Fischerberg; Beck privately pushing round by woods to take it on the eastern side: and there ensued abundant cannonading on the part of Lacy and Brentano, and some idle flourishing about of horse, responded to by Bevern; and, on the part of Lacy and Brentano, nothing else whatever. More like a theatre fight than a real one, says Tempelhof. Beck, however, is in earnest; has a most difficult march through the tangled pathless woods; does arrive at length, and begin real fighting, very sharp for some time; which might have been productive, had Lacy given the least help to it, as he did NOT. [Tempelhof, vi. 146-151.] Beck did his fieriest; but got repulsed everywhere. Beck tries in various places; finds swamps, impediments, fierce resistance from the Bevern people;–finds, at length, that the King is awake, and that reinforcements, horse, foot, riding-artillery, are coming in at the gallop; and that he, Beck, cannot too soon get away.
None of the King’s Foot people could get in for a stroke, though they came mostly running (distance five miles); but the Horse- charges were beautifully impressive on Lacy’s theatrical performers, as was the Horse-Artillery to a still more surprising degree; and produced an immediate EXEUNT OMNES on the Lacy part. All off; about 7 P.M.,–Sun just going down in the autumn sky;–and the Battle of Reichenbach a thing finished. Seeing which, Daun also immediately withdrew, through the gorges of the Mountains again. And for seven weeks thenceforth sat contemplative, without the least farther attempt at relief of Schweidnitz. It was during those seven weeks, some time after this, that poor Madam Daun, going to a Levee at Schonbrunn one day, had her carriage half filled with symbolical nightcaps, successively flung in upon her by the Vienna people;–symbolical; in lieu of Slashing Articles, and Newspapers the best Instructors, which they as yet have not.
Next day the Joy-fire of the Prussians taught Guasco what disaster had happened; and on the fifth day afterwards (August 22d), hearing nothing farther of Daun, Guasco offered to surrender, on the principle of Free Withdrawal. “No, never,” answered Tauentzien, by the King’s order: “As Prisoners of War it must be!” Upon which Guasco stood to his defences again; and maintained himself,– Gribeauval and he did,–with an admirable obstinacy: the details of which would be very wearisome to readers. Gribeauval and he, I said; for from this time, Engineer Lefebvre, though he tried (with bad skill, thinks Tempelhof) some bits of assault above ground, took mainly to mining, and a grand underground invention called GLOBES DE COMPRESSION; which he reckoned to be the real sovereign method,–unlucky that he was! I may at least explain what GLOBE DE COMPRESSION is; for it becomes famous on this occasion, and no name could be less descriptive of the thing. Not a GLOBE at all, for that matter, nor intended to “compress,” but to EXpress, and shatter to pieces in a transcendent degree: it is, in fact, a huge cubical mine-chamber, filled by a wooden box (till Friedrich, in his hurry, taught Lefebvre that a sack would do as well), loaded with, say, five thousand-weight of powder. Sufficient to blow any horn-work, bastion, bulwark, into the air,–provided you plant it in the right place; which poor Lefebre never can. He tried, with immense labor, successively some four or almost five of these “PRESS BALLS” so called (or Volcanoes in Little); mining on, many yards, 15 or 20 feet underground (tormented by Gribeauval all the way); then at last, exploding his five thousand-weight,–would produce a “Funnel,” or crater, of perhaps “30 yards in diameter,” but, alas, “150 yards OFF any bastion.” Funnel of no use to him;– mere sign to him that he must go down into it, and begin there again; with better aim, if possible. And then Gribeauval’s tormentings; never were the like! Gribeauval has, all round under the Glacis, mine-galleries, or main-roads for Counter-mining, ready to his hand (mine-galleries built by Friedrich while lately proprietor); there Gribeauval is hearkening the beat of Lefebvre’s picks: “Ten yards from us, think you? Six yards? Get a 30 hundredweight of chamber ready for him!” And will, at the right moment, blow Lefebvre’s gallery about his ears;–sometimes bursts in upon him bodily with pistol and cutlass, or still worse, with explosive sulphur-balls, choke-pots and infinitudes of mal-odor instantaneously developed on Lefebvre,–which mean withal, “You will have to begin again, Monsieur!” Enough to drive a Lefebvre out of his wits. Twice, or oftener, Lefebvre, a zealous creature but a thin-skinned, flew out into open paroxysm; wept, invoked the gods, threatened suicide: so that Friedrich had to console him, “Courage, you will manage it; make chicanes on Gribeauval, as he does on you,”–and suggested that powder-SACK instead of deal-box, which we just mentioned.
Friedrich’s patience seems to have been great; but in the end he began to think the time long. He was in three successive head- quarters, Dittmannsdorf, Peterswaldau, Bogendorf, nearer and nearer; at length quite near (Bogendorf within a couple of miles); and wondering Gazetteers reported him on horseback, examining minutely the parallels and siege-works,–with a singular indifference to the cannon-balls flying about (“Not easy to hit a small object with cannon!”), and intent only on giving Tauentzien suggestions, admonitions and new orders. Here, prior to Bogendorf, are three snatches of writing, which successively have indications for us. KING TO PRINCE HENRI:–
PETERSWALDAU, AUGUST 13th, 1762 (King has just shifted hither, August 10th, on the Bevern-REICHENBACH score; continues here till September 23d). … “You are right to say, ‘We ourselves are our best Allies.’ I am of the same opinion; nevertheless, it is a clear duty and call of prudence to try and alleviate the burden as much as possible: and I own to you, that if, after all I have written, the thing fails this time [as it does], I shall be obliged to grant
MAP GOES HERE–FACING PAGE 152, CHAP XII, BOOK 20——
that there is nothing to be made of those Turks.”–“We are now in the press of our crisis as to Schweidnitz. The Siege advances beautifully: but Beck is come hereabouts, Lacy masked behind him; and I cannot yet tell you [not till REICHENBACH and the 16th] whether the Enemy intends some big adventure for disengaging Schweidnitz, or will content himself with disturbing and annoying us.”
PETERSWALDAU, 9th SEPTEMBER. Springs, water-threads coming into our mines delay us a little: “by the 12th [in 3 days’ time, little thinking it would be 30 days!] I still hope to despatch you a courier with the news, All is over! Your Nephew [Prince of Prussia] is out to-day assisting in a forage; he begins to kindle into fine action. We are nothing but pygmies in comparison to him [in point of physical stature]; imagine to yourself Prince Franz [of Brunswick; killed, poor fellow, at Hochkirch], only taller still: this is the figure of him at present.”
PETERSWALDAU, SEPTEMBER 19th. … “Our Siege wearies all the world; people persecute me to know the end of it; I never get a Berlin Letter without something on that head;–and I have no resource myself but patience. We do all we can: but I cannot hinder the enemy from defending himself, and Gribeauval from being a clever fellow:–soon, however, surely soon, soon, we shall see the end. Our weather here is like December; the Seasons are as mad as the Politics of Europe. Finally, my dear Brother, one must shove Time on; day follows day, and at last we shall catch the one that ends our labors. Adieu; JE VOUS EMBRASSE.” [Schoning, iii. 403, 430, 446.]–Here farther, from the Siege-ground itself, are some traceries, scratchings by a sure hand, which yield us something of image. Date is still only “BEFORE Schweidnitz,” far on in the eighth week:–
SEPTEMBER 23d. “This morning, before 9, the King [direct from Peterswaldau, where he has been lodging hitherto,–must have breakfasted rather early] came into the Lines here:–his quarter is now to be at Bogendorf near hand, in a Farm house there. The Prince of Prussia was riding with him, and Lieutenant-Colonel von Anhalt [the Adjutant whom we have heard of]: he looked at the Battery” lately ordered by him; “looked at many things; rode along, a good 100 yards inside of the vedettes; so that the Enemy noticed him, and fired violently,”–King decidedly ignoring. “To Captain Beauvrye [Captain of the Miners] he paid a gracious compliment; Major Lefebvre he rallied a little for losing heart, for bungling his business; but was not angry with him, consoled him rather; bantered him on the shabbiness of his equipments, and made him a gift of 400 thalers (60 pounds), to improve them. Lefebvre, Tauentzien and” another General “dined with him at Bogendorf to-day.” [“Captain Gotz’s NOTE-book” (a conspicuous Captain here, Note-book still in manuscript, I think): cited in SCHONING, iii. 453 et seq.]
SEPTEMBER 24th, EARLY. “The King on horseback viewed the trenches, rode close behind the first parallel, along the mid-most communication-line: the Enemy cannonaded at us horribly (ERSCHRECKLICH); a ball struck down the Page von Pirch’s horse [Pirch lay writhing, making moan,–plainly overmuch, thought the King]: on Pirch’s accident, too, the Prince of Prussia’s horse made a wild plunge, and pitched its rider aloft out of the saddle; people thought the Prince was shot, and everybody was in horror: great was the commotion; only the King was heard calling with a clear voice, ‘PIRCH, VERGISS ER SEINEN SATTEL NICHT,–Pirch, bring your saddle with you!'”
This of Pirch and the saddle is an Anecdote in wide circulation; taken sometimes as a proof of Royal thrift; but is mainly the Royal mode of rebuking Pirch for his weak behavior in the accident that had befallen. Pirch, an ingenious handy kind of fellow, famed for his pranks and trickeries in those Page-days, had many adventures in the world;–was, for one while, something of a notability among the French; will “teach you the Prussian mode of drill,” and actually got leave to try it “on the German Regiments in our service:” [Voltaire’s wondering Report of him (“Ferney, 7th December, 1774”), and Friedrich’s quiet Answer (“Berlin, 28th Dec. 1774”): in
301. Rodenbeck (ii. 198-200) haa a slight “BIOGRAPHY” of Pirch.]– died, finally, as Colonel of one of these, at the Siege of Gibraltar, in 1783.
SEPTEMBER 25th. “Morning and noon, each time two hours, the King was in his new batteries; and, with great satisfaction, watched the working of them. This day there dined with him the Prince of Bernburg [General of Brigade here], Tauentzien, Lefebvre and Dieskau” (head of the Artillery).
The King is always riding about; has now, virtually, taken charge of the Siege himself. “In Bogendorf, the first night, he dismissed the Guard sent for him; would have nothing there but six chasers (JAGER):” an alarming case! “After a night or two, there came always, without his knowledge, a dragoon party of 30 horse; took post behind Bogendorf Church, patrolled towards Kunzendorf, Giesdorf, and had three pickets.”
SEPTEMBER 28th. “Gribeauval has sprung a mine last night;” totally blown up Lefebvre again! “Engineer-Lieutenants Gerhard and Von Kleist were wounded by our own people; Captain Guyon was shot:” things all going wrong,–weather, I suspect also, bad. “The King was in dreadful humor (SEHR UNGNADIG); rated and rebuked to right and left: ‘If it should last till January, the Attack must go on. Nobody seems to be able for his business; Lefebvre a blockhead (DUMMER TEUFEL), who knows nothing of mining: the Generals, too, where are they? Every General henceforth is to take his place in the third parallel, at the head of his Covering-Party [most exposed place of all], and stay his whole twenty-four hours there [Prince of Anhalt-Bernburg is Covering-Party today; I hope, in his post during this thunder!]: Taken the Place can and must be! We have the misfortune, That a stupid Engineer who knows nothing of his art has the direction; and a General without sense in Sieging has the command. Everybody is at a NON PLUS, it appears! Not all our Artillery can silence that Front-fire; not in a single place can Thirty stupid Miners get into the Fort.’ To-day and yesterday the King spoke neither to General Tauentzien nor to Major Lefebvre; Lieutenant-Colonel von Anhalt had to give all the Orders.” An electric kind of day!
The weather is becoming wet. In fact, there ensue whole weeks of rain,–the trenches swimming, service very hard. Guasco’s guns are many of them dismounted; no Daun to be heard of. Guasco again and again proposes modified capitulations; answer always, “Prisoners of War on the common terms.” Guasco is wearing low: OCTOBER 7th (Lefebvre sweating and puffing at his last Globe of Expression, hoping to hit the mark this last time), an accidental grenade from Tauentzien, above ground, rolled into one of Guasco’s powder- vaults; blew it, and a good space of Wall along with it, into wreck; two days after which, Guasco had finished his Capitulating; –and we get done with this wearisome affair. [Tempelhof, vi. 122-220;
Beylagen,
Of Austrian fighting in Silesia, this proved to be the last, in the present Controversy which has endured so long. No thought of fighting is in Daun; far the reverse. Daun is getting ill off for horse-forage in his Mountains; the weather is bad upon him; we hear “he has had, for some time past, 12,000 laborers” palisading and fortifying at the Passes of Bohemia: “Truce for the Winter” is what he proposes. To which the King answers, “No; unless you retire wholly within Bohemia and Glatz Country:” this at present Daun grudged to do; but was forced to it, some weeks afterwards, by the sleets and the snows, had there been no other pressure. In about three weeks hence, Friedrich, leaving Bevern in command here, and a Silesia more or less adjusted, made for Saxony; whither important reinforcements had preceded him,–reinforcements under General Wied, the instant it was possible. Saxony he had long regarded as the grand point, were Schweidnitz over: “Recapture Dresden, and they will have to give us Peace this very Winter!” Daun, also with reinforcements, followed him to Saxony, as usual; but never quite arrived, or else found matters settled on arriving;–and will not require farther mention in this History. He died some three years hence, age 60; [“5th February, 1766;” “born 24th September, 1705” (Hormayr
80-111).] an honorable, imperturbable, eupeptic kind of man, sufficiently known to readers by this time.
Friedrich did not recapture Dresden; far enough from that,–though Peace came all the same. Hardly a week after our recovery of Schweidnitz, Stollberg and his Reichsfolk, especially his Austrians, became unexpectedly pert upon Henri; pressed forward (October 15th), in overpowering force, into his Posts about Freyberg, Pretschendorf and that southwestern Reich-ward part: “No more invadings of Bohemia from you, Monseigneur; no more tormentings of the Reich; here is other work for you, my Prince!”– and in spite of all Prince Henri could do, drove him back, clear out of Freyberg; northwestward, towards Hulsen and his reserves. [
(Ib. iii. 350-362). Tempelhof, vi. 238.] Giving him, in this manner, what soldiers call a slap; slap which might have been more considerable, had those Stollberg people followed it up with emphasis. But they did not; so alert was Henri. Henri at once rallied beautifully from his slap (King’s reinforcements coming too, as we have said); and, in ten days’ time, without any reinforcement, paid Stollberg and Company by a stunning blow: BATTLE OF FREYBERG (October 29th),–which must not go without mention, were it only as Prince Henri’s sole Battle, and the last of this War. Preparatory to which and its sequel, let us glance again at Duke Ferdinand and the English-French posture,–also for the last time.
CANNONADE AT AMONEBURG (2lst September, 1762). “The controversies about right or left bank of the Fulda have been settled long since in Ferdinand’s favor; who proceeded next to blockade the various French strongholds in Hessen; Marburg, Ziegenhayn, especially Cassel; with an eye to besieging the same, and rooting the French permanently out. To prevent or delay which, what can Soubise and D’Estrees do but send for their secondary smaller Army, which is in the Lower-Rhine Country under a Prince de Conde, mostly idle at present, to come and join them in the critical regions here. Whereupon new Controversy shifting westward to the Mayn and Nidda- Lahn Country, to achieve said Junction and to hinder it. Junction was not to be hindered. The D’Estrees-Soubise people and young Conde made good manoeuvring, handsome fight on occasion; so that in spite of all the Erbprinz could do, they got hands joined; far too strong for the Erbprinz thenceforth; and on the last night of August were all fairly together, head-quarter Friedberg in Frankfurt Country (a thirty miles north of Frankfurt); and were earnestly considering the now not hopeless question, ‘How, or by what routes and methods, push to northwestward, get through to those blockaded Hessian Strong-places, Cassel especially; and hinder Ferdinand’s besieging them, and quite outrooting us there?’
“This is a difficult question, but a vital. ‘Sweep rapidly past Ferdinand,–cannot we? Well frontward or eastward of him, dexterously across the Lahn and its Branches (our light people are to rear of him, on this side of the Fulda, between the Fulda and him): once joined with those light people by such methods, we have Cassel ahead, Ferdinand to rear, and will make short work with the blockades,–the blockades will have to rise in a hurry!’ This was the plan devised by D’Estrees; and rapidly set about; but it was seen into, at the first step, by Ferdinand, who proved still more rapid upon it. Campings, counter-campings, crossings of the Lahn by D’Estrees people, then recrossings of it, ensued for above a fortnight; which are not for mention here: in fine, about the middle of September, the D’Estrees Enterprise had plainly become impossible, unless it could get across the Ohm,–an eastern, or wide-circling northeastern Branch of the Lahn,–where, on the right or eastern bank of which, as better for him than the Lahn itself in this part, Ferdinand now is. ‘Across the Ohm: and that, how can that be done, the provident Ferdinand having laid hold of Ohm, and secured every pass of it, several days ago! Perhaps by a Surprisal; by extreme despatch?’
“Amoneburg is a pleasant little Town, about thirty miles east of Marburg,–in which latter we have been, in very old times; looking after St. Elizabeth, Teutsch Ritters, Philip the Magnanimous and other objects. Amoneburg stands on the left or western bank of the Ohm, with an old Schloss in it, and a Bridge near by; both of which, Ferdinand, the left or southmost wing of whose Position on the other bank of Ohm is hereabouts, has made due seizure of. Seizure of the Bridge, first of all,–Bridge with a Mill at it (which, in consequence, is called BRUCKEN-MUHLE, Bridge-Mill),–at the eastern end of this there is a strong Redoubt, with the Bridge- way blocked and rammed ahead of it; there Ferdinand has put 200 men; 500 more are across in Amoneburg and its old Castle. Unless by surprisal and extreme despateh, there is clearly no hope! Ferdinand’s head-quarter is seven or eight miles to northwest of this his Brucken-Muhle and extreme left; next to Brucken-Muhle is Zastrow’s Division; next, again, is Granby’s; several Divisions between Ferdinand and it; ‘Do it by surprisal, by utmost force of vehemency!’ say the French. And accordingly,
“SEPTEMBER 21st [day of the Equinox, 1762], An hour before sunrise, there began, quite on the sudden, a vivid attack on the Brucken- Muhle and on Amoneburg, by cannon, by musketry, by all methods; and, in spite of the alert and completely obstinate resistance, would not cease; but, on the contrary, seemed to be on the increasing hand, new cannon, new musketries; and went on, hour after hour, ever the more vivid. So that, about 8 in the morning, after three hours of this, Zastrow, with his Division, had to intervene: to range himself on the Hill-top behind this Brucken- Muhle; replace the afflicted 200 (many of them hurt, not a few killed) by a fresh 200 of his own; who again needed to be relieved before long. For the French, whom Zastrow had to imitate in that respect, kept bringing up more cannon, ever more, as if they would bring up all the cannon of their Army: and there rose between Zastrow and them such a cannonade, for length and loudness together, as had not been heard in this War. Most furious cannonading, musketading; and seemingly no end to it. Ferdinand himself came over to ascertain; found it a hot thing indeed. Zastrow had to relieve his 200 every hour: ‘Don’t go down in rank, you new ones,’ ordered he–‘slide, leap, descend the hill- face in scattered form: rank at the bottom!’–and generally about half of the old 200 were left dead or lamed by their hour’s work. ‘They intend to have this Bridge from us at any cost,’ thinks Ferdinand; ‘and at any cost they shall not!’ And, in the end, orders Granby forward in room of Zastrow, who has had some eight hours of it now; and rides home to look after his main quarters.
“It was about 4 in the afternoon when Granby and his English came into the fire; and I rather think the French onslaught was, if anything, more furious than ever:–Despair striding visibly forward on it, or something too like Despair. Amoneburg they had battered to pieces, Wall and Schloss, so that the 500 had to ground arms: but not an inch of way had they made upon the Bridge, nor were like to make. Granby continued on the old plan, plying all his diligences and artilleries; needing them all. Fierce work to a degree: ‘200 of you go down on wings’ (in an hour about 100 will come back)! In English Families you will still hear some vague memory of Amoneburg, How we had built walls of the dead, and fired from behind them,–French more and more furious, we more and more obstinate. Granby had still four hours of it; sunset, twilight, dusk; about 8, the French, in what spirits I can guess, ceased, and went their ways. Bridge impossible; game up. They had lost, by their own account, 1,100 killed and wounded; Ferdinand probably not fewer.” [Mauvillon, ii. 251;
And in this loud peal, what none could yet know, the French-English part of the Seven-Years War had ended. The French attempted nothing farther; hutted themselves where they were, and waited in the pouring rains: Ferdinand also hutted himself, in guard of the Ohm; while his people plied their Siege-batteries on Cassel, on Ziegenhayn, cannonading their best in the bad weather;–took Cassel, did not quite take Ziegenhayn, had it been of moment;–and for above six weeks coming (till November 7th-14th [Preliminaries of Peace SIGNED, “Paris, November 3d;” known to French Generals “November 7th;” not, OFFICIALLY, to Ferdinand till “November 14th” (Mauvillon, ii. 257).]), nothing more but skirmishings and small scuffles, not worth a word from us, fell out between the Two Parties there. That Cannonade of the Brucken-Muhle had been finis.
For supreme Bute, careless of the good news coming in on him from West and from East, or even rather embarrassed by them, had some time ago started decisively upon the Peace Negotiation. “September 5th,” three weeks before that of Amoneburg, “the Duke of Bedford, Bute’s Plenipotentiary, set out towards Paris,– considerably hissed on the street here by a sulky population,” it would seem;–“but sure of success in Paris. Bute shared in none of the national triumphs of this Year. The transports of rejoicing which burst out on the news of Havana” were a sorrow and distress to him. [Walpole’s
ii. 191.] “Havana, what shall we do with it?” thought he; and for his own share answered stiffly, “Nothing with it; fling it back to them!”–till some consort of his persuaded him Florida would look better. [Thackeray, ii. 11.] Of Manilla and the Philippines he did not even hear till Peace was concluded; had made the Most Catholic Carlos a present of that Colony,–who would not even pay our soldiers their Manilla Ransom, as too disagreeable. Such is the Bute, such and no other, whom the satirical Fates have appointed to crown and finish off the heroic Day’s-work of such a Pitt. Let us, if we can help it, speak no more of him! Friedrich writes before leaving for Saxony: “The Peace between the English and the French is much farther off than was thought;–so many oppositions do the Spaniards raise, or rather do the French,–busy duping this buzzard of an English Minister, who has not common sense.” [Schoning, iii. 480 (To Henri: “Peterswaldau, 17th October, 1762”).] Never fear, your Majesty: a man with Havanas and Manillas of that kind to fling about at random, is certain to bring Peace, if resolved on it!–
We said, Prince Henri rallied beautifully from his little slap and loss of Freyberg (October 15th), and that the King was sending Wied with reinforcements to him. In fact, Prince Henri of himself was all alertness, and instantly appeared on the Heights again; seemingly quite in sanguinary humor, and courting Battle, much more than was yet really the case. Which cowed Stollberg from meddling with him farther, as he might have done. Not for some ten days had Henri finished his arrangements; and then, under cloud of night (28th-29th OCTOBER, 1762), he did break forward on those Spittelwalds and Michael’s Mounts, and multiplex impregnabilities about Freyberg, in what was thought a very shining manner. The BATTLE OF FREYBERG, I think, is five or six miles long, all on the west, and finally on the southwest side of Freyberg (north and northwest sides, with so many batteries and fortified villages, are judged unattackable); and the main stress, very heavy for some time, lay in the abatis of the Spittelwald (where Seidlitz was sublime), and about the roots of St. Michael’s Mount (the TOP of it Stollberg, or some foolish General of Stollberg’s, had left empty; nobody there when we reached the top),–down from which, Freyberg now lying free ahead of us, and the Spittelwald on our left now also ours, we take Stollberg in rear, and turn him inside out. The Battle lasted only three hours, till Stollberg and his Maguires, Campitellis and Austrians (especially his Reichsfolk, who did no work at all, except at last running), were all under way; and the hopes of some Saxon Victory to balance one’s disgraces in Silesia had altogether vanished. [
29sten October, 1762, bey Freyberg vorgefallenen Schlacht
Tempelhof, vi. 235-258;
vii. 177-181.]
Of Austrians and Reichsfolk together I dimly count about 40,000 in this Action; Prince Henri seems to have been well under 30,000. [“29 battalions, 60 squadrons,” VERSUS “49 battalions, 68 squadrons” (Schoning, iii. 499).] I will give Prince Henri’s DESPATCH to his Brother (a most modest Piece); and cannot afford to say more of the matter,–except that “Wegfurth,” where Henri gets on march the night before, lies 8 or more miles west-by-north of Freyberg and the Spittelwald, and is about as far straight south from Hainichen, Gellert’s birthplace, who afterwards got the War- horse now coming into action,–I sometimes think, with what surprise to that quadruped!
PRINCE HENRI TO THE KING (Battle just done; King on the road from Silesia hither, Letter meets him at Lowenberg).
“FREYBERG, 29th October, 1762.
“MY DEAREST BROTHER,–It is a happiness for me to send you the agreeable news, That your Army has this day gained a considerable advantage over the combined Austrian and Reichs Army. I marched yesternight; I had got on through Wegfurth, leaving Spittelwald [Tempelhof, p. 237.] to my left, with intent to seize [storm, if necessary] the Height of St. Michael,–when I came upon the Enemy’s Army. I made two true attacks, and two false: the Enemy resisted obstinately; but the sustained valor of your troops prevailed: and, after three hours in fire, the Enemy was obliged to yield everywhere. I don’t yet know the number of Prisoners; but there must be above 4,000:–the Reichs Army has lost next to nothing; the stress of effort fell to the Austrian share. We have got quantities of Cannon and Flags; Lieutenant-General Roth of the Reichs Army is among our Prisoners. I reckon we have lost from 2 to 3,000 men; among them no Officer of mark. Lieutenant-General von Seidlitz rendered me the highest services; in a place where the Cavalry could not act [border of the Spittelwald, and its impassable entanglements and obstinacies], he put himself at the head of the Infantry, and did signal services [his Battle mainly, scheming and all, say some ill-natured private accounts]; Generals Belling and Kleist [renowned Colonels known to us, now become Major-Generals] did their very best. All the Infantry was admirable; not one battalion yielded ground. My Aide-de-Camp [Kalkreuth, a famous man in the Napoleon times long after], who brings you this, had charge of assisting to conduct the attack through the Spittelwald [and did it well, we can suppose]: if, on that ground, you pleased to have the goodness to advance him, I should have my humble thanks to give you. There are a good many Officers who have distinguished themselves and behaved with courage, for whom I shall present similar requests. You will permit me to pay those who have taken cannons and flags (100 ducats per cannon, 50 per flag, or whatever the tariff was:–“By all manner of means!” his Majesty would answer].
“The Enemy is retiring towards Dresden and Dippoldiswalde. I am sending at his heels this night, and shall hear the result. My Aide-de-Camp is acquainted with all, and will be able to render you account of everything you may wish to know in regard to our present circumstances. General Wied, I believe, will cross Elbe to-morrow [General Wied, with 10,000 to help us,–for whom it was too dangerous to wait, or perhaps there was a spur on one’s own mind?]; his arrival would be [not “would have been:” CELA VIENDRAIT, not even VIENDRA] very opportune for me. I am, with all attachment, my dearest Brother,–your most devoted Servant and Brother,–HENRI.” [Schoning, iii. 491, 492.]
To-morrow, in cipher, goes the following Despatch:–
“FREYBERG, 30th October, 1762.
“General Wied [not yet come to hand, or even got across Elbe] informs me, That Prince Albert of Saxony [pushing hither with reinforcement, sent by Daun] must have crossed Elbe yesterday at Pirna [did not show face here, with his large reinforcements to them, or what would have become of us!];–and that for this reason he, Wied, must himself cross; which he will to-morrow. The same day I am to be joined by some battalions from General Hulsen; and the day after to-morrow, when General Wied [coming by Meissen Bridge, it appears] shall have reached the Katzenhauser, the whole of General Hulsen’s troops will join me. Directly thereupon I shall–” [Schoning, p. 493.] Or no more of that second Despatch; Friedrich’s LETTER IN RESPONSE is better worth giving:–
“LOWENBERG, 2d November, 1762.
“MY DEAR BROTHER,–The arrival of Kalkreuter [so he persists in calling him], and of your Letter, my dear Brother, has made me twenty [not to say forty] years younger: yesterday I was sixty, to-day hardly eighteen. I bless Heaven for preserving you in health (BONNE SANTE,” so we term escape of lesion in fight); “and that things have passed so happily! You took the good step of attacking those who meant to attack you; and, by your good and solid measures (DISPOSITIONS), you have overcome all the difficulties of a strong Post and a vigorous resistance. It is a service so important rendered by you to the State, that I cannot enough express my gratitude, and will wait to do it in person.
“Kalkreuter will explain what motions I– … If Fortune favor our views on Dresden [which it cannot in the least, at this late season], we shall indubitably have Peace this Winter or next Spring,–and get honorably out of a difficult and perilous conjuncture, where we have often seen ourselves within two steps of total destruction. And, by this which you have now done, to you alone will belong the honor of having given the final stroke to Austrian Obstinacy, and laid the foundations of the Public Happiness, which will be the consequence of Peace.–F.” [Ib. iii. 495, 496.]
Two days after this, November 4th, Friedrich is in Meissen; November 9th, he comes across to Freyberg; has pleasant day,– pleasant survey of the Battle-field, Henri and Seidlitz escorting as guides. Henri, in furtherance of the Dresden project, has Kleist out on the Bohemian Magazines,–“That is the one way to clear Dresden neighborhood of Enemies!” thinks Henri always. Kleist burns the considerable magazine of Saatz; finds the grand one of Leitmeritz too well guarded for him:–upon which, in such snowdrifts and sleety deluges, is not Dresden plainly impossible, your Majesty? Impossible, Friedrich admits,–the rather as he now sees Peace to be coming without that. Freyberg has at last broken the back of Austrian Obstinacy. “Go in upon the Reich,” Friedrich now orders Kleist, the instant Kleist is home from his Bohemian inroad: “In upon the Reich, with 6,000, in your old style! That will dispose the Reichs Principalities to Peace.”
Kleist marched November 3d; kept the Reich in paroxysm till December 13th;–Plotho, meanwhile, proclaiming in the Reichs Diet: “Such Reichs Princes as wish for Peace with my King can have it; those that prefer War, they too can have it!” Kleist, dividing himself in the due artistic way, flew over the Voigtland, on to Bamberg, on to Nurnberg itself (which he took, by sounding rams’- horns, as it were, having no gun heavier than a carbine, and held for a week); [
186-194.]–fluttering the Reichs Diet not a little, and disposing everybody for Peace. The Austrians saw it with pleasure, “We solemnly engaged to save these poor people harmless, on their joining us;–and, behold, it has become thrice and four times impossible. Let them fall off into Peace, like ripe pears, of themselves; we can then turn round and say, ‘Save you harmless? Yes; if you had n’t fallen off!'”
NOVEMBER 24th, all Austrians make truce with Friedrich, Truce till March 1st;–all Austrians, and what is singular, with no mention of the Reich whatever. The Reich is defenceless, at the feet of Kleist and his 6,000. Stollberg is still in Prussian neighborhood; and may be picked up any day! Stollberg hastens off to defend the Reich; finds the Reich quite empty of enemies before his arrival;–and at least saves his own skin. A month or two more, and Stollberg will lay down his Command, and the last Reichs-Execution Army, playing Farce-Tragedy so long, make its exit from the Theatre of this World.
Chapter XIII.
PEACE OF HUBERTSBURG.
The Prussian troops took Winter-quarters in the Meissen-Freyberg region, the old Saxon ground, familiar to them for the last three years: room enough this Winter, “from Plauen and Zwickau, round by Langensalza again;” Truce with everybody, and nothing of disturbance till March 1st at soonest. The usual recruiting went on, or was preparing to go on,–a part of which took immediate effect, as we shall see. Recruiting, refitting, “Be ready for a new Campaign, in any case: the readier we are, the less our chance of having one!” Friedrich’s head-quarter is Leipzig; but till December 5th he does not get thither. “More business on me than ever!” complains he. At Leipzig he had his Nephews, his D’Argens; for a week or two his Brother Henri; finally, his Berlin Ministers, especially Herzberg, when actual Peace came to be the matter in hand. Henri, before that, had gone home: “Peace being now the likelihood;–Home; and recruit one’s poor health, at Berlin, among friends!”
Before getting to Leipzig, the King paid a flying Visit at Gotha;– probably now the one fraction of these manifold Winter movements and employments, in which readers could take interest. Of this, as there happens to be some record left of it, here is what will suffice. From Meissen, Friedrich writes to his bright Grand- Duchess, always a bright, high and noble creature in his eyes: “Authorized by your approval [has politely inquired beforehand], I shall have the infinite satisfaction of paying my duties on December 3d [four days hence], and of reiterating to you, Madam, my liveliest and sincerest assurances of esteem and friendship. … Some of my Commissariat people have been misbehaving? Strict inquiry shall be had,” [To the Grand-Duchess, “Meissen, 29th November” (
199).]–and we soon find WAS. But the Visit is our first thing.
The Visit took place accordingly; Seidlitz, a man known in Gotha ever since his fine scenic-military procedures there in 1757, accompanied the King. Of the lucent individualities invited to meet him, all are now lost to me, except one Putter, a really learned Gottingen Professor (deep in REICHS-HISTORY and the like), whom the Duchess has summoned over. By the dim lucency of Putter, faint to most of us as a rushlight in the act of going out, the available part of our imagination must try to figure, in a kind of Obliterated-Rembrandt way, this glorious Evening; for there was but one,–December 3d-4th,–Friedrich having to leave early on the 4th. Here is Putter’s record, given in the third person:–
“During dinner, Putter, honorably present among the spectators of this high business, was beckoned by the Duchess to step near the King [right hand or left, Putter does not say]; but the King graciously turned round, and conversed with Putter.” The King said:–
KING. “In German History much is still buried; many important Documents lie hidden in Monasteries.” Putter answered “schicklich– fitly;” that is all we know of Putter’s answer.
KING (thereupon). “Of Books on Reichs-History I know only the PERE BARRI.” [
Paris, 1748: I believe, an extremely feeble Pillar of Will-o’-Wisps by Night;–as I can expressly testify Pfeffel to be (Pfeffel,
PUTTER. … “Foreigners have for most part known only, in regard to our History, a Latin work written by Struve at Jena.” [Burkhard Gotthelf Struve,
KING. “Struv, Struvius; him I don’t know.”
PUTTER. “It is a pity Barri had not known German.”
KING. “Barri was a Lorrainer; Barri must have known German!”–Then turning to the Duchess, on this hint about the German Language, he told her, “in a ringing merry tone, How, at Leipzig once, he had talked with Gottsched [talk known to us] on that subject, and had said to him, That the French had many advantages; among others, that a word could often be used in a complex signification, for which you had in German to scrape together several different expressions. Upon which Gottsched had said, ‘We will have that mended (DAS WOLLEN WIR NOCH MACHEN)!’ These words the King repeated twice or thrice, with such a tone that you could well see how the man’s conceit had struck him;”–and in short, as we know already, what a gigantic entity, consisting of wind mainly, he took this elevated Gottsched to be.
Upon which, Putter retires into the honorary ranks again; silent, at least to us, and invisible; as the rest of this Royal Evening at Gotha is. [“Putter’s
FRIEDRICH TO THE DUCHESS OF SACHSEN-GOTHA.
“LEIPZIG, 6th December, 1762.
“MADAM,–I should never have done, my adorable Duchess, if I rendered you account of all the impressions which the friendship you lavished on me has made on my heart. I could wish to answer it by entering into everything that can be agreeable to you [conduct of my Recruiters or Commissariat people first of all]. I take the liberty of forwarding the ANSWERS which have come in to the Two MEMOIRES you sent me. I am mortified, Madam, if I have not been able to fulfil completely your desires: but if you knew the situation I am in, I flatter myself you would have some consideration for it.
“I have found myself here [in Leipzig, as elsewhere] overwhelmed with business, and even to a degree I had not expected. Meanwhile, if I ever can manage again to run over and pay you in person the homage of a heart which is more attached to you than that of your near relations, assuredly I will not neglect the first opportunity that shall present itself.
“Messieurs the English [Bute, Bedford and Company, with their Preliminaries signed, and all my Westphalian Provinces left in a condition we shall hear of] continue to betray. Poor M. Mitchell has had a stroke of apoplexy on hearing it. It is a hideous thing (CHOSE AFFREUSE); but I will speak of it no more. May you, Madam, enjoy all the prosperities that I wish for you, and not forget a Friend, who will be till his death, with sentiments of the highest esteem and the most perfect consideration,–Madam, your Highness’s most faithful Cousin and Servant, FRIEDRICH.” [
For a fortnight past, Friedrich has had no doubt that general Peace is now actually at hand. November 25th, ten days before this visit, a Saxon Privy-Councillor, Baron von Fritsch, who, by Order from his Court, had privately been at Vienna on the errand, came privately next, with all speed, to Friedrich (Meissen, November 25th): [Rodenbeck, ii. 193.] “Austria willing for Treaty; is your Majesty willing?” “Thrice-willing, I; my terms well known!” Friedrich would answer,–gladdest of mankind to see general Pacification coming to this vexed Earth again. The Dance of the Furies, waltzing itself off, HOME out of this upper sunlight: the mad Bellona steeds plunging down, down, towards their Abysses again, for a season!–
This was a result which Friedrich had foreseen as nearly certain ever since the French and English signed their Preliminaries. And there was only one thing which gave him anxiety; that of his Rhine Provinces and Strong Places, especially Wesel, which have been in French hands for six years past, ever since Spring, 1757. Bute stipulates That those places and countries shall be evacuated by his Choiseul, as soon as weather and possibility permit; but Bute, astonishing to say, has not made the least stipulation as to whom they are to be delivered to,–allies or enemies, it is all one to Bute. Truly rather a shameful omission, Pitt might indignantly think,–and call the whole business steadily, as he persisted to do, “a shameful Peace,” had there been no other article in it but this;–as Friedrich, with at least equal emphasis thought and felt. And, in fact, it had thrown him into very great embarrassment, on the first emergence of it.
For her Imperial Majesty began straightway to draw troops into those neighborhoods: “WE will take delivery, our Allies playing into our hand!” And Friedrich, who had no disposable troops, had to devise some rapid expedient; and did. Set his Free-Corps agents and recruiters in motion: “Enlist me those Light people of Duke Ferdinand’s, who are all getting discharged; especially that BRITANNIC LEGION so called. All to be discharged; re-enlist them, you; Ferdinand will keep them till you do it. Be swift!” And it is done;–a small bit of actual enlistment among the many prospective that were going on, as we noticed above. Precise date of it not given; must have been soon after November 3d. There were from 5 to 6,000 of them; and it was promptly done. Divided into various regiments; chief command of them given to a Colonel Bauer, under whom a Colonel Beckwith whose name we have heard: these, to the surprise of Imperial Majesty, and alarm of a pacific Versailles, suddenly appeared in the Cleve Countries, handy for Wesel, for Geldern; in such posts, and in such force and condition as intimated, “It shall be we, under favor, that take delivery!” Snatch Wesel from them, some night, sword in hand: that had been Bauer’s notion; but nothing of that kind was found necessary; mere demonstration proved sufficient. To the French Garrisons the one thing needful was to get away in peace; Bauer with his brows gloomy is a dangerous neighbor. Perhaps the French Officers themselves rather favored Friedrich than his enemies. Enough, a private agreement, or mutual understanding on word of honor, was come to: and, very publicly, at length, on the 11th and 12th days of March, 1763 (Peace now settled everywhere), Wesel, in great gala, full of field-music, military salutations and mutual dining, saw the French all filing out, aud Bauer and people filing in, to the joy of that poor Town. [Preuss, ii. 342.]
Soon after which, painful to relate, such the inexorable pressure of finance, Bauer and people were all paid off, flung loose again: ruthlessly paid off by a necessitous King! There were about 6,000 of those poor fellows,–specimens of the bastard heroic, under difficulties, from every country in the world; Beckwith and I know not what other English specimens of the lawless heroic; who were all cashiered, officer and man, on getting to Berlin. As were the earlier Free-Corps, and indeed the subsequent, all and sundry, “except seven,” whose names will not be interesting to you. Paid off, with or without remorse, such the exhaustion of finance; Kleist, Icilius, Count Hordt and others vainly repugning and remonstrating; the King himself inexorable as Arithmetic. “Can maintain 138,000 of regular, 12,000 of other sorts; not a man more!” Zealous Icilius applied for some consideration to his Officers: “partial repayment of the money they have spent from their own pocket in enlistment of their people now discharged!” Not a doit. The King’s answer is in autograph, still extant; not in good spelling, but with sense clear as light: “SEINE OFFICIERS HABEN WIE DIE RABEN GESTOLLEN SIE KRIGEN NICHTS, Your Officers stole like ravens;–they get Nothing.” [Preuss, ii. 320.] Lessing’s fine play of MINNA VON BARNHELM testifies to considerable public sympathy for these impoverished Ex-Military people. Pathetic truly, in a degree; but such things will happen. Irregular gentlemen, to whom the world ‘s their oyster,–said oyster does suddenly snap to on them, by a chance. And they have to try it on the other side, and say little!–But we are forgetting the Peace-Treaty itself, which still demands a few words.
Kleist’s raid into the Reich had a fine effect on the Potentates there; and Plotho’s Offer was greedily complied with; the Kaiser, such his generosity, giving “free permission.” We spoke of Privy- Councillor von Fritsch, and his private little word with Friedrich at Meissen, on November 25th. The Electoral-Prince of Saxony, it seems, was author of that fine stroke; the history of it this. Since November 3d, the French and English have had their preliminaries signed; and all Nations are longing for the like. “Let us have a German Treaty for general Peace,” said the Kurprinz of Saxony, that amiable Heir-Apparent whom we have seen sometimes, who is rather crooked of back, but has a sprightly Wife. “By all means,” answered Polish Majesty: “and as I am in the distance, do you in every way further it, my Son!” Whereupon despatch of Fritsch to Vienna, and thence to Meissen; with “Yes” to him from both parties. Plenipotentiaries are named: “Fritsch shall be ours: they shall have my Schloss of Hubertsburg for Place of Congress,” said the Prince. And on Thursday, December 30th, 1762, the Three Dignitaries met at Hubertsburg, and began business.
This is the Schloss in Torgau Country which Quintus Icilius’s people, Saldern having refused the job, willingly undertook spoiling; and, as is well known, did it, January 22d, 1761; a thing Quintus never heard the end of. What the amount of profit, or the degree of spoil and mischief, Quintus’s people made of it, I could not learn; but infer from this new event that the wreck had not been so considerable as the noise was; at any rate, that the Schloss had soon been restored to its pristine state of brilliancy. The Plenipotentiaries,–for Saxony, Fritsch; for Austria, a Von Collenbach, unknown to us; for Prussia, one Hertzberg, a man experienced beyond his years, who is of great name in Prussian History subsequently,–sat here till February 15th, 1763, that is for six weeks and five days. Leaving their Protocols to better judges, who report them good, we will much prefer a word or two from Friedrich himself, while waiting the result they come to.
FRIEDRICH TO PRINCE HENRI (home at Berlin).
“LEIPZIG, 14th JANUARY, 1763. … Am not surprised you find Berlin changed for the worse: such a train of calamities must, in the end, make itself felt in a poor and naturally barren Country, where continual industry is needed to second its fecundity and keep up production. However, I will do what I can to remedy this dearth (LA DISETTE), at least as far as my small means permit. …
“No fear of Geldern and Wesel; all that has been cared for by Bauer and the new Free-Corps. By the end of February Peace will be signed; at the beginning of April everybody will find himself at home, as in 1756.
“The Circles are going to separate: indifferent to me, or nearly so; but it is good to be plucking out tiresome burning sticks, stick after stick. I hope you amuse yourself at Berlin: at Leipzig nothing but balls and redouts; my Nephews diverting themselves amazingly. Madam Friedrich, lately Garden-maid at Seidlitz [Village in the Neumark, with this Beauty plucking weeds in it,–little prescient of such a fortune], now Wife to an Officer of the Free Hussars, is the principal heroine of these Festivities.” [Schoning, iii. 528.]
LEIPZIG, 25th JANUARY, 1763. “Thanks for your care about my existence. I am becoming very old, dear Brother; in a little while I shall be useless to the world and a burden to myself: it is the lot of all creatures to wear down with age,– but one is not, for all that, to abuse one’s privilege of falling into dotage.
“You still speak without full confidence of our Negotiation business [going on at Hubertsburg yonder]. Most certainly the chapter of accidents is inexhaustible; and it is still certain there may happen quantities of things which the limited mind of man cannot foresee: but, judging by the ordinary course, and such degrees of probability as human creatures found their hopes on, I believe, before the month of February entirely end, our Peace will be completed. In a permanent Arrangement, many things need settling, which are easier to settle now than they ever will be again. Patience; haste without speed is a thriftless method.” [Ib. iii. 529.]
February 5th, the trio at Hubertsburg got their Preliminaries signed. On the tenth day thereafter, the Treaty itself was signed and sealed. All other Treaties on the same subject had been guided towards a contemporary finis: England and France, ready since the 3d of November last, signed and ended February 10th. February 11th, the Reich signed and ended; February 15th, Prussia, Austria, Saxony; and the THIRD SILESIAN or SEVEN-YEARS WAR was completely finished. [Copy of the treaty in
It had cost, in loss of human lives first of all, nobody can say what: according to Friedrich’s computation, there had perished of actual fighters, on the various fields, of all the nations, 853,000; of which above the fifth part, or 180,000, is his own share: and, by misery and ravage, the general Population of Prussia finds itself 500,000 fewer; nearly the ninth man missing. This is the expenditure of Life. Other items are not worth enumerating, in comparison; if statistically given, you can find the most approved guesses at them by the same Head, who ought to be an authority. [
iii. 349-351.] It was a War distinguished by–Archenholtz will tell you, with melodious emphasis, what a distinguished, great and thrice-greatest War it was. There have since been other far bigger Wars,–if size were a measure of greatness; which it by no means is! I believe there was excellent Heroism shown in this War, by persons I could name; by one person, Heroism really to be called superior, or, in its kind, almost of the rank of supreme;–and that in regard to the Military Arts and Virtues, it has as yet, for faculty and for performance, had no rival; nor is likely soon to have. The Prussians, as we once mentioned, still use it as their school-model in those respects. And we– O readers, do not at least you and I thank God to have now done with it!–
Of the Peace-Treaties at Hubertsburg, Paris and other places, it is not necessary that we say almost anything. They are to be found in innumerable Books, dreary to the mind; and of the 158 Articles to be counted there, not one could be interesting at present. The substance of the whole lies now in Three Points, not mentioned or contemplated at all in those Documents, though repeatedly alluded to and intimated by us here.
The issue, as between Austria and Prussia, strives to be, in all points, simply AS-YOU-WERE; and, in all outward or tangible points, strictly is so. After such a tornado of strife as the civilized world had not witnessed since the Thirty-Years War. Tornado springing doubtless from the regions called Infernal; and darkening the upper world from south to north, and from east to west for Seven Years long;–issuing in general AS-YOU-WERE! Yes truly, the tornado was Infernal; but Heaven too had silently its purposes in it. Nor is the mere expenditure of men’s diabolic rages, in mutual clash as of opposite electricities, with reduction to equipoise, and restoration of zero and repose again after seven years, the one or the principal result arrived at. Inarticulately, little dreamt of at the time by any by-stander, the results, on survey from this distance, are visible as Threefold. Let us name them one other time:–
1. There is no taking of Silesia from this man; no clipping of him down to the orthodox old limits; he and his Country have palpably outgrown these. Austria gives up the Problem: “We have lost Silesia!” Yes; and, what you hardly yet know,–and what, I perceive, Friedrich himself still less knows,–Teutschland has found Prussia. Prussia, it seems, cannot be conquered by the whole world trying to do it; Prussia has gone through its Fire-Baptism, to the satisfaction of gods and men; and is a Nation henceforth. In and of poor dislocated Teutschland, there is one of the Great Powers of the World henceforth; an actual Nation. And a Nation not grounding itself on extinct Traditions, Wiggeries, Papistries, Immaculate Conceptions; no, but on living Facts,–Facts of Arithmetic, Geometry, Gravitation, Martin Luther’s Reformation, and what it really can believe in:–to the infinite advantage of said Nation and of poor Teutschland henceforth. To be a Nation; and to believe as you are convinced, instead of pretending to believe as you are bribed or bullied by the devils about you; what an advantage to parties concerned! If Prussia follow its star– As it really tries to do, in spite of stumbling! For the sake of Germany, one hopes always Prussia will; and that it may get through its various Child-Diseases, without death: though it has had sad plunges and crises,–and is perhaps just now in one of its worst Influenzas, the Parliamentary-Eloquence or Ballot-Box Influenza! One of the most dangerous Diseases of National Adolescence; extremely prevalent over the world at this time,–indeed unavoidable, for reasons obvious enough. “SIC ITUR AD ASTRA;” all Nations certain that the way to Heaven is By voting, by eloquently wagging the tongue “within those walls”! Diseases, real or imaginary, await Nations like individuals; aud are not to be resisted, but must be submitted to, and got through the best you can. Measles and mumps; you cannot prevent them in Nations either. Nay fashions even; fashion of Crinoline, for instance (how infinitely more, that of Ballot-Box and Fourth-Estate!),–are you able to prevent even that? You have to be patient under it, and keep hoping!
2. In regard to England. Her JENKINS’S-EAR CONTROVERSY is at last settled. Not only liberty of the Seas, but, if she were not wiser, dominion of them; guardianship of liberty for all others whatsoever: Dominion of the Seas for that wise object. America is to be English, not French; what a result is that, were there no other! Really a considerable Fact in the History of the World. Fact principally due to Pitt, as I believe, according to my best conjecture, and comparison of probabilities and circumstances. For which, after all, is not everybody thankful, less or more? O my English brothers, O my Yankee half-brothers, how oblivious are we of those that have done us benefit!–
These are the results for England. And in the rear of these, had these and the other elements once ripened for her, the poor Country is to get into such merchandisings, colonizings, foreign-settlings, gold-nuggetings, as lay beyond the drunkenest dreams of Jenkins (supposing Jenkins addicted to liquor);–and, in fact, to enter on a universal uproar of Machineries, Eldorados, “Unexampled Prosperities,” which make a great noise for themselves in the very days now come. Prosperities evidently not of a sublime type: which, in the mean while, seem to be covering the at one time creditably clean and comely face of England with mud-blotches, soot-blotches, miscellaneous squalors and horrors; to be preaching into her amazed heart, which once knew better, the omnipotence of
SHODDY; filling her ears and soul with shriekery and metallic clangor, mad noises, mad hurries mostly no-whither;–and are awakening, I suppose, in such of her sons as still go into reflection at all, a deeper and more ominous set of Questions than have ever risen in England’s History before. As in the foregoing case, we have to be patient and keep hoping.
3. In regard to France. It appears, noble old Teutschland, with such pieties and unconquerable silent valors, such opulences human and divine, amid its wreck of new and old confusions, is not to be cut in Four, and made to dance to the piping of Versailles or another. Far the contrary! To Versailles itself there has gone forth, Versailles may read it or not, the writing on the wall: “Thou art weighed in the balance, and found wanting” (at last even “FOUND wanting”)! France, beaten, stript, humiliated; sinful, unrepentant, governed by mere sinners and, at best, clever fools (FOUS PLEINS D’ESPRIT),–collapses, like a creature whose limbs fail it; sinks into bankrupt quiescence, into nameless fermentation, generally into DRY-ROT. Rotting, none guesses whitherward;–rotting towards that thrice-extraordinary Spontaneous-Combustion, which blazed out in 1789. And has kindled, over the whole world, gradually or by explosion, this unexpected Outburst of all the chained Devilries (among other chained things), this roaring Conflagration of the Anarchies; under which it is the lot of these poor generations to live,–for I know not what length of Centuries yet. “Go into Combustion, my pretty child!” the Destinies had said to this BELLE FRANCE, who is always so fond of shining and outshining: “Self-Combustion;–in that way, won’t you shine, as none of them yet could?” Shine; yes, truly,–till you are got to CAPUT MORTUUM, my pretty child (unless you gain new wisdom!) –But not to wander farther:–
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 16th, Friedrich, all Saxon things being now settled,–among the rest, “eight Saxon Schoolmasters” to be a model in Prussia,–quitted Leipzig, with the Seven-Years War safe in his pocket, as it were. Drove to Moritzburg, to dinner with the amiable Kurprinz and still more amiable Wife: “It was to your Highness that we owe this Treaty!” A dinner which readers may hear of again. At Moritzburg; where, with the Lacys, there was once such rattling and battling. After which, rapidly on to Silesia, and an eight days of adjusting and inspecting there.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 30th, Friedrich arrives in Frankfurt-on-Oder, on the way homeward from Silesia: “takes view of the Field of Kunersdorf” (reflections to be fancied); early in the afternoon speeds forward again; at one of the stages (place called Tassdorf) has a Dialogue, which we shall hear of; and between 8 and 9 in the evening, not through the solemn receptions and crowded streets, drives to the Schloss of Berlin. “Goes straight to the Queen’s Apartment,” Queen, Princesses and Court all home triumphantly some time ago; sups there with the Queen’s Majesty and these bright creatures,–beautiful supper, had it consisted only of cresses and salt; and, behind it, sound sleep to us under our own roof-tree once more. [Rodenbeck, ii. 211, 212; Preuss, ii. 345, 346; &c. &c.] Next day, “the King made gifts to,” as it were, to everybody; “to the Queen about 5,000 pounds, to the Princess Amelia 1,000 pounds,” and so on; and saw true hearts all merry round him,– merrier, perhaps, than his own was.