inhabitants of this province have shewn for assisting that colony; and could not think of any better opportunity than now, when the whole province is virtually present in its General Assembly. I am, therefore, gentlemen, to thank you for the handsome assistance given by private persons, as well as by the public. I am to thank you, not only in the name of the Trustees, and the little colony now in Georgia, but in behalf of all the distressed people of Britain and persecuted Protestants of Europe, to whom a place of refuge will be secured by this first attempt.
“Your charitable and generous proceeding, besides the self-satisfaction which always attends such actions, will be of the greatest advantage to this province. You, gentlemen, are the best judges of this; since most of you have been personal witnesses of the dangerous blows which this country has escaped from French, Spanish, and Indian arms. Many of you know this by experience, having signalized yourselves personally, either when this province by its own strength, and unassisted by any thing but the courage of its inhabitants and the providence of God, repulsed the formidable invasions of the French; or when it defeated the whole body of the southern Indians, who were armed against it, and was invaded by the Spaniards, who assisted them. You, gentlemen, know that there was a time when every day brought fresh advices of murders, ravages, and burnings; when no profession or calling was exempted from arms; when every inhabitant of the province was obliged to leave wife, family, and useful occupations, and undergo the fatigues of war, for the necessary defence of the country; and all their endeavors scarcely sufficient to guard the western and southern frontiers against the Indians.
“It would be needless for me to tell you, who are much better judges, how the increasing settlement of a new colony upon the southern frontiers, will prevent the like danger for the future. Nor need I tell you how every plantation will increase in value, by the safety of the Province being increased; since the lands to the southward already sell for above double what they did before the new Colony arrived. Nor need I mention the great lessening of the burden of the people by increasing the income of the tax from the many thousand acres of land either taken or taking up on the prospect of future security.
“The assistance which the Assembly have given, though not quite equal to the occasion, is very large with respect to the present circumstances of the Province; and, as such, shows you to be kind benefactors to your new-come countrymen, whose settlements you support; and dutiful subjects to his Majesty, whose revenues and dominions you by this means increase and strengthen.
“As I shall soon return to Europe, I must recommend the infant Colony to your further protection; being assured, both from your generosity and wisdom, that you will, in case of any danger or necessity, give it the utmost support and assistance.”
To the insertion of this speech in the _Political State of Great Britain_, October, 1733, page 361, it is added, “On the Sunday evening following he set out again for Georgia; so that we may perceive that there is no endeavor wanting in him to establish and make that settlement a flourishing colony; but his conduct in this whole affair is by much the more extraordinary, and the more to be applauded, because, by the nature of the settlement, he cannot so much as expect any private or particular benefit; he cannot possibly have any other reward but that which is the certain, the eternal reward of good actions, a consciousness of having done a service to his country, and to mankind.”
Favored by their industry, and the smiles of a propitious providence in that delightful region, “the wilderness and the solitary place was glad for them; and the desert rejoiced and blossomed as a rose.”[1] “They planted vineyards, and made themselves gardens, and set out in them trees of all kinds of fruits.”[2]
[Footnote 1: Isaiah, xxxv. 1.]
[Footnote 2: Ecclesiastes, ii. 3.]
In aid and encouragement of the settlement, the Trustees received a letter from THOMAS PENN, Proprietor of Pennsylvania, dated Philadelphia, March 6th, 1732-3, approving very highly of the undertaking, promising to contribute all the assistance in his power, and acquainting them that he had for himself subscribed one hundred pounds sterling, and that he was collecting what sums of money he could get from others, to be sent them, in order to be employed for the purposes of their charter[1].
[Footnote 1: _Political State of Great Britain_, for June, 1733, Vol. XLV. p. 543.]
It has been already observed that “Oglethorpe endeavored very early to secure the favor of the Indians, who, by ranging through the woods, would be capable of giving constant intelligence to prevent any surprise upon the people, and would be a good out-guard for the inland parts of the Colony; as also to obtain of them grants of territory, and privilege of undisturbed occupancy and improvement[1].” He was pleased, therefore, on his return from Charlestown, to find the chiefs of the Lower Creeks in waiting; the purpose of whose visit, as made known by Mr. Wiggan[2] and Mr. John Musgrove, who acted as interpreters, was to treat on an alliance with the Colony.
[Footnote 1: _Account, showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia, from its first Establishment_. Lond. 1741, p. 13.]
[Footnote 2: William Wiggan, who accompanied Sir Alexander Cuming in the beginning of the year 1731, on his journey to the Cherokees, is, in the narrative of that expedition, called not merely “the interpreter,” but “the complete linguist.”]
These Creeks consisted of eight tribes, united in a kind of political confederacy; all speaking the same language, but being under separate jurisdictions. Their deputation was composed of their micoes, or chiefs, and leading warriors, about fifty in number.[1]
[Footnote 1: “Besides a king, every Indian town has a head warrior, who is in great esteem among them, and whose authority seems to be greater than their kings; because the king is looked upon as little else than a civil magistrate, except it so happens that he is at the same time a head warrior.” _Narrative of a Journey among the Indians in the Northwest parts of South Carolina_, 1731, by Sir ALEXANDER CUMING. See, also, Appendix, No. XII.]
The General received them with courtesy, and then invited them to “a talk,” in one of the new houses. He informed them that the English, by coming to settle there, did not pretend to dispossess, nor think to annoy the natives; but above all things desired to live on good terms with them, and hoped, through their representatives, now present, to obtain from them a cession of that part of the region on which he had entered, and to form and confirm a treaty of friendship and trade.
When he had explained his views with respect to the settlers, and their designs in making the location, Ouechachumpa, a very tall old man, in the name of the rest, informed the British adventurers what was the extent of the country claimed by their tribes. He acknowledged the superiority of the white men to the red; and said that he was persuaded that the Great Spirit who dwelt above and all around, (whose immensity he endeavored to express by throwing abroad his hands, and prolonging his articulations as he spoke,) had sent the English thither for the good of the natives; and, therefore, they were welcome to all the land which the Creeks did not use themselves. He confirmed his speech by laying before Oglethorpe eight buckskins, one for each of the Creeks; the best things, he said, that they had to bestow. He thanked them for their kindness to Tomo Chichi, who, it seems, had been banished with some of his adherents, from his own nation; but for his valor and wisdom had been chosen mico by the Yamacraws, an emigrating branch of the same stock.
The declarations of the speaker were confirmed by short speeches of the others; when Tomo Chichi, attended by some of his friends, came in, and, making a low obeisance, said, “When these white men came, I feared that they would drive us away, for we were weak; but they promised not to molest us. We wanted corn and other things, and they have given us supplies; and now, of our small means, we make them presents in return. Here is a buffalo skin, adorned with the head and feathers of an eagle. The eagle signifies speed, and the buffalo strength. The English are swift as the eagle, and strong as the buffalo. Like the eagle they flew hither over great waters; and like the buffalo nothing can withstand them. But the feathers of the eagle are soft, and signify kindness; and the skin of the buffalo is covering, and signifies protection. Let these, then, remind them to be kind, and protect us.”
The alliance was soon made. The treaty contained stipulations on the part of the English, concerning trade; reparation of injuries, should any be committed; and punishment for impositions, should any be practised upon them; and, on the part of the Indians, a free and formal cession of that part of the region which was not used by the Yamacraws, nor wanted by the Creeks. By this cession they made a grant to the Trustees of the lands upon Savannah river as far as the river Ogechee, and all the lands along the sea-coast between Savannah and Alatamaha rivers, extending west as high as the tide flows, and including all the islands; the Indians reserving to themselves the islands of Ossabaw, Sapeloe, and St. Catherines, for the purposes of hunting, bathing and fishing; as also the tract of land lying between Pipe-maker’s bluff and Pallachucola creek, above Yamacraw bluff, which they retained as an encampment when they should come to visit their beloved friends in that vicinity. This special reservation of some islands had been made by them in their treaty with Governor Nicholson, in 1722.
Oglethorpe then presented to each of the eight chiefs a laced coat and hat, and a shirt; to each of the eight war-captains, a gun, with powder, flint, bullets and shot; to the beloved men a duffle mantle of coarse cloth;–and distributed some smaller presents among their attendants. Upon this they took their leave of him, highly satisfied with the treatment which they had met.[1]
[Footnote 1: This Treaty was sent to England, and was confirmed by the Trustees on the 18th of October, 1733. For a copy of it, see McCALL, _History of Georgia_, Appendix to Vol. I. p. 357.
The _History of Georgia_, by Major McCALL has great merit. It was written by the worthy author under circumstances of bodily suffering, submitted to, indeed with meekness, borne with heroic fortitude, and endured with unfailing patience. It is wonderful that he succeeded so well in the accomplishment of his work, considering the scanty materials which he could procure; for he says, that, “without map or compass, he entered an unexplored forest, destitute of any other guide than a few ragged pamphlets, defaced newspapers, and scraps of manuscripts.”]
Having taken much pains to become acquainted with the character of the natives, he furnished a very intelligent traveller, by whom he was visited, with an interesting account of their manners and customs; who annexed it to the published volume of his travels.[1]
[Footnote 1: As this is an extremely rare book, I give the title from a copy in the library of Harvard College. “_A new voyage to Georgia, by a young gentleman: giving an account of his travels in South Carolina, and part of North Carolina. To which is added a curious account of the Indians by an Honorable Person; and a Poem to James Oglethorpe, Esq., on his arrival from Georgia_.” London, 1735. 12mo.
The author of the “_History of Georgia_,” contained in the 40th volume of the “_Universal History_,” page 456, quotes passages from this “Account of the Indians,” and ascribes it to Oglethorpe.–Mr. SALMON in the 3d vol. of his _Modern History_, p. 602, giving an account of _the present state of Georgia_, introduces a quotation from what he calls “Mr. OGLETHORPE’S account of the religion and government of the Creeks,” in the following words: “Mr. OGLETHORPE, speaking of the religion and government of the Creek nation, in ‘a letter from Georgia to a person of honor in London,’ says ‘There seems to be a way opened to our Colony towards the conversion of the Indians,’ &c. This is decisive in fixing the author; for Mr. SALMON knew the General personally; and, on publishing another edition of his elaborate work, obtained from him, a very interesting ‘_Continuation of the present state of Georgia_.'” The Letter is copied into the _Gentleman’s Magazine_, Vol. III. p. 108 and 483. See also Appendix, No. XIII.]
On the 18th of June he went to the Horse-quarter, which lies six miles up the river Ogechee, and there took with him Captain McPherson, with a detachment of his rangers, on an excursion into the interior. After a march of forty miles westward, he chose a post, commanding the passages by which the Indians used to invade Carolina in the late wars. Here, upon an eminence which commands all the country round, he directed that a fortification should be built, to be called “Fort Argyle,” in memory of his honored patron John Duke of Argyle.[1] It is on the west bank of the Ogechee river. Its design was to protect the settlers from invasions by the Spaniards. Captain McPherson and his troop were to be quartered there, and ten families from Savannah to be removed, as cultivators, to its immediate vicinity.
[Footnote 1: See Appendix, No. XIV.]
On the 7th of July, at day break, the inhabitants of Savannah were assembled on the strand for the purpose of designating the wards of the town, and assigning the lots. In a devotional service, they united in thanksgiving to God, that the lines had fallen to them in a pleasant place, and that they were about to have a goodly heritage. The wards and tithings were then named; each ward consisting of four tithings, and each tithing of ten houses; and a house lot was given to each freeholder. There being in Derby ward but twenty one houses built; and the other nineteen having no house erected on them, Mr. Milledge and Mr. Goddard, the two chief carpenters, offered, in the name of themselves and seventeen of their helpers, to take the unbuilt on lots, and give the built ones to those who were less able to help themselves.
The people then partook of a plentiful dinner, which their generous Governor had provided.[1]
[Footnote 1: An account of this transaction in the _South Carolina Gazette_, under the date of August 8th, closes with this remark; “Some of the people having privately drunk too freely of rum, are dead; and that liquor, which was always discountenanced there, is now absolutely prohibited.”]
In the afternoon the grant of a Court of Record was read, and the officers were appointed. The session of the magistrates was then held, a jury impanneled, and a case tried.
These were necessary regulations for establishing a due regard to order, discipline, and government. And yet, with all the influence which their honored leader could give to sanction the measures and support the authority, there was much to be done to render the administration effective. The settlers had no common bond of attachment or accordance; of course, it was very difficult to dispose them to the reciprocal offices of a social state, much more so to the still higher obligations of a civil compact. Together with these aims of those who were put into places of authority, they were obliged daily to use their endeavors to bring the restive and quarrelsome into proper subordination; to keep the sluggish and lazy diligently employed, and to teach the thriftless to be economical and prudent.
“Tantae molis erat disjunctis condere Gentem!”
CHAPTER V.
Oglethorpe intended to visit Boston, in New England–Governor Belcher’s Letter to him–Provincial Assembly appoint a Committee to receive him–Sets out on an exploratory Excursion–Names an Island, Jekyl–Visits Fort Argyle–Returns to Savannah–Saltzburgh emigrants, conducted by Baron Von Reck, come to settle in Georgia–Oglethorpe assists them in selecting a place–They call it Ebenezer–He then goes up the river to Palacholas–Returns–Goes to Charlestown, with Tomo Chichi and other Indians, in order to take passage to England.
Oglethorpe intended to have made the tour of the Colonies; particularly to have visited Boston, in Massachusetts. Apprized of this intention, Governor Belcher addressed to him the following letter[1].
[Footnote 1: Copied from the letter-book of Governor Belcher, in the cabinet of the Massachusetts Historical Society.]
Boston, New England, May 3d, 1733. HONORED SIR,
It is with great pleasure that I congratulate you on your safe arrival in America; and I have a still greater in the advantages which these parts of his Majesty’s dominions will reap from your noble and generous pursuits of good to mankind in the settlement of Georgia. May God Almighty attend you with his blessing, and crown your toils with success. Several of my friends, sir, from London, acquaint me with your intentions to pass by land from South Carolina, through the king’s territories as far as this place; where I shall be very proud of shewing you the just esteem which I have for you; and shall depend that you will please to accept such quarters as my habitation affords during your stay in this government. When you get to Philadelphia or New York, I shall be glad of the favor of a line from you, to know how and when you make your route hither.
I am, with great respect, sir,
Your most obedient, and most humble servant,
JONATHAN BELCHER.
At the next Assembly of the Province, the Governor, in a special message, apprized them of the expectation which he had of a visit from the General; and in the House of Representatives “it was ordered that a committee should be raised to prepare for the reception of James Oglethorpe, Esq., who may be expected in Boston this summer; that so the government may express their grateful sense of his good services to the public interest of the Province.”
June 21st, 1733, the following motion was agreed on:–
“Whereas James Oglethorpe, Esq., a member of Parliament, and now at Georgia, near South Carolina, hath at several times appeared in favor of New England; and, in a particular manner done many good offices for this Province, of which this Court hath been advised by Mr. Agent Wilkes, and that he intends, in a short time, to return to Great Britain, by the way of Boston:–
“_Voted_, That Mr. Speaker, Mr. Cooke, Major Brattle, Mr. Thacher, Mr. Welles, Mr. Cushing, Mr. Hall, Mr. Webb, and Major Bowles, be a Committee, from this House, to congratulate that honorable gentleman upon his arrival at Boston; and, in their name and behalf, acquaint him that the Assembly are well knowing of the many good offices he hath done this Province, in that, when the interest, trade, and business thereof have been under the consideration of the British Parliament, he hath, in a distinguishing manner, consulted measures to perpetuate the peace and lasting happiness of this government. And, as his worthy and generous actions justly deserve a most grateful and public acknowledgment, to assure him that this country will retain a lasting remembrance of his great benefactions; and that a recognition of the favors which they have so frequently received from him, is the least that the House can offer; while they earnestly desire the continuance of his good will towards this Province.”
His Excellency then made the following speech:
“Gentlemen of the Council and House of Representatives,
“I am glad to see the respect which you have expressed in your vote to the Honorable Mr. Oglethorpe, a member of that wise and august body, the Parliament of Great Britain; but, as there is no money in the treasury to defray the charge of the reception and entertainment of that honorable gentleman, I have taken early care to invite him to my house, when he may come into this Province, and I shall endeavor to entertain him in such a manner as may express the great esteem which I have of his attachment to his Majesty and to his Royal House, and of his regard to this Province, as well as of his great merit. And this I will do at my own charge, till the treasury may be supplied. And for these reasons I have not made your vote an order of this Court.”
The Editor of the publication, entitled “_The Political State of Great Britain_,” makes the following remarks upon these doings of the Legislature of Massachusetts:[1]
[Footnote 1: Vol. XLVIII. p. 173.]
“This expression of gratitude towards Mr. Oglethorpe shows that the gentlemen who are members of the House of Representatives in that Colony, are men of good sense as well as lovers of their country; and there is certainly no greater incitement to generous and public spirited actions than that of public acknowledgment and praise.”
Circumstances, however, prevented his making a visit, so earnestly expected, and which would have been so mutually gratifying.
On Wednesday, January 23, 1734, Oglethorpe set out on an exploratory excursion, to view the southern frontiers, in a row-boat commanded by Captain Ferguson, attended by fourteen companions and two Indians; followed by a yawl loaded with ammunition and provisions. They took “the inland passages.” Thus are named the passes between the belt of “sea-islands” and the main land. For the distance of seven miles from the ocean along the whole coast, there is a margin of islands and marshes, intersected by rivers, creeks, and inlets, communicating with each other, and forming a complete inland navigation for vessels of one hundred tons.
Having reached the north-west coast of the islands of Ossabaw, St. Catherine, and Sapelo, they passed the entrances of Vernon river, of the Ogechee, and of the northern branches of the Alatamaha; and, on the 26th landed on the first Albany bluff of St. Simons, where they lay dry under the shelter of a large live oak tree, though it rained hard. The next day they proceeded to the sea point of St. Simons, in order to take an observation of the latitude. They afterwards discovered an island, of which the general asked the name, and, finding that it had none, he called it JEKYL, in honor of Sir Joseph Jekyl, his respected and particular friend[1]. They reconnoitred various other places, and the mouths of rivers; and, on their return went up the Ogechee to Fort Argyle, where they lay in a house and upon beds, “for the first time since they left Thunderbolt[2].”
[Footnote 1: This eminent man, who was the son of a clergyman in Northamptonshire, Great Britain, became known as an able lawyer, and an eloquent statesman. As the friend of the Whigs, he was one of the managers of Sacheverell’s trial; and, after maintaining his principles and popularity undiminished, he was made, in the reign of George I., Master of the Rolls and Privy Counsellor, and was also knighted. He died in 1738, aged 75.]
[Footnote 2: This startling appellation was early given to a little settlement in the neighborhood of Savannah, in reference to an awful explosion there, the effects of which were said to be perceivable in the sulphuric smell and taste of a spring of water. “Adhuc tenet nomen, indelibile!”]
The fortifications there, by the unwearied diligence of Captain McPherson, were finished, and very defensible; being well flanked, and having several pieces of cannon.[1]
[Footnote 1: _Letter from a Gentleman of Savannah to his friend at Charlestown, S.C._, inserted in _The New England Weekly Journal_, May 13, 1734.]
By this excursion he ascertained how expedient it was to have an outpost, with a well-manned fort on the island of St. Simons; and how desirable to form a settlement and military station near the mouth of the Alatamaha, for the protection and defence of the colony.[1]
[Footnote 1: “At the west side of the island is a high bluff, compared with the marshes in its front; and here Frederica was afterwards built. The shore is washed by a fine river, which communicates with the Alatamaha, and enters the ocean through Jekyl sound, at the south end of the island. It forms a bay which is navigable for vessels of large burden.” McCALL, I. 170.]
A strong sense of indignation had been expressed in England at the persecution of the Protestants at Saltzburg, in Bavaria, who had been banished by an Episcopal edict from their homes on account of their religion, and, in the midst of winter, driven from the region to seek a place of refuge[1]. Oglethorpe had shared largely in the general sympathy; and, in a speech in the House of Commons, had declared his regret that no provision had been made for their relief in the late treaty. He proposed to the Trustees for settling the colony of Georgia, that an asylum should be there opened for these exiles. The proposition met with ready concurrence. A letter was addressed to their Elder, the venerable Samuel Urlsperger, to inquire whether a body of them would be disposed to join the new settlers, if measures were taken for their transportation. A favorable answer was received. An English vessel was sent to convey them from Rotterdam to Dover; and thence they embarked on the 8th of January, 1734, on board the ship Purrysburgh, Captain Frey, under the more immediate care and conduct of the Baron Philip George Frederick Von Reck, together with their Reverend Pastors, John Martin Bolzius and Israel Christian Gronau. After many difficulties and dangers, they arrived at Charlestown, South Carolina, on the 7th of March[2]. Oglethorpe, who happened to be there, as they piously considered, “providentially,” bid them a cheering welcome. He had their ship supplied with provisions; and sent the sea-sick pilgrims, what is so grateful and refreshing after a voyage, many baskets of cabbages, turnips, radishes, lettuce, and other vegetables, “of which the gardens were full.” He introduced the Baron and the ministers to the Governor, who received them with much civility, and with whom they dined.
[Footnote 1: _Gentleman’s Magazine_, 1732, p. 866, and Appendix, No. XV.]
[Footnote 2: See Appendix, No. XVI.]
The General sent one of his men to their ship, as a pilot, as also to announce their arrival, and bespeak the attention of the magistrates at Savannah; and, on the 9th they set sail for the desired region of peace. They entered the river on the 10th, which was _reminiscere-Sunday_; and “they called to remembrance the former days, in which, after they were illuminated,” (and because they were so,) “they endured a great fight of afflictions, partly while they were made a gazing-stock in their dispersions, and partly while they became companions of them that were so. But they took unresistingly the spoiling of their goods, trusting to those who had compassion on their sufferings.”[1] “And they remembered the kindnesses of Oglethorpe.”
[Footnote 1: Hebrews, x. 32-34.]
In the journal of their pastor,[1] it is stated, “While we lay off the banks of our dear Georgia, in a very lovely calm, and heard the birds singing sweetly, all was cheerful on board. It was really edifying to us that we came to the borders of ‘the promised land,’ _this_ day, when, as we are taught in its lesson from the Gospel, that Jesus came to the borders by the sea-coast, after he had endured persecution and rejection by his countrymen.”
[Footnote 1: URLSPURGER, I. p. 80.]
On the 11th the ship got upon the sand; but was floated off by the tide on the 12th, and as they passed up the river, they were delighted with the pleasant prospect on both sides. The balmy odors of the pine trees, wafted by the land-breeze, seemed like incense mingling with their orisons, and the carols of the birds were in accordance with their matin-hymn of praise. This second reference to the minstrelsy of the grove, will not be wondered at by those who have visited that region in the spring of the year. The various notes of the feathered choristers are enchanting, even now, when the din of population has frightened them into coverts. But then, free and fearless, the strains were lively and joyful, and the chorus full.
As the vessel was moored near the landing-place, the inhabitants flocked down to the bank, and raised a cheering shout, which was responded with much gladness by the passengers on deck. Some of them were soon taken off in a boat, and led round to the town, part through the wood, and part through the newly laid out garden of the Trustees. Meanwhile “a right good feast” was prepared for them, and they were regaled with “very fine wholesome English beer.” And, as otherwise much love and friendliness were shewn them by the inhabitants, and as the beautiful situation round about pleased them, they were in fine spirits, and their joy was consecrated by praise to God.
The pastors Gronau and Bolzius, with the commissary Von Reck, and Dr. Zweitzer were lodged in the house of the Reverend Mr. Quincy[1], whom they had met at Charlestown, on his return from a visit which he had been paying to his parents in Boston, Massachusetts, when he obligingly offered them the accommodation. For the emigrants barracks and tents were provided till the return of the General from Charlestown, whither he had gone to take passage for England, “but out of good will to the Saltzburgers, he put off his voyage for some days, and was resolved to see them settled before he went[2].” He had promised them that they should have liberty to choose such part of the country as they thought most convenient, fertile and pleasant; and that he would go out with some of their elders, and select a place to their liking. They desired one at a distance from the sea, on gently rising ground, with intervening vales, near springs of water, and on the border of a small river, or clear brook; such being the nature of the region where they were born. To fulfil this engagement, immediately after his return, attended with Paul Jenys, Esq., Speaker of the House of Assembly of South Carolina, and some other gentlemen, he set out on the 15th of March, with Baron Von Reck, the commissary, Mr. Gronau, one of the ministers, Mr. Zweitzer their Doctor, and one of the elders, taking some Indians as guides, to explore the part of the country which answered to the description of the Saltzburgers. They went up the river in boats as far as Mr. Musgrove’s cow-pens, where horses were got ready; and, after a ride of about fifteen miles, westward, through the woods, they arrived at the banks of a river, eighty feet wide, and twelve deep, with high banks. The adjacent country was hilly, with valleys of cane-land, intersected with little brooks, and bordered with springs of water. The Saltzburgers were extremely pleased with the place, and adopted it They then kneeled down by the river side, and devoutly thanked God for bringing them out of their persecutions, safe through so many dangers, into a land of rest; in memorial of which, they desired that the place might be called EBENEZER–“Hitherto the Lord hath helped us!” With the Bible in their hands, they then marched up to a site which was judged most proper to build upon; sung an hymn, and the pastor pronounced a benediction.
[Footnote 1: The Rev. Samuel Quincy, a native of Boston, Massachusetts, having been educated in England, and received priest’s orders on the 28th of October, 1730, by Dr. Waugh, Bishop of Carlisle, was, in 1734 sent, by _the Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, as a missionary to Georgia.]
[Footnote 2: Extract from a manuscript of Von Reck’s Journal, furnished me by J.K. Tefft, Esq. of Savannah.]
Having thus assigned to the exiles, “a local habitation and a name,” they all went to Abercorn, a village lately built, about the distance of six miles. Thence the commissary and his companions returned to Savannah, and Oglethorpe, with the speaker, went to Purrysburgh on the 18th in order to row up the river to the Palachocolas Indians, but the floods from the Cherokee mountains had so swelled the freshes, as to make that passage too tedious. They, therefore, went back to Abercorn, and thence to the designed settlement of the Saltzburgers, where Oglethorpe, parting with his honorable friend, crossed the river with the Indians, and renewed his excursion to Palachocolas. There he found a fort erected at the lowest passage of the river, and forty-five miles from Savannah. Returning from this visit, as he entered Ebenezer he found eight of the most able-bodied men at work, with their minister Gronau, in constructing booths and tents against the arrival of the families. In furtherance of their labors, he laid out the town, and directed the carpenters, who had arrived also in obedience to his orders, to assist in building six houses.
These attentions to the accommodation of the poor Protestants were gratefully acknowledged, and are recorded in the journal of the Reverend Mr. Bolzius, with a respectful tribute to the religious character of Oglethorpe, of which the following is a translation;[1] “So far as we can conclude from a short acquaintance with him, he is a man who has a great reverence for God, and his holy word and ordinances; a cordial love for the servants and children of God; and who wishes to see the name of Christ glorified in all places. So blest have been his undertakings and his presence in this land, that more has been accomplished by him in one year than others would have effected in many. And since the people here have had such good cause to appreciate his right fatherly disposition, his indefatigable toil for their welfare, and his illustrious qualities, they feel that his departure would be a real loss to them. For us he hath cared with a most provident solicitude. We unite in prayers for him, that God would guide him to his home, make his voyage safe and prosperous, and enrich him with many blessings!”
[Footnote 1: URLSPURGER, I. p. 91.]
[Illustration]
In journeys often and labors more abundant, he returned to Savannah; and set out from thence on the 23d of March, with the Speaker, to Charlestown, where he arrived on the 27th with a retinue of Indian chiefs, whom he had persuaded to accompany him to England. He had rightly judged that it would be an advantage to the colony to let some of the natives have a sight of England, as it would give them a high idea of that kingdom. He had gained the consent of Tomo Chichi and Scenawki his wife and Toonahowi his nephew; of Hillispilli, the war chief; Apakowtski, Stimalchi, Sintouchi, and Hinguithi, five chiefs of the Creek nation; and of Umphichi, a chief from Palachocolas; with their interpreter.
They embarked in the Aldborough man of war on Tuesday, the 7th of May, 1734.
CHAPTER VI.
Oglethorpe arrives in England with his Indian Escort–Is welcomed by the Trustees–Apartments are provided for the Indians–They are introduced to the King and Royal Family–One of their number dies of the small pox–Visit the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Eton College–Shown the public buildings and institutions in London–Embark for Georgia–Their arrival.
The Aldborough arrived at St. Helen’s, in the Isle of Wight, on the 16th of June, 1734, bringing the founder of the new Colony, with the most gratifying accounts of his labors and success. He had “laid the foundation of many generations.” He had made “the desolate wilderness a pleasant portion;” and, for its wildlings, had substituted offsets which should become “plants of renown.” And he had brought with him some chiefs of the Indian tribes, to testify their accordance with the new settlement, and to repeat the expression of their desire to receive instruction in the language and religion of the settlers.
When a Roman General returned a conqueror, he entered the Imperial City with a triumphal procession, in martial pomp and pageantry, dragging at his car the kings and captains he had vanquished. But here was a return from a successful campaign, not bringing captives taken in battle, but an escort of unconquered chieftains, themselves sharers in the ovation of benevolence and the triumph of philanthropy.
Oglethorpe immediately addressed a letter to Sir John Phillips, Baronet, notifying him of his return, and giving him the pleasing intelligence of the safe arrival of the Baron Von Reck, and the Saltzburgers, whom he called “a very sensible, active, laborious, and pious people.” He mentioned their location as selected to their liking; and said that he left them busily employed in completing its settlement. He added, “An Indian chief, named Tomo Chichi, the Mico, or king of Yamacraw, a man of an excellent understanding, is so desirous of having the young people taught the English language and religion, that, notwithstanding his advanced age, he has come over hither with me to obtain means, and assistant teachers. He has brought with him a young man whom he calls his nephew and next heir; and who has already learned the Lord’s prayer in the English and Indian language.”
“I shall leave the Indians at my estate, till I go to the city, where I shall have the happiness to wait upon you, and to relate all things to you more fully; over which you will rejoice and wonder[1].”
[Footnote 1: Not having met with an English copy of the letter, I have given a version from the German in “_Ausfuerliche Nachrichten von der Salzburgischen en America, von_ SAMUEL URLSPURGHER”. Halle, 1745. 4to.]
Having repaired to his house in old Palace-Yard, Westminster, he notified the Trustees of his arrival. Some of the gentlemen immediately called on him, and escorted him to the Georgia office, where he received their congratulations, with “expressions of their great satisfaction in the eminent services which he had performed in behalf of their new settlement.”[1]
[Footnote 1: _Gentleman’s Magazine_, June, 1734, p. 327.]
On the evening of the 21st they gave a grand entertainment in honor of so distinguished an associate; and heard from him, with admiration, the narrative of his achievements.[1]
[Footnote 1: _London Magazine_, June, 1734.]
On a special meeting they “voted their unanimous thanks to him for the ability, zeal, activity, and perseverance with which he had conducted the affairs of the settlement, and assured him that they should ever hold his services in grateful remembrance.”
A publication of the day thus announces his arrival;[1] “On the 16th of last month, James Oglethorpe, Esq., member of Parliament for Haslemere, in Surrey, and of the Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia, arrived in the Aldborough man of war, at St. Helen’s, on his return from that colony; he having had so much generosity and public spirit as to go along with the first number of persons that were sent out for its establishment, where he has been ever since; being resolved to be a sharer with them in all the fatigues and dangers that might happen, either from the inclemency of a new climate, or from any of the accidents that usually attend the settlement of a new colony; and not to leave them till he saw them in a condition, not only to provide their own subsistence, but to defend themselves against any enemy that might probably attack them; all which fatigues and dangers he exposed himself to, and has undergone at his own charge, and without the least view of any private advantage or satisfaction, but that which every good man must feel in contributing to the relief of the distressed, and the public good of his country. This is such an action as the Roman historians, in the times of their greatest virtue, would have been proud of recording; and such an one as ought not to escape the notice of any man who pretends to give an account of the transactions of this kingdom.”
[Footnote 1: Political State of Great Britain, Vol. XVIII. p. 19.]
His return was congratulated in some very complimentary verses; as was also the arrival of Tomo Chichi[1]; and the head of Oglethorpe was proposed by Mr. Urban for a prize medal[2], to commemorate his benevolence and patriotism.
[Footnote 1: _Gentleman’s Magazine_, Vol. IV. p. 505.]
[Footnote 2: _Gentleman’s Magazine_, Vol. V. 178. “The die was broken after a few were struck off.” See Editorial note in _Gentleman’s Magazine_ for July, 1785, p. 517. I have procured an engraving, of the size of the original.]
Comfortable apartments were provided for the Indians in the Georgia office; and, when they were suitably dressed, and had curiously painted their faces, according to their custom, Sir Clement Cotterell was sent, on the 1st of August, to the Georgia office, whence he took them all, except one who was sick with the small pox, and had them conveyed, in three of the King’s coaches, drawn by six horses, to the palace at Kensington. They were received at the door by the body guards, and then, by the Duke of Grafton, Lord Chamberlain, presented to his Majesty, whom Tomo Chichi addressed in the following characteristic terms.
“Great king; this day I see the majesty of your person, the greatness of your house, and the number of your people. I am come in my old days; so I cannot expect to obtain any advantage to myself; but I come for the good of the Creeks, that they may be informed about the English, and be instructed in your language and religion. I present to you, in their name, the feathers of an eagle, which is the swiftest of birds, and flieth around our nations. These feathers are emblems of peace in our land, and have been carried from town to town, to witness it. We have brought them to you, to be a token and pledge of peace, on our part, to be kept on yours.
“O great king! whatsoever you shall say to me, I will faithfully tell to all the chiefs of the Creek nation.”
To this the king replied,–“I am glad of this opportunity of assuring you of my regard for the people from whom you came; and I am extremely well pleased with the assurance which you have brought me from them. I accept, very gratefully, this present, as an indication of their good dispositions towards me and my people; and shall always be ready to show them marks of favor, and purposes to promote their welfare.”
They were then introduced to her Majesty, who was seated on a throne in the great gallery, attended by ladies of the court and nobility. The aged Mico thus addressed her: “I am glad to see you this day, and to have the opportunity of beholding the mother of this great nation. As our people are now joined with yours, we hope that you will be a common mother, and a protectress of us and our children.” To this her Majesty returned a courteous answer.
After this they were introduced to his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, the Duke of Cumberland, the Princess of Orange, the Princesses Amelia, Caroline, Mary, and Louisa; and then were conducted back to their lodgings.
On the 3d of August they were greatly afflicted by the decease of one of their companions by the small pox, notwithstanding the best medical attendance; but it occasioned no bad consequences, as his associates were with him, and saw that much better care was taken of him than could have been at home. He was interred, after the manner of their country, in St. John’s burial ground, Westminster. The corpse, sewed up in two blankets, with a deal-board under and another over, and tied down with a cord, was carried to the grave on a bier. There were present only Tomo Chichi, three of the chiefs, the upper church-warden, and the grave-digger. When the body was laid in the earth, the clothes of the deceased were thrown in; after this, a quantity of glass beads and some pieces of silver; the custom of these Indians being to bury such effects of the deceased with him.
As all methods made to console them were disregarded, Oglethorpe took them out to his estate, that in the country retirement they might have a better opportunity to bewail the dead according to their custom, and that the change of the place might serve to abate their sorrow.
On the 17th of August, the aged and venerable Archbishop of Canterbury[1] had them taken in his boat to Putney, where they were received and entertained in a very agreeable manner. On taking leave, Tomo Chichi intimated his inability, from want of a knowledge of the English language, to express suitably the acknowledgments of himself and his companions of the kind notice taken of them.
[Footnote 1: Rev. William Wake, D.D.]
The following day they visited his Grace at Lambeth, and endeavored to make known to him how deeply affected they were with the ignorance in religion in which they and their people were involved; and how much they not only needed, but desired instruction. In their conference with Dr. Lynch, the son-in-law of the Archbishop, the Mico was more explicit, and requested that some person might be sent to teach them; more particularly their youth.
On the next day they went to Eton College, and were received by the Rev. Dr. George, Dr. Berriman, and the rest of the Fellows present. On closing their visit to the school-room, Tomo Chichi begged that the lads might have a holiday when the Doctor thought proper; which caused a general huzza. They were then shewn the several apartments of the college, and took a respectful leave. Afterwards they went to Windsor, where they were graciously received; and thence to St. George’s Chapel, where the prebends present named Dr. Maynard to compliment the Mico from the Dean and Chapter. The following day they went to Hampton Court; saw the royal apartments; and walked in the gardens, where a great concourse of people had assembled to see them. After these more distinguishing attentions, they were shewn the Tower, the public buildings, Greenwich Hospital, and all the great and interesting spectacles in London; and nothing was neglected that might serve to awaken and gratify their curiosity, and to impress them with the grandeur and power of the British nation.
After having staid four months, they were taken to Gravesend in one of his Majesty’s carriages, whence they embarked aboard the transport ship, the Prince of Wales, George Dunbar, Captain, on the return voyage to Savannah, where they arrived on the 27th of December, 1734.
Captain Dunbar, in a letter to the Trustees, announcing his remarkably quick and prosperous passage across the Atlantic, wrote thus: “We arrived here all cheerful and in good health. The Indians behaved with their accustomed modesty; as did also, the Saltzburgers, who are a sober and pious people, and gave much less trouble than I expected; nor do I think any of them were dissatisfied while on board.” In conclusion, he added, “Tomo Chichi, Toonahowi, Hillispilli, and Umpichi were so kind as to come on board on the morning of our intended departure to see me. They have a very grateful remembrance of the many civilities which they received in England, and desire me to inform your honors that Santechi has gone to the Upper and Middle Creeks, who are at present extremely well disposed to the British interest, and their deputies are expected down in two months.”[1]
[Footnote 1: _London Magazine_ for March, 1735, p. 162. See also the whole letter, in the _Political State of Great Britain_, April, 1735, p. 374.]
CHAPTER VII.
Oglethorpe remains in England–Trustees make Regulations–Oglethorpe, desirous of providing for the conversion of the Indians, applies to Bishop Wilson to prepare a Book of Religious Instruction for them–Trustees seek for Missionaries–Engage John and Charles Wesley.
Oglethorpe remained in England to attend to his duties as a member of Parliament, and to suggest to the Trustees measures for the furtherance of the settlement of Georgia.
In consequence of the information which he could give from his personal observation, and that which he had received from others, respecting the state of the colony, and what would be expedient for its advancement in good order and prosperity, the Trustees prepared a regulation, which was enacted by the government into a law, “for maintaining peace with the Indians.” This included the provisions and immunities of the act of the General Assembly of South Carolina in 1731; and, of course, was accordant with the relations and mutual interests of both Provinces. There was, also, passed a law for a like salutary purpose for preventing trouble with the Indians, as well as preserving the health and morals of the people already settled or that might be settled in their new colony, from the pernicious effects of spirituous liquors, entitled “An act to prevent the importation and use of rum and brandies into the Province of Georgia, or any kind of ardent spirits or strong waters whatsoever.” A writer of the day makes this remark, “At the same time the Trustees endeavored to supply the stores with strong beer from England, molasses for brewing beer, and with Madeira wines; which the people might purchase at reasonable rates, which would be _more refreshing and wholesome for them_.”[1]
[Footnote 1: _Account, showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia in America, from its first establishment: published by Order of the Trustees_. Lond. 1741; page 16, under the year 1734.]
An unchecked indulgence in ardent spirits has ever been followed by lamentable effects. It demoralizes the conduct, destroys health, prevents usefulness, and ruins reputation. It breaks up domestic peace, wastes property, leads to impoverished circumstances, and entails wretchedness upon the members of the family of which the head was the victim. The prohibition, therefore, if it led to the disuse of the dangerous potation, would have been the present removal, and prevented the subsequent extension, of one of the greatest evils which has corrupted the social condition.
To these prudent and salutary regulations followed a statute entitled “An act for rendering the Province of Georgia more defencible, by prohibiting the importation of black slaves, or negroes, into the same.” For this enactment, besides the consideration stated in the title, the following reasons are assigned: 1. On account of the cost of purchase, which, the settlers themselves being too poor to defray, must be met by the Trustees; on whom it would be a tax greater than they had funds to pay, or believed that they could obtain. 2. Because of the additional expense of their after maintenance, which must be provided, in addition to that already incurred for the support of those by whom they were to be employed. And 3. because the Trustees were desirous that the settlers should acquire the habits of labor and industry, of economy and thrift, by personal application.[1]
[Footnote 1: See their reasons at large in the publication entitled _Impartial Inquiry into the State and Utility of the Province of Georgia_, Lond. 1741; or in _Collections of the Georgia Historical Society_, Vol. I. pages 166-173, and McCALL’S _History_, Vol. I. p. 25, &c.]
It is remarked by Mr. Burke, that “These regulations, though well intended, and indeed meant to bring about very excellent purposes, yet might at first, as it did afterwards, appear, that they were made without sufficiently consulting the nature of the country, or the disposition of the people which they regarded.”[1]
[Footnote 1: _European Settlements in America_, Vol. II. p. 266.]
Governor Belcher, of Massachusetts, in a letter to Lord Egmont, observes, “I have read Mr. Oglethorpe’s state of the new colony of Georgia once and again; and by its harbors, rivers, soil and productions, do not doubt that it must in time make a fine addition to the British Empire in America; and I still insist upon it that the prohibitory regulations of the Trustees are essential to its healthy and prosperous condition; and the alteration of the Constitution to the advantage of females must give great encouragement to first undertakers or settlers, as your Lordship observes.”[1]
[Footnote 1: Letter Book, in the archives of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. V. p. 254.]
The visit of the Indians was made subservient to the favorite purpose of Oglethorpe, by rousing attention to the improvement of the race in knowledge and religion. At their earliest interviews with him, they had expressed a wish that their children might be taught to speak and read the English language, and they themselves instructed in the principles of Christianity. From their intercourse with the Carolinians for many years, they had been made sensible of the superiority which such attainments conferred, even where that intercourse had been, as it mostly was, with the traders; but no missionary had been sent, as in our times, to form them to civilization, and “teach them which be the first principles of the oracles of God.” Oglethorpe felt extremely desirous of obtaining for them these advantages; and expressed to the trustees his belief that they would readily avail themselves of an opportunity for their attainment. In furtherance of this most important object, he applied to the Reverend Dr. Wilson, Bishop of Sodor and Man, to prepare a manual of instruction for them. The good Bishop complied with his request with great readiness; and the work was printed at the expense of “the Society for propagating the Gospel in foreign Parts.” The volume was dedicated to the Trustees; and, in the preface, the author states that it “was undertaken in consequence of a short but entertaining conversation, which he, and some others, had with the honorable and worthy General Oglethorpe, concerning the condition, temper, and genius of the Indians in the neighborhood of Georgia, and those parts of America; who, as he assured us, are a tractable people, and more capable of being civilized and of receiving the truths of religion than we are generally made to believe, if some hindrances were removed, and proper measures taken to awaken in them a sense of their true interest, and of their unhappy condition, while they continue in their present state.”
“And, indeed, that most worthy gentleman’s great and generous concern for both the present and future interest of these nations, and his earnest desire and endeavors, so well known, to civilize them first, and make them more capable of instruction in the ways of religion and civil government, and his hearty wishes that something might be done to forward such good purposes, prevailed with the author, however indifferently qualified for such a work, to set about the following essay for propagating the Gospel amongst the Indians and negroes.”[1]
[Footnote 1: The title of the book is, “_The Knowledge and Practice of Christianity made easy to the meanest capacity; or, an Essay towards an Instruction for the Indians_.” London, 1740. 12mo. A tenth edition was printed in 1764; and a translation in French, at Geneva, in 1744.]
On receiving a copy of this work, when it was printed, five years afterwards, from the Reverend Dr. Thomas Wilson, son of the Bishop, Oglethorpe addressed to him the following letter:[1]
[Footnote 1: Not finding an English copy I have translated this from the French version.]
Frederica, in Georgia, April 24, 1741.
SIR,
I have received, with not less pleasure than profit, the book sent to me by you, which was composed by your father. This work breathes so strongly the spirit of primitive piety; its style is so clear and simple; its plan is so easy for minds even the most limited, and at the same time so well adapted to make them understand the most profound mysteries, that it is a true representation of the religion in which it instructs its reader. Had our Methodists, instead of their lofty imaginations, been taught enough of the language of the Indians to be able to translate this book; or had _they_ been sufficiently instructed to permit them to read it with advantage, I doubt not that we should immediately see surprising results from it; but God will accomplish his good work by the means which he will judge proper to employ. I have written to Mr. Varelst to buy, to the amount of five pounds sterling, copies of your father’s work, and to send them to me.
“Have the kindness to commend me to the prayers of a Divine so worthy and pious; and be assured that I am,
“Your affectionate friend, and very humble and obedient servant,
“JAMES OGLETHORPE.”
The Trustees were now desirous of obtaining proper persons to go to Georgia to teach, and endeavor to convert, the Indians; and to officiate as chaplains to the colonists at Savannah, and at the new town about to be built on the island of St. Simons. They fixed their eyes upon Mr. John Wesley and some of his associates, as very proper for such a mission. The amiable and excellent Dr. John Burton,[1] one of the Board, who was well acquainted with Wesley, having learned that he was in London, went thither himself, in order to accompany him to Oglethorpe, with whom, indeed, he was already acquainted by family attentions as well as public fame. The matter was proposed to Wesley, and strongly urged by such arguments as they thought most likely to dispose his mind to accept the proposal.[2] Several influential friends concurred in advising him to go; and, as even his mother encouraged it, he yielded his compliance. His brother Charles agreed to accompany him, as did Benjamin Ingham, a member of their association at Oxford, and Charles Delamotte, son of a merchant in London.
[Footnote 1: When the settling of Georgia was in agitation, in 1732, Dr. Burton was solicited by the excellent Dr. Bray, and other Episcopal Clergymen,[A] to give his assistance in promoting that undertaking. Accordingly he preached a Sermon in its recommendation before the Society for conducting it; and his Discourse was afterwards published, with an Appendix concerning the State of the Colony. BENTHAM, _de vita et moribus Johannis Burtoni_. 8vo. London, 1771, page 12.]
[Footnote A: Rev. Dr. HALES, Dr. BERRIMAN, and others.]
[Footnote 2: _Life of the Rev_. JOHN WESLEY _and of the Rev_. CHARLES WESLEY, his brother, by the Rev. HENRY MOORE. 8vo. Lond. 1824. 2 vol. Vol. I. p. 334. This interview was on the 28th of April, 1735.]
In consequence of this engagement of the Wesleys, the General deemed it highly proper to visit their venerable and excellent parents at Epworth, not only to confirm their consent, but to communicate to them such information as should interest them strongly in every measure which aimed at the instruction, civilization, and christianizing of the natives of Georgia, from whom he and the new settlers had met so kind a reception. A reference to this, gives me the opportunity of introducing a letter from that aged minister, the Reverend Samuel Wesley, written rather more than a year before, in which he mentions the progress which he had made in a work that he was about to publish, and acknowledges the obligations which he was under to the General for kindnesses shown to himself and sons.[1]
[Footnote 1: This letter is not in the “_Memoirs of the Wesley Family_,” published by Dr. Adam Clarke in 1822; having been recently discovered.]
Epworth, July 6, 1734.
Honored sir,
May I be admitted, while such crowds of our nobility and gentry are pouring in their congratulations, to press with my poor mite of thanks into the presence of one who so well deserves the title of UNIVERSAL BENEFACTOR OF MANKIND. It is not only your valuable favors on many accounts to my son, late of Westminster, and myself, when I was not a little pressed in the world, nor your more extensive charity to the poor prisoners; it is not these only that so much demand my warmest acknowledgments, as your disinterested and immovable attachment to your country, and your raising a new Colony, or rather a little world of your own in the midst of wild woods and uncultivated deserts, where men may live free and happy, if they are not hindered by their own stupidity and folly, in spite of the unkindness of their brother mortals.
I owe you, sir, besides this, some account of my little affairs since the beginning of your expedition. Notwithstanding my own and my son’s violent illness, which held me half a year, and him above twelve months, I have made a shift to get more than three parts in four of my _Dissertations on Job_ printed off, and both the paper, printing, and maps, hitherto, paid for. My son John at Oxford, now that his elder brother has gone to Tiverton, takes care of the remainder of the impression at London, and I have an ingenious artist here with me in my house at Epworth who is graving and working off the remaining maps and figures for me; so that I hope, if the printer does not hinder me, I shall have the whole ready by next spring, and, by God’s leave, I shall be in London myself to deliver the books perfect. I print five hundred copies, as in my proposals; whereof I have about three hundred already subscribed for; and, among my subscribers, fifteen or sixteen English Bishops, with some of Ireland.
“If you will please herewith to accept the tender of my most sincere respect and gratitude, you will thereby confer one further obligation, honored sir, on
“Your most obedient and humble servant,
“SAMUEL WESLEY.”
“To James Oglethorpe, Esq.”
It appears, from a list of subscriptions annexed to Mr. Wesley’s _Dissertations on the Book of Job_, that General Oglethorpe took _seven_ copies of the work on large paper, which would amount to at least twenty pounds.
The elder son of the Rector, also, paid a tribute of respect to the General; and this in harmonious and polished verses; in which, however, he indulged, too freely, the poetic license in highly wrought description of the settlement of Georgia, and of the climate and productions of the region.[1]
[Footnote 1: GEORGIA, _a Poem_; TOMO CHICHI, _an Ode; and a copy of Verses on_ Mr. Oglethorpe’s _Second Voyage to Georgia_. These were beautifully printed, in a large type, on nineteen folio pages. They were ascribed to SAMUEL WESLEY, as their author, in the tract entitled “_True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia,” by P. Telfair and others_. Charlestown, S.C. 1741, page xi. of the Preface.]
As our narrative is brought near to the period when the General is about to return thither, it may be pertinent to introduce a short extract, in which the poet addresses the new settlers, eagerly expecting his arrival.
“See once again, see on your shores descend Your generous leader, your unwearied friend! No storm or chance his vessel thither drives, No! to secure and bless you, he arrives. To Heaven the praise,–and thanks to him repay, And let remotest times respect the day. He comes, whose life, while absent from your view, Was one continued ministry for you;
For you he laid out all his pains and art, Won every will, and softened every heart. With what paternal joy shall he relate
How views the mother Isle your little State; How aids the Senate, how the nation loves, How GEORGE protects, and CAROLINE approves!– A thousand pleasures crowd into his breast, But one, one mighty thought absorbs the rest, ‘And give me, Heaven, to see, (the Patriot cries), Another Britain in the desert rise!'”
CHAPTER VIII.
Trustees make a new selection of Settlers–Their Proposals successful in Scotland–Embarkation of Highlanders for Georgia–Indian hieroglyphic letter sent to the Trustees–Further emigration of Saltzburgers–Great embarkation of Colonists, attended by Oglethorpe and the Missionaries–Employment and religious exercises on board during the voyage–Arrival–Beacon on the Island of Tybee–The people go on shore at Peeper’s Island–Oglethorpe goes to Savannah with the Missionaries–Sends provisions and refreshments to the Emigrants–Moore’s account of the Public Garden–Tomo Chichi welcomes his friend–Saltzburgers make application for a removal from Ebenezer–Oglethorpe sends pioneers to lay out a road to Darien.
“Some of the first settlers had proved as idle and useless members of society in America, as they had been in Great Britain;” and, as their external wants had been supplied from the common store, they felt no stimulus to industry or frugality.
The Trustees, finding that the conduct of these drones and loungers tended rather to impede than promote their benevolent intentions, began to look round for a better stock of settlers; a hardy race, with good habits; such as were accustomed to laborious occupation and agricultural pursuits.
That all persons who should be disposed to go to Georgia, might be fully apprized of the several conditions which they were to perform, and of what was expected, and, indeed, would be required of them, in return for the assistance and support that would be afforded them, a statement was made, and rules and regulations were drawn up, printed and circulated; in which the Trustees indicated the qualifications of such as offered themselves, with the expectation of being engaged.[1] They examined, at their office, such persons as applied for the benefit of the charity; and, out of these selected those who had the best characters, and were the truest and most deserving objects of compassion.[2] They very explicitly and frankly acquainted the applicants with the inconveniences to which they would be subjected, and the hardships which they must expect to endure. They told them that on their arrival they would be under the necessity of living in slight hovels, till they could form materials for the construction of houses; that they must use great provident foresight to acquire comfortable subsistence, for their wants were to be supplied only till their industry brought in returns. They remarked to them that they, indeed, gave them lands, and furnished them rations for a year, but these lands were to be cleared up and tilled, in order to yield crops; that they must eat salt meat, and drink only beer or water. They reminded them, with solemn caution, that the sicknesses, to which a change of climate would expose them, were most dangerous to those who drank distilled liquors; so that temperance, which was every where commendable and salutary, would be absolutely necessary to preserve health. Finally, they were plainly told that if they were distrustful, or reluctant at putting forth their strenuous exertions, they must not engage in the undertaking.
[Footnote 1: _Account, shewing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia_. Lond. 1741. Appendix to the Volume, No. 3 and 4.]
[Footnote 2: MOORE’S _Voyage_, page 10.]
Several were disheartened; but their place was soon filled up by others, who thought these difficulties not very great; and that, whatever they might be, they could encounter them; and that they could submit to temporary inconveniences, and persevere in efforts, stimulated by the proffered encouragement and aid.
In Scotland the proposals of the Trustees met with such success that, at Inverness and its vicinity, one hundred and thirty Highlanders were enrolled for emigration. These, with fifty women and children, were transported to Georgia, where they arrived in the month of January, 1735; and with them came several private grantees, with their servants. The Scots were destined to settle on the frontiers, for the protection and defence of the province. After tarrying a few days at Savannah, they conveyed themselves in periaguas, to the southward; and, ascending the Alatamaha river about sixteen miles from St. Simons, pitched upon a place for a residence, where they soon raised a little fort, in which they mounted four pieces of cannon. They, also, built a guard-house, a store, and a chapel, for they brought a pastor with them; and soon put up several huts for temporary accommodation, till they could prepare and erect commodious dwellings. The location, at their desire, was called “Darien;” which name the District still bears, and the town they called “New Inverness,” a name no longer retained.[1]
[Footnote 1: In the early publications this is written with the article–“the Darien.”]
While Oglethorpe was in England, what was intended for a letter was sent over to the Trustees. It was composed by a chief of the Cherokees, drawn and curiously marked in red and black figures on the skin of a young buffalo, neatly dressed. A translation into English had been made from the Indian interpretation, when first delivered, in the presence of above fifty of their chiefs, and of the principal inhabitants of Savannah. It contained the grateful acknowledgment of the Indians of the honors and civilities shown to Tomo Chichi and his companions; their admiration of the grandeur of the British Court and kingdom; and declared their strong attachment to General Oglethorpe.
This hieroglyphic painting was set in a frame, and hung up in the Georgia office in Westminster.[1]
[Footnote 1: _American Gazetteer_. Lond. 1762. 12mo. Vol. II., article “Georgia.”]
To provide for the raising of silk-worms and winding the thread from the cocoons, was an early purpose of the Trustees. Liberal encouragement was given by the Government and the Board of Trade to the importation of all that could be produced. Samples had been sent to England which gave promise of success. In the beginning of May, this year, the Trustees and Sir Thomas Lombe, waited on the Queen with a specimen, who was highly gratified with learning that a British Colony had produced such silk, and desired that the fabric into which it should be wrought might be shewn her. Accordingly, on the 21st of October, these gentlemen, with Mr. Booth, the weaver, again waited on her Majesty with a piece of the manufactured silk; and she expressed great admiration of the beauty and fineness of the silk, and the richness of the pattern; and, as a further testimony of her satisfaction both with the produce and the manufacture, she ordered a suit to be made up immediately for her own wear, in which she appeared on her birth-day.[1] To this, a poet of the time, in a description of the products of Georgia, thus alludes–
[Footnote 1: _Political State of Europe_, Vol. L. p. 242, and 469.]
“The merchant hence the unwrought silk imports, To which we owe the attire of Queens and Courts.”[1]
[Footnote 1: _New Voyage to Georgia_, p. 61.]
A large number of intended emigrants having been enrolled, Oglethorpe had been most busily engaged for several months in making preparations for their embarkation. Various tools were to be collected, suits and changes of raiment prepared, articles of maintenance selected and packed for the public store at Savannah, and accommodations and provisions got ready for the voyage. The indefatigable leader of the expedition gave his personal attendance and directions, and saw that every thing was in the train of accomplishment, aided by the services and supervision of Mr. Francis Moore, whom the Trustees had appointed keeper of the stores. Oglethorpe had become acquainted with this gentleman as Factor to the Royal African Society, and as having had the charge of Job Jalla ben Solomon, the African Prince, whom the Company sent back to Africa.
There were two ships freighted, the Symond, of two hundred and twenty tons, Captain Joseph Cornish, master; and the London Merchant, of about the same burden, Captain John Thomas, master; and one of his Majesty’s sloops, under the command of Captain James Gascoigne, was ordered to assist the Colony, and carry over the General, who intended to inspect the settlement; but he chose to go in one of the ships, though crowded with the emigrants, “that he might be able to take care of the people on the passage.”
“The whole embarkation amounted to two hundred and twenty people on the Trust’s account, besides Mr. Oglethorpe and the gentlemen with him, and his servants, whose passage he himself paid.”[1]
[Footnote 1: _Voyage to Georgia, begun in the year 1735_; by FRANCIS MOORE, 8vo. London, 1744, page 11. The author accompanied General Oglethorpe on what is called “the great embarkation,” as _keeper of the stores_. The first date in the book is “15th of October, 1735,” and the last, “22d of June, 1736.” He resided at St. Simons, and was “Recorder at Frederica.” By an advertisement, at the end of this volume, we learn that he made another voyage to Georgia in 1738, where he continued till 1743, when he returned to England. During his residence, he kept a Journal, “in which is _an account of the siege of St. Augustine, in 1740, and of the Spanish invasion, in_ 1742.” He adds, “I think myself obliged to acquaint the public that if I find the foregoing well received, I shall, without delay, publish my other Journal, as, also, a continuance of this, containing the treaty with the Governor of Augustine; and the regulation of several matters, relating to the Indian nations.” That the Journal was not published is greatly to be regretted.]
Among the adventurers in this embarkation, lured by the accounts which had been published in England, of the delightful region of Georgia, were Sir Francis Bathurst, his son, three daughters, and servants; as also several relatives of the planters already settled there.[1]
[Footnote 1: SALMON’S _Modern History_, Vol. III. p. 602.]
I copy from _Boyer’s Political State of Great Britain_,[1] the following particulars. “On the 13th of October, 1735, embarked on board the London Merchant, Captain Thomas, commander, fifty-six men, women, and children, Saltzburgers, and some other persecuted protestants from Germany, with Mr. Von Reck, who conducted from the same parts a former transport in 1733, and Captain Hermsdorf, going to settle with their countrymen in Georgia. The charge of their subsistence in their long journey from Ratisbon and Augsburg to Rotterdam, and from thence to London, and their expense at London till they went on board, was defrayed by _the Society for the propagation of the Gospel in foreign Parts_, out of the collections committed to them for that purpose.” Of this Society Oglethorpe was a member. The charge of their voyage to Georgia, with their maintenance there for one year, and for the arms, utensils, and other necessary articles and provisions which they took from hence with them, was defrayed by the honorable Trustees for establishing the colony.
[Footnote 1: Vol. L. page 468.]
“The next day James Oglethorpe, Esq., set out by land for Gravesend, and the Reverend Mr. John Wesley, Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford, and the Reverend Mr. Charles Wesley, Student of Christ’s Church College, and the Reverend Mr. Ingham, of Queen’s, went thither by water, in order to embark on board the Symond, Captain Cornish, Commander; on board of which ship went likewise a great number of poor English families, at the expense of the trustees; and soon after these, two ships sailed together in company for Georgia. One of the above named clergymen is to settle at the new town of Savannah, in that colony; and the other two intend, (after some stay at Savannah, to learn the Indian language,) to devote themselves to preaching the Gospel of our Saviour Jesus Christ to the Indian nations bordering upon that colony; which might certainly be done with great effect, if men would but content themselves with inculcating and enforcing the rational and plain doctrines taught by Christ himself, without pretending to explain what have since been called _the mysteries_ of the Christian religion, which serve only to divide Christians among themselves, and have very much prevented the conversion of heathens in all countries, and in all ages.”
As the periodical publication, from which this paragraph is extracted, was the channel through which official information respecting the settlement and affairs of Georgia was communicated, the suggestion with which it is closed is to be understood as the opinion of the Trustees. And when we recollect the character of those who composed the Board, it may be considered as the dictate of sound judgment, and worthy of heedful observance.
The attention of Oglethorpe to the persons and condition of the emigrants, was assiduous, considerate, and kind. “He had laid in a large quantity of live stock and various refreshments, though he himself seldom eat any but ship’s provisions. Not only the gentlemen, his friends, sat at his table, but he invited, through the whole of the passage, the missionaries and the captain of the ship, who, together made twelve in number.”[1]
[Footnote 1: Moore’s _Voyage_, p. II.]
They had prayers twice a day. The missionaries expounded the scriptures, catechized the children, and administered the sacrament on Sundays; but, though the crew consisted of Episcopalians, Methodists, German Lutherans, and Moravians, “Oglethorpe showed no discountenance to any for being of different persuasions of religion.”
“When occasion offered, he called together those who designed to be freeholders, and instructed them in what manner to behave themselves, and acquainted them with the nature of the country, and how to settle it advantageously. He constantly visited the sick, and let them have fowls for broth, and any refreshments of his own; and administered medicine, personally, where it was proper. Whenever the weather was calm enough to permit it, he went on board the London Merchant, with which company was kept all the way, to see that the like care was taken of the people there.”[1]
[Footnote 1: Moore, p. 12.]
The Journal of Wesley gives many details of the voyage; but, as they relate principally to the manner in which he and his brother and two friends spent their time, I pass them over, but quote the following anecdote from one of his biographers.[1] “Mr. Wesley hearing an unusual noise in the cabin of General Oglethorpe, stepped in to inquire the cause of it. On which the General thus addressed him: ‘Mr. Wesley you must excuse me. I have met with a provocation too much for a man to bear. You know that the only wine I drink is Cyprus wine, as it agrees with me the best of any. I therefore provided myself with several dozens of it, and this villain Grimaldi’ (his foreign servant, who stood trembling with fear,) ‘has drunk up the whole of it. But I will be revenged on him. I have ordered him to be tied hand and foot, and carried to the man of war that sails with us. The rascal should have taken care not to have served me so, for I never forgive.’–‘Then I hope, sir,’ (said Wesley, looking calmly at him) ‘you never sin.’ The General was confounded at the reproof; and, putting his hand into his pocket, took out a bunch of keys, which he threw at Grimaldi, saying, ‘There, take my keys, and behave better for the future!'”
[Footnote 1: Rev. HENRY MOORE, Vol. II. p. 258.]
While this was a happy verification of the remark of the wise man, that “a soft answer turneth away wrath,” it is a pleasing indication of the yielding placability of him to whom it was addressed.–“The discretion of a man deferreth his anger, and it is his glory to pass over a transgression.”
The ships, which bore this large accession to the Colony, passed the bar of the Tybee on the afternoon of Thursday, February 5th, 1736, and came to anchor. This island is at the mouth of the Savannah river; is five miles long, and three broad; and is the most easterly land in the State. Oglethorpe went immediately on shore, to see what had been done towards raising the beacon on the island, for the construction of which he had given orders. “It was to be an octagon building of squared timber; its dimensions twenty-five feet wide at the bottom, and ten at the top; and its height ninety feet, with a flag-staff on the top thirty feet high. When completed, it would be of great service to all shipping, not only the vessels bound to this port, but also to Carolina; for the land of the coast, for some hundred miles, is so alike, being low and woody, that a distinguishing mark is of great consequence.”[1]
[Footnote 1: MOORE’s _Voyage_, p. 18.]
They had experienced a tempestuous voyage, and had a very rough passage; but now the weather was fine; the land breezes refreshed them as the ships lay quietly moored; and they hailed with delight the land of promise, the borders of which stretched before them; where, says Wesley, “the groves of pines along the shores made an agreeable prospect, showing, as it were, the verdure and bloom of spring in the depth of winter.” A night of peaceful slumber passed; and, about eight o’clock on Friday morning, they went ashore on a small uninhabited island,[1] where Oglethorpe led them to a rising ground, and they all knelt and returned thanks to God for their safe arrival. Leaving the people, as there was a fine spring, and a pond of pure water, to wash their clothes, and refresh themselves, he went himself, attended by his suite, in a boat to Savannah, where he was received, under the discharge of all their cannon, by the freeholders in arms, with the constables and tithing men at their head. He introduced to them the clergymen and gentlemen by whom he was accompanied; and congratulated the colonists on the religious advantages which they were about to derive from these pious missionaries: and here they passed the Sunday. Just three years had elapsed since the settlement commenced, and the celebration of the anniversary on the opening week was rendered more observable and gladdening by the return of the founder to share and grace the festivities of the occasion. But, amidst all the greetings and inquiries of the throng around him, he was not unmindful of the new comers. He made it his earliest care, as soon as the articles could be got ready, to send a boat with provisions and refreshments for the people on board the ships and at the island; and soon after made them a visit himself, and carried with him a still further supply of beef, pork, venison and wild turkeys, together with soft bread, beer, turnips, and garden greens. This was not only peculiarly relishing, after the salted sea-fare rations, but gratifying and encouraging, from the evidence it gave that a settlement, begun only three years ago, by a people in circumstances like theirs, could produce such plenty. And, while these attentions evinced the thoughtful regard of their conductor to their comfort and welfare, they increased their sense of obligation, awakened their gratitude, and strengthened their reliance.
[Footnote 1: Peeper Island.]
As Oglethorpe went round and visited the families in their dwellings, he was gratified with perceiving what improvements had been made in the town, and its vicinity; that about two hundred houses had been built, trees set out on the sides of the streets and public squares; and a large garden laid out, and now under cultivation. This had engaged his early attention, and was a favorite project, as of general interest and utility. It was situated at the east of the town, on the sloping bank, and included the alluvial champaign below. It was laid out with regularity and taste; and intended, primarily, to supply the settlers with legumes, culinary roots, radishes and salads, till they could prepare homestead-plats for raising them. The principal purpose, however, was for a nursery of white mulberry trees for the raising of silk worms; and from which the people could be supplied with young trees, that all the families might be more or less engaged in this reference to the filature. There was, also, a nursery coming on, of apple, pear, peach, and plum trees, for transplantation. On the borders of the walks were orange, olive, and fig-trees, pomegranates, and vines. In the more sunny part there was a collection of tropical plants, by way of experiment, such as coffee, cacoa, cotton, &c. together with some medicinal plants, procured by Dr. William Houston in the West Indies, whither he had been sent by Sir Hans Sloane to collect them for Georgia. The expenses of this mission had been provided by a subscription headed by Sir Hans, to which his Grace the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Derby, the Lord Peters, and the Apothecaries Company, liberally contributed. The Doctor having died at Jamaica, the celebrated botanist, Philip Miller was now his successor.[1]
[Footnote 1: “Sir HANS SLOANE,” says Dr. Pulteny, “was zealous in promoting the Colony of Georgia.” _Historical and Biographical Sketch of the Progress of Botany in England_, Vol. II. p. 85. See a particular description of the garden, in MOORE’s _Voyage to Georgia_, p. 30.]
All hands were now set to work, some to preparing houses, barracks, and lodgments for the new comers; some to unlade the vessels and store the cargo, and some to extend the wharf. The General, also, made a contract with persons for laying out and clearing the roads, and for making fortifications at the south.
By none, perhaps, was his return more cordially welcomed than by Tomo Chichi and Toonahowi. They brought with them two Indian runners, who had waited two months to give notice to the lower and upper Creeks, of his arrival.
He received, also, the visit of a deputation from Purrysburgh, consisting of the Honorable Hector Berenger de Beaufain and M. Tisley Dechillon, a patrician of Berne, with several other Swiss gentlemen, to congratulate his return, and acquaint him with the condition of their settlement.
The United Brethren, or Moravians, as they were more usually called, who attended the other exiled Protestants, began immediately their settlement near to Savannah. As soon as their personal accommodation could be effected, they sought the acquaintance of Tomo Chichi, and his little tribe; ingratiated themselves with these their neighbors, and, “with money advanced by General Oglethorpe,”[1] built a school-house for the children. “This school was called Irene, and lay not far from the Indian village.”[2]
[Footnote 1: CARPZOVIUS, _Examination of the Religion of the United Brethren_, p. 417. See Appendix, No. XVII.]
[Footnote 2: CRANZ’S _History of the United Brethren_, p. 226. It was opened on the 15th of September.]
The Baron Von Reck, who had been to Ebenezer, returned on the 8th of February, accompanied with the Pastors Bolzius and Gronau, with the petition of the people for liberty to remove, from the fords where they were, to a place ten miles to the east of their settlement, called “Red-bluff,” at the mouth of the river, where it enters the Savannah; and that those of their community who had just arrived, instead of being destined to the southward, might be united with them and enjoy the benefit of their religious instructers and guides. Before giving a decisive answer, Oglethorpe deemed it proper to examine their situation, and confer with the residents; and, not to keep them in suspense, especially as it was necessary to take immediate measures for the accommodation of the new comers, agreed to accompany the applicants on their return. Accordingly, he set out early on the appointed day, in the scout-boat, to the residence of Sir Francis Bathurst, six miles above Savannah; and thence took horse, and passed by the saw-mill set up by Mr. Walter Augustine, and, continuing his ride through the woods, arrived that night at Ebenezer. On reconnoitring the place the next day, he found that the Saltzburgers had constructed a bridge over the river, ten feet wide and eighty feet long; that four good framed houses had been erected at the charge of the Trustees, one for each minister, one for a schoolmaster, and one for a public store; and that a chapel, a guard-house, and a number of split-board houses had been built by the people. All these, however, they were resolved to forsake, and form a new settlement on the borders of the Savannah river. Their chief objection to remaining was, that the land was not good, and that the corn-harvest had failed; yet they acknowledged that they had a fine crop of peas, and many garden vegetables; that their cattle thrived exceedingly, that they had plenty of milk, and fine poultry and eggs. He endeavored to dissuade them from moving; but, finding their dissatisfaction with their present situation to be so decided, he yielded to their importunity; ordered a town to be laid out; and gave his unhesitating consent that the new comers should be incorporated with them. He then set out for the Swiss settlement, where he arrived in the evening. He was received with the greatest demonstrations of joy, and took lodgings at the house of Colonel Purry,[1] who had provided a handsome entertainment for him.
[Footnote 1: John Peter Purry, formerly of Neufchatel.]
The chief purpose of his visit to this place was to engage a conveyance for the Honorable Charles Dempsey to St. Augustine. This gentleman had come over with him in the Symond, having been commissioned by the Spanish Minister in London to confer with the Governor of Florida on the subject of the boundary between that country and Georgia, and to effect some provisional treaty with General Oglethorpe.[1] A contract was made with Major Richard to conduct this gentleman in a six-oared boat, being the best to be obtained, to his destination; and to be the bearer of a letter from the General, expressing his wish to remove all misunderstanding and jealousy.
[Footnote 1: In the _Impartial Inquiry_, &c. p.84, is a deposition which thus begins–“CHARLES DEMPSEY, of the Parish of St. Paul, Covent Garden, in the County of Middlesex, Esquire, aged fifty-four years and upwards, maketh that in the year one thousand seven hundred and thirty-five, this deponent went with the Honorable James Oglethorpe, Esq. to Georgia, in America, and was sent from thence by the said Oglethorpe to St. Augustine with letters to the Governor there; that this deponent continued going to and from thence until November, one thousand seven hundred and thirty-six,” &c.]
On his return to Savannah he sent forward Captain Hugh Mackay, Jr. with a company of rangers, to travel by land to Darien, in order to make observations on the intervening country, to compute the distance, and to judge of the practicability of a passable road; and Tomo Chichi furnished them with Indian guides.
The next day he attended a military review; after which, he addressed the assembled people in an animated speech, in which his congratulations, counsels, and good wishes were most affectionately expressed. And he reminded them that, though it was yet “a day of small things,” experience must have strengthened the inducements to industry and economy, by shewing them that, where they had been regarded, the result had been not only competence, but thrift.
He then took leave of them, and went down to the ships at Tybee.
CHAPTER IX.
Special destination of the last Emigrants–Oglethorpe makes arrangements for their transportation to the Island of St. Simons–Follows with Charles Wesley–Arrives and lays out a Town to be called Frederica–Visits the Highlanders at Darien–Returns and superintends the building of a Fort–All the people arrive–Barracks for the Soldiers put up, and a Battery erected–Visited by Tomo Chichi, and Indians, who make a cession of the Islands–Reconnoitres the Islands and gives names to them–Commissioners from St. Augustine–Apparently amicable overtures–Oglethorpe goes to Savannah to hold a conference with a Committee from South Carolina respecting trade with the Indians–Insolent demand of the Spaniards–Oglethorpe embarks for England.
As the destination of the large number of intended settlers, which had now arrived was “for the purpose of laying out a county and building a new town near the southern frontier of Georgia,” and the people were waiting to be conducted by the General to “the place of habitation,” he was very active in making arrangements for their transportation, and, on the evening of the 16th of February, 1739, set out in the scout-boat,[1] through the inward channels, to meet, at Jekyl sound, a sloop that he had chartered to take on some of the more efficient men as pioneers, and to make some preparation for the reception of the emigrants.[2] He took with him Charles Wesley, who was to be his Secretary as well as Chaplain; Mr. Ingham having gone by a previous opportunity; and left John Wesley and Delamotte at Savannah.[3]
[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XVIII.]
[Footnote 2: “The Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America, ordered a new town to be built in that Colony, and an embarkation to be made for that purpose.”]
[Footnote 3: Many of the particulars in this chapter are taken from the Journal of THOMAS MOORE, who was present. As that work is extremely rare, I adopted its information more verbally than I should have done had I anticipated that it was so soon to be republished in the _Collections of the Georgia Historical Society_.]
As Oglethorpe was in haste, the men rowed night and day, and had no other rest than what they got when the wind favored their course; and “they vied with each other who should be forwardest to please the General, who, indeed, lightened their sense of fatigue by giving them refreshments, which he rather spared from himself than let them want.”[1]
[Footnote 1: MOORE, p. 42.]
On the morning of the 18th they arrived at St. Simons, an island near the north mouth of the Alatamaha river, fifteen miles in length, and from two to four in breadth. Here the working men and carpenters who came in the sloop and long boats, disembarked, and were immediately set to work.
Oglethorpe not only directed and superintended, but actually assisted in the labors. They soon got up a house and thatched it with palmetto leaves; dug a cellar, and throwing up the earth on each side, by way of bank, raised over it a store house; and then marked out a fort. They next constructed several booths, each of which was between twenty and forty feet long, and twenty feet wide. These were for the reception and temporary shelter of the Colonists.
After this, the General paid a visit to the Highlanders, at their settlement called “the Darien,” a distance of sixteen miles on the northern branch of the Alatamaha. He found them under arms, in their uniform of plaid, equipped with broad swords, targets, and muskets; in which they made a fine appearance. In compliment to them, he was that morning, and all the time that he was with them, dressed in their costume. They had provided him a fine soft bed, with Holland sheets, and plaid curtains; but he chose to lie upon the ground, and in the open air, wrapt in his cloak, as did two other gentlemen; and afterwards his example was followed by the rest of his attendants. This condescending and accommodating disposition not only conciliated the regards of the settlers, but encouraged them both by example and aid in going through their arduous labors, and in submitting to the exigences of their situation. Happily his constitution was framed to a singular temperament, which enabled him to require but very little sleep; and he was capable of enduring long and frequent fasting, when imposed upon him either by necessity or business, without any observable prejudice to his health, or any other inconvenience. A gentleman, who was one of the party, in a letter, dated 24th of February, 1736, declares, “What surprizes me, beyond expression, is his abstemiousness and hard living. Though even dainties are plentiful, he makes the least use of them; and such is his hardiness, that he goes through the woods wet or dry, as well as any Indian. Moreover, his humanity so gains upon all here, that I have not words to express their regard and esteem for him.” He further adds, “They have a Minister here, Mr. McLeod, a very good man, who is very useful in instructing the people in religious matters, and will intermeddle with no other affairs.”[1] How commendably prudent, as well as altogether proper, was this avoidance of secular topics and party discussions in preaching; and how conducive to social accordance and peace, as well as spiritual edification, was soon apparent in the lamentable effects of a different use of the ministerial function in the other settlements.
[Footnote 1: _Gentleman’s Magazine_, 1736, p. 229.]
Having remained a few days with his favorite Highland corps, he returned to St. Simons, where he found Tomo Chichi, Toonahowi, and a party of Indians consisting of about forty men, “all chosen warriors and good hunters;” who had come down to show him what Islands they claimed as having belonged to their nation, but which had been ceded to him by treaty, and to which they would now give him the formal possession. To accomplish this, the General fitted out an expedition, to take them with him in the two ten-oared boats, with Major Horton, Mr. Tanner, and some other gentlemen as his escort; and a sufficient number of able hands both as boat-men and soldiers, and to man the periagua,[1] with Highlanders under the command of Captain Hugh Mackay. He the more readily engaged in this excursion from an impatient desire to gain intelligence of Major Richard, and the deputation to St. Augustine.
[Footnote 1: The Periagua is a long flat-bottomed boat, carrying from twenty to thirty-five tons. It is constructed with a forecastle and a cabin; but the rest is open, and there is no deck. It has two masts, which the sailors can strike, and sails like those of schooners. It is rowed, generally, with two oars only.]
They set out on the 18th of March. On the first day they visited an island in the mouth of the Alatamaha, sixteen miles long, and from one to five broad; opposite the entrance of the great Latilla river. By the Indians it was called WISSOE, _Sassafras_; but the Spaniards had named it _San Pedro_. Toonahowi, pulling out a watch that had been given him by his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland, desired that it should bear his name; saying, “He gave me this watch, that we might know how time went; and we will remember _him_ while time goes; and this place must have his name, that others may be reminded of him.” The General left Captain Mackay and the Highlanders here, with directions to build a fort on the high ground, commanding the passes of the river; which, at their desire, should be called St. Andrews. On the south-east part of this island another strong fort was afterwards built, called Fort William, which commanded Amelia Sound, and the inland passage from St. Augustine.
On their excursion, the next day, they passed the Clogothea, an arm of the Alatamaha, and went ashore on a delightful island, about thirteen miles long, and two broad, with orange trees, myrtles and vines growing on it. The wild-grape vines here, as on the borders of the Savannah, grow to the very top of the trees, and hang from limb to limb in festoons, as if trimmed and twined by art.[1] The name of this island, _Santa Maria_, they changed to AMELIA, in honor of her Royal Highness.
[Footnote 1: Journal of the Rev. Mr. Bolzius, who, it seems, was one of the party. See URLSPURGER, I. 845.]
On the third day they came to an island which had borne the name of _San Juan_; but claiming it as belonging to his Majesty, and the southernmost part of his Provinces on the sea-coast of North America, they named it GEORGE’s.
As they approached the Spanish _look-out, [Haser centinela]_ which is posted on the Florida side of the St. John’s river, the Indians shewed their desire of making an assault upon it, as “some of them were related to those that had been killed, the winter before, by a detachment from St. Augustine; and one of them, Poyeechy by name, had been wounded by the Spaniards.” The General, though with much difficulty, persuaded them to forbear; and prevailed upon them to return to what is called “the Palmetto ground,” near to Amelia Island, in one of the scout-boats, under the care of Major Horton. When they had got entirely out of sight, he purposed to cross over and inquire of the Spanish guard what had become of his boat and the commissioner to the Governor of Florida.[1]
[Footnote 1: The district, as far as St. John’s, was taken from the Spaniards in Queen Anne’s time; and at the time of the Peace of Utrecht it was in the possession of the English allied Indians. Now, since by this treaty all lands in America were declared to belong to their then present owners, and the said Indians still occupy it, and having acknowledged themselves subjects to the King of Great Britain, by cession, the territory became his.]
On going ashore they found no men at the look-out, and therefore went down to the lower one, which was also deserted. They then set out on their return, and passing between the St. George and Talbot Island came to the rendezvous at the Palmetto ground. There they met Mr. Horton in the scout-boat, and some boats of Indians; but Tomo Chichi, with two boats, was gone.
Here Mr. Moore, whom I follow, narrates a serio-comic adventure, which, though it may be, to some of my readers, a twice-told tale, will bear repeating.
“About four hours in the night, their sentry challenged a boat, and Umpichi, one of those that had been in England, answered, and at the same time leaped on shore with four others, and ran up to the fires where Mr. Oglethorpe then was. They seemed in such a rage as is hardly to be described. Their eyes glowed, as it were with fire. Some of them foamed at the mouth, and moved with such bounds that they seemed rather possessed.
“Mr. Oglethorpe asked Umpichi what the matter was. He said ‘Tomo Chichi has seen enemies, and has sent us to tell it, and to help you.’ Being asked why the Mico did not come back himself, he said, ‘He is an old warrior, and will not come away from his enemies, who hunt upon our lands, till he has seen them so near as to count them. He saw their fire, and therefore sent to take care of you, who are his friends. He will make a warrior of Toonahowi, and, before daylight, will be revenged for his men whom they killed whilst he was gone to England. But _we_ shall have no honor, for we shall not be there.’ The rest of the Indians seemed to catch the raging fits, at not being present. Mr. Oglethorpe asked if he thought there were many. He said ‘Yes! he thought the enemies were a great many, for they had a great fire upon a high ground, and the Indians never make large fires, but when they are so strong as to despise all resistance.’
“Mr. Oglethorpe immediately ordered all his people on board, and they rowed very briskly to where Tomo Chichi was; being about four miles distant.
“They found him, with his Indians, with hardly any fire, only a few sparks behind a bush, to prevent discovery; who told them that they had been to see the fire, and had discovered seven or eight white men, but the Indians, they believed, had encamped further in the woods, for they had not seen them; but Tomo Chichi was going out again to look for the Indians, whom, as soon as he discovered, he intended to give the signal to attack both the parties at once; one half creeping near, and taking each their aim at those whom they saw most awake; and, as soon as they had fired, to run in with their hatchets, and at the same time those who had not fired to run in with their loaded arms; that if they knew once where the Indians were, they would be sure of killing all the white men, since they, being round the fire, were easily seen, and the same fire hindered them from seeing others.
“Mr. Oglethorpe tried to dissuade them from that attempt, but with great difficulty could obtain of them to delay a little time; they thinking it argued cowardice. At last they got up and resolved to go in spite of all his endeavors; on which he told them, ‘You certainly go to kill them in the night, because you are afraid of seeing them by day. Now, I do not fear them. Stay till day, and I will go with you, and see who they are.’
“Tomo Chichi sighed, and sat down, and said, ‘We do not fear them by day; but if we do not kill them by night, they will kill you to-morrow.’ So they stayed.
“By daybreak Mr. Oglethorpe and the Mico went down with their men, and came to the fire, which they thought had been made by enemies, which was less than a mile from where the Mico had passed the night. They saw a boat there, with a white flag flying, and the men proved to be Major Richard, and his attendants, returned from Augustine.
“The Indians then seemed ashamed of their rage, which inspired them to kill men before they knew who they were.”
The meeting, under these circumstances, was doubly joyous. After mutual congratulations, he was informed by Major Richard that “he was cast away before he could get to St. Augustine; that part of the baggage was lost; but the boat and men saved. That, having scrambled through the breakers, and walked some leagues through the sands, they were met by Don Pedro Lamberto, a Captain of the horse, and by him conducted to the Governor, who received them with great civility; and that the reason of his long stay was to get the boat repaired.” He brought letters from Don Francisco del Morale Sanchez, Captain General of Florida, and Governor of St. Augustine. These commenced with compliments, thanking him for the letters brought by Charles Dempsey, Esq. and Major Richard; which, however, were followed by complaints that the Creek Indians had assaulted and driven away the Spanish settlers on the borders of the St. Mattheo,[1] and intimations of displeasure at the threatening appearance of the forts which he was erecting, and forces which manned them. Major Richard said that the Governor expected an answer in three weeks, and desired him to bring it. He added, that despatches had been sent to the Havana to apprize the Government of the arrival of the new settlers, and of the position which they had taken.
[Footnote 1: The St. John’s.]
“The same day they returned toward St. Andrew’s; but not having depth of water enough through the narrows of Amelia, the scout-boats were obliged to halt there; but the Indians advanced to the south end of Cumberland, where they hunted, and carried venison to St. Andrews.”
By the directions and encouragements of the General, the works at St. Simons were carried on with such expedition, that, by the middle of April, the fort, which was a regular work of tabby, a composition of oyster shells and lime, was finished; and thirty-seven palmetto houses were put up, in which all the people might be sheltered till they could build better.
About the centre of the west end of the island, a town was laid out, which he called FREDERICA, with wide streets, crossing each other at right angles. These were afterwards skirted with rows of orange trees.
The ground being properly divided, “the people, who had now all arrived, having been brought in a little fleet of periaguas, were put in possession of their respective lots, on the 19th of April, in order that each man might begin to build and improve for himself. But the houses that had been built, and the fields that had been tilled and sown, were, as yet, to be in common for the public benefit.”
At the south end of the island he caused to be erected a strong battery, called Fort St. Simons, commanding the entrance to Jekyl sound; and a camp of barracks and some huts.
[Illustration: Map of the Coast, Sea-Islands and early settlements of Georgia.]
In point of situation, a better place for a town, a fortress, and a harbor, could hardly be wished in that part of the country; lying, as it does, at the mouth of a very fine river. The surface of the island was covered with oak and hickory trees, intermixed with meadows and old Indian fields; the soil was rich and fertile, and in all places, where they tried, they found fresh water within nine feet of the surface.[1]
[Footnote 1: See “_History of the Rise, Progress, and Present State of the Colony of Georgia_,” in Harris’s _Collection of Voyages and Travels_, Vol. II. p. 330, 2d ed. Lond. 1764. The best history, up to the date of publication, extant.]
On the 25th, Oglethorpe and his men, and Major Richard and his attendants, got back to Frederica. On the next day the Indians arrived, the purpose of whose intended visit had been announced by Tomo Chichi. Having encamped by themselves near the town, they prepared for a dance; to which Oglethorpe went with all his people.
“They made a ring, in the middle of which four sat down, having little drums, made of kettles, covered with deer skins, upon which they beat, and sung. Round these the others danced, being naked to their waists, and having round their middle many trinkets tied with skins; and some had the tails of beasts hanging down behind them. They had painted their faces and bodies; and their hair was stuck with feathers. In one hand they had a rattle, in the other the feathers of an eagle made up like the caduceus of Mercury; they shook there plumes and the rattle, and danced round the ring with high bounds and antic postures, looking much like the figures of the Satyrs.
“They showed great activity, and kept just time in their motions; and at certain times answered, by way of chorus, to those that sat in the middle of the ring. They stopt; and then one of the chief warriors stood out, who sang what wars he had been in, and described by motions as well as by words, which way he had vanquished the enemies of his country. When he had done, all the rest gave a shout of approbation, as knowing what he said to be true.”[1]
[Footnote 1: MOORE.]
The Indian Mico then explained the object of their embassy in a long