and conspicuous object in the yard, was an immense umbrella, made of figured cotton of different patterns, with a deep fringe of coloured worsted, which was stuck into the ground. But even this was tattered and torn, and dirty withal, having been in Forday’s possession for many years, and it is only used on public and sacred occasions. I had been sitting amongst the revellers till the speaker had finished his harangue, when I embraced the opportunity, as they were about to separate, of entreating King Boy to hasten our departure for the vessel. He was highly excited and elated with liquor, and being in excellent temper, he promised to take us to-morrow.

“It required little time on the following day, to take leave of a few friends we have at Brass, and we quitted the town not only without regret, but with emotions of peculiar pleasure. King Boy, with three of his women, and his suite in a large canoe, and our people and myself in a smaller one. Adizzetta would gladly have accompanied her husband to the English vessel, for her desire to see it was naturally excessive; but she was forbidden by old Forday, who expressed some squeamishness about the matter, or rather he was jealous that on her return to her father’s house in the Eboe country, she would give too high and favourable an opinion of it to her friends, which might in the end produce consequences highly prejudicial to his interests.

“We stopped awhile at a little fishing village, at no great distance from Brass, where we procured a few fish, and abundance of young cocoa nuts, the milk of which was sweet and refreshing. Continuing our journey on streams and rivulets intricately winding through mangroves and brambles, we entered the main body of the river in time to see the sun setting behind a glorious sky, directly before us. We were evidently near the sea, because the water was perfectly salt, and we scented also the cool and bracing sea breeze, with feelings of satisfaction and rapture. However, the wind became too stormy for our fragile canoe; the waves leaped into it over the bow, and several times we were in danger of being swamped. Our companion was far before us, and out of sight, so that, for the moment, there was no probability of receiving assistance, or of lightening the canoe, but, happily, in a little while we did not require it, for the violence of the wind abating with the disappearance of the sun, we were enabled to continue on our way without apprehension. About nine o’clock in the evening, we overtook the large canoe and the crews, both having partaken of a slight refreshment of fish and plantain together, we passed the _Second Brass River_, which was to the left of us, in company. Here it might have been somewhat more than half a mile in breadth, and though it was dangerously rough for a canoe, with great precaution we reached the opposite side in safety. From thence, we could perceive in the distance, the long wished for Atlantic, with the moonbeams reposing in peaceful beauty on its surface, and could also hear the sea breaking, and roaring over the sandy bar, which stretches across the mouth of the river. The solemn voice of Ocean never sounded more melodiously in my ear, than it did at this moment. O it was enchanting as the harp of David! Passing along by the left bank, we presently entered the First Brass River, which is the _Nun_ of Europeans, where at midnight we could faintly distinguish the masts and rigging of the English brig in the dusky light, which appeared like a dark and fagged cloud above the horizon. To me, however, no sight could be more charming. It was beautiful as the gates of Paradise, and my heart fluttered with unspeakable delight, as we landed in silence on the beach opposite the brig, near a few straggling huts, to wait impatiently the dawn of to-morrow.

“The morning of the 24th was a happy one, for it restored me to the society of my brother, and of my countrymen. The baneful effects of the climate are strongly impressed upon the countenances of the latter, who, instead of their natural healthy hue, have a pale, dejected, and sickly appearance, which is quite distressing to witness. However, the crew of the Spanish schooner look infinitely more wretched; they have little else but their original forms remaining; they crawl about like beings under a curse they are mere shadows or phantoms of men, looking round for their burying place. No spectacle can be more humiliating to man’s pride than this; nothing can give him a more degrading sense of his own nothingness. It is very much to be wondered at why Europeans, and Englishmen in particular, persevere in sending their fellow creatures to this Aceldama, or Golgotha, as the African coast is sometimes not inappropriately called; they might as well bury them at once at home, and it is pleasanter far to die there; but interest, and the lust of gain, like Aaron’s rod, seem to swallow up every other consideration.”

CHAPTER XLII

During the time that the canoe was coming from the shore to the vessel, Richard Lander had stationed himself by the cannon; it was the only one on board, but it had been loaded as Lake had directed, and pointed to the gangway of the brig, where the Brass people were obliged to come. The muskets were all ready, lying concealed, where Lake had directed them to be placed, and he repeated the same orders that he had given on the preceding day, respecting the part that the Landers’ people were to take in the business.

Lake received John Lander very civilly, but immediately expressed his determination to dismiss Boy without giving him a single article, and to make the best of his way out of the river. A short time after the arrival of John Lander, a canoe arrived at the beach, with Mr. Spittle, the mate of the brig, as prisoner, who, immediately sent a note off to the captain, informing him that the price of his liberation was the sum demanded for the pilotage of the vessel over the bar of the river. He said further, that he was strictly guarded, but that, notwithstanding this, he did not despair of making his escape, if Lake could wait a little for him. The vessel had been brought into the river about three months before, but Lake would never pay the pilotage, and all he did was to send Mr. Spittle a little bread and beef. The amount demanded was about fifty pounds worth of goods, which it was quite out of the question that Lake would ever pay.

Meanwhile King Boy, full of gloomy forebodings, had been lingering about the deck. He had evidently foresight enough to suspect what was to take place, and he appeared troubled and uneasy, and bewildered in thought. The poor fellow was quite an altered person; his habitual haughtiness had entirely forsaken him, and given place to a cringing and humble demeanor. A plate of meat was presented to him, of which he ate sparingly, and showed clearly that he was thinking more of his promised goods, than his appetite, and a quantity of rum that was given to him was drunk carelessly, and without affording any apparent satisfaction.

Knowing how things were likely to terminate, the Landers endeavoured to get Boy into a good humour, by telling him that he should certainly have his goods some time or other; but it was all to no purpose; the attempt was a complete failure; the present was the only time in his mind. The Landers really pitied him, and were grieved to think that their promises could not be fulfilled. How gladly would they have made any personal sacrifice, rather than thus break their word; for although they had been half starved in his hands, yet they felt themselves indebted to him for having taken them from the Eboe people, and bringing them to the vessel. Richard Lander rummaged over the few things which had been left them from their disaster at Kirree, and found to his surprise, five silver bracelets wrapped up in a piece of flannel. He was not aware of having these things, but he immediately offered them to him, along with a native sword, which being a very great curiosity, they had brought with them from Yarriba, with the intention of taking it to England. Boy accepted of them, and John Lander then offered him his watch, for which he had a great regard, as it was the gift of one of his earliest and best friends. This was refused with disdain, for Boy knew not its value, and calling one of his men to look at what, he said, the Landers wished to impose on him in lieu of his bars, both of them, with a significant groan, turned away from the Landers with scorn and indignation, nor would they speak to them or even look at them again. The mortification of the Landers was nearly now complete, but they were helpless, and the fault was not with them.

Boy now ventured to approach Captain Lake, on the quarter deck, and with an anxious petitioning countenance, asked for the goods, which had been promised him. Prepared for the desperate game he was about to play, it was the object of Lake to gain as much time as possible, that he might get his vessel under way, before he came to an open rupture. Therefore, he pretended to be busy in writing, and desired Boy to wait a moment. Becoming impatient with delay, Boy repeated his demand a second and a third time: “Give me my bars.” “I NO WILL,” said Lake, in a voice of thunder, which could hardly have been expected from a frame so emaciated as his. “I no will, I tell you; I won’t give you a–flint. Give me my mate, you black rascal, or I will bring a thousand men of war here in a day or two; they shall come and burn down your towns, and kill every one of you; bring me my mate.” Terrified by the demeanor of Lake, and the threats and oaths he made use of, poor King Boy suddenly retreated, and seeing men going aloft to loosen the sails, apprehensive of being carried off to sea, he quickly disappeared from the deck of the brig, and was soon observed making his way on shore in his canoe, with the rest of his people; this was the last they saw of him. In a few minutes from the time Boy had left the vessel, the mate, Mr. Spittle, was sent off in a canoe, so terrified were the Brass people that a man of war would come, and put Lake’s threats into execution.

At ten in the morning the vessel was got under way, and they dropped down the river. At noon the breeze died away, and they were obliged to let go an anchor to prevent their drifting on the western breakers, at the mouth of the river. A few minutes more would have been fatal to them, and the vessel was fortunately stopped, although the depth of water where she lay, was only five fathoms. The rollers, as the large high waves are called, which come into the river over the bar, were so high, that they sometimes passed nearly over the bow of the vessel, and caused her to ride very uneasily by her anchor. They had been obliged to anchor immediately abreast of the Pilot’s town, and expected every moment that they should be fired at from the battery. Time was of the greatest importance to them; they had made Boy their enemy, and expected before they could get out of the river, he would summon his people and make an attack upon them, whilst their whole party amounted only to twenty men, two thirds of whom were Africans. The pilot also, whom Lake had offended so much, was known to be a bold and treacherous ruffian. He was the same person, who steered the brig Susan among the breakers, by which that vessel narrowly escaped destruction, with the loss of her windlass, and an anchor and cable. The fellow had done this, merely with the hope of obtaining a part of the wreck, as it drifted on shore. Another vessel, a Liverpool oil trader, was actually lost on the bar, by the treachery of the same individual, who having effected his purpose, by placing her in a situation, from which she could not escape, jumped overboard and swam to the canoe, which was at a short distance. The treatment of the survivors of this wreck is shocking to relate; they were actually stripped of their clothes, and allowed to die of hunger. It would be an endless task to enumerate all the misdeeds, that are laid to this fellow’s charge, which have no doubt lost nothing by report, but after making all reasonable allowances for exaggeration, his character appears in a most revolting light, and the fact of his running these vessels on the bar, proves him to be a desperate and consummate villain. This same fellow is infinitely more artful and intelligent than any of his countrymen, and is one of the handsomest black men that the Landers had seen.

Not long after they had dropped the anchor, they observed the pilot, with the help of the glass, walking on the beach, and watching them occasionally. A multitude of half-naked, suspicious-looking fellows, were likewise straggling along the shore, while others were seen emerging from a grove of cocoa trees, and the thick bushes near it. These men were all armed, chiefly with muskets, and they subsequently assembled in detached groups to the number of several hundreds, and appeared to be consulting about attacking the vessel. Nothing less than this, and to be fired at from the battery, was now expected by them, and there was no doubt that the strength and loftiness of the brig only deterred them from so doing. The same people were hovering on the beach till very late in the evening, when they dispersed; many of them could be seen even at midnight, so that they were obliged to keep a good look-out till the morning.

During the night, the vessel rode very uneasily, in consequence of the long heavy waves which set in from the bar; these are technically called by sailors _ground swell_, being different from the waves which are raised while the wind blows; the latter generally break at the top, while the former are quite smooth, and roll with great impetuosity in constant succession, forming a deep furrow between them, which, with the force of the wave, is very dangerous to vessels at anchor.

Their motions were still closely watched by the natives. About eleven they got under way, but were obliged to anchor again in the afternoon, as the water was not deep enough for the vessel to pass over the bar. The mate sounded the bar again, and placed a buoy as a mark for the vessel to pass over in the deepest water.

On the following morning, the wind favouring them, they made another attempt at getting out of the river. They had already made some progress, when the wind again died away, and the current setting them rapidly over to the eastern breakers, they were obliged to let go an anchor to save them from destruction. They could see nothing of the buoy, and no doubt was entertained that it was washed away by the current. Their anchorage was in three and a half fathom water, and the ground swell, which then set in, heaved the vessel up and down in such a frightful manner, that they expected every moment to see the chain cable break. As soon as they dropped their anchor, the tide rushed past the vessel at the rate of eight miles an hour. After the ebb tide had ceased running, the swell gradually subsided, and the vessel rode easily.

The mate was again sent to sound the bar, and in about three hours afterwards, returned with the information that two fathoms and three quarters was the deepest water he could find. The bar extended across the mouth of the river in the form of a crescent, leaving a very narrow and shallow entrance for vessels in the middle, which was generally concealed by the surf and foam of the adjacent breakers. When the wind is light and the tide high, and the surface of the water smooth, excepting in a few places, the bar is then most dangerous. They observed several fires made by the natives on the beach, which were supposed to be signals for them to return.

They passed a restless and most unpleasant night. The captain and the people were much alarmed for the safety of the brig. The heavy ground swell, which set in, increased by the strength of the tide, caused her to pitch and labour so hard, that a man was placed to watch the cable, and give notice the moment it _complained_, a technical expression, which meant, the moment it gave signs of breaking. Daylight had scarcely dawned, when the pall of the windlass broke. The purpose of this was to prevent the windlass from turning round on its axis against any strain to which it might be subjected, and consequently it was no sooner broken, than the windlass flew round with incredible velocity, having nothing to resist the strain of the cable, which was passed round it. The chain cable ran out so swiftly, that in half a minute the windlass was broken to atoms. The two Landers with their people rendered all the assistance in their power to prevent the ship from drifting. They succeeded in fastening the cable to ring bolts in the deck, until they got sufficient of it clear to go round the capstan, which they had no sooner effected, than the ring bolts were fairly drawn out of the deck by the strain on the cable.

About eight in the evening, a terrific wave, called by sailors a _sea_, struck the vessel with tremendous force, and broke the chain cable. “The cable is gone,” shouted a voice, and the next instant the captain cried out in a firm, collected tone, “Cut away the kedge,” which was promptly obeyed, and the vessel was again stopped from drifting among the breakers. The man who had been stationed to look out on the cable, came running aft on deck, as soon as he had given notice of the danger, calling out that all was over. “Good God!” was the passionate exclamation of every one, and a slight confusion ensued. But the captain was prepared for the worst, he gave his orders with firmness, and behaved with promptness and intrepidity.

“We were riding by the kedge, a small anchor, which, however, was the only one left us, and on which the safety of the brig now depended. The breakers were close under our stern, and this was not expected to hold ten minutes; it was a forlorn hope, every eye was fixed on the raging surf, and our hearts thrilled with agitation, expecting every moment that the vessel would be dashed in pieces. A few long and awful minutes were passed in this state, which left an indelible impression on our minds. Never,” continues Richard Lander, “shall I forget the chief mate saying to me, ‘Now, sir, every one for himself, a few minutes will be the last with us.’ The tumultuous sea was raging in mountainous waves close by us, their foam dashing against the sides of the brig, which was only prevented from being carried among them by a weak anchor and cable. The natives, from whom they could expect no favour, were busy on shore making large fires, and other signals, for us to desert the brig and land at certain places, expecting, no doubt, every moment to see her a prey to the waves, and those who escaped their fury, to fall into their hands. Wretched resource! the sea would have been far more merciful than they.”

Such was their perilous situation, when a fine sea breeze set in, which literally saved them from destruction. The sails were loosened to relieve the anchor from the strain of the vessel, and she rode out the ebb tide without drifting. At ten a.m. the tide had nearly ceased running out, and the fury of the sea rather abated, but it was quite impossible that the brig could ride out another ebb tide where she lay, with the kedge anchor alone to hold her; the only chance left them, therefore, was to get to sea, and the captain determined on crossing the bar, although there appeared to be little chance of success. At half-past ten a.m. he manned the boat with two of Lander’s men, and two Kroomen belonging to the brig, and sent them to tow while the anchor was got on board. This had no sooner been done than the wind fell light, and instead of drifting over to the western breakers as on the two preceding days, the brig was now set towards those on the eastern side, and again they had a narrow escape. With the assistance of the boat and good management, they at length passed clear over the bar on the edge of the breakers, in a depth of quarter less three fathoms, and made sail to the eastward. Their troubles were now at an end; by the protection of a merciful Providence, they had escaped dangers, the very thoughts of which had filled them with horror, and with a grateful heart and tears of joy for all his mercies, they offered up a silent prayer of thanks for their deliverance.

The bar extends about four or five miles from the mouth of the river, in a southerly direction, but is by no means known. This river is by far the best place on the whole coast, at which small vessels may procure oil, as it is the shortest distance from the Eboe country, where the best palm oil is to be had in any quantity. The Eboe oil is pronounced to be superior to that of any other part of the country, which is brought to the coast. The river is not much frequented, owing probably to its being unknown, and the difficulty of crossing the bar; for not more than five English vessels have been known to come to it, two of which are stated to have been lost, and a third to have struck on the bar, but being a new strong vessel, she beat over into deep water. The Landers recommend any master going to the river for palm oil, to provide himself with two good strong six-oared boats for towing, and a double complement of Kroomen. The expense of ten or twelve Kroomen would be trifling, as they only require a few yams and a little palm oil to eat, and they are always ready to perform any laborious work which may be required of them. If masters of vessels coming to the river would send a boat before to sound, and have two good six-oared boats towing, it is supposed there would be no danger of any being lost, as has been the case with some, from being weakly manned. Vessels are got under way with a fine breeze, and when they arrive in the most dangerous part, it dies away, and if there be no boats ready for towing, nothing can save them from destruction.

Vessels going out of the river are usually recommended to keep as near as possible to the western breakers, but this plan is supposed to be very dangerous, unless there be sufficient wind to keep command of them. When a vessel leaves her anchorage in the river, she will be set by the current over to the western breakers, and when half way to the bar, will be set over to the eastern, as the Landers were. The river would be the safest in the month of December or January, as the rains in the interior would then be over, and all the extra water will have been discharged, which it has received in the extent of country through which it has run. When no English vessels are in the river, the people of Bonny come and purchase the palm oil from the Brass people, probably for the purpose of supplying the ships in their river, as well as for their own uses.

On the morning of November 28th, they discovered a strange vessel on their starboard beam, which directly made sail in chase of them. After firing a gun to make them stop, or to bring them to, as the sailors expressed themselves, she sent a boat on board of the brig, and we found her to be the Black Joke, tender to the British commodore’s ship. The Landers reported themselves to the lieutenant commanding her, under the hope of her taking them on board of his vessel and landing them at Accra, from whence they thought it would be easy to find their way by one of his majesty’s ships to Ascension or St. Helena, from either of which places an opportunity would offer for them to get home without delay. The orders, however, of the lieutenant were to run down the coast as far as the Congo, and he recommended them to go to Fernando Po, where they would find every assistance, and a vessel about to sail soon for England. Having obtained from them the intelligence that the Spanish slaver was lying in the Nun River ready to sail, he immediately altered his course for that river, for the purpose of capturing her. Captain Lake agreed to land them in his boat at Fernando Po, as he passed the island on his way to the River Camaroons, and they again made sail to the westward.

They were two days in making their passage to Fernando Po, and on the morning of December 1st, to their great satisfaction, they discovered the island. They were glad to get out of the Thomas, for the unfeeling commander, notwithstanding that Lander’s men had rendered him every service in getting his brig out of the river, and had done every thing required of them, afterwards employed every means he could think of to annoy them, and to make them uncomfortable, while they were with him. At night, while the people were sleeping, he would make his men draw water, and throw it over them, for mere amusement. There are many commanders as bad as he is on the coast, who seem to vie with each other in acts of cruelty and oppression. The captain of the palm oil brig Elizabeth, now in the Calebar River, actually whitewashed his crew from head to foot, while they were sick with fever, and unable to protect themselves; his cook suffered so much in the operation, that the lime totally deprived him of the sight of one of his eyes, and rendered the other of little service to him.

In the afternoon they were happily landed at Clarence Cove, in the island of Fernando Po, where they were most kindly received by Mr. Becroft, the acting superintendent. This worthy gentleman readily supplied them with changes of linen, and every thing they stood in need of, besides doing all he could to make them comfortable. The kindness and hospitality they received from him and Dr. Crichton in particular, made a grateful impression on the hearts of the Landers.

Accustomed as they had been during the last month, to the monotonous sameness of a low flat country, the banks of the river covered with mangroves overhanging the water, and in many parts, in consequence of its extraordinary height, apparently growing out of it; the lofty summit of Fernando Po, and the still loftier mountains of the Camaroons, on the distant mainland, presented a sublime and magnificent appearance. The highest mountain of the Camaroons, is a striking feature on this part of the coast, being more than thirteen thousand feet high. The land in its vicinity is low and flat, which renders the appearance of this mountain still more imposing, as it towers majestically over the surrounding country in solitary grandeur. It divides the embouchures of the spacious rivers Old Calebar and Del Rey on the west, from the equally important one of the Cameroons on the east. The island of Fernando is detached about twenty miles from the coast, and appeared to them, when they first saw it, in two lofty peaks connected by a high ridge of land. The northern peak is higher than the other, which is situated in the southern part of the island, and rises gradually from the sea to the height of ten thousand seven hundred feet. In clear weather the island can be seen at the distance of more than a hundred miles; but this is not always the case, as the summit is most frequently concealed by clouds and fogs, which are common at certain seasons of the year.

As they approached the island in fine weather, and with a moderate wind, they had ample time to observe it. The shore is formed mostly of a dark coloured rock, and covered with trees which reach down to the water’s edge. The whole of the lower part of the island is covered with fine forest trees of various descriptions, extending about three fourths up the sides of the mountain, where they became thinly scattered, stinted in their growth, and interspersed with low bushes and a brown dry grass. In various parts, patches of cultivated ground may be seen along with the huts of the natives, presenting, with the luxuriant foliage of the trees, a mass of verdure in the most flourishing condition. Nature has here done her utmost; the whole appearance of the island is of the most beautiful description, and fully justifies its title to the name of _Ilha Formosa_, signifying, “beautiful island,” which it first received. As they approached it still nearer, the stupendous precipices, and wide fissures near the summit of the principal mountain, became more distinct, by the contrast between their dark recesses and the lights on the projecting rocks, until by the proximity of the observers to the shore, the whole became concealed behind the lesser height next to the sea.

Until the year 1827, the island lay forsaken and neglected in its primitive condition, neither the Portuguese nor Spaniards having thought it worth their consideration. At length, the attention of the British government was directed to it, in consequence of its favourable position for putting a stop to the slave trade in that quarter of Africa. Situated within a few hours sail of the coast, in the immediate vicinity of those rivers, commencing with the Camaroons on the east, and extending along the whole of the Gold Coast, where the principal outlets of this unlawful traffic are found, Fernando Po presented advantages, which were sufficient to authorize a settlement being formed on it, and Captain W. Owen sailed from England for that purpose, in his majesty’s ship Eden, with the appointment of governor, and with Commander Harrison under his orders. Captain Owen had been previously employed on an extensive and difficult survey of the coasts of Africa, both in the Atlantic and Indian Oceans, in which the shores of this island were included, and therefore, having visited it before, he was no stranger either to its nature and resources, or to the climate in which it is situated. Previously to the arrival of Captain Owen, the island had been occasionally visited by some of the ships on the African station, for the purpose of obtaining supplies of vegetables and water, and perhaps now and then a Liverpool trader would be seen there waiting for palm oil, or recovering the health of her crew from fevers obtained in the rivers on the coast. As the natives reside some distance in the interior, the arrival of a ship of war at the island, was announced to them by the discharge of a cannon on board, which was sufficient to bring them to the sea side, with whatever vegetables, poultry, and other articles they might wish to sell. The articles mostly demanded by them in return, were pieces of iron-hoop, knives, and nails. At first, a piece of iron-hoop about six inches long, would purchase a pair of fowls or four yams, so great was the value which the natives attached to iron.

The business of forming a new settlement, is a species of service that requires the exercise of certain qualities of the mind, which it is not the good fortune of every one to possess. In addition to the pernicious effects of the climate on European constitutions, there were people on the island, who, although they might be unable to offer any serious impediment to the progress of the settlement, it was necessary to conciliate than treat them with hostility, and for this, no one could have been better calculated than Captain Owen. Whatever may have induced him to relinquish the appointment of governor, no measures for gaining the friendship of the natives, and thereby securing their good will towards the colony, could have been better than those which he adopted, and the chiefs even now frequently mention his name.

The part selected as the site of the proposed settlement, was on the northern side of the island on the borders of a small cove, formed by a narrow neck of land projecting out from the shore on the eastern side of it. This was named “Point William,” and the cove, together with the whole establishment was called “Clarence,” after his most gracious majesty, who was then lord high admiral of Great Britain. Point Adelaide with two small islets off it, connected by a sand bank, forms the western boundary of the cove, and is distant about half a mile from Point William. Goderich Bay lies to the east, and Cockburn Cove to the west of Clarence Cove. Under the able direction of Captain Owen, the various buildings were planned, while the operation of clearing the ground was going forward. A flag staff, which formerly stood on the extremity of Point William, was removed to the governor’s house; and a large commodious building, with a few solitary palm trees near it, is the first object which attracts attention. This building was assigned as the hospital, and was judiciously situated here, as it was the most exposed to the sea breeze, and stood completely isolated from the rest of the settlement, both which precautions were of no small importance in the climate of Fernando Po. A small, round-topped building at a short distance from the hospital, with a few huts near it, and surrounded by stakes, was formerly the magazine, and near it was another large building, used as the marine barracks. The officers’ quarters, and those of the African corps, were next in succession, and announced their military character by a piece of artillery mounted close to them, and pointed towards the cove. The governor’s house, a large, spacious building, stands eminently conspicuous, on the precipice of the shore beneath, which is the landing place. From hence, a fatiguing walk leads immediately to it, up an ascent of about one hundred feet. A battery of seven guns were landed for this purpose from his majesty’s ship, Esk, which were placed in a very commanding situation in front of the governor’s house. The house of the mixed commission for the adjudication of captured slave vessels, stands in an unfinished state, at a short distance from the governor’s. Various other buildings occupy Point William, which are diversified by a few trees, that give it a pleasing and picturesque appearance from the sea. This remark is generally made by those who first visit Clarence Cove, and all are pleased on first seeing it. In addition to the buildings just enumerated, Mr. Lloyd has a tolerably good house, and the surgeon of the colony, who is a naval officer, has also one assigned for his residence. The Kroomen and free negroes, who amount to about two thousand in number, have a collection of small, neat huts, at a short distance from government house, which are constructed of wood, and thatched with palm leaves. They are very careful of them, and have a small garden in the front as well as behind, in which they cultivate Indian corn, bananas, peppers, &c. These huts form two small streets, but they are daily receiving additions from new comers.

The work of clearing the ground is constantly going forward and is performed by the free negroes, the African troops, and the Kroomen. The principal disease amongst these people, which arises from accidents in cutting down the trees, is ulcerated legs, and sixteen of them were in the hospital from this cause alone. The Kroomen are a particular race of people, differing entirely from the other African tribes. They inhabit a country called Sotta Krou, on the coast near Cape Palmas; their principal employment being of a maritime nature. Their language, as well as their general character, is also different from that of their neighbours. A certain number of these men are always employed on board of the ships of war on the African coast, for the purpose of performing those duties where considerable fatigue and exposure to the sun are experienced. In consequence of their roving employment, they are to be found on all parts of the coast, and are sufficiently acquainted with it to serve as pilots. It is customary with them to establish themselves on various parts of the coast for this purpose, and to leave the elders of their tribes in their own country, unless their presence should be required by any war that might take place. They are said to return to their country after an absence of several years, when they have amassed by their industry, sufficient to maintain themselves, and some among them are intelligent and active, but they are not always to be trusted, although they are a very superior class of people, in comparison with other African tribes.

Besides a watering place at a short distance to the right of the governor’s house, two small streams, Hay brook and Horton brook, run into Goderich Bay, affording plenty of excellent water, and capable of admitting boats. The watering place, above-mentioned, is generally frequented, from the convenience with which the water is obtained, being connected to the sea side by a wooden aqueduct, under which boats may lie and fill their casks very easily without removing them.

When the Landers arrived, Clarence establishment consisted of the superintendent, or acting governor, Mr. Becroft, who was generally known by the title of captain; Captain Beattie, the commander of the Portia, colonial schooner; Mr. Crichton, a naval surgeon; Lieutenant Stockwell, with a party of five or six marines; a mulatto ensign of the royal African corps, with two black companions from Sierra Leone, and some carpenters and sail-makers, besides a mulatto, who filled the office of clerk or secretary to Mr. Becroft; an English merchant of the name of Lloyd, in the employment of Mr. Smith, whose residence has been already mentioned.

No place, in point of convenience, could have been better selected for a settlement, than that on which Clarence is situated. The bay affords safe anchorage for shipping, from the furious tornadoes, which are common in this part of the world, and is sufficiently capacious to shelter as many vessels as are likely to visit the island; it abounds with fish, and is free from sunken rocks, and the shore is steep and easy of access to boats. There is another bay, called George’s Bay, on the western side of the island, but it has the disadvantage of being open to that quarter, and consequently affords no safety to shipping. The proximity of Clarence Cove to the coast of Africa, is also another important point in favour of the object for which the establishment was formed.

The natives of Fernando Po are the filthiest race of people in the whole world. They are different in their manners and appearance from their neighbours on the coast, to whom the Landers had of late been so much accustomed, and possess no single trait of character similar to them, except that of pilfering. In point of civilization, to which the natives of Brass Town have not the most distant pretensions, these people have even still less; their language is totally different, and they have no resemblance whatever to them. This in itself affords a tolerable proof of the little intercourse they have had with the world, for while the other islands of the gulf are plentifully stocked with the same race of people as those of the coast, Fernando Po which is so much nearer to it, is inhabited by a totally different class. They are, generally speaking, a stout, athletic, and well-made race of people, and peculiarly harmless and peaceably inclined in their dispositions, although each individual is generally armed with a spear about eight feet in length, made of a hard wood, and barbed at one end. They appeared also to be a healthy race of people, for although here and there one or two might be less favoured by nature in their persons, no signs of the diseases so common among the natives of Africa were to be seen amongst them.

They have already been described as a filthy race, but no words can convey an idea of their disgusting nature. They have long hair, which it is difficult to distinguish, from being matted together with red clay and palm oil. The clay and oil are so profusely laid on; that it forms an impenetrable shield for the head, and the long tresses, which descend to their shoulders, are generally in a moist condition. Although this covering is a complete safeguard to all inconvenience from without, they still further adorn their heads with a kind of cap, made of dry grass, ornamented round the border with the feathers of fowls, or any other bird, carefully stuck into it apart from each other. Some are so vain as to affix the horns of a ram in front of this cap, which gives them a most strange and ludicrous appearance. Finally, the cap with all its ornaments of feathers, horns, shells, &c. is secured in its place with a piece of stick, which answers the purpose by being forced through it on one side and out on the opposite, after passing underneath the hair. Sometimes this elegant pin, as it may be called, is formed of the leg bone of some small animal, and is pointed at one end for the purpose of penetrating more easily. The expression of their countenance, scared and marked as it is, and surmounted by the cap already described, is wild and barbarous. They smear their faces entirely over with red clay, mixed with palm oil, sometimes a kind of grey dust is used instead of the clay, and this preparation being equally distributed over their whole persons, renders their presence scarcely tolerable. It is difficult to find out the colour of their skin under the filthy covering of oil and clay by which it is concealed, but it is believed not to be so dark as the African negro, and more resembling a copper colour.

The natives make use of no other dress than the cap, which they wear on their heads, but a few leaves, or a bunch of dried grass, are usually secured round the middle by the people of both sexes, while the younger, naturally unconscious of indecency, go entirely naked. The vertebrae of snakes, the bones of fowls and birds, as well as sheep, broken shells, small beads, and pieces of cocoa nut shell are put in requisition by the natives, for the ornament of their persons. A profusion of these strung together hang round the waist, which it seems to be the principal care to decorate in this manner, while their necks are scarcely less favoured with a proportion of these articles. Strings of them are also fastened round the arms and legs, but not in such quantities as round the waist. The pieces of hoop they have obtained from the ships which have visited the island, are formed into rude knives, or polished, and worn on the arm, in a kind of band made of straw, and are much valued. In their first intercourse with Europeans, the natives were very shy, and displayed much fear, but this gradually wore off, and they now venture boldly on board for the purpose of obtaining knives, hatchets, or any thing they can get. They have a few canoes of small dimensions, capable of containing ten or twelve people, but are not very expert in the management of them, although they are so far advanced as to make use of a mast and sail, which latter is constructed of a sort of mat. They seem to be little addicted to the water, and none were seen amongst them; who could swim. In their fishing excursions, the natives are generally very successful, and those who pursue this mode of obtaining their livelihood, are compelled to adhere to it, and allowed to have nothing to do with cultivating the land. They exchange their fish for yams, and thus the wants of the fishermen and the cultivators are both supplied.

On the first visit of ships to this island, very considerable aversion was shown by the natives to any of their people attempting to go to their huts, or even to their endeavouring to penetrate into the woods, although only a short distance from the shore, from a fear perhaps of their plantations being plundered. Their huts, which are of the rudest construction imaginable, may be distinctly seen amongst the trees in small groups, surrounding a clear space of ground, in which they cultivate the yam, and are formed of a few stakes driven firmly into the ground, thatched over with the palm leaf, the sides being completed with a sort of wicker work. They are about ten or twelve feet long, and half that in breadth, and not more than four or five feet in height. Their only furniture consists of some long flat pieces of wood, raised a few inches from the ground, and slightly hollowed out, to answer the purpose of sleeping in.

Numerous instances have occurred, of the thieving propensities of the natives, and it required, at first, a considerable degree of vigilance to prevent them from being successful, but it is due to the chiefs to say, that since the establishment of Clarence, they have invariably taken an active part in putting a stop to it. Whatever may have been their habits previously to the formation of the settlement, they seem to be little improved by their intercourse with the settlers. Their principal chief has received the formidable appellation of cut-throat from Captain Owen, a name, by which he will be known as long as he lives. This fellow is a most determined savage, and seems to have lost none of his natural propensities by communicating with the settlers. He has received innumerable presents from the English, of clothes, and a variety of things, which are all thrown away upon him, and he goes about as usual, wearing his little hat, with feathers stuck in it, and the long grass about his waist, disdaining such useless coverings as he imagines them. This is not to be wondered at, for accustomed as he has been all his life time, to the unrestrained freedom of his whole person, it would be rather a matter of surprise to see him make use of them, particularly in the climate of Fernando Po, where one almost wishes to follow the example of the natives, excepting in the use of their clay and palm oil. No doubt Cut-throat thinks this quite a sufficient covering.

The natives pay frequent visits to the colony, and, however they may deal out justice amongst themselves, are by no means backward in seeing it administered among the free negroes and Kroomen of Clarence. It frequently happens, that in the scarcity of live stock, some of the former, unable to restrain their desire for more substantial food, and tired of their Indian corn, venture to help themselves to what the natives will not bring them; parties of these people are accordingly formed, who find their way to the huts of the natives in the interior, and steal their yams, goats, and sheep, or whatever they meet with. These depredations are sure to bring the unfortunate owners to the colony with complaints of their losses, which are laid before the governor. The negroes are then mustered before them, and the native who has been plundered, is allowed, if he can do so, to point out the thief. If he should be successful, which is frequently the case, he is allowed to witness the punishment, which the offender is sentenced to receive, and generally gets some recompense for his loss. On the Sunday after the arrival of the Landers at Clarence, a party of four Kroomen set off into the interior, with the full determination of plunder, let the consequences be what it might. They had not gone far before they met with a goat belonging to a native, which they immediately shot, and returned with it carefully concealed, that they might not be discovered. Their precautions, however, were of little avail, for the owner of the animal accompanied by a party of his friends, made his appearance at Clarence the next morning, and preferred his complaint in strong terms against the luckless Kroomen, whom, it appeared, he knew perfectly well. The Kroomen were accordingly mustered, and the very four, who had gone on this unfortunate expedition, were pointed out with exultation by the natives. The law took its course, the Kroomen each received one hundred and fifty lashes from the African drummer, usually employed on these occasions, while the natives stood by, to see that the punishment was duly performed. This they did to admiration, by counting the number of lashes each received; and having witnessed the last punished, with eyes sparkling with brutal satisfaction at the tortures of the unfortunate sufferers, they went away quite satisfied. The place where this disagreeable operation is performed, is in the barrack yard, on Point William, between the officers’ house and the hospital. The culprit is tied up to a kind of strong gallows, erected for the purpose. Two stout pieces of timber, about seven or eight feet high, are driven perpendicularly into the ground, about four feet apart from each other, a piece is secured firmly across them at the top, and another at a short distance from the ground. The hands of the man who is to be punished, are tied at each end of the upright pieces, and his legs are secured to the same on each side below, in which position he is exposed to the merciless scourge of the drummer, which is a common cat-o-nine-tails. It is painful even to think of such scenes as these, and when they take place at the mere whim and caprice of the hardened slave merchant, such a picture is revolting in the extreme. Here, however, severe as it may appear, it must be looked upon in a different point of view. The punishment is great, but with the certainty of receiving it, if discovered, the negro will run the risk of incurring it, by what may be termed the breach of the first law of civilized society. In addition to the tendency it has to keep the free blacks in control, such a proceeding convinces the natives of the island, that their depredations are not sanctioned by the colony. Were some punishment not instituted to curb the restless, pilfering propensities of these people, no order could be maintained; they would return to a worse condition, than that which they were in at first, and the colony would no longer be secure; for the natives of the island, finding their homes invaded, and their property carried off, unable to obtain redress, would soon take the law into their own hands, and would either murder the colonists, or drive them from the island. Therefore, although a severe one, it is a salutary measure, and it has no doubt done much towards keeping the natives themselves honest. What punishment is adopted by the natives, the Landers were not able to ascertain. The chiefs appear to possess considerable authority over them, and it is not improbable that the custom of the settlement is imitated in some shape or other.

The only weapon used by the natives, excepting the knife before mentioned, is a spear, of about eight feet in length, made of iron wood, and barbed at one end. The nature of the wood is so hard, as not to require the protection of iron at the end, and they did not see any pointed with it. They are very plentiful amongst the natives, who do not appear to attach any particular value to them. The Landers during their stay had no opportunity of witnessing their expertness with them, but they are said to use them for killing monkeys and other animals.

The resources of the island, in point of provisions are exhausted, or the natives are determined to reserve what are left for their own purposes. On the first formation of the establishment, they gladly brought to market all they had to dispose of, in the same manner as they had done to any vessel that chanced to visit the island. These consisted of a few goats, sheep, and fowls, of a very poor quality, and plenty of yams, which were all readily exchanged for pieces of iron hoop, of about six inches long. A piece of hoop of this length would purchase a goat, three or four fowls, or a large bundle of yams, weighing about twenty pounds. As their stock became exhausted, so the iron hoops became less valuable; more were demanded, until the natives could no longer supply the settlement, and had enough to do to provide for themselves, when they discontinued their supplies, and the settlement, not yet able to provide for itself, is dependent on supplies from the Calebar, and other rivers near it. Bullocks are stated by the natives, to be plentiful on the hills in the interior, but the Landers did not hear of any having been seen by the people of Clarence, and they are generally obtained from the Calebar River. Deer are also said to be on the island, abundance of wild fowl, and a great number of monkeys, some black and others of a brown colour. Parrots are also innumerable, and the natives are particularly partial to them and monkeys for food. Turtle have been caught in the bay, as well as fish, but these supplies are uncertain, and, therefore, not to be depended upon. The island is entirely mountainous, and contains a fine rich soil, capable of producing any thing required of it. Several small mountain streams fall into the sea, the largest of which are the two, named Hay and Horton Brooks, before mentioned. The principal vegetable cultivated by the natives is the yam, with which they are particularly successful. The best yams of the island are said to be those of George’s Bay, which are very large, and of an uncommonly fine flavour. The supply of these at Clarence is now very limited, and not to be depended on always, which may be probably to a difference in the season for growing them. This deficiency has been in some measure remedied by the construction of a government garden, from which some men of war have received supplies, but these are not sufficient to supply the wants of the colony, and recourse is had for them to the Calebar River.

Palm wine at the colony, as well as on the coast, is the common and favourite drink of the natives. It is easily procured in any quantity, and is used in either an unfermented state, when just fresh from the tree, or after it has been kept some days. It seems peculiarly intended by a bountiful providence for the untutored and destitute Indian, who is unable to supply himself with those beverages which are the result of art. The palm tree affords him a pleasant drink, a valuable oil, a fruit from the nut, and besides food, it furnishes him with a material to construct his hut, and is always ready for any immediate purpose. The juice, which is called “wine,” is obtained by making a hole in the trunk of the tree, and inserting a piece of the leaf into it, so as to form a spout; the liquid flows through this, and is received in a calabash placed beneath it, which probably holds two or three gallons, and will be thus filled in the course of a day. It shortly assumes a milky appearance, and is either used in this state, or preserved till it acquires rather a bitter flavour. The produce of the palm tree, fish, and yams, form the principal food of the natives; they devour monkeys when they can get them.

This method of obtaining the juice of the palm tree is exactly similar to that which is adopted by the Indians of North America, with respect to the maple tree. A hole is made in the same manner in the trunk of the tree, and a piece of birch bark inserted into it as a spout, which, from its peculiar nature, answers the purpose remarkably well. The juice of the maple instead of being preserved is converted into sugar by evaporation. There are various sorts of timber at Fernando Po, amongst which the African oak is very plentiful, and particularly so in George’s Bay, where it grows close to the sea side; satin wood, ebony, lignum vitae, yellow cam wood, and several sorts of mahogany, besides other wood of a very hard nature, grow in profusion all over the island, and may probably hereafter become valuable.

The Landers had the good fortune to arrive at the island during the season of fine weather, but they had not enjoyed much of the sea breeze, which about noon, sometimes set in from the north west quarter, The harmattan is said to be experienced here, although it extends not to the other islands of the gulf. This wind, which passes over the sands of Africa, would be almost insupportable, were it not for the sea breezes. While the harmattan lasts, the dryness in the atmosphere produces an unpleasant feeling, although it is said not to be injurious to health. The atmosphere is filled with a fine light sand, which prevents objects from being distinctly seen; the sun loses its brilliancy, and everything appears parched and suffering from a want of moisture. The effect of the harmattan after the rainy season is said to be most beneficial in drying up the vapours with which the atmosphere is loaded, and it has been observed, that on the return of this wind at the end of the rainy season, the recovery of invalids commences. The harmattan has also the effect of drying up the skin of the natives in a very extraordinary manner. After an exposure to it, the skin peals off in white scales from their whole body, which assumes an appearance as if it were covered over with white dust.

The islands in the gulf of Guinea, with the exception of Fernando Po, have each a capital town of some consequence, and although they produce sufficient supplies for ships that visit them, and carry on a small trade, it is much to be doubted, whether they are not more indebted for their importance to the slave trade than any other source. With respect to Prince’s Island and St. Thomas, they are known to be the receptacles for slaves from the coast, from whence they are re-embarked and conveyed away as opportunities offer; and the natives of the small island of Anna Bon, appear to be living in constant fear of the same, from the effects of their former treatment by the Spaniards.

The natives of Anna Bon, have a tradition that they once belonged to the Portuguese, and exhibit proofs of their having been formerly initiated in the ceremonies of the Roman Catholic religion. They are said to be particularly careful, when any stranger visits their settlement, to let them see their church, which is appropriately situated for this purpose immediately opposite the landing place. At present, by all accounts, they are living in a state of natural simplicity and ignorance of the world. Some idea may be formed of the condition of their minds, by a story that is currently related of them, in which the effects of their former tuition are apparent. The king once gravely told a visitor, with an idea of impressing him with his importance, that a short time previously to his arrival, he had held a conference with the supreme being, from whom he had learnt the cause of a recent sickness which had visited them, and also that he had approved of his being the king of the island. Other stories, equally nonsensical, are told of them, such as might be expected from people in this half-informed condition. But the old king’s word was sufficient for his subjects, and this assurance was quite enough to satisfy the harmless, inoffensive creatures, that he was their legitimate king. Although Anna Bon is a healthy island in comparison with any other in the Gulf of Guinea; it is too far removed from the coast to be of use in putting down the slave trade, unless it were made a rendezvous for half a dozen steam vessels, which would do more than any other class of vessels towards effecting this object.

Favourable as the situation of Clarence is for the purpose for which it is intended, it is much to be regretted that it is so unhealthy for Europeans. During the stay of the Landers on the island, four deaths occurred; these persons were the sail maker, one of the carpenters of the colony, a seaman of the Portia, a colonial schooner, and one of the crew of the Susan, an English brig that they found there, on their arrival. The Susan was in the Calebar, waiting for a cargo, when her crew were attacked with fever, which quickly carried off her captain, mates, and left only one person alive. The vessel thus reduced, was without her crew to bring her out of the river, much less to complete her cargo, and she might have remained there till the last had died, but for the watchful attention of Mr. Becroft, who brought her to Clarence with a party of men, and after putting a new mast into her, and doing all in his power to set the vessel in order, supplied her with provisions and fresh people, and sent her to sea. The Landers were offered a passage in her to England, but declined accepting it in consequence of the condition in which she had been. She was afterwards obliged to stop at Cape Coast, in consequence of the fever having broken out afresh on board of her. The most melancholy account of the effects of the climate here, which came within the knowledge of the Landers, was in the family of Lieutenant Stockwell, the officer commanding the party of marines, whose name has been already mentioned. This gentleman had brought his wife and a large family with him from the island of Ascension, who were residing with his brother officer in a building called the Waterfall House, which had been erected by Captain Owen. Mr. Stockwell successively lost five of his children, and five servants, the latter of whom successively died, as they came into his service. His brother officer also died, making eleven in number, and Mr. Stockwell and his wife narrowly escaped with their lives. The house was in consequence deserted by them, and since been occupied by the black people. The fever, which attacks Europeans at this island, is said to be similar to the yellow fever in the West Indies. The symptoms are the same, from the commencement to the end of the disease, and it is equally as summary in its effects. George’s Bay, is said to be far healthier than Clarence, and being on the western side of the island, receives the full benefit of the sea breeze, while at Clarence, the wind is later, and is interrupted by land to the westward of it. In addition to this, the sea breeze passes over a long and disagreeable swamp in its progress to Clarence, which no doubt charges it with all kinds of noxious vapours. George’s Bay, besides having the benefit of a pure sea breeze, has a good deal of clear land about it, and equally as good a soil as Clarence.

It is more than probable, as the Landers had now ascertained, that a water communication may be carried on with so extensive a part of the interior of Africa, that a considerable trade will be opened with the country through which they had passed. The natives only require to know what is wanted from them, and to be shown what they will have in return, and much produce that is now lost from neglect, will be turned to a considerable account. The countries situated on the banks of the Niger, will become frequented from all the adjacent parts, and this magnificent stream will assume an appearance, it has never yet displayed. The first effects of a trade being opened, will be to do away with the monopoly near the mouth of the river, which has hitherto been held by the chiefs of the lower countries. Steam boats will penetrate up the river even as far as Lever, at the time of year in which the Landers came down, and will defy the efforts of these monopolists to arrest their progress. The steam engine, the greatest invention of the human mind, will be a fit means of conveying civilization amongst the uninformed Africans, who, incapable of comprehending such a thing, will view its arrival amongst them with astonishment and terror, and will gradually learn to appreciate the benefits they will derive, and to hail its arrival with joy. In this case, Fernando Po will become of still greater consequence, and will no doubt be a depot of considerable importance. It was, however, the opinion of Richard Lander, that much expense would be saved, and above all, many valuable lives, if it were possible to adopt George’s Bay, as the place for the principal establishment. Of the different parts of the coast, Accra is the most healthy, and were it nearer, Lander would recommend it for such a purpose, the soil being good and clear of underwood for many miles round. But the distance at which it lies from the mouth of the river is too great for such a purpose.

On the 23rd December, Mr. Becroft, the superintendent, invited Richard Lander to accompany him in the Portia, to the Calebar River, whither he was going to procure stock for the use of the colony. The place from which this is obtained, is called Ephraim Town, where it appears to be very plentiful. Being tired of Fernando Po, Lander accepted his invitation, in order to pass away the time that they would still have to wait before they could get away, notwithstanding all their anxiety to reach home with the news of their discovery. John Lander, being very ill, was unable to accompany them. Richard, therefore, left him at Clarence, and embarked with Mr. Becroft in the evening. They departed from Clarence with a fine breeze, but found it necessary in going out, to be particularly careful of being drifted by the tide, either on Point William, or on the Adelaide islets at each extremity of the cove, as the tide always sets either towards the one or the other. In leaving the cove, it is best to keep, as near as possible, midway between the two extremes, and not to approach either the one or the other, nearer than can be possibly avoided. The currents in the Gulf of Guinea are stated to be very variable, although they are most generally from the westward, obeying the direction of the sea breeze. The harmattan generally produces a very strong westerly current in direct opposition to this, and the want of knowing it, has frequently proved fatal to vessels; the masters of which, imagining that they were under the influence of an easterly current, have been actually drifted many miles to the westward in the course of a single night, and have found themselves on shore the next morning; the violence of the current from the westward when the sea breezes are strong, is so great, that it is scarcely possible to believe, that a day or two of the harmattan would overcome it, but the effect of this is so powerful, that it is well known, to those, who have frequented the gulf, that the current produced by the harmattan, will even continue against the westerly winds, after they may have again set in. A remarkable instance is related of the velocity of the currents in the gulf, to the southward of Fernando Po. In the month of June, a vessel performed the passage between Prince’s Island and St. Thomas in twenty hours, which generally occupies from eight to ten days. The distance is about ninety three miles, and the vessel must have averaged from four to six miles per hour. The harmattan is said not to extend to the southward of Fernando Po, but this has not yet been fully ascertained.

The passage through the gulf from Fernando Po to Sierra Leone, is generally extremely long and tedious, owing to the prevalence of calms and the different currents. It is usually made either by running to the southward and getting into the southeast trade, or by keeping in shore, as far as Cape Palmas, so as to benefit by the landwinds. The former method is generally recommended by the merchantmen as being safer and quicker, for a vessel adopting the latter, is more under the dangerous influence of the currents, besides being obliged to keep close to the shore; it is also adopted by the merchantmen in their homeward voyage. Sometimes vessels by taking a mean between these two methods, get between two different winds, by which means they lose the benefit of both, and are delayed by calms and rains. This part, according to accurate information, is at the distance of sixty miles from the land, so that vessels should pass either far without or else within that distance on leaving Fernando Po.

In this part of the Gulf of Guinea, between Fernando Po and the Calebar River, the rainy season is stated to commence in the month of July, and to be at the worst in August and September, accompanied by tornadoes of the most terrific description. The rains continue during November, and cease in the month of December, but the coast is said to be seldom many days together without a tornado. During the other months of the year, dry, hot weather is experienced, excepting about May, when slight rains take place. These rains are looked upon as the winter of the natives, and are considered by them equally as cold in their effects, as our winters in England are by ourselves. They are equally alive to the change of the seasons as in northern countries, and prepare themselves against the cold weather during the rains, comparatively with as much care, as we do against our winter’s frost.

The chief peculiarity of this climate, which distinguishes it from all others within the tropics, consists in the furious storms of wind and rain, accompanied by the most terrific thunder and lightning it is possible to imagine. These storms are known by the name of tornadoes, and one would be almost inclined to think that the ancient’s belief of the torrid zone being of a fiery nature, and too hot for mankind to live in, originated in the exaggerated reports of them, which might have gradually found their way into the part of the world then known, and from which they were not very far distant. The Landers witnessed three of these tornadoes, but they were trifling in their effects, compared with those which take place in the rainy season. They are described as being most violent, but happily of short duration; nothing can withstand the fury of the wind while they last, but they give sufficient indications of their approach, to enable the experienced mariner, who is ever on the watch for the changes in the weather, to reduce his sail on the ship, and put her head in that position, in which she is best able to withstand its effects, by running before the wind. This awful period lasts generally about a quarter of an hour, when the wind subsides rather suddenly, while the rain falls incessantly; shortly afterwards, the wind shifts round by the south to its old quarter, the west, until another tornado comes to disturb it. There are several peculiarities attending the tornadoes, which are rather remarkable. It has been remarked by experienced navigators, that they are much influenced by the different phases of the moon, that they generally commence with the full or new moon, at which time they are the most violent, and that they even come on at the time that the moon sets. The influence of the moon on the weather In other countries is doubted, but this is an extraordinary fact, relating to the tornadoes, which has been proved by experience.

On Saturday December 25th, after a pleasing passage, Richard Lander, in company with Mr. Becroft, anchored off Ephraim Town, in the Calebar River. The distance from Fernando Po to the north of the Calebar River, is about sixty miles, and Ephraim Town is distant about fifty miles, on the eastern bank. On their way up the river, the attention of Richard Lander was attracted by something of a very extraordinary appearance, hanging over the water from the branch of a tree. His curiosity was excited by it, and he was at a loss to conjecture what it was. He did not remain long in suspense, for they soon passed sufficiently near it to enable him to discover, that it was the body of one of the natives suspended by the middle, with the feet and hands just touching the water. So barbarous a sight quickly reminded him, that he was again amongst the poor deluded wretches on the coast, although he had not seen any thing so bad on his way down to the Brig Thomas, in the River Nun. The natives of this place are Pagans, in the most depraved condition, and know nothing of Mahommedanism, nor any other creed. They believe in a good spirit, who they imagine dwells in the water, and sacrifices of human beings, such as that which has just been mentioned, are frequently made to him, with the idea of gaining his favour and protection. The object selected for this purpose is generally some unfortunate old slave, who may be worn out and incapable of further service, or unfit for the market, and he is there left to suffer death, either from the effects of the sun, or from the fangs of some hungry alligator or shark, which may chance to find the body. The circumstance of the hands and feet being just allowed to be immersed in the water, is considered by these deluded people as necessary, and they are thereby rendered an easier prey.

It is usual with ships on their first arrival in the river, to be visited by Duke Ephraim, the chief of the town; a personage who is well known to the numerous Liverpool traders, that frequent the river. The reason of this visit is, that the duke may receive his present, which consists generally of cloth, muskets, rum, or any articles of that description, and he always goes on board in great state, in his canoe, for this purpose, previously to which, no one is allowed to leave the ship. This regulation, which is a method of securing the port dues, affects those only, who come to the river for the purpose of trade, and as the Portia was a government vessel, they were not included in the number of those, who had the port dues to pay. As soon as they had anchored, Richard Lander accompanied Mr. Becroft on shore, and proceeded with him to the duke’s residence, for the purpose of paying their respects to him. A walk of about ten minutes brought them to his house, and they found him in the palaver square which belongs to it, busily engaged in writing, and surrounded by a great number of his principal people. It was something unusual to find a native chief thus employed, but the large dealings which Duke Ephraim appears to have with the Liverpool merchants, accounts in some measure for this accomplishment, and the smattering of English which he has obtained. His only pretensions to dress, consisted in a smart, gold laced hat, which he wore, and a handsome piece of silk tied round his loins. His chief officers, who were next to him, also wore gold laced hats, while those next in rank wore silver lace, and the lower class contented themselves without either. They arrived at council time, but Mr. Becroft being immediately recognized by the duke, he received them very cordially, and made them sit down. Duke Ephraim bears the character of being always very civil and attentive to the English, and of making himself very active in supplying their wants of live stock. He has formed a favourable opinion of them, from the fine things they bring him, but his discernment goes beyond these; for the circumstance of slave vessels having being captured and taken out of the river, by the boats of the English ships of war on the station, has impressed him with admiration of their boldness and courage, and given him a very exalted opinion of their power. Vessels of war formerly came up the river in search of slaves, and he has always received their commanders with much kindness, and assisted them all in his power; a trait in his character, which is rather extraordinary, when their object is considered, as he is the principal agent by whom supplies of slaves are furnished from the interior. None, however, are allowed to come up now, in consequence of the deaths that have occurred.

After a short time, they were desired to go up stairs into his best room, and they accordingly ascended about thirty or forty wooden steps, and entered a spacious apartment, when the sight that presented itself was of the most extraordinary description. The room, which was about thirty feet in length, by about twenty in breadth, was literally crammed full of all kinds of European furniture, covered with cobwebs and dust about half an inch thick. Elegant tables and chairs, sofas of a magnificent description, splendid looking-glasses, and prints of the principal public characters of England, as well as views of sea and land engagements, set in handsome gilt frames, beautifully cut glass decanters, and glasses, glass chandeliers, and a number of other things, too numerous to mention, were all mixed together in the utmost confusion. A handsome organ attracted the notice of Lander, and a large, solid brass arm-chair, which from an inscription upon it, appeared to be the present of Sir John Tobin of Liverpool. The inscription, or rather raised characters upon it were, “Presented by Sir John Tobin of Liverpool, to his friend Duke Ephraim,” and vain enough is the chief of his present. He exhibits this chair with the rest of his presents to the people, or any stranger who may happen to visit him, and allows them to feast their eyes, as he imagines, on the goodly sight, but such are his care and pride of them, that he will not allow them to be touched by any one, and his attendants are not permitted to approach them, even for the purpose of cleaning off the dust which has accumulated since their first arrival. The whole of this miscellaneous assemblage of goods, are presents which have been made to the duke by merchants of Liverpool, as well as French, Spanish, and Portuguese traders, and are the accumulation of a considerable length of time.

Duke Town, or Ephraim Town, as it is known by both of these appellations, is situated on rather elevated ground, On the left or east bank of the river, and is of considerable size, extending principally along it. From the appearance of it, it may be concluded that its inhabitants amount to at least six thousand people. The houses are generally built of clay, like those of the Eboe people. The breadth of the river opposite to it, is not quite so wide as the Thames at Waterloo Bridge, and the opposite bank is not so high as that on which the town stands. The houses are built in an irregular manner, leaving very little room for the road between them, which at that time was exceedingly wet and dirty. The duke’s house is situate in the middle of the town, and like the rest is built of clay. It consists of several squares, round each of which is a verandah, similar to the houses in Yarriba. The centre square is occupied by the duke and his wives, the others being the abode of his servants and attendants, which altogether amount to a considerable number. Immediately opposite to the first square, which forms the entrance to his residence, stands a small tree, profusely decorated with human skulls and bones. This tree is considered by the people as fetish or sacred, and is supposed to possess the virtue of preventing the evil spirit from entering the duke’s residence. Near the tree stands the house, which is inhabited by their priests, a class of beings, certainly in the most savage condition of nature that it is possible to imagine. The fetish priests of Brass Town, chalked themselves from head to foot, besides dressing after a fashion of their own, but these fellows outdo them far, and make themselves the most hideous and disgusting objects possible.

Whether it may be with the idea of personifying the evil spirit of whom they are so afraid, Lander could not learn, but they go about the town with a human skull fastened over their face, so that they can see through the eye-holes; this is surmounted by a pair of bullock’s horns; their body is covered with net, made of stained grass, and to complete the whole, and give them an appearance as ridiculous behind as they are hideous before, a bullock’s tail protrudes through the dress, and hangs down to the ground, rendering them altogether the most uncouth looking beings imaginable. Sometimes a cocked hat is substituted for the horns, and the skull of a dog or monkey used, which renders their appearance, if possible, still more grotesque. Thus equipped, they are ready to perform the mysteries of their profession, which Lander had not sufficient opportunity to inquire into, but which are quite enough to enslave the minds of the people. They seem to believe in a good and evil spirit; that the good spirit dwells in the river, which accounts for their sacrifices being made on it, and that the evil spirit dwells in a tree, which being full of human skulls, keeps him away from them.

On the morning of the 26th, the duke’s principal man came on board the Portia to receive payment for some bullocks, which Mr. Becroft had purchased. There was something in his appearance which attracted the attention of Lander, and he fancied that he seemed to be much dirtier than any that had been seen on the preceding day. On a nearer inspection, his head, and the whole of his body were found to be covered with ashes, and a very dirty piece of sackcloth fastened round his loins; besides this he appeared to be suffering great distress of mind, and presented a most wretched and woeful appearance. Lander asked him the cause of his grief, and why he had covered himself with ashes in such a manner, when he gave the following relation of the cause of all his distress. It appeared that he had possessed six wives, one of whom was gifted with a larger share of personal charms than the rest, the consequence of which was, that she received more attention from him and was loved more than any of the others. This partiality naturally excited the jealousy of the other ladies, and mortified by his neglect of them, they were determined on revenge, and was resolved to get rid of their favoured rival by mixing poison with her food. They had just succeeded in effecting their purpose, which had caused the poor fellow much distress, and he had not recovered the effects of his loss on the morning on which he came onboard the Portia. His tale was simple and unvarnished, and while he was relating it to Lander, the tears were trickling down his face. Lander never before saw a black man feel so much for the loss of a wife as he did. This remarkable custom of mourning in sackcloth and ashes, appears to be peculiar to these people, and it was ascertained that they do not cease to cover their bodies with them as long as their sorrow lasts. They do the same on the death of a relation, and it is the only instance of the kind that Lander met with in the part of the country through which he had travelled.

Great uproar and confusion prevailed the whole of this day throughout the town occasioned by an adventure of the doctor with the duke’s most favourite wife, which is likely to end tragically to the parties concerned. This person, who is the doctor of the town, it appears was the bosom friend of the duke, in whom the latter had the greatest confidence, and allowed him to visit his wives _professionally_ as often as he thought proper. The gentleman’s visit had lately become so frequent as to excite suspicion and a look out was accordingly kept on all his movements. The poor doctor was soon caught in the snare; the motive of his visit was found to be of an illegal nature, and the enraged duke has ordered both to be bound hand and foot and thrown into the river on the following day.

Lander found seven French vessels lying in the river, one Spanish, and two English. One of the latter, named the Caledonia, a ship of five hundred tons burden, was the property of Sir John Tobin, of Liverpool, which, with the other, the brig Elizabeth were taking in a cargo of palm oil.

The river Calebar is very serpentine, and there is scarcely any other tree but the mangrove to be seen on its banks. The right bank is intersected by numerous creeks, well known to the natives, who frequent them in their canoes; they communicate with all the rivers that fall into the Gulf of Guinea, between this river and that on which Benin is situated. The natives go as far as Benin in their canoes, but there is no communication by water with the Camaroons river, which seems to be totally distinct from the Calebar. The canoes of the natives are the same sort as those of the Eboe people. The river is full of crocodiles which are generally about twelve or fourteen feet long, and are very daring in their search of prey. A short time previous to their arrival two deaths had been occasioned by them. Sir John Tobin has a large store close to the river side, in which palm oil is kept for shipment on board the Liverpool vessels, and one evening an unfortunate native boy, tired with his day’s work, fell asleep on the shore. In the course of the night an alligator attacked him, and was awakened by finding himself in the jaws of the monster; his struggles and cries were all in vain; the powerful creature lacerated him in a dreadful manner, and tore off one of his legs, with which he retreated into the water, and the remains of the unfortunate boy were found the next morning shockingly disfigured and weltering in blood, the death of the other was occasioned by his losing an arm in a similar manner.

Provisions are generally dear at Duke Town. Bullocks fetch twenty dollars each, and those not of a very good quality. Goats and sheep are valued at three dollars, ducks at half a dollar each, and fowls at half a dollar a pair. Yams are cultivated by the natives very successfully, and are considered the best flavoured and finest of the country. There are no cleared portions of ground on the banks of the river, and their cultivation of the yam and other vegetables is at a distance in the woods.

Since Lander’s first return to Fernando Po from the Calebar river, he accompanied Mr. Becroft twice to Duke Town in the Portia. In this interval the Carnarvon, an English vessel had arrived with government stores from England for the establishment, and as she was going to Rio Janeiro for a cargo to take back, and there seemed to be no prospect at present of their getting away from Fernando Po by any other means, the Landers requested Mr. Becroft to conclude an agreement for their passage to that place, from whence they hoped to be more successful in finding their way to England. About a week previously, the brig Thomas, in which they came from the river Nun, touched at the island on her way home from the Camaroons, her commander, Lake, supposing that they would take a passage with him. They had now been upon the island seven weeks, and they would have preferred staying seven more, rather than put themselves into his power again. They had experienced quite enough of his care and kindness, and therefore declined his offer of taking them. After waiting three days at the island, he sailed about six o’clock in the afternoon, and had not got more than a mile from the anchorage, when a large vessel with long, raking masts, suddenly appeared from behind a part of the island, and was seen in pursuit of him. They observed the vessel to fire several guns at him, which at length made him take in all sail and wait. No doubt was entertained that this vessel was a pirate, and their suspicions were confirmed the next day by seeing the two vessels lying becalmed close to each other. There were no signs of them on the following day, and they saw nothing more of the Thomas. Nor, indeed, was this vessel ever heard of again, in fact, the Landers considered it a most providential escape, that they did not take their passage in her. No doubt rested on the minds of the people of the settlement that the stranger vessel was a pirate, and that when his people had murdered the crew of the Thomas, with their captain, or had compelled them to walk the plank, as they usually do, that they sunk her after taking everything out of her which they wanted. “Walking the plank,” is literally walking into the sea. A plank is placed across the side of the ship, so that one end projects some distance over it while the other remains inside. The person condemned by these ruffians to this mode of death, which is generally chosen to avoid one of a more dreadful nature, is placed on the inner end of the plank, and compelled to walk along it till he reaches the outer end, which immediately yields to his weight, and he falls into the sea, never to rise again. To make shorter work of it, he is sometimes loaded with a large shot, which quickly carries him down. These fellows have another method of disposing of any unfortunate vessel that may fall into their hands; after having got rid of the captain and crew as above, they fill her with slaves, and send her across the Atlantic, should the vessel be met with by any ship of war, she escapes examination, as her appearance when in the hands of her own commander was known, and therefore no suspicion is excited.

Everything being prepared for their departure they embarked on board the Carnarvon,–Garth, commander, for Rio Janeiro. The Landers speak in terms of high commendation of the conduct observed towards them, during their stay at Fernando, by Mr. Becroft, Mr. Crichton, and Mr. Beatty. Everything was supplied them which the place could afford, and it was always a source of gratification to them to reflect on the time that they passed in their society.

Having taken leave of their friends, they embarked and bade adieu to the island of Fernando Po. Mr. Stockwell, the officer of marines, accompanied them on board, having taken his passage like themselves to return to England. Their crew consisted of seven European seamen, two free negroes and one Krooman, besides the commander of the vessel and two mates. So great, however, was the mortality amongst them, that before a week had elapsed, the two Landers with the three black men were all that were left to work the vessel, and one of them only knew how to steer. Richard Lander was obliged to take the helm until twelve at night, and every morning after four, having only a few minutes allowed him to take a hasty meal, and in addition to their troubles, the vessel was so completely over-run with rats, that it was quite impossible to stay below with any comfort, and as for sleeping there, it was wholly out of the question.

On the evening of the 14th March, the Krooman fell into the sea. This poor fellow, whose name was Yellow Will, called loudly to them for help, and although the vessel was not sailing at a great rate, he missed every thing that was thrown overboard to save him. To have altered the ship’s course would have endangered the masts and sails, and their small boat was so leaky that it would not swim. They had therefore no alternative, but were obliged to abandon him to his fate with the most painful feelings, and they heard his cries nearly an hour afterwards. [Footnote] There is nothing more distressing than an accident of this nature. To see an unfortunate man grasping in vain at any thing which is thrown to him, as the ship passes by him, to see him struggling against his fate as he rises on the distant wave, which frequently conceals him from view, and to be unable to render him the least assistance, whilst his cries die away in the breeze, raise sensations which it is impossible to describe. This man in the condition in which they then were, particularly, was a great loss to them, and was the best amongst the black people.

[Footnote: We have given this as it is stated in Lander’s Narrative, but there is something highly improbable in the circumstance of the cries of a man, who could not swim, being heard for an hour after his immersion in the sea, and yet that during that time no effectual means could be devised for his deliverance.]

On the morning of the 15th, the weather was very hazy, which prevented them seeing the land, although they knew it to be at no great distance from them. They were becalmed during the whole of the day, but found by the decrease of the depth, that they were drifting close on towards the shore. At five in the afternoon, the ship was about a quarter of a mile from the land, discovered by three large hills of a sugar loaf appearance being close to them. Finding by pieces of cork and other things that they threw into the water, that they were drifting fast on the breakers, which they could distinctly hear, they made an attempt to get the long boat out to save themselves, as they expected the ship would be very soon wrecked, but they found that they could not muster sufficient strength to lift her over the side. At this critical moment, a breeze of wind from off the land saved them from destruction, and enabled them to get the vessel under command.

On the 16th March they arrived at Rio Janeiro, and on the following day paid their respects to Admiral Baker, the commander in chief on the South American station, and made known to him their situation and anxiety to return to England. The admiral received them in that kind and hospitable manner, which is the peculiar characteristic of a British seaman. He invited them to his table with his officers, and ordered them a passage in the William Harris, a government transport, which was to sail for England in a day or two.

Accordingly on the 20th they sailed for England, and on the 9th June arrived at Portsmouth, after a tedious voyage, and gladly landed with hearts full of gratitude for all their deliverance.

One of the first steps which government adopted on the arrival of Richard Lander, was to issue an order to the authorities at Cape Coast Castle, to pay to King Boy the whole of his demand for the ransom of the Landers, and thereby re-establishing that faith and good opinion with the natives of the country, touching the honour and integrity of the English character.

This journey by individuals who make no pretensions to science, has not afforded materials for the illustration of any of its branches, but previously to the loss of the instruments, the range of the thermometer is recorded. At Badagry, on the coast, where the heat was most oppressive, it was between 86 deg. and 94 deg., oftener stationary near the latter than the former point. At Jenna it fell suddenly one day from 94 deg. to 78 deg., and remained stationary for some hours. At Assinara at noon, on the 23rd April it attained the height of 99 deg.. Near Katunga it fell upon one occasion to 71 deg. in the shade, the air being then cooler than they had felt it since landing. At Kiama the extremes were 75 deg. and 94 deg., the mean 84 deg.. At Youri, the range was the same. On their voyage from Youri to Boussa, on the 2nd August, it varied from 75 deg. to 92 deg.. At Boussa it varied from 76 deg. to 93 deg., but most commonly between 80 deg. and 90 deg.. At Patashie, generally between 74 deg. and 89 deg., once 93 deg.. Lever 77 deg. to 93 deg.. Bajiebo 70 deg. to 95 deg.. On the passage down the river below that place, on the 5th October, 78 deg. to 94 deg.. Belee 79 deg. to 94 deg.. Such has been the issue of this important voyage, by which the grand problem that perplexed Europe during so many ages, and on which, for a period of nearly forty years, so many efforts and sacrifices had been expended in vain, was completely solved. British enterprise completed, as it had begun this great discovery. Park in his first journey reached the banks of the Niger, and saw it rolling its waters towards the interior of the continent. In the second he embarked at Bammakoo, and by sailing downwards to Boussa, proved its continuous progress for upwards of a thousand miles. The present voyage has exhibited it following a farther course, which with its windings must amount to about eight hundred miles, and finally emptying itself into the Atlantic. This celebrated stream is now divested of that mysterious character, which surrounded it with a species of supernatural interest. Rising in a chain of high mountains, flowing through extensive plains, receiving large