This was a desperate measure; for the whole of the troops belonging to the besiegers, including even the seamen, were much inferior in number to the garrison. The town was also covered on one side by a castle, with four bastions, and fifty pieces of cannon; from whence was run an intrenchment, flanked with several salient angles to Fort Coovo, on the river Sebastian. This intrenchment consisted of the neck of land from the river Anastasia to that of St. Sebastian, and entirely covered the town from the island.
Upon this the General drew in all the strength that he possibly could, and sent for the garrison that he had left at Diego. Being joined by them and by the Creek Indians, and having made a sufficient number of fascines and short ladders, provided all other necessaries for attacking the intrenchments, and brought up thirty-six cohorns, he received notice that the Commodore had resolved to forego the attack; declaring, that, as the season of hurricanes was approaching, he judged it imprudent to hazard his Majesty’s ships any longer on the coast.[1]
[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XXIV.]
On the departure of the fleet, the place was no longer blockaded on the sea side; of course the army began to despair of forcing the place to surrender. The provincials, under Colonel Vanderdussen, enfeebled by the heat of the climate, dispirited by fruitless efforts, and visited by sickness, marched away in large bodies.[1] The General himself, laboring under a fever, and finding his men as well as himself worn out by fatigue, and rendered unfit for action, reluctantly abandoned the enterprise. On the fourth of July everything which he had on the island was reembarked, the troops transported to the continent, and the whole army began their march for Georgia; the Carolina regiment first, and the General with his troops in the rear. On this occasion a very notable answer of the Indian Chief is reported; for, being asked by some of the garrison to march off with them, “No!” said he, “I will not stir a foot till I see every man belonging to me marched off before me; for I have always been the first in advancing towards an enemy, and the last in retreating.”[2]
[Footnote 1: Dr. RAMSAY, the historian of South Carolina, with his usual frankness and impartiality, closes his narrative of this siege with the following remark. “On the 13th of August the Carolina regiment had reached Charlestown. Though not one of them had been killed by the enemy, their number was reduced, fourteen, by disease and accidents.”]
[Footnote 2: _London Magazine_, Vol. XXVII. p. 23.]
“Thus ended the expedition against St. Augustine, to the great disappointment of both Georgia and Carolina. Many reflections were afterwards thrown out against General Oglethorpe for his conduct during the whole enterprise. He, on the other hand, declared that he had no confidence in the Provincials, for that they refused to obey his orders, and abandoned the camp, and returned home in large numbers, and that the assistance from the fleet failed him in the utmost emergency. To which we may add, the place was so strongly fortified both by nature and art, that probably the attempt must have failed though it had been conducted by the ablest officer, and executed by the best disciplined troops.”[1]
[Footnote 1: HARRIS’s Voyage, II. 340.]
The difficulties which opposed his success, showed the courage that could meet, and the zeal that strove to surmount them; and, while we lament the failure, we perceive that it was owing to untoward circumstances which he could not have foreseen; and disappointments from a quarter whence he most confidently expected and depended upon continued cooperation and ultimate accomplishment. Referring to this, in a speech in the British house of Peers, the Duke of Argyle made these remarks: “One man there is, my Lords, whose natural generosity, contempt of danger, and regard for the public, prompted him to obviate the designs of the Spaniards, and to attack them in their own territories; a man, whom by long acquaintance I can confidently affirm to have been equal to his undertaking, and to have learned the art of war by a regular education, who yet miscarried in the design only for want of supplies necessary to a possibility of success.”[1]
[Footnote 1: “Laudari viris laudatis”–to be praised by men themselves renowned, is certainly the most valuable species of commendation.]
A writer, who had good authority for his opinion, declares, that,” though this expedition was not attended with the success some expected from it, the taking the fortress of St. Augustine, it was, nevertheless, of no little consequence, inasmuch as it kept the Spaniards for a long time on the defensive, and the war at a distance; so that the inhabitants of Carolina felt none of its effects as a Colony, excepting the loss suffered by their privateers, till the Spaniards executed their long projected invasion in 1742, in which they employed their whole strength, and from which they expected to have changed the whole face of the Continent of North America; and, even then, the people of Carolina suffered only by their fears.”[1]
[Footnote 1: HARRIS’s Voyages, Vol. II. page 340.]
In a letter to Lord Egmont, by Governor Belcher, dated Boston, May 24th, 1741, is this remark; “I was heartily sorry for the miscarriage of General Oglethorpe’s attempt on Augustine, in which I could not learn where the mistake was, or to what it was owing, unless to a wrong judgment of the strength of the place, to which the force that attacked it, they say, was by no means equal. I wish that a part of Admiral Vernon’s fleet and General Wentworth’s forces may give it a visit, before the Spaniards sue for peace. It seems to me absolutely necessary for the quieting of the English possessions of Carolina and Georgia, that we should reduce Augustine to the obedience of the British crown, and keep it, as Gibraltar and Mahon.”[1]
[Footnote 1: Letter-book of his Excellency JONATHAN BELCHER, in the archives of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. V. p. 254.]
CHAPTER XV.
Oglethorpe pays particular attention to internal Improvements–Meets with many annoyances–The Creeks, under Toonahowi, make an incursion into Florida–The Spanish form a design upon Georgia–Some of their fleet appear on the coast–Oglethorpe prepares for defence–Applies to South Carolina for assistance–Spaniards attack Fort William–Dangerous situation of Oglethorpe–Spanish fleet enter the harbor and land on St. Simons–In three successive engagements they are defeated–A successful stratagem–Enemy defeated at Bloody Marsh– Retire and attack Fort William, which is bravely defended by Ensign Stewart–Spanish forces, repulsed in all their assaults, abandon the invasion in dismay, and return to St. Augustine and to Cuba.
Of the year 1741 but few memorials are to be found. Oglethorpe resided principally at Frederica; but occasionally visited Savannah; and, every where, and at all times, actively exerted his powers of persuasion, his personal influence, or his delegated authority to reconcile the jarring contests and restore the social accordance and peace of the community, while with vigilance and precaution he concerted measures to guard the Colony against the threatening purposes of the Spaniards. In reference to his peculiar trials and vexatious annoyances, are the following remarks, copied from a letter of a gentleman at Savannah, deeply read in the early history of the Colony.[1]
[Footnote 1: WILLIAM B. STEVENS, M.D., _letter, October_ 19,1840.]
“The difficulties with which General Oglethorpe had to contend, were peculiarly onerous and perplexing, not only with the Spanish foes,–with the restless Indians,–with the clamorous settlement,–with discontented troops,–with meagre supplies,–with the defection of Carolina,–with the protest of his bills, and with the refusal of a just naval protection;–but the officers of his regiment were at enmity with him and with each other, and crimination and recrimination followed, disturbing the peace, and weakening the efficiency of the military corps. At a Court Martial, held in the early part of January, 1739, composed of thirteen officers, they, in their letter, dated 12th of January, to the General speak thus–‘2d. That we have observed a great spirit of mutiny among the soldiers, particularly those of Lieutenant Colonel Cochran’s company,’ and ‘3d. That by evidence given in Court, it appears to us that Lieutenant Colonel James Cochran was in the knowledge of, and concealed a mutiny.’ The wonder is, that, with such opposing influences, and such discordant materials, he effected _any thing_. That he achieved _so much_, under such adverse circumstances, proves him to have been a firm, bold, intrepid, and sagacious man; to have possessed the most eminent military qualifications, and those sterling virtues which mock at the petty malice of the envious, and triumph over the machinations of malignity.”
He was, also, fully aware that, as the Spanish of Florida and Cuba entertained no good will towards him, they would seek an opportunity to retaliate his “assault and battery,” which, though it had proved on his part a failure, had been to them a grievous annoyance. He, therefore, kept scout-boats continually on the look out, to give notice of the approach to the coast of any armed vessel. On the 16th of August advice was conveyed to him that a large ship had come to anchor off the bar. He immediately sent out the boat to ascertain what it was; and it was perceived to be manned with Spaniards, with evidently hostile purpose. Whereupon he went on board the guard sloop to go in search of her; took, also, the sloop Falcon, which was in the service of the Province; and hired the schooner Norfolk, Captain Davis, to join the expedition. These vessels were manned by a detachment of his regiment under the following officers: viz.: Major Alexander Heron, Captain Desbrisay, Lieutenant Mackay, Lieutenant Tamser, Ensign Hogan, Ensign Sterling, and Ensigns Wemyss and Howarth, and Adjutant Maxwell; Thomas Eyre, Surgeon and Mate; six sergeants, six corporals, five drummers, and one hundred and twenty-five privates. Before they could get down to the bar, a sudden squall of wind and storm of thunder and rain came on; and when it cleared up the vessel was out of sight.
Unwilling, however, to lose the object of this equipment, on the next day he sailed directly towards St. Augustine in pursuit of the ship. On the 19th the Falcon sloop, being disabled, was sent back, with seventeen men of the regiment; and the General proceeded with the guard sloop and schooner. On the 21st, by day-break, they discovered a ship and a sloop at anchor, about four or five leagues distant; and, it being a dead calm, they rowed, till they came up to them, about noon, when they found one to be the black Spanish privateer sloop, commanded by a French officer, Captain Destrade, who had made several prizes to the northward; and the other to be a three-mast ship; both lying at anchor outside of the bar of St. Augustine. The General issued orders to board them, when the wind freshing up, and the English bearing down upon them, they began firing with great and small arms, and the English returning the fire, they immediately left their anchors, and run over the bar. The sloop and schooner pursuing them; and, though they engaged them for an hour and a quarter, they could not get on board. The Spanish vessels then run up towards the town; and as they were hulled, and seemed disabled, six half-galleys came down, and kept firing nine-pounders, but, by reason of the distance, the shot did not reach the sloop or schooner. That night the General came to anchor within sight of the castle of St. Augustine, and the next day sailed for the Matanzas; but, finding no vessel there, cruised off the bar of St. Augustine, and nothing coming out, the whole coast being thus alarmed, he returned to Frederica.
There were three ships, and one two-mast vessel lying within the harbor at the time that the English engaged the sloop and ship.[1]
[Footnote 1: _Annals of Europe_, page 404.]
This summer one of the Georgia boats off Tybee saved a three-mast vessel which the Spaniards had abandoned, leaving eighteen Englishmen on board, after having barbarously scuttled her, and choked the pumps, that the men might sink with the ship; but the boat’s men, getting on board in good time, saved the men and the ship.
It seems that the Creeks, in retaliation of some predatory and murderous outrages of the Florida outposts, made a descent upon them in return. This is referred to in the following extract from a letter of General Oglethorpe to the Duke of Newcastle, dated
Frederica, 12th of December, 1741.
My Lord,
“Toonahowi, the Indian who had the honor of your Grace’s protection in England, with a party of Creek Indians, returned hither from making an incursion up to the walls of Augustine; near which they took Don Romualdo Ruiz del Moral, Lieutenant of Spanish horse, and nephew to the late Governor, and delivered him to me.
“The Governor of Augustine has sent the enclosed letter to me by some English prisoners; and, the prisoners there, the enclosed petition. On which I fitted out the vessels, and am going myself, with a detachment of the regiment, off the bar of Augustine, to demand the prisoners, and restrain the privateers.”
In the early part of the year 1742, the Spaniards formed a design upon Georgia, on which, from the time of its settlement, they had looked with a jealous eye.[1] For this end, in May, they fitted out an armament at Havanna, consisting of fifty-six sail, and seven or eight thousand men; but the fleet, being dispersed by a storm, did not all arrive at St. Augustine, the place of their destination. Don Manuel de Monteano, Governor of that fortress, and of the town and region it protected, had the command of the expedition.
[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XXV.]
About the end of May, or beginning of June, the schooner, which had been sent out on a cruise by General Oglethorpe, returned with the information that there were two Spanish men of war, with twenty guns each, besides two very large privateers, and a great number of small vessels, full of troops, lying at anchor off the bar of St. Augustine. This intelligence was soon after confirmed by Captain Haymer, of the Flamborough man of war, who had fallen in with part of the Spanish fleet on the coast of Florida, and drove some vessels on shore.
Having been apprized of this, the General, apprehending that the Spaniards had in view some formidable expedition against Georgia or Carolina, or perhaps both, wrote to the Commander of his Majesty’s ships, in the harbor of Charlestown, urging him to come to his assistance. Lieutenant Maxwell, the bearer, arrived and delivered the letter on the 12th of June. Directly afterwards he sent Lieutenant Mackay to Governor Glenn, of South Carolina, requesting his military aid with all expedition; and this despatch reached him on the 20th. He then laid an embargo upon all the shipping in Georgia; and sent messages to his faithful Indian allies, who gathered to his assistance with all readiness.
And now the design of the Spaniards was manifest. On the 21st of June the fleet appeared on the coast; and nine sail of vessels made an attempt on Amelia Island, but were so warmly received by the cannon from Fort William, and the guard-schooner of fourteen guns and ninety men, commanded by Captain Dunbar, that they sheered off. When the General was informed of this attack, he resolved to support the fortifications on Cumberland Island; and set out with a detachment of the regiment in three boats; but was obliged to make his way through fourteen sail of vessels. This was very venturesome, and, indeed, was considered as presumptuously hazardous. For, had a shot from one of the galleys struck the boat in which he was, so as to disable or sink it, or had he been overtaken by a gun-boat from the enemy, the colonial forces would have become the weakly resisting victims of Spanish exasperated revenge. But by keeping to the leeward, and thus taking advantage of the smoke, he escaped the firing and arrived in safety.
After having withdrawn the command from St. Andrews, and removed the stores and artillery that were there, and reinforced Fort William,[1] where he left one of the boats, he returned to St. Simons.
[Footnote 1: These two Forts were on Cumberland Island.]
He now sent another express to the Governor of South Carolina, by Mr. Malryne, informing him of his situation, and urging the necessity of a reinforcement. This application was not promptly complied with, in consequence of an unfortunate prejudice arising from the failure of his attempt upon St. Augustine. But as Georgia had been a great barrier against the Spaniards, whose conquest of it would be hazardous to the peace and prosperity of South Carolina, “it was thought expedient to fit out some vessels to cruise down the coast, and see what could be done for its relief.”[1]
[Footnote 1: WILLIAMS’s _History of Florida_, p. 185.]
In the perilous emergency to which he was reduced, Oglethorpe took, for the King’s service, the merchant ship of twenty guns, called the _Success_,–a name of auspicious omen,–commanded by Captain Thompson, and manned it from the small vessels which were of no force. He also called in the Highland company from Darien, commanded by Captain McIntosh; the company of rangers; and Captain Carr’s company of marines.
On the 28th of June the Spanish fleet appeared off the bar below St. Simons; but from their precaution for taking the soundings and ascertaining the channel, was delayed coming in, or landing any of the troops, for several days; in which time “the General raised another troop of rangers; and, by rewarding those who did extraordinary duty, and offering advancement to such as should signalize themselves on this occasion, he kept up the spirits of the people, and increased the number of enlistments.”[1] He was placed, indeed, in a most critical situation; but he bore himself with great presence of mind, and summoned to the emergency a resolution which difficulties could not shake, and brought into exercise energies which gathered vigor from hindrance, and rendered him insensible to fatigue, and unappalled by danger. This self-collected and firm state of mind, made apparent in his deportment and measures, produced a corresponding intrepidity in all around him; inspired them with confidence in their leader; and roused the determined purpose with united efforts to repel their invaders.
[Footnote 1: The passages distinguished by inverted commas, without direct marginal reference, are from the official account.]
At this critical juncture, his own services were multiplied and arduous; for Lieutenant Colonel Cook, who was Engineer, having gone to Charlestown, on his way to London,[1] the General was obliged to execute that office himself, sometimes on ship-board, and sometimes at the batteries. He therefore found himself under the necessity of assigning the command to some one on station, during his occasional absences; and accordingly appointed Major Alexander Heron; raising him to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel.
[Footnote 1: We shall see, in the sequel, that the absence of this officer, whatever its pretence, was with treacherous purpose, as may be surmised by the following extract from a letter to the Duke of Newcastle, dated 30th of July, 1741; where, mentioning the despatches sent to Governor Glen, earnestly requesting some military aid, the General informs his Grace that “Lieutenant Colonel Cook, who was engineer, and was then at Charlestown, hastened away to England; and his son-in-law, Ensign Erye, sub-engineer, was also in Charlestown, and did not arrive here till the action was over; so, for want of help, I was obliged to do the duty of an engineer.”]
On Monday, the 5th of July, with a leading gale and the flood of tide, a Spanish fleet of thirty-six sail, consisting of three ships of twenty guns, two large snows, three schooners, four sloops, and the rest half-galleys, with landsmen on board, entered the harbor; and, after exchanging a brisk fire with the fort, for four hours, passed all the batteries and shipping, proceeded up the river. The same evening the forces were landed upon the island, a little below Gascoigne’s plantation. A red flag was hoisted on the mizzen-top of the Admiral’s ship, and a battery was erected on the shore, in which were planted twenty eighteen-pounders. On this, the General, having done all he could to annoy the enemy, and prevent their landing, and finding that the Fort at St. Simons had become indefensible, held a council of war at the head of his regiment; and it was the opinion of the whole that the fort should be dismantled, the guns spiked up, the cohorns burst, and that the troops there stationed should immediately repair to Frederica, for its defence. He accordingly gave orders for them to march, and sent for all the troops that were on board the vessels to come on shore.
As his only measures must be on the defensive, “he sent scouting parties in every direction to watch the motions of the enemy; while the main body were employed in working at the fortifications, making them as strong as circumstances would admit.”[1]
[Footnote 1: McCALL, I. 179.]
The Creek Indians brought in five Spanish prisoners, from whom was obtained information that Don Manuel de Monteano, the Governor of St. Augustine, commanded in chief; that Adjutant General Antonio de Rodondo, chief engineer, and two brigades, came with the forces from Cuba; and that their whole number amounted to about five thousand men.
Detachments of the Spaniards made several attempts to pierce through the woods, with a view to attack the fort; but were repulsed by lurking Indians. The only access to the town was what had been cut through a dense oak wood, and then led on the skirt of the forest along the border of the eastern marsh that bounded the island eastward. This was a defile so narrow, that the enemy could take no cannon with them, nor baggage, and could only proceed two abreast. Moreover, the Spanish battalions met with such obstruction from the deep morasses on one side, and the dark and tangled thickets on the other, and such opposition from the Indians and ambushed Highlanders, that every effort failed, with considerable loss.
On the morning of the 7th of July, Captain Noble Jones, with a small detachment of regulars and Indians, being on a scouting party, fell in with a number of Spaniards, who had been sent to reconnoitre the route, and see if the way was clear, surprised and made prisoners of them. From these, information was received that the main army was on the march. This intelligence was immediately communicated, by an Indian runner, to the General, who detached Captain Dunbar with a company of grenadiers, to join the regulars; with orders to harass the enemy on their way. Perceiving that the most vigorous resistance was called for, with his usual promptitude he took with him the Highland company, then under arms, and the Indians, and ordered four platoons of the regiment to follow. They came up with the vanguard of the enemy about two miles from the town, as they entered the savannah, and attacked them so briskly that they were soon defeated, and most of their party, which consisted of one hundred and twenty of their best woodsmen and forty Florida Indians were killed or taken prisoners. The General took two prisoners with his own hands; and Lieutenant Scroggs, of the rangers, took Captain Sebastian Sachio, who commanded the party. During the action Toonahowi, the nephew of Tomo Chichi, who had command of one hundred Indians, was shot through the right arm by Captain Mageleto, which, so far from dismaying the young warrior, only fired his revenge. He ran up to the Captain, drew his pistol with his left hand, shot him through the head, and, leaving him dead on the spot, returned to his company.[1]
[Footnote 1: _Gentleman’s Magazine_, XII. 497.]
The General pursued the fugitives more than a mile, and then halted on an advantageous piece of ground, for the rest of the troops to come up, when he posted them, with the Highlanders, in a wood fronting the road through the plain by which the main body of the Spaniards, who were advancing, must necessarily pass. After which he returned, with all speed, to Frederica, and ordered the rangers and boat-men to make ready, and all to use their utmost endeavors to resist the invaders.
During his temporary absence on this pressing emergency, Captain Antonio Barba, and two other Captains with one hundred grenadiers, and two hundred foot, besides Indians and negroes, advanced from the Spanish camp into the savannah with drums and huzzas, and halted within an hundred paces of the position where the troops left by Oglethorpe lay in ambuscade. They immediately stacked their arms, made fires, and were preparing their kettles for cooking, when a horse observed some of the concealed party, and, frightened at the uniform of the regulars, began to snort. This gave the alarm. The Spaniards ran to their arms, but were shot down in great numbers by their invisible assailants; and, after repeated attempts to form, in which some of their principal officers fell, they decamped with the utmost precipitation, leaving the camp equipage on the field. So complete was the surprise, that many fled without their arms; others, in a rapid retreat, discharged their muskets over their shoulders at their pursuers; and many were killed by the loaded muskets that had been left on the ground. Generally the Spaniards fired so much at random, that the trees were pruned by the balls from their muskets.[1]
[Footnote 1: McCALL’s _History_, I. 185.]
The General, returning with all expedition, heard the report of the musketry, and rode towards it; and, near two miles from the place of action, met some platoons, who, in the heat of the fight, the air being so darkened by the smoke that they could not see where to direct their fire, and a heavy shower of rain falling, had retired in disorder. He ordered them to rally and follow him, apprehending that immediate relief might be wanting. He arrived just as the battle ceased; and found that Lieutenant Sutherland, with his platoon, and Lieutenant Charles Mackay, had entirely defeated the enemy.
In this action Don Antonio de Barba, their leader, was made a prisoner, but mortally wounded. “In both actions, the Spaniards lost four captains, one Lieutenant, two sergeants, two drummers, and more than an hundred and fifty privates. One captain, one corporal, and twenty men were taken prisoners. The rest fled to the woods, where many of them were killed by the Indians, who brought in their scalps.”[1]
[Footnote 1: From the great slaughter, the scene of this action has ever since been called “the bloody marsh.”]
Captain Demerey and ensign Gibbon being arrived, with the men they had rallied, Lieutenant Cadogan with the advanced party of the regiment, and soon after the whole regiment, Indians and rangers, the General marched down to a causeway over a marsh, very near the Spanish camp, over which all were obliged now to pass; and thereby stopped those who had been dispersed in the fight, from getting back to the Spanish camp. Having passed the night there, the Indian scouts in the morning got so near the Spanish place of encampment, as to ascertain that they had all retired into the ruins of the fort, and were making intrenchments under shelter of the cannon of the ships. Not deeming it prudent to attack them while thus defended, he marched back to Frederica, to refresh the soldiers; and sent out parties of Indians and rangers to harass the enemy. He now, at a general staff, appointed Lieutenant Hugh Mackay and Lieutenant Maxwell, Aids de camp, and Lieutenant Sutherland, Brigade Major.
While signal instances of heroism were thus honored, he warned the troops of the necessity of union and vigilance, of prompt attention to orders, and of maintaining an unflinching firmness in every emergency; for in these, under God, depended their safety.
Although he thus encouraged others, he was himself filled with perplexity. He began to despair of any help from Carolina. His provisions were bad and scarce, and, while the enemy commanded the river and the harbor, no supplies could be expected. Of all this, however, he gave no intimation, but, firm and self-possessed, submitted to the same fare with the meanest soldier, exposed himself to as great fatigue, and often underwent greater privations. At the same time his fixed resolution and irrepressible zeal in the defence and protection of his people, nerved him to further and even greater exertions.
On the 11th the great galley and two small ones, approached within gun-shot of the town; but they were repulsed by guns and bombs from the fort, and the General followed them in his cutter, with attendant boats, well manned, till he got under the cannon of their ships, which lay in the sound.
This naval approach, as appeared afterwards, was in consequence of a concerted plot. It seems that, at the commencement of the siege of St. Augustine, a Spanish officer quitted one of the outer forts and surrendered himself to Oglethorpe, who detained him prisoner of war. He was readily communicative, and gave what was supposed important information. After the close of the war, he might have been exchanged; but he chose to remain, pretending that the Spaniards looked upon him as a traitor. He, at length, so artfully insinuated himself into favor with the magnanimous Oglethorpe, that he was treated with great courtesy. On this invasion he begged permission to retire into the northern colonies of the English, saying that he apprehended that if he should fall into the hands of the Spaniards, they would deal rigorously with him. The General, not being aware of any treacherous design, gave him a canoe to go up the river till he was out of danger; whence he might proceed by land to some back settlement. Some days past and he came back to Frederica, pretending that he could not make his way through, nor by, the fleet without being discovered and captured. Most fortunately, some days after his return, an English prisoner, who had escaped from one of the ships of war, acquainted the General with the treachery of this officer, assuring him that he had been aboard at such a time, and talked over his insidious project of setting fire to the arsenal which contained all the powder and military stores, and that its explosion should be the signal to the Spanish galleys to approach, and, in the confusion of the occasion, make an assault upon the fort. This disclosure confirmed suspicions which had been excited by some of his management since his return; and he was put under guard. In consequence of this precaution, the concerted signal could not be given; and the ruinous project was most happily defeated.[1]
[Footnote 1: URLSPURGER, IV. p. 1260.]
July 12th, two English prisoners who had effected an escape, one from the fleet, and one from the camp, informed the General that the Spaniards, not having anticipated such vigorous resistance, had become restless and dispirited, especially since they had ascertained by their roll how great was their loss of men; and that the state of the wounded was distressing. They added that these discomfitures were increased by the want of water on board the ships, which was so great that the troops were put upon half allowance, which, in this hot weather was a grievous deprivation, and that several, from the effect of the climate, were sick and unfit for service. They apprized him, also, that they had holden a council of war, in which there were great divisions, insomuch that the troops of Cuba separated from those of Augustine, and encamped at a distance near the woods.
This latter circumstance suggested the idea of attacking them while divided; and his perfect knowledge of the woods favored the project of surprising one of their encampments. In furtherance of this design, he drew out three hundred regular troops, the Highland company, the rangers, and Indians, and marched in the night, unobserved within a mile and a half of the Spanish camp. There his troops halted, and he advanced at the head of a select corps to reconnoitre the enemy. While he was using the utmost circumspection to obtain the necessary information without being discovered, an occurrence of the most villanous nature, disconcerted the project. As the particulars of this have been variously narrated, I am happy in being enabled to give the General’s own account of the affair.[1] In his official despatch to the Duke of Newcastle, dated at Frederica, in Georgia, 30th of July, 1742, he says,–“A Frenchman who, without my knowledge was come down among the volunteers, fired his gun, and deserted. Our Indians in vain pursued, but could not take him. Upon this, concluding that we should be discovered, I divided the drums into different parts, and they beat the Grenadier’s march for about half an hour; then ceased, and we marched back in silence. The next day I prevailed with a prisoner, and gave him a sum of money to carry a letter privately, and deliver it to that Frenchman who had deserted. This letter was written in French, as if from a friend of his, telling him he had received the money; that he should try to make the Spaniards believe the English were weak; that he should undertake to pilot up their boats and galleys, and then bring them under the woods, where he knew the hidden batteries were; that if he could bring that about he should have double the reward he had already received; and that the French deserters should have all that had been promised to them. The Spanish prisoner got into their camp, and was immediately carried before the General, Don Manuel de Monteano. He was asked how he escaped, and whether he had any letters; but denying he had any, was strictly searched, and the letter found, and he, upon being pardoned, confessed that he had received money to deliver it to the Frenchman, (for the letter was not directed.) The Frenchman denied his knowing any thing of the contents of the letter, or having received any money, or correspondence with me. Notwithstanding which, a council of war was held, and they decreed the Frenchman to be a double spy; but General Monteano would not suffer him to be executed, having been employed by him. However they embarked all their troops with such precipitation that they left behind their cannon, &c., and those dead of their wounds, unburied.”
[Footnote 1: Transcribed from the Georgia Historical documents, by my excellent friend T.K. TEFFT, Esq., of Savannah. The particulars of this singularly interesting _ruse de guerre_ are detailed in all the accounts of the Spanish invasion; and in each with some variation, and in all rather more circumstantially than the above. See _Gentleman’s Magazine_ for 1742, p. 695; _London Magazine_ for 1758, p. 80; HEWATT’S _History of South Carolina_, Vol. II. p. 117; McCALL’S _History of Georgia_, I. p. 184; RAMSAY’S _History of the United States_, I. 167, and MARSHALL’S _History of the Colonies_, p. 289.]
The Spanish General now deemed it expedient to relinquish a plan of conquest attended with so many difficulties, and the further prosecution of which would put to hazard the loss of both army and fleet, and perhaps of the whole Province of Florida.
“On the 14th of July the Spaniards burned all the works and houses on the south end of St. Simons and Jekyl islands.
“On the 15th the large vessels, with the Cuba forces on board, stood out to sea; and the Governor and troops from St. Augustine embarked in the galleys and small vessels, and took the inland passage, and encamped on the north end of Cumberland island, at Fort St. Andrews.
“The next day the General pursued the enemy, and, landing where they had encamped, sent an express in the night to Ensign Alexander Stewart, who commanded at Fort William, directing him, in case of an attack, to defend the place to the last extremity; and that he would reinforce him early the next day. At day-light twenty-eight sail of the Spanish line appeared off Fort William, fourteen of which came into the harbor, and demanded a surrender of the garrison. Stewart replied that it should not be surrendered, and could not be taken. They attacked the works from their galleys and other vessels, and attempted to land; but were repulsed by a party of rangers, who had arrived by a forced march down the island. Stewart, with only sixty men, defended the fort with such bravery, that, after an assault of three hours, the enemy discovering the approach of Oglethorpe, put to sea, with considerable loss. Two galleys were disabled and abandoned; and the Governor of St. Augustine proceeded with his troops by the inward passage. Ensign Stewart was rewarded, by promotion, for the bravery of his defence.”[1]
[Footnote 1: McCall, Vol. I. p.188.]
“On the 20th, General Oglethorpe sent his boats and rangers as far as the river St. John. They returned the next day with the information that the enemy were quite gone.”
A few days after, the armed ships from South Carolina came to St. Simons; but the need of them was then over; and even of the British men of war upon the American station, though they had a month’s notice, none appeared upon the coast of Georgia until after the Spanish troops were all embarked, and their fleet was upon its return to Havana and to St. Augustine.
In the account of the Spanish invasion, by the Saltzburg preachers at Ebenezer, are these very just reflections: “Cheering was the intelligence that the Spaniards, with all their ships of war and numerous military force, had raised the siege in shame and disgrace, and retired to Augustine! Doubtless they feared lest English ships of war should approach and draw them into a naval combat, for which they could have no desire. Nay, they feared, no doubt, that their own Augustine would suffer from it.”
Devoutly acknowledging the protecting and favoring providence of God in this wonderful deliverance from a most formidable invading foe, General Oglethorpe appointed a day of Thanksgiving to be observed by the inhabitants of the Colony.[1]
[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XXVI.]
Thus was the Province of Georgia delivered, when brought to the very brink of destruction by a formidable enemy. Don Manuel de Monteano had been fifteen days on the small island of St. Simons, without gaining the least advantage over a handful of men; and, in the several skirmishes, had lost a considerable number of his best troops, while Oglethorpe’s loss was very inconsiderable.[1]
[Footnote 1: McCALL, I. 188.]
The writer of a letter from Charlestown, South Carolina, has this remark; “that nearly five thousand men, under the command of so good an officer as the Governor of St. Augustine, should fly before six or seven hundred men, and about one hundred Indians, is matter of astonishment to all.”[1]
[Footnote 1: Gentleman’s Magazine for 1742, p. 895. See also Appendix, No. XXVII. for an account of the forces.]
The Rev. Mr. Whitefield, in a letter to a noble Lord, says, “The deliverance of Georgia from the Spaniards, one of my friends writes me, is such as cannot be paralleled but by some instances out of the Old Testament. I find that the Spaniards had cast lots, and determined to give no quarter. They intended to have attacked Carolina, but, wanting water, they put into Georgia, and so would take that Colony on their way. But the race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong. Providence ruleth all things. They were wonderfully repelled and sent away before our ships were seen.”[1] “A little band chased a thousand; and a small one overcome a large people.”
[Footnote 1: _Letters_, V.I. let. CCCCLXXXIX. p. 467.]
The writer of the _History of the rise, progress, and settlement of the Colony of Georgia_, so often quoted in this chapter, closes his account of this invasion with the following remark: “Instead of raising and heightening their success, to do honor to the General’s character; we ought rather to lessen or diminish some of the circumstances, to render it, in such an age as this, more credible. But we have taken no liberties at all. The facts are represented, step by step, as they happened; and the reader left to make his own inferences, estimate, and opinion.”[1]
[Footnote 1: HARRIS’s _Voyages_, II. 345.]
The Governors of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia and North Carolina, addressed letters to Oglethorpe, “congratulating him upon the important services rendered to the Colonies; and assuring him of the interest which they felt in the honor he had acquired by his indefatigable exertions, constant exposure, extraordinary courage, and unequalled military conduct; and offering their humble thanks to the Supreme Governor of nations for placing the fate of the Southern Colonies under the direction of a General so well qualified for the important trust.”[1]
[Footnote 1: For some of the letters see the work last quoted.]
CHAPTER XVI.
Oglethorpe, informed that the Spaniards were making preparations for a renewal of hostilities, takes measures to repel them–Meets with an alarming accident–Lands on the Florida side of St. John’s–Proceeds towards St. Augustine–The Spanish do not venture out to attack him–Returns to the Islands–Sees that the Forts are repaired–Takes passage to England to attend a Court Martial on an insidious charge against him by Lieutenant Cook–Is honorably acquitted, and Cook is dismissed from the service.
In the beginning of the year 1743, General Oglethorpe, having had information that the Spaniards of St. Augustine were making preparations for another invasion of Georgia,[1] took measures to repel it; and set out, at the head of a force consisting of a company of grenadiers, a detachment of his own regiment, the Highlanders, and the Georgia rangers, and a numerous collection of Indians.
[Footnote 1: “They were so apprehensive of this at South Carolina, that the fortifications of Charlestown were repaired and augmented.” BOYSE’s _Historical Review_, Vol. I. p. 381.]
He came very near being killed in his shallop, while sailing to reconnoitre St. Augustine; but Providence averted the fatality of the blow which he received. One of his cannon burst, and a piece of a sail-yard struck the head of the General, and so wounded him that the blood gushed from his ears and nose. The injury, happily, was not so great but that he soon collected himself, and cheered up his alarmed attendants.[1]
[Footnote 1: URLSPURGER, IV. 2073.]
On the 6th of March he landed on the Florida side of St. John’s river, and attacked a much more numerous party of the Spanish troops than that under his command, quartered at Fort Diego, forty of whom were killed in the engagement and pursuit, and the rest made their escape into the castle.
After this he proceeded to the neighborhood of St. Augustine; and, having placed the greatest part of his troops in ambuscade, marched with the rest almost to the walls of the fortress, in hopes that the Spaniards, upon seeing so small a party, would have sallied out to have engaged it, in which case he was resolved to have made a retreating fight, in order to draw the enemy into the ambush which he had prepared for them. But, it seems, that by accident they discovered the concealment of the troops, and deemed it prudent to remain in their stronghold. This stratagem having been frustrated, Oglethorpe, perceiving that an assault would be unavailing, marched back to the river, where he continued for some time, expecting that the enemy would come out, and endeavor to drive him from their territory, but, as they made not the attempt, and as the affairs of the Colony as well as his own, required his presence in England, he returned, to make arrangements for going thither.
Having seen that the fortifications on St. Simons and the other islands were repaired and greatly improved, Oglethorpe took passage on the 23d of July, 1743, in the guard-ship commanded by Captain Thompson, having with him Colonel Heron, Mr. Eyre, sub-engineer, and several others belonging to the regiment, and arrived in London on the 25th of September, where his personal presence was required to meet and answer an impeachment lodged against him in the War-office by Lieutenant Colonel William Cook. As soon as Oglethorpe arrived, he insisted that the allegations should be examined by a board of General Officers; but, as Cook gave in a list of several persons in Georgia and some in South Carolina, who, he said, were material witnesses, no investigation could be had till they should be heard. In consequence of this, and other delays, the Court Martial was not opened till the 4th of June, 1744. It continued two days in session; when, after a strict scrutiny into the complaint, article by article of the nineteen specific charges, the board were of opinion that “the whole and every article thereof was groundless, false, and malicious.” On the presentation of the Report to his Majesty he was pleased to order that the said Lieutenant Colonel Cook should be dismissed the service.
This indictment by one who had been treated with great kindness, and who owed his preferment to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel to the particular favor of the General, was not only ungrateful, but insidious and base.
The faithful Annalist of America, the Reverend Doctor Holmes, closes his reference to this transaction with this just and honorable reflection: “By the decision of this board, the character of this able General now appeared in resplendent light; and his contemporaries acknowledged, what impartial history must record, that to him Carolina was indebted for her safety and repose, as well as Georgia for existence and protection.”[1]
[Footnote 1: _American Annals_, II. 19.]
And here closes the history of the settlement of Georgia; in a great degree the project and the furtherance of one man, who must be allowed to possess the foremost rank among those, who, by well-concerted plans, and judicious and persevering measures for their accomplishment, have high claims on public gratitude, as warm and devoted patriots, and enlightened philanthropists. Embracing in one comprehensive view the effectual relief of the reduced or neglected, the planting of a Colony, and the promotion of its progressive improvement and welfare, it is the appropriate praise of the founder of Georgia, that, with a sagacity and foresight which are never sufficiently to be admired, a zeal and fortitude never exceeded, and a devotedness to the object which never relaxed, he commenced and carried on the arduous enterprise.
In “An account, showing the progress of the Colony of Georgia in America from its first establishment; published by order of the Honorable, the Trustees,” London, 1741, is the following eulogy of Oglethorpe, made by those who best knew how truly it was deserved.
“A Gentleman who may be justly termed the Romulus, father and founder of Georgia; a gentleman who, without any view but that of enlarging his Majesty’s dominions, propagating the Protestant religion, promoting the trade of his country, and providing for the wants and necessities of indigent christians, has voluntarily banished himself from the pleasures of a Court, and exposed himself repeatedly to the dangers of the vast Atlantic ocean in several perilous and tedious voyages; instead of allowing himself the satisfaction which a plentiful fortune, powerful friends, and great merit entitle him to in England, has inured himself to the greatest hardships that any the meanest inhabitant of this new Colony could be exposed to; his diet has been mouldy bread, or boiled rice instead of bread, salt beef, pork, &c., his drink has been water; and his bed the damp earth, without any other covering than the canopy of heaven to shelter him: and all this to set an example to this new Colony how they might bear with such hardships in their new settlement.”
A recent publication bestows also a tribute of commendation, in the following terms: “As governor of the new Colony, he was exposed to numberless difficulties and vexations; but persevered with great ardor in the scheme, and expended large sums out of his private fortune with a view to ensure its success.”[1]
[Footnote 1: GEORGIAN AERA; or _Memoirs of the most eminent persons who have flourished in Great Britain from the accession of George I. to the death of George IV_. Lond. 1834. 4 vol. Vol. II. p. 43.]
I give, also, an extract from “lines to General Oglethorpe, on the settlement of Georgia,” published in the _South Carolina Gazette, June_, 1733.
“The fame of Tyrants should, if justice swayed, Be bowled through deserts their ambition made; But OGLETHORPE has gained a well-earned praise, Who made the heirs of want, the lords of ease: The gloomy wood to plenteous harvests changed, And founded cities where the wild beasts ranged. Then may the great reward assigned by fate Crown his own wish to see the work complete!”
CHAPTER XVII.
Oglethorpe’s residence in England–Marriage–Military appointments–A Major General under the Duke of Cumberland for the suppression of the rebellion in 1745–Arraigned at a Court Martial and acquitted–Domestic and social life, and character–Death.
Having accomplished the great design of settling the Colony of Georgia, watched over its nascent feebleness, cherished its growth, defended it from invasion, vindicated its rights, and advanced its interests and welfare, Oglethorpe resigned the superintendence and government into other hands, and retired to his country seat at Godalming, “to rest under the shade of his own laurels.”
In March, 1744, he was appointed one of the officers under Field Marshal, the Earl of Stair, to oppose the expected invasion from France.
Having been so happy as to form a tender attachment to an amiable lady, which was reciprocated, he married, on the 15th of September, 1744, Elizabeth, the only daughter of Sir Nathan Wright, Baronet, of Cranham Hall, Essex.[1]
[Footnote 1: On this occasion some congratulatory verses were written by the Rev. MOSES BROWN, and printed in the Gentleman’s Magazine, Vol. XIV. p. 558.]
His chief residence was at his country seat; but he spent his winters in the venerable family mansion in St. James, Westminster, London, to attend his duties as member of Parliament and enjoy the society of men of the first respectability for rank, talents, and literature.
On the 25th of March, 1745, he was promoted to the rank of Major General; and the Rebellion breaking out in that year, he was placed at the head of four companies of cavalry, one of which bore the title of “Georgia Rangers.”[1] They had been raised at the expense of some loyal individuals, to act against the insurgents; “and,” (says an Historian who had the best authority for the declaration,)[2] “they did very signal service to their country.” Their uniform was blue, faced with red; and they wore green cockades. They did not encamp with the foot, but were quartered in the towns.
[Footnote 1: Marshal Wade, the Commander in Chief, had under him the following officers, viz.: Lieutenant Generals Lord Tyrawly, and Wentworth; the Major Generals Howard, Huske, and Oglethorpe; and the Brigadier Generals Mordaunt and Chemondelly.]
[Footnote 2: See _Impartial History of the Rebellion in 1745, from authentic memoirs, particularly the Journal of a General Officer; and other original papers; with the characters of the persons principally concerned_. By SAMUEL BOYSE. 8vo. Dublin. 1748. p. 80.]
As this expedition was commenced late in the fall, the King’s troops were retarded in their operations by the rigor of the season, their late forced marches, and a most uncomfortable diarrhoea, which prevailed among the soldiers; but good quarters, proper refreshments, and the extraordinary care of their officers, relieved these difficulties, and put the army into so good a condition as enabled them to go through the campaign with fewer inconveniences and much less loss than could reasonably be expected, considering the great hardships and excessive fatigues to which they were exposed.
As soon as Marshal Wade had intelligence at Newcastle of the route which the rebels had taken, he resolved, notwithstanding the severity of the season, to march thence to the relief of Carlisle. Accordingly, on the 16th of November, the army began to move for that purpose. His Excellency intended to have begun his march as soon as it was light; but, moving from the left, the troops which had the van, delayed their motions several hours, to the great prejudice of the expedition; for the weather being extremely cold, and the travelling impeded by a deep snow, or made rough by frozen ground, the troops suffered very much. The Major Generals Howard and Oglethorpe, and the Brigadiers, Cholmondley and Mordaunt, marched on foot at the head of the infantry to encourage the soldiers. It was eight at night and very dark before the front line got into the camp at Ovington; and though the soldiers resolutely pressed forward, yet, the roads being terribly broken and full of ice, it was foreseen that many of the last column might drop, through excessive fatigue; and therefore the Major Generals Huske and Oglethorpe sent out countrymen with lights and carts to assist the rear guard, and bring up the tired men. In this service they were employed till near nine the next morning.
On the 17th the Marshal continued his march to Hexham, where he arrived, with the first line, about four in the afternoon, but the rear of the army did not come up till near midnight. Having received intelligence that Carlisle had surrendered, he resolved to march back to Newcastle; but, the weather continuing bad, and the roads become in a manner impassable, he did not arrive there with his army till the 16th; and, even then, the forces under his command were so exhausted by fatigue, and lamed by travelling, that, if it had not been for the great care taken of them by the people of Newcastle, they must have been, not only disheartened, but disqualified for service.
In the meantime the Duke of Cumberland’s army was forming in Staffordshire; for, upon the approach of the Rebels, it was resolved that his Royal Highness should be sent down to command the forces in that part of the kingdom; and he arrived at Litchfield on the 28th of November.
Towards the latter end of the month, the army, under the command of Marshal Wade, began to move; the cavalry having reached Darlington and Richmond by the 25th. On the 29th the infantry was at Persbridge, whence he proposed to march to Wetherby, and there canton the whole army in the adjacent villages; looking upon this as the most convenient station either for distressing the enemy, should they attempt to retire, or for cooperating with the forces of his Royal Highness, as occasion should render necessary.
On the 8th of December the Marshal held a council of war, at Ferry-bridge, to consider of the most effectual means for cutting off the Highlanders on their retreat; and, in this council it was resolved to march directly to Wakefield and Halifax into Lancashire, as the most likely way of intercepting the rebels. Having arrived at Wakefield on the 10th, and having advice that the main body of the rebels was at Manchester, and their van-guard moving from thence towards Preston, and finding that it was now impossible to come up with them, he judged it unnecessary to fatigue the forces by hard marches, and, therefore, detaching Major General Oglethorpe, on the 11th, with the cavalry under his command, he began the march, with the rest of the forces to Newcastle. On the 13th a great body of the horse and dragoons under Oglethorpe arrived at Preston, having marched a hundred miles in three days over roads naturally bad, and at that time almost impassable with snow and ice; “which,” says the Historian, “was a noble testimony of zeal and spirit, especially in the new raised forces.”
His Royal Highness immediately gave his orders for continuing the pursuit of the rebels, with the utmost diligence. Accordingly Oglethorpe advanced towards Lancaster; which place the Duke reached on the 16th. Oglethorpe, continuing his pursuit at the heels of the rebels, arrived on the 17th in front of a village called Shap, where their rear was supposed to be, just before night-fall, in very bad weather. Here he held a consultation with his officers, in which it was decided that the lateness of the hour, and the exhaustion of the troops, rendered it inexpedient to make the attack that night. He, therefore, entered the neighboring village to obtain forage, and to refresh. Meanwhile the Duke pressed on; and, next morning, when he came to Shap, found that it had been abandoned by the rebels; but was surprised at seeing on his right, towards the rear, an unexpected body of troops. It turned out to be Oglethorpe’s corps, which, from being the van-guard of the army, had thus unaccountably become the rear. Vexed at the disappointing occurrence, he caused Oglethorpe to be arraigned before a Court Martial, for having “lingered on the road.” His trial came on at the Horse-guards on the 29th of September, and ended the 7th of October, 1746; when “he was honorably acquitted, and his Majesty was graciously pleased to confirm the sentence.”[1]
[Footnote 1: See _London Gazette_ for October 20th, 1746; and the _Memoir_ in _European Magazine_ for 1785.
CROKER, in a note to his edition of BOSWELL’s _Life of Johnson_, Vol. I. page 97, says that “though acquitted, he was never again employed. It is by no means surprising that this neglect should have mortified a man of Oglethorpe’s sensibility; and it is to be inferred, from Mr. Boswell’s expressions, that, late in life, he had in vain solicited for ‘some mark of distinction, ‘to heal his wounded feelings.” The last intimations are confuted by the advancements in military rank stated in the following pages of these memorials. The “mark of distinction,” deserved, perhaps expected, but certainly not “solicited,” might be that of _Knight_, a title worn by his father, as also by the father of his wife.]
As a still higher proof that he stood high in public estimation, on the 13th of September, 1747, he was made Brigadier General in the British army.
On the establishment of the British Herring Fishery, in 1750, he took a very considerable part, and became one of the Council; in which situation, on the 25th of October he delivered to the Prince of Wales the Charter of incorporation in a speech which was printed in the public journals.
In 1754 he was candidate for the borough of Haslemere, which he had represented in former Parliaments; but on the close of the poll, the numbers were found to be for J. Moore Molyneaux, 75; Philip Carteret Webb, 76; Peter Burrel, 46; and Oglethorpe only 45.
On February 22d, 1765, he was raised to the rank of General of all his Majesty’s forces; and for many years before his death was the oldest general officer on the staff.[1]
[Footnote 1: In the _Army list, issued from the War Office_, 20th July, 1781, and in STOCKDALE’s _Calendar for the year_ 1785, (the year of Oglethorpe’s death,) both of which are now before me, his name is _first on the list_.]
Here, perhaps, is the proper place to introduce an anecdote given by Major McCall, in his _History of Georgia_, Vol. I. p. 325, too striking to be omitted. “At the commencement of the American Revolution, being the senior officer of Sir William Howe, he had the prior offer of the command of the forces appointed to subdue the Rebels. He professed his readiness to accept the appointment, ‘if the Ministry would authorize him to assure the Colonies that justice should be done them.’ His proposal appeared to be the result of humanity and equity. He declared that ‘he knew the Americans well; that they never would be subdued by arms; but that obedience would be secured by doing them justice.’ A man with these views was not a fit instrument for the British Government, and therefore, agreeably to his own request, he was permitted to remain at home.”
McCALL refers to “the Annual Register,” for his authority; but, after careful searching, I do not find the statement. The intermediate comments, and the last sentence, are undoubtedly the Major’s. The anecdote is also related in RAMSAY’s _History of the United States_, Vol. III. p. 166.
I much doubt, however, that an official offer was made to him, as he was too old to engage in such a service; and deem the statement not sufficiently authenticated to be relied on.
He continued to reside, principally, at Cranham Hall, in Essex, a fine country seat of which he became possessed by his marriage with the heiress of Sir Nathan Wright. In this beautiful retreat, favored with the enjoyment of uninterrupted health, the possession of worldly competence, and the heart-cheering comforts of connubial life, he looked back upon the chequered scene of his former services with lively gratitude that he had escaped so many dangers, and been an honored instrument of effecting so much good; and the present happy condition of his lot was heightened by its contrast with past hardships, fatigues, and perils.
He passed his winters in London, where he enjoyed the acquaintance and even intimacy of some of the most honorable and distinguished characters of the day. “A gentleman and a soldier, he united the virtue of chivalrous honor and magnanimity with the acquirements of learning and that love of polite literature which associated him with the first scholars of the age.” One who knew him intimately has said, “This extraordinary person was as remarkable for his learning and taste, as for his other eminent qualities; and no man was more prompt, active, and generous in encouraging merit.”[1]
[Footnote 1: BOSWELL, in the _of Johnson_, Vol. I. p. 97, of CROKER’S edition.]
To the celebrated Dr. Johnson he was respectfully attached; and was fond of having him often as a guest. Boswell has detailed some pleasing particulars of these interviews; and, after relating one, adds in a note the following remarks: “Let me here pay a tribute of gratitude to the memory of that excellent person, my intimacy with whom was the more valuable to me, because my first acquaintance with him was unexpected and unsolicited. Soon after the publication of my ‘Account of Corsica,’ he did me the honor to call on me, and approaching me with a frank, courteous air, said, ‘Sir, my name is Oglethorpe, and I wish to become acquainted with you.’ I was not a little flattered to be thus addressed by an eminent man, of whom I had read in Pope from my early years,
“Or, driven by strong benevolence of soul, Will fly like Oglethorpe from pole to pole.”
“I was fortunate enough to be found worthy of his good opinion, insomuch that I was not only invited to make one of the many respectable companies whom he entertained at his table, but had a cover at his hospitable board every day when I happened to be disengaged; and in his society I never failed to enjoy learned and animated conversation, seasoned with genuine sentiments of virtue and religion.”[1]
[Footnote 1: Vol. III. p. 225.]
Dr. Warton, referring to Oglethorpe, says, “I had the pleasure of knowing him well;” and, in a note upon the couplet quoted from Pope, says, “Here are lines that will justly confer immortality on a man who well deserved so magnificent an eulogium. He was, at once, a great hero, and a great legislator. The vigor of his mind and body have seldom been equalled. The vivacity of his genius continued to great old age. The variety of his adventures, and the very different scenes in which he had been engaged, made me regret that his life has never been written. Dr. Johnson once offered to do it, if the General would furnish him the materials. Johnson had a great regard for him, for he was one of the first persons that highly, in all companies, praised his ‘London.’ His first campaign was made under Prince Eugene against the Turks, and that great General always spoke of Oglethorpe in the highest terms. But his settlement of the Colony of Georgia gave a greater lustre to his character than even his military exploits.”
With Goldsmith, too, he was intimate. In the lately published biography of this poet by Prior,[1] referring to the occasional relief contributed to him in his exigences, it is added, “Goldsmith was content, likewise, to be made the channel of conveyance for the bounty of others, as we find by a letter of General Oglethorpe, a distinguished and amiable man, at whose table he met with good society, and spent many agreeable hours, and who now, at an advanced period of life, displayed the same love for the good of mankind, in a private way, that he had exerted on a more extended scale.” With the letter he sent five pounds, to be distributed in aid of a charitable institution, in whose behalf Goldsmith seems to have taken an active interest; and the letter concluded with this kindly expressed invitation; “If a farm, and a mere country scene will be a little refreshment from the smoke of London, we shall be glad of the happiness of seeing you at Cranham Hall.”
[Footnote 1: Vol. II. p. 457.]
It is asserted that “his private benevolence was great. The families of his tenants and dependants were sure of his assistance whilst they deserved it; and he has frequently supported a tenant, whose situation was doubtful, not merely forbearing to ask for rent, but lending him money to go on with his farm.”[1]
[Footnote 1: _Gentleman’s Magazine_ for July, 1785, p. 518.]
Of his public liberality, repeated mention has been made in the course of this work, more particularly in the settlement of Georgia; in the furtherance of which he not only bore his own expenses, but procured various outfits. He also contributed pecuniary assistance and conferred favors to encourage exertion, or reward well doing. No one excelled him in those smaller attentions to the interests and gratification of his friends and acquaintance; which, though they do not of themselves constitute a great character, are, certainly, very pleasing recommendations of it.
It is not denied that he had his imperfections and errors; and some, for which the plea of human frailty alone may not be a sufficient excuse. He was rather passionate in his temper, impatient of contradiction, and quick in his resentments; but, upon any ingenuous concession, was placable and ready to admit an apology. To the humble offender he was reconcilable, and to the submissive, magnanimous. In the heyday of life, a soldierly pride, or military point of honor, sometimes betrayed him into indiscretions or involved him in rencounters, to which, as he became more mature in age and in judgment, a dignified sense of true greatness rendered him superior. Some instances of rashness have been noted by Walpole with unsparing vituperation;[1] and some self-complacent or boasting sallies, have been pointed at by Croker with a sarcastic sneer. But, admitting that these were far from being venial faults, yet it would be very uncharitable now to recall them from the forgetfulness and forgiveness in which they have long been passed over; especially as they were fully redeemed by noble qualities and beneficent deeds. Surely, he who was celebrated by Pope and Thompson, honored by the Reverend Dr. Burton, vindicated and praised in Parliament by the excellent Duke of Argyle, and favored by the regards of Dr. Johnson, “the English moralist,”[2] must have had a large prevalence of what, in the opinion of the best judges, is estimable in disposition and conduct, and irreproachable in character!
[Footnote 1: “All the stories of Horace Walpole are to be received with great caution; but his Reminiscences, above all, written in his dotage, teem with the grossest inaccuracies and incredible assertions.” LORD MAHON’S _History of England_. Lond. 1837. Vol. II. p. 174, _note_.]
[Footnote 2: This honored friend he outlived; and, while attending the sale of his library, February 18th, 1785, the fine characteristic portrait of him was taken by S. Ireland, an engraving of which makes the frontispiece of this volume.]
He had a pleasing talent at narrative, and when animated by the cheering attention of his friends, he would give full scope to it. Anecdotes of times past, incidents and scenes of his eventful life, and occurrences which had passed under his observation, when detailed by him at length, and set off with his amusing episodical remarks and illustrations, made him a most entertaining chronicler. These were sometimes enlivened with a sportive humor that gave a charm to the social hour, and contributed to the amusement of his guests and friends. If in his extreme old age he indulged in egotisms or loquacity, still his observations were those of one who had seen and read much, and was willing to communicate his acquired knowledge and the results of his observation and experience; and few who attended to him, did so without receiving information and entertainment. Even his old stories of his own acting, served to confirm what he said, and he made them better in the telling; so that he was rarely troublesome with the same tale told again, for he gave it an air of freshness.
Polite in his address and graceful in his manners, the gallant veteran was a favorite visiter in the parties of accomplished ladies that occasionally met at the house of Mrs. Montague, Mrs. Garrick, Mrs. Boscawen, and Mrs. Carter.–Hannah More, in a letter to her sister, in 1784, says, “I have got a new admirer; it is the famous General Oglethorpe, perhaps the most remarkable man of his time. He was foster-brother to the Pretender; and is much above ninety years old; the finest figure you ever saw. He perfectly realizes all my ideas of Nestor. His literature is great; his knowledge of the world extensive; and his faculties as bright as ever. He is one of the three persons still living who were mentioned by Pope; Lord Mansfield and Lord Marchmont are the other two. He was the intimate friend of Southern, the tragic poet, and all the wits of that time. He is, perhaps, the oldest man of a _Gentleman_ living. I went to see him the other day, and he would have entertained me by repeating passages from Sir Eldred. He is quite a preux chevalier, heroic, romantic, and full of the old gallantry.”[1] In another letter, she mentions being in company with the General at Mrs. Vesey’s, where the Dutchess of Portland and Mrs. Delany were present, and where “Mr. Burke talked a great deal of politics with General Oglethorpe. He told him, with great truth, that he looked upon him as a more extraordinary person than any he had ever read of, for he had founded the province of Georgia; had absolutely called it into existence, and had lived to see it severed from the Empire which created it, and become an independent State.”[2]
[Footnote 1: _Life and Letters_, Vol. I. p. 181.]
[Footnote 2: Ibid. 204.]
The late President, John Adams, saw Oglethorpe in 1785, a short time before his decease. Within a day or two after his arrival in London, as Ambassador from the United States, had been announced in the public prints, the General called upon him; as was very polite and complimentary. “He had come to pay his respects to the first American Ambassador and his Family, whom he was glad to see in England; expressed a great esteem and regard for America; much regret at the misunderstanding between the two countries; and felt very happy to have lived to see the termination of it.”[1] There was something peculiarly interesting in this interview. He who had planted Georgia, and provided for it during the earliest stages of its _dependent condition as a Colony_, held converse with him who had come to a Royal Court, the Representative of its NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE!
[Footnote 1: See a letter from President Adams to Dr. Holmes. _Annals_, Vol. II. p. 530.]
A writer in the year 1732, and within the month on which the charter for Georgia was issued, made the following remarks: “If the Trustees give liberty of Religion, establish the people free, fix an agrarian law, and go upon the glorious maxims of liberty and virtue, their Province, _in the age of a man_, by being the asylum of the unfortunate, will become more and more advantageous to Britain than the conquest of a kingdom.”[1] The suggestion here made was seasonable and judicious; and the prospective intimation was a prophecy, accomplished in a sense not imagined, and surely not anticipated by the writer. The Province did become, whilst its founder was yet living, and therefore “in the age of a man,” a highly advantageous acquisition to Great Britain in a commercial relation; and, though dismembered from the Empire, an important independent State.
[Footnote 1: _London Magazine_ for 1732, p. 198.]
This remarkable man, abstemious in his mode of living, regular in his habits, and using much exercise, enjoyed good health to extreme old age; and such was his activity, that he could outwalk persons more than half a century younger. At that period of advanced life, when the weight of years usually bears down the elasticity of the mind, he retained all that spring of intellect which had characterized the promptitude of earlier days; his bodily senses seemed but little impaired; and his eye-sight served him to the last.
He died at his seat at Cranham, of a violent fever, 30th of June, 1785.
“And dropt like Autumn fruit, which, ripening long, Was wondered at because it fell no sooner.”[1]
[Footnote 1: The library of General Oglethorpe was sold by Calderwood in 1788. It comprised standard works of Ancient and Modern History, of the Drama, Poetry, and Polite Literature.]
CONCLUDING REMARKS.
The preceding pages have given details of some principal actions and exploits of a very remarkable man; whose projects, dictated by benevolence and inspired by philanthropy, were all prospective. Their first, and, apparently, principal object, was to provide relief for the indigent, and an asylum for the oppressed. Their second, to unite the pensioners on the liberally contributed bounty, in a social compact for mutual assistance, and a ready cooperation for the general good. But even this, beneficent as it was, fell short of his aim. He considered himself to be engaged in forming a Colony, destined to extend and flourish under the salutary principles of order and justice, and the sustaining sanctions of civil law, and a form of government, which his breast swelled with the patriotic hope, would be well constituted and wisely administered.
This very statement of the origin of these political institutions, bears on it the indications of their perpetuity, especially as the _freedom_ obtained for the first emigrants from rigorous exaction in their native country, was remembered and cherished in that which they settled, till it formed the constituents of civil liberty, which at length “threw off every yoke,” for the attainment of NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE.
Hence, his agency, services and expenditures in settling the Province of Georgia, his disinterested devotedness to its establishment and progressive welfare, and his bravery and personal exposure in its defence, enrolled among the important achievements of his long and eventful life, constitute the most splendid trophy to his fame, and will ensure to his name a memory as lasting as that of America itself.
On a mural tablet of white marble, in the chancel of Cranham Church, is the following inscription, drawn up by CAPEL LOFFT, Esq.
Near this place lie the remains of
JAMES EDWARD OGLETHORPE, Esq.
who served under Prince Eugene,
and in 1714 was Captain Lieutenant in the first troop of the Queen’s Guards.
In 1740 he was appointed Colonel of a Regiment to be raised for Georgia.
In 1745 he was appointed Major General; in 1747 Lieutenant General; and
in 1760, General of his Majesty’s forces. In his civil station,
he was very early conspicuous.
He was chosen Member of Parliament for Haslemere in Surry in 1722,
and continued to represent it till 1754. In the Committee of Parliament,
for inquiring into the state of the gaols, formed 25th of February, 1728,
and of which he was Chairman,
the active and persevering zeal of his benevolence found a truly suitable employment,
by visiting, with his colleagues of that generous body, the dark and pestilential dungeons of the Prisons which at that time dishonored the metropolis; detecting the most enormous oppressions; obtaining exemplary punishment on those who had been guilty of such outrage against humanity and justice; and redressing multitudes from extreme misery to light and freedom.
Of these, about seven hundred, rendered, by long confinement for debt, strangers and helpless in the country of their birth, and desirous of seeking an asylum in the wilds of America, were by him conducted thither in 1732.
He willingly encountered in their behalf a variety of fatigue and danger,
and thus became the founder of
the Colony of Georgia;
a Colony which afterwards set the noble example of prohibiting the importation of slaves This new establishment
he strenuously and successfully defended against a powerful attack of the Spaniards. In the year in which he quitted England to found this settlement,
he nobly strove to secure
our true national defence by sea and land, –a free navy–
without impressing a constitutional militia. But his social affections were more enlarged than even the term Patriotism can express; he was the friend of the oppressed negro,– no part of the globe was too remote,–
no interest too unconnected,–
or too much opposed to his own,
to prevent the immediate succor of suffering humanity. For such qualities he received,
from the ever memorable John, Duke of Argyle, a full testimony, in the British Senate, to his military character,
his natural generosity,
his contempt of danger,
and regard for the Public.
A similar encomium is perpetuated in a foreign language;[1] and, by one of our most celebrated Poets, his remembrance is transmitted to posterity in lines justly expressive of
the purity, the ardor, and the extent of his benevolence. He lived till the 1st of July, 1785;
a venerable instance to what a duration a life of temperance and virtuous labor is capable of being protracted.
His widow, Elizabeth,
daughter of Sir Nathan Wright of Cranham hall, Bart. and only sister and heiress of Sir Samuel Wright, Bart. of the same place,
surviving, with regret,
but with due submission to Divine Providence, an affectionate husband,
after an union of more than forty years, hath inscribed to his memory
these faint traces of his excellent character.
“Religion watches o’er his urn,
And all the virtues bending mourn; Humanity, with languid eye,
Melting for others’ misery;
Prudence, whose hands a measure hold, And Temperance, with a chain of gold;
Fidelity’s triumphant vest,
And Fortitude in armor drest;
Wisdom’s grey locks, and Freedom, join The moral train to bless his shrine,
And pensive all, around his ashes holy, Their last sad honors pay in order melancholy.”[2]
[Footnote 1: Referring to the encomium of the Abbe Raynal, in his _Histoire Philosophique et Politique_.]
[Footnote 2: These last verses were added by the old friend of the General, the Rev. Moses Browne.]
OBITUARY NOTICE
OF
MRS. ELIZABETH OGLETHORPE,
WITH EXTRACTS FROM HER WILL.
OBITUARY NOTICE
COPIED FROM THE GENTLEMAN’S MAGAZINE FOR 1787, PAGE 1025
October 26th, 1787, died, at her seat, Cranham Hall, Co. Essex,[1] aged 79, Mrs. Elizabeth Oglethorpe, widow of the late General Oglethorpe. She was daughter of Sir Nathan Wright, Bart., (nephew to the Lord Keeper,) by Abigail, his fourth wife, who survived and married Mr. Tryst. Sir Nathan, by his first wife, (Anne Meyrick) had two sons; Nathan, who succeeded him in title, and who married a daughter of Sir Francis Lawley, and died in April, 1737; and John, who died without issue. By his second wife, (Elizabeth Brage) he had a son, Benjamin, who died before him. By his third wife, (Elizabeth Bowater) he had no issue. By the fourth he had a son, Samuel, and Mrs. Oglethorpe. Sir Nathan, the son, had one son and two daughters; and the son dying without issue, his half-brother, Samuel, succeeded to the title and part of the estate. He dying a bachelor, Mrs. Oglethorpe became his heir, and has died without leaving any child. September 15, 1744, she married the late General Oglethorpe, who died July 1,1785;[2] and to her magnanimity and prudence, on an occasion of much difficulty, it was owing that the evening of their lives was tranquil and pleasant, after a stormy noon. Very many and continual were her acts of benevolence and charity; but, as she would herself have been hurt by any display of them in her lifetime, we will say no more. Not to have mentioned them at all would have been unjust to her memory, and not less so to the world, in which such an example may operate as an incitement to others to go and do likewise.
[Footnote 1: This old mansion, situated on a pleasant rising ground, was built about the end of the reign of James I. In the hall is a very fine whole-length picture of Mr. _Nathan Wright_, a considerable Spanish merchant in the beginning of Charles the First’s time, who resided long in that country, by Antonio Arias, an eminent painter of Madrid; and the more curious, as perhaps there is not another picture of that able master in England. _Gentleman’s Magazine_, LV. 518.]
[Footnote 2: The date for the time of the death of General Oglethorpe, which is given on the 296th page of this volume, was taken from the public Gazettes. As it took place late in the night, it might be rather uncertain as to its being the close of one day or the beginning of another. But the above, corroborated by the testimony of the monumental inscription, must be correct. I regret, however, that I did not perceive it sooner. T.M.H.]
By her will, which is very long, and dated May 30, 1786, and has four codicils, the last dated September 11, 1787, she leaves her estate at Westbrook, in Godalming, Co. Surrey, bequeathed to her by the General, to his great nephew, Eugene, Marquis of Bellegarde, in France, then in the Dutch service, but born in England, and his heirs, with all her plate, jewels, &c.; to her nephews, John and Charles Apreece, and their sister Dorothy, wife of —- Cole, an annuity of L100 amongst them, and the survivor for life; and if either John or Charles succeed to the Baronet’s title, the annuity to go over to the other; but if their sister survive, she to have only L200 per annum; also four annuities, of L50 each, to four of her female friends or neighbors. All these annuities are charged on the Cranham estate, which she gives in trust to Sir George Allanson Wynne, Bart., and Mr. Granville Sharpe, for the use of her nephew, Sir Thomas Apreece, of Washingley, Co. Huntingdon, for life, remainder in tail to his issue male or female, remainder to his brothers John and Charles, and sister Dorothy, successively, remainder to her own right heirs. The manor of Canewdon Hall, Essex, to be sold to pay legacies, viz.: L100 to Sir G.A. Wynne; L1000 to the Princess of Rohan, related to her late husband; L500 to the Princess de Ligne, her late husband’s niece; L1000 to Samuel Crawley, Esq., of Theobalds, Co. Herts; L500 among the Miss Dawes’s, of Coventry; L500 to James Fitter, Esq., of Westminster; L500 to the Marquis of Bellegarde. The manor of Fairstead Hall, Co. Essex, to Granville Sharpe, for life, paying L50 per annum to his friend Mr. Marriott, relict of General Marriott, of Godalming, and to settle the said estate to charitable uses after his death, at his discretion. To Edward Lloyd and Sarah his wife, her servants, L500; and L10 each, to other servants. By a codicil: to Maria Anne Stephenson L1000 stock out of any of her property in the funds; to Miss Lewis, who lives with Mrs. Fowle, in Red-lion square, and to Miss Billinghurst, of Godalming, L50 each; to the poor of Cranham, Fairstead, Canewdon, and Godalming, L20 each; her turn of patronage to the united livings of St. Mary Somerset and St. Mary Mounthaw, in London, to the Rev. Mr. Herringham, of South Weald. By another codicil, L1000 more to the Marquis of Bellegarde; L1000 to Count Bethisy; L200 to Granville Sharpe. By another, revokes the legacies to the Princess de Ligne and Count Bethisy, and gives them to the two younger daughters of the Marquis of Bellegarde, at the age of 21, or marriage. As the Marquis resides in France, and it may be inconvenient to him to keep the estate, she gives the manors of Westbrook and Brimscombe, and Westbrook-place in Godalming, in trust to G. Sharpe, and William Gill, Esqrs., and their heirs, to be sold, and the money paid to the Marquis. Her executors are Mr. Granville Sharpe, and Mrs. Sarah Dickinson, of Tottenham; the latter residuary legatee.
At the foot of the monument erected to the memory of General Oglethorpe, was added the following inscription:
“His disconsolate Widow died October 26,1787, in her 79th year,
and is buried with him,
in the vault in the centre of this Chancel. Her fortitude of mind and extensive charity deserve to be remembered,
though her own modesty would desire them to be forgotten.”
OGLETHORPE’S
ACCOUNT OF
CAROLINA AND GEORGIA.
This article is extracted from SALMON’S _Modern History_, Vol. III. page 770, 4th edition; where it is introduced in these words: “The following pages are an answer from General OGLETHORPE to some inquiries made by the author, concerning the State of Carolina and Georgia.”
ACCOUNT OF CAROLINA AND GEORGIA.
Carolina is part of that territory which was originally discovered by Sir Sebastian Cabot. The English now possess the sea-coast from the river St. John’s, in 30 degrees, 21 minutes north latitude. Westward the King’s charter declares it to be bounded by the Pacific ocean.
Carolina is divided into North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia; the latter is a province which his Majesty has taken out of Carolina, and is the southern and western frontier of that province, lying between it and the French, Spaniards, and Indians.
The part of Carolina that is settled, is for the most part a flat country. All, near the sea, is a range of islands, which breaks the fury of the ocean. Within is generally low land for twenty or twenty-five miles, where the country begins to rise in gentle swellings. At seventy or eighty miles from the sea, the hills grow higher, till they terminate in mountains.
The coast of Georgia is also defended from the rage of the sea by a range of islands. Those islands are divided from the main by canals of salt water, navigable for the largest boats, and even for small sloops. The lofty woods growing on each side of the canals, make very pleasant landscapes. The land, at about seven or eight miles from the sea, is tolerably high; and the further you go westward, the more it rises, till at about one hundred and fifty miles distance from the sea, to the west, the Cherokee or Appallachean mountains begin, which are so high that the snow lies upon them all the year.
This ridge of mountains runs in a line from north to south, on the back of the English colonies of Carolina and Virginia; beginning at the great lakes of Canada, and extending south, it ends in the province of Georgia at about two hundred miles from the bay of Appallachee, which is part of the Gulf of Mexico. There is a plain country from the foot of these mountains to that sea.
The face of the country is mostly covered with woods. The banks of the rivers are in some places low, and form a kind of natural meadows, where the floods prevent trees from growing. In other places, in the hollows, between the hillocks, the brooks and streams, being stopt by falls of trees, or other obstructions, the water is penned back. These places are often covered with canes and thickets and are called, in the corrupted American dialect, swamps. The sides of the hills are generally covered with oaks and hickory, or wild walnuts, cedar, sassafras, and the famous laurel tulip, which is esteemed one of the most beautiful trees in the world. The flat tops of the hillocks are all covered with groves of pine trees, with plenty of grass growing under them, and so free from underwood that you may gallop a horse for forty or fifty miles an end. In the low grounds and islands in the river there are cypress, bay-trees, poplar, plane, frankincense or gum-trees, and aquatic shrubs. All part of the province are well watered; and, in digging a moderate depth, you never miss of a fine spring.
What we call the Atlantic ocean, washes the east and southeast coast of these provinces. The gulf stream of Florida sets in with a tide in the ocean to the east of the province; and it is very remarkable that the banks and soundings of the coast extend twenty or twenty-five miles to the east of the coast.
The tides upon this coast flow generally seven feet. The soundings are sand or ooze, and some oyster banks, but no rocks. The coast appears low from the sea, and covered with woods.
Cape Fear is a point which runs with dreadful shoals far into the sea, from the mouth of Clarendon river in North Carolina. Sullivan’s Island and the Coffin land are the marks of the entry into Charlestown harbor. Hilton head, upon French’s island, shows the entry into Port Royal; and the point of Tybee island makes the entry of the Savannah river. Upon that point the Trustees for Georgia have erected a noble signal or light-house, ninety feet high, and twenty-five feet wide. It is an octagon, and upon the top there is a flag-staff thirty feet high.
The Province of Georgia is watered by three great rivers, which rise in the mountains, namely, the Alatamaha, the Ogechee, and the Savannah; the last of which is navigable six hundred miles for canoes, and three hundred miles for boats.
The British dominions are divided from the Spanish Florida by a noble river called St. John’s.
These rivers fall into the Atlantic ocean; but there are, besides these, the Flint and the Cahooche, which pass through part of Carolina or Georgia, and fall into the gulf of Appellachee or Mexico.
All Carolina is divided into three parts: 1. North Carolina, which is divided from South Carolina by Clarendon river, and of late by a line marked out by order of the Council: 2. South Carolina, which, on the south is divided from 3. Georgia by the river Savannah. Carolina is divided into several counties; but in Georgia there is but one yet erected, namely, the county of Savannah. It is bounded, on the one side, by the river Savannah, on the other by the sea, on the third by the river Ogechee, on the fourth by the river Ebenezer, and a line drawn from the river Ebenezer to the Ogechee. In this county are the rivers Vernon, Little Ogechee, and Westbrook. There is the town of Savannah, where there is a seat of judicature, consisting of three bailiffs and a recorder. It is situated upon the banks of the river of the same name. It consists of about two hundred houses, and lies upon a plain of about a mile wide; the bank steep to the river forty-five feet perpendicularly high. The streets are laid out regular. There are near Savannah, in the same county, the villages of Hampstead, Highgate, Skidoway, and Thunderbolt; the latter of which is a translation of a name; their fables say that a thunderbolt fell, and a spring thereupon arose in that place, which still smells of the bolt. This spring is impregnated with a mixture of sulphur and iron, and from the smell, probably, the story arose. In the same county is Joseph’s town and the town Ebenezer; both upon the river Savannah; and the villages of Abercorn and Westbrook. There are saw mills erecting on the river Ebenezer; and the fort Argyle, lies upon the pass of this county over the Ogechee. In the southern divisions of the province lies the town of Frederica, with its district, where there is a court with three bailiffs and a recorder. It lies on one side of the branches of the Alatamaha. There is, also, the town of Darien, upon the same river, and several forts upon the proper passes, some of four bastions, some are only redoubts. Besides which there are villages in different parts of Georgia. At Savannah there is a public store house, built of large square timbers. There is also a handsome court house, guard house, and work house. The church is not yet begun; but materials are collecting, and it is designed to be a handsome edifice. The private houses are generally sawed timber, framed, and covered with shingles. Many of them are painted, and most have chimneys of brick. At Frederica some of the houses are built of brick; the others in the Province are mostly wood. They are not got into luxury yet in their furniture; having only what is plain and needful. The winter being mild, there are yet but few houses with glass windows.
The Indians are a manly, well-shaped race. The men tall, the women little. They, as the ancient Grecians did, anoint with oil, and expose themselves to the sun, which occasions their skins to be brown of color. The men paint themselves of various colors, red, blue, yellow, and black. The men wear generally a girdle, with a piece of cloth drawn through their legs and turned over the girdle both before and behind, so as to hide their nakedness. The women wear a kind of petticoat to the knees. Both men and women in the winter wear mantles, something less than two yards square, which they wrap round their bodies, as the Romans did their toga, generally keeping their arms bare; they are sometimes of woolen, bought of the English; sometimes of furs, which they dress themselves. They wear a kind of pumps, which they call moccasons, made of deer-skin, which they dress for that purpose. They are a generous, good-natured people; very humane to strangers; patient of want and pain; slow to anger, and not easily provoked, but, when they are thoroughly incensed, they are implacable; very quick of apprehension and gay of temper. Their public conferences show them to be men of genius, and they have a natural eloquence, they never having had the use of letters. They love eating, and the English have taught many of them to drink strong liquors, which, when they do, they are miserable sights. They have no manufactures but what each family makes for its own use; they seem to despise working for hire, and spend their time chiefly in hunting and war; but plant corn enough for the support of their families and the strangers that come to visit them. Their food, instead of bread, is flour of Indian corn boiled, and seasoned like hasty-pudding, and this called hommony. They also boil venison, and make broth; they also roast, or rather broil their meat. The flesh they feed on is buffalo, deer, wild turkeys and other game; so that hunting is necessary to provide flesh; and planting for corn. The land[1] belongs to the women, and the corn that grows upon it; but meat must be got by the men, because it is they only that hunt: this makes marriage necessary, that the women may furnish corn, and the men meat. They have also fruit-trees in their gardens, namely, peaches, nectarines, and locust, melons, and water-melons, potatoes, pumpkins, onions, &c. in plenty; and many kinds of wild fruits, and nuts, as persimons, grapes, chinquepins, and hickory nuts, of which they make oil. The bees make their combs in the hollow trees, and the Indians find plenty of honey there, which they use instead of sugar. They make, what supplies the place of salt, of wood ashes; use for seasoning, long-pepper, which grows in their gardens; and bay-leaves supply their want of spice. Their exercises are a kind of ball-playing, hunting, and running; and they are very fond of dancing. Their music is a kind of drum, as also hollow cocoa-nut shells. They have a square in the middle of their towns, in which the warriors sit, converse, and smoke together; but in rainy weather they meet in the King’s house. They are a very healthy people, and have hardly any diseases, except those occasioned by the drinking of rum, and the small pox. Those who do not drink rum are exceedingly long-lived. Old BRIM emperor of the Creeks, who died but a few years ago, lived to one hundred and thirty years; and he was neither blind nor bed-rid, till some months before his death. They have sometimes pleurisies and fevers, but no chronical distempers. They know of several herbs that have great virtues in physic, particularly for the cure of venomous bites and wounds.
[Footnote 1: That is _the homestead_.]
The native animals are, first the urus or zoras described by Caesar, which the English very ignorantly and erroneously call the buffalo. They have deer, of several kinds, and plenty of roe-bucks and rabbits. There are bears and wolves, which are small and timorous; and a brown wild-cat, without spots, which is very improperly called a tiger; otter, beavers, foxes, and a species of badger which is called raccoon. There is great abundance of wild fowls, namely, wild-turkey, partridges, doves of various kinds, wild-geese, ducks, teals, cranes, herons of many kinds not known in Europe. There are great varieties of eagles and hawks, and great numbers of small birds, particularly the rice-bird, which is very like the ortolan. There are rattlesnakes, but not near so frequent as is generally reported. There are several species of snakes, some of which are not venomous. There are crocodiles, porpoises, sturgeon, mullet, cat-fish, bass, drum, devil-fish; and many species of fresh-water fish that we have not in Europe; and oysters upon the sea-islands in great abundance.
What is most troublesome, there, are flies and gnats, which are very numerous near the rivers; but, as the country is cleared, they disperse and go away.
The vegetables are innumerable; for all that grow in Europe, grow there; and many that cannot stand in our winters thrive there.
APPENDIX. This portion of the work contains additional notes, original documents, and notices of some of the distinguished friends of Oglethorpe.
APPENDIX
No. I
FAMILY OF OGLETHORPE.
The following genealogical memoranda are taken principally, from a note in Nichols’s _Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century_, Vol. II. p. 17, on his having given the title of a book ascribed to the subject of the foregoing memoir
“This truly respectable gentleman was the descendant of a family very anciently situated at Oglethorpe, in the parish of Bramham, in the West Riding of the County of York; one of whom was actually Reeve of the County (an office nearly the same with that of the present high-sheriff) at the time of the Norman Conquest. The ancient seat of Oglethorpe continued in the family till the Civil Wars, when it was lost for their loyalty; and several of the same name died at once in the bed of honor in the defence of monarchy, in a battle near Oxford.
“William Oglethorpe, (son of William) was born in 1588. He married Susanna, daughter of Sir William Sutton, Knight and sister to Lord Lexington. He died in November, 1634 leaving two children, Sulton, born 1612, and Dorothy (who afterwards married the Marquis of Byron, a French nobleman,) born 1620.
“Sutton Oglethorpe, being fined L20,000 by the Parliament, his estates at Oglethorpe, and elsewhere, were sequestered, and afterwards given to General Fairfax, who sold them to Robert Benson of Bramham, father of Lord Bingley of that name. Sutton Oglethorpe had two sons, Sutton, and Sir Theophilus. Sutton was Stud-master to King Charles II.; and had three sons, namely, Sutton, Page to King Charles II.; John, Cornet of the Guards; and Joseph, who died in India.
“Sir Theophilus was born in 1652; and was bred to arms. He fought, under the Duke of Monmouth, in the affair at Bothwell bridge, where a tumultary insurrection of the Scots was suppressed, June 22, 1679. He commanded a party of horse at Sedgmoor fight, where the Duke was defeated, July 6, 1685; and was Lieutenant Colonel to the Duke of York’s troop of his Majesty’s horse-guards, and Commissioner for executing the office of Master of the Horse to King Charles II. He was afterwards first Equerry and Major General of the army of King James II.; and suffered banishment with his Royal Master.” After his return to his native country he purchased a seat in the County of Surrey, called “the Westbrook place,” near adjoining the town of Godalming; a beautiful situation, in a fine country. It stands on the slope of a hill, at the foot of which are meadows watered by the river Wey. It commands the view of several hills, running in different directions; their sides laid out in corn fields, interspersed with hanging woods. Behind it is a small park, well wooded; and one side is a capacious garden fronting the south-east.
Sir Theophilus was for several years a member of Parliament for Haslemere, a small borough in the south-west angle of the county of Surrey. This place was, afterwards, in the reigns of Anne, George I., and George II., successively represented by his three sons, Lewis, Theophilus, and James. He died April 10,1702, as appears by a pedigree in the collection of the late J.C. Brooke, Esq., though the following inscription in the parish church of St. James, Westminster, where he was buried, has a year earlier.–“Hie jacet THEOPHILUS OGLETHORPE, Eques auratus, ab atavo Vice-comite Eborum, Normanno victore, ducens originem. Cujus armis ad pontem Bothwelliensem, succubuit Scotus: necnon Sedgmoriensi palude fusi Rebellos. Qui, per varies casus et rerum discrimina, magnanimum erga Principem et Patriam fidem, sed non temere, sustinuit. Obiit Londini anno 1701, aetat. 50.”
Sir Theophilus married Eleanora Wall, of a respectable family in Ireland, by whom he had four sons and five daughters; namely, Lewis, Theophilus, Sutton, and James; Eleanora, Henrietta, Mary, and Frances-Charlotte.
I. LEWIS, born February, 1680-1; admitted into Corpus Christi College, in the University of Oxford, March 16,1698-9. He was Equerry to Queen Anne, and afterwards Aid-de-camp to the Duke of Marlborough; and, in 1702, member of Parliament for Haslemere. Having been mortally wounded in the battle of Schellenburgh, on the 24th October, 1704, he died on the 30th.
The following inscription to his memory is placed below that of Sir Theophilus.
“Hujus claudit latus LUDOVICUS OGLETHORPE, tam paternae virtutis, quam fortunae, haeres; qui, proelio Schellenbergensi victoria Hockstatensis preludio tempestivum suis inclinantibus ferens auxilium vulnere honestissima accepit, et praeclarae spe Indolis frustrata.–Ob. XXII aetatis, Anno Dom. 1704.
“Charissimo utriusque marmor hoc, amantissima conjux et mater possuit, Domina Eleonora Oglethorpe.”
II. THEOPHILUS, born 1682. He was Aid-de-camp to the Duke of Ormond; and member of Parliament for Haslemere in 1708 and 1710. The time of his death is not recorded. He must have died young.
III. ELEONORA, born 1684; married the Marquis de Mezieres on the 5th of March, 1707-8, and deceased June 28, 1775, aged 91. The son of this lady was heir to the estate of General Oglethorpe. He is mentioned, in the correspondence of Mr. Jefferson, as highly meritorious and popular in France, (1785.)
IV. ANN [mentioned in Shaftoe’s narrative.]
V. SUTTON, born 1686; and died in November, 1693.
VI. HENRIETTA, [of whom we have no account.]
VII. JAMES, [see the next article.]
VIII. FRANCES-CHARLOTTE … Married the Marquis de Bellegarde, a Savoyard.[1] To a son of this union is a letter of General Washington, dated January 15, 1790, in the 9th volume of Sparks’s _Writings of Washington_, p. 70.
[Footnote 1: _Gentleman’s Magazine_, Vol. LVII. p. 1123.]
IX. MARY, who died single.
The ARMS of the family are thus described: “Argent, a chevron, between three boar’s heads, erased, sable armed, or, lingued proper.”
CREST. “A boar’s head, as before, holding an oaken branch, vert, fructed or.”
II
DISCUSSION RESPECTING THE BIRTH-DAY OF OGLETHORPE.
There are great difficulties in ascertaining the age of Oglethorpe. The newspapers, soon after his decease, in 1785. and the _Gentleman’s_ and _London Magazine_, contain several articles about it.
While these inquiries, investigations, and statements were going the round of all the periodicals of the day, it is unaccountably strange that the family did not produce the desired rectification, and yet more surprising that in the inscription on the monument erected to his memory by his widow, and which was drawn up by her request, she should not have furnished the writer with the date of his birth, and the years of age to which he had arrived.
The _London Gazette_, first announcing his death, stated it _one hundred and four years_. The _Westminster Magazine_ for July 1785, (a periodical published in the very neighborhood of the old family mansion,) in the monthly notice of deaths, has “June 30th, General Oglethorpe, aged 102. He was the oldest general in England.” And I have a fine engraved portrait of him taken in February preceding his decease, or which is inscribed “he died 30th of June, 1785, aged 102.” A writer in the _Gentleman’s Magazine_ for September, 1785 p. 701, who was one of the first emigrants to Georgia, and personally and intimately acquainted with the General, declares that “he lived to be _near a hundred years old_, but was not _one hundred and two_, as has been asserted.”
In the Biographical Memoir of him in the 8th volume of the _European Magazine_; in NICHOLS’s _Anecdotes of Literature_ and in McCALL’s _History of Georgia_, his birth is said to have been in 1698; and yet it is asserted by the best authorities, that he bore the military rank of Ensign in 1710, when, according to their date of his nativity, he could have been but _twelve years of age_; and this before his entering College at Oxford.
Again, some make him Captain Lieutenant in the first troop of the Queen’s Guards in 1714; the same year that others put him to College. According to such statements, he must on both these military advancements, have been of an age quite too juvenile for military service, and more so for military rank. And yet, to account for his obtaining such early, and, indeed, immature promotion, the writers suggest that “he withdrew precipitately from the sphere of his education.” But I see no reason for supposing that he left the University before he had completed the usual term of residence for obtaining a degree; though he did not obtain that of _Master of Arts_ till the 31st of July, 1731.[1]
[Footnote 1: See _Catalogue of Oxford Graduates_.]
PRIOR, in _The Life of Goldsmith_, page 457, expressly says that Oglethorpe, “_after being educated at Oxford_, served under Prince Eugene against the Turks.”[1]