Factory, and that Dacca was only four days by river from Murshidabad whilst it was fourteen from Calcutta, it seemed idle to hope to defend it even when assistance could be expected from the latter place, and, now that it was certain that Calcutta itself had fallen, any attempt at defence appeared rather “an act of rashness than of bravery.” It was therefore resolved to obtain the best terms they could through the French.
The next day M. Fleurin, second of the French Factory–M. Courtin[124] was not well acquainted with the English language–came to inform them that the Nawab of Dacca agreed that the ladies and gentlemen should be allowed to retire to the French Factory on M. Courtin giving his word that they would there await the orders of Siraj-ud-daula as to their future fate. The soldiers were to lay down their arms, and be prisoners to the Nawab. This amicable arrangement was entirely due to M. Courtin’s good offices, and he was much congratulated on the tact he had shown in preventing the Nawab from using violent measures, as he seemed inclined to do at first. As the Nawab would not allow the English to take away any of their property, except the clothes they were wearing, they were entirely dependent upon the French for everything, and were treated with the greatest kindness. The Council wrote:–
“The French have behaved with the greatest humanity to such as have taken refuge at their Factory, and the tenour of their conduct everywhere to us on this melancholy occasion has been such as to merit the grateful acknowledgment of our nation.”
For some two months the English remained in the French Factory, M. Law, at Cossimbazar, warmly soliciting their release from Siraj-ud-daula. This he obtained with difficulty, and at last Mr. Becher and his companions sailed in a sloop provided by M. Courtin for Fulta, where they arrived safely on the 26th of August. When Calcutta had been recaptured by the English, M. Courtin, like a good business man, sent in a bill for the costs of the sloop to the Council at Calcutta, and the Consultations of the 16th of May, 1757, duly notify its payment.
The English did not regain possession of the Factory at Dacca till the 8th of March, by which time the declaration of War between France and England was known, and the likelihood of troubles in Bengal was very apparent. As we have seen, the English were successful in their attack on Chandernagore, but the whole country was aware that the Nawab was only the more enraged with them, and his local officers might at any moment be instructed to take vengeance on Englishmen found defenceless up country. On the 23rd of March, Messrs. Sumner and Waller wrote from Dacca that Jusserat Khan had refused to restore the Factory cannon, and to pass their goods without a new _parwana_[125] from Murshidabad. It was therefore still very doubtful whether he would assist the English or the French at Dacca, and though the English obtained the _parwana_ they wanted early in May, on the 9th the Council at Calcutta sent them orders to do the best they could for their own security, and informed them they had sent an armed sloop to Luckipore to cover their retreat. They immediately sent down all the goods they could, but as matters became quieter again they soon resumed business, and appear to have had no further trouble.
It may be imagined that M. Courtin and his friends, knowing that the English had demanded the surrender of the French Factories, had a very uncomfortable experience all this time.[126] Unfortunately no Records of the French Factories in Bengal are now to be found, and I had despaired of obtaining any information about the expulsion from Dacca, when, in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris, I came on a MS. entitled, “_Copy of a letter from M. Courtin from India, written to his wife, in which are given in detail the different affairs which he had with the Moors from the 22nd of June, 1757, the day of his evacuation of Dacca, to the 9th of March, 1758_.”[127]
M. Courtin had married a Madame Direy, widow of a French Company’s servant, and the letter shows she was fortunately in France at the time of her husband’s troubles. As was natural, but inconveniently enough for us, Courtin does not think it necessary to trouble her with unintelligible and unpronounceable Indian names. Where possible, I shall fill them in from the English Records, otherwise I shall interrupt the course of the letter as little as possible. It runs as follows:–
“Calcapur,[128] April 20, 1758.
“Word must have reached thee in France of the loss of Chandernagore, which was taken from us by the English on the 23rd of March, 1757, after eleven days’ siege. I was then at Dacca, and expecting every day to see M. Chevalier return from his journey to the King of Assam. Judge, my dear wife, of the chagrin and embarrassment into which I was thrown by this deplorable event. The English had had no idea of attacking Chandernagore until they had recovered Calcutta from the Moors, taken the Moorish village at Hugli, and forced the Moors to agree to a most shameful peace. This was not, as thou wilt see, sufficient for them, for Siraj-ud-daula had offended them too deeply for them to stop when once they found themselves on a good road; but unfortunately we were an obstacle in the way of their vengeance, otherwise I believe they would have observed the neutrality which had been always so carefully maintained by the European nations in the country of the Ganges, in spite of all the wars which took place in Europe. Many of the French from Chandernagore–officers, Company’s servants, and others–had taken refuge at Cossimbazar with M. Law, who formed there a party which opposed the English in various ways. The English, however, forced Siraj-ud-daula, against his true interest and in spite of his promise to protect us, to abandon us, and to make M. Law leave his Factory and go to Patna. This imprudent act was the ruin of the Prince and put the final touch to our misfortunes, whilst it has made the English masters of Bengal, and has filled their coffers with wealth.
“I held on at Dacca till the 22nd of June. I was troubled as little as was possible in such circumstances, owing, I think, to the gratitude which the English felt for the services I had rendered them in Dacca the year before. I had all the more reason to think this was so because, after the misfortune which befell Chandernagore, they had often offered to secure to me all my effects and merchandise in Murshidabad [?]–they were worth a million–provided I made over to them the French Factory and all that belonged to the Company, and would myself leave for Pondicherry in the following October. They said I should not be considered a prisoner of war, and should not require to be exchanged.
“These were, no doubt, very good terms, and most advantageous to me; but should I not have been dishonoured for ever if I had had a soul so servile and base as to accept them? I would have been covered with ignominy in my own eyes, and without doubt in those of all the world. I therefore thought it my duty to reject them.
“Things were on this footing when, at the beginning of June, I learned that the English, having got rid of M. Law, were marching upon Murshidabad with all their forces to achieve the destruction of a Prince who was already half ruined by his own timidity and cowardice, and still further weakened by the factions formed against him by the chief members of his own family–a Prince detested by every one for his pride and tyranny, and for a thousand dreadful crimes with which he had already soiled his reputation though he was barely twenty-five years old.
“I knew only too well what was preparing against him, and I was also most eager to find some honourable means of escape for myself. M. Chevalier’s absence troubled me greatly, and I did not like to leave him behind me. At last he arrived on the 16th or 17th. I had taken the precaution to provide myself with a _parwana_, or passport, signed by Siraj-ud-daula, allowing me to go where I pleased. That Prince had recalled M. Law to him, but too late, for I felt certain he could not rejoin him in time to save him or to check the progress of his enemies. I was in a hurry therefore to go and help to save him if that were possible, taking care, however, to choose a route by which I could escape if, as I thought probable, he should have succumbed beforehand to the efforts of the English, and the treason of his subjects.
“It was then the 22nd of June when I started with about 35 boats,[129] MM. Chevalier, Brayer [possibly a relation of the M. Brayer who commanded at Patna], Gourlade, the surgeon, and an Augustine Father, Chaplain of the Factory, 8 European soldiers, of whom several were old and past service, 17 topass gunners, 4 or 5 of the Company’s servants, and about 25 or 30 peons.[130] There, my dear wife, is the troop with which thou seest me start upon my adventures.[131] To these, however, should be added my Christian clerks, my domestics, and even my cook, all of whom I dressed and armed as soldiers to assist me in what I expected to be a losing game, and which, in fact, had results the most disastrous in the world for my personal interests.
“It was not till seven or eight days after I had set out with this fine troop that I learned there had been a battle at Plassey between the English and the Nawab, in which the latter had been defeated and forced to flee, and that Jafar Ali Khan, his maternal uncle,[132] had been enthroned in his place. This report, though likely enough as far as I could judge, did not come from a source so trustworthy that I could rely on it with entire faith. Accordingly I did not yet abandon the route which I had proposed to myself; in fact, I followed it for some days more, and almost as far as the mouth of the Patna River.[133] There I learned, beyond possibility of doubt, that Siraj-ud-daula had been captured, conducted to Murshidabad, and there massacred; that he had just missed being rejoined by M. Law, who was coming to meet him, and could easily have done so if he had followed the instructions given him and had been willing to march only three hours longer; and that the English had sent a body of troops towards Patna to capture or destroy M. Law if possible.”
We have seen in a previous chapter the real reasons why Law was unable to rejoin Siraj-ud-daula in time for the battle.
“I now saw that a junction with him had become impossible, unless I determined to run the most evident risk of losing my liberty and all I had.”
It appears that Courtin had the Company’s effects, as well as his own private property and that of his companions, on board his little fleet.
“This made me change my route immediately. The mountains of Tibet[134] appeared to me a safe and eminently suitable asylum until the arrival in the Ganges of the forces which we flattered ourselves were coming. I therefore directed my route in this direction, but found myself suddenly and unexpectedly so close to Murshidabad that for two days together we heard the sound of the guns fired in honour of the revolution which had taken place. It is easy to judge into what alarm this unexpected and disagreeable proximity threw me. However, we arrived safely, on the 10th of July, at the capital of the Raja of Dinajpur, who wished to oppose our passage.”
This was the Raja Ram Nath, whom Orme describes as “a Raja, who with much timidity, was a good man.”
“We made it in spite of him, threatening to attack him if he showed any further intention of opposing us. I do not know what would have happened if he had had a little firmness, for we learned afterwards that he had always in his service a body of 5000 infantry and cavalry. The persons whom he sent to us had at first suggested that I should pretend I was English, assuring me that by that means all difficulties would be removed; but I thought this trick too much beneath a man of honour for me to make use of it, and, in fact, I objected to pass for anything but what I really was.
“I found here a French soldier, who had been at the battle of Plassey, where the brave Sinfray,[135] at the head of 38 Frenchmen, had fought like a hero for a long time, and had retreated only at the order of Siraj-ud-daula, who, seeing himself betrayed and the battle lost, sent him word to cease fighting. This worthy gentleman afterwards took refuge in Birbhum, the Raja of which country betrayed him, and disgracefully handed him over to the English in October last.”
Courtin is somewhat unfair to the Raja (apparently a Muhammadan, as he was called Assaduzama Muhammad),[136] for this Prince was an ally of the English, and had offered Clive the assistance of his forces before the battle of Plassey. It could be no treachery on his part to pick up fugitives from the battle, like Sinfray, and hand them over to his allies. I may as well quote one of the Raja’s letters to Clive, received 28th October, 1757:–
“Before your letter arrived the French were going through, some woods in my country. I knew they were your enemies, therefore I ordered my people to surround them. The French being afraid, some said they were English, and some Dutch. In the meantime I received your letter that if I could apprehend them I should send them to you, therefore I have sent them. Surajah Dowlat has plundered my country so much, that there is hardly anything left in it.”[137]
Courtin continues:–
“To return to my journey and my adventures. I now found myself outside of Bengal and in sight of the mountains of Tibet, a month having elapsed since my departure from Dacca. I was only two or three days distant from these mountains, and my intention, as thou hast seen above, was to go there; but I was prevented by the murmurs of my people, especially the boatmen, who already began to desert in small parties. Accordingly I accepted an offer made me on the part of the Raja of Sahibgunj, to give me a site for a fort, and to aid me with everything I might want. I descended the river again for a little, and near this site, which was on the river bank, I commenced a fort, but the thickness of the forest forced me to abandon it, and I entered a little river close by, which conducted me to a marsh, on the borders of which I found an elevated site admirably situated and in a very agreeable neighbourhood.[138] This belonged to the same Raja, and with his consent I again set to work, and that with such promptitude that in less than a month my fortress commenced to take form, and visibly progressed owing to the extraordinary efforts I made to complete it. It was triangular, with a bastion at each angle. At two of the angles I had found superb trees with very heavy foliage, and on the third I erected the mast of my boat and hoisted our flag. All three bastions had four embrasures, a fine entrance gate opening on the marsh, and a little open turret above, A small entrance gate led to the open country. The curtains were carefully pierced for musketry, and strengthened outside with a trellis work of bamboo, and finished off with banquettes on the ramparts. An excellent powder magazine was built in the same way, and, being situated in the interior of the fort, was quite safe from any accident.
“As I had brought workmen of all kinds with me, the work went on well, especially as the care of our health made us all industrious. I was not without cannon, and I mounted on our ramparts two Swedish guns, which afterwards proved our safety and preservation.[139] Also being provided with the requisites for making gunpowder, I very soon had nearly 3000 lbs. weight of very good quality.
“Hardly anything remained to complete my fortress, which I had named ‘Bourgogne,’ except to provide it with a glacis. It was already furnished with a market which was sufficiently flourishing, when to my misfortune I received the false information that our forces, which were said to be considerable, were ready to enter the Ganges, and that there was certain news of the arrival of a very strong squadron at Pondicherry.[140] On the 8th September there broke out at Purneah, and in the province of that name, a Evolution headed by a person named Hazir Ali Khan,[141] who, having seized the capital, at once wrote to me to join him, and assist him against the English and Jafar Ali Khan.[142]
“These two events made me stop everything else and devote myself entirely to getting my boats out of the little river by which I had entered the marsh, and which was now almost quite dried up. I succeeded in doing so after some time, by means of ditches which I cut from the marsh, but this took me more than a month and considerable labour, as I was about two leagues from the great river. To complete my misfortunes, my troop was attacked by sickness, which raged with a violence such as I had scarcely ever seen. It cost me nine soldiers, of whom three were Europeans. The latter were luckily replaced some days after by the same number who joined me.[143] Poor M. Brayer and M. Gourlade had been during almost the whole campaign in the most pitiable condition, especially the former, who I thought a thousand times must have died. As for me, the powders _d’Aillot_ preserved me from the pestilential air, and cured me from the effects of a fall in my _bajarow_,[144] caused by the clumsiness of my boatmen. I narrowly escaped breaking my ribs and back.
“Before quitting Fort Bourgogne I must tell thee, my dear wife, that I often played there a very grand role. I was called the ‘Fringuey Raja,’ or ‘King of the Christians.’ I was often chosen as arbiter amongst the little princes in my neighbourhood, who sent me ambassadors. My reputation spread so wide, and the respect that I gained was so great, that the King of Tibet did not disdain to honour me with an embassy of nearly eight hundred persons, whom I entertained for nine whole days, and whose chiefs I dismissed with presents suitable to their rank, their king, our nation, and the idea which I wished to leave behind me in this country of the European name. The presents which were made me consisted of five horses, some bags of scent, three or four pieces of china, pieces of gilt paper, and a sabre like those used by the Bhutiyas, or people of Tibet, who are men as strong and robust as those of Bengal are feeble. Though pagans like the latter, they eat all kinds of things, and live almost like the Tartars, from whom they are descended. They have no beards, and are clothed in a fashion which is good enough, but which looks singular. They are very dirty. The complexion of those whom I saw was very dark, but I know it is not the same in the interior of the country and in the mountains, where all are as fair as the Chinese, who are said to be their neighbours. I took some trouble to form an alliance and to make a party amongst them. They appeared very willing, but I soon had occasion to convince myself that not only were they not fitting persons for my designs, but also that they were playing with me. It is not that they do not make raids upon the lower country, but they make these only in the cold weather, always withdrawing at the commencement of the hot, without trying to make any permanent conquests.
“There, then, my reign is finished, or nearly so, for the good news that I continued to receive (though always without foundation, as I learned afterwards), joined to the entreaties of Hazir All Khan and to the unhealthy air which continued to decimate my poor little troop, induced me at last to abandon my fort, to embark again upon my boats, and to reapproach Bengal, from which I had hitherto been travelling away. The second day after my departure was marked by a very annoying accident, namely the loss of one of my largest boats, on which was my library and a quantity of my effects. These were quickly drawn out of the water, but were none the less ruined for the Company and for me. From that moment commence my misfortunes. The sixth day–I had passed three in the salvage of the effects on my boat–I received a _pattamar_ (messenger), who informed me that the English and the troops of Jafar Ali Khan were at Purneah, from which they had chased Hazir Ali Khan and wholly destroyed his faction.”
From Broome we see that this was in the middle of December, 1757. It was now that Clive first heard what Courtin was attempting. He immediately sent orders direct, and also through the Nawab, to Kasim Ali Khan, Faujdar of Rungpore, and to Raja Ram Nath of Dinajpur, to seize the French.
“It was almost impossible for me to reascend the river because of the dry banks and the strong currents which would have put my boats in danger. However, I found myself in the country of Rungpore, which was a dependency of Bengal. I determined nevertheless to remain where I was, flattering myself the English would not come to look for me, nor the Nawab or the ruler of the province think of disturbing themselves about me, as I was doing no harm in the country, and as I was very strict in observing proper order and discipline. I was so confident on this latter head that I did not think of throwing up now entrenchments, and occupied myself only with hunting and walking whilst I awaited the arrival of the French forces. However, one day, towards the middle of January, a secret rumour came to me that Kasim Ali Khan, Faujdar of Rungpore, was coming to attack me. I sent out scouts, who reported that all was tranquil in his town, and that, far from wishing to come and look for a quarrel, he was in fear lest I should march against his town, which was three days’ journey from where I was. Doubtless my men deceived me or did not take the trouble to go to Rungpore, for on the 15th of the same month, at 3 p.m., on the opposite side of the river to that on which we were, there appeared a body of soldiers, cavalry and infantry, about 600 in number, who approached so near my fleet that I no longer doubted the correctness of the first advice which had been given me. I ordered a discharge of three guns on this troop, which was so well directed that the enemy were forced to take themselves off and to encamp a little further from me. Next day the commander sent me a present of some fruit, and an intimation that he only wished to see me quit his country. He knew I could not do this without risk, and, according to the custom of the infidels, he gave me the strongest possible assurances of my safety and tranquillity. I took care not to trust to them; I was then, as I said above, without entrenchments and without defence, so in the evening I set to work at surrounding myself with a ditch, the mud taken out of which would serve me for embrasures. I was short of provisions, which made me very anxious, and I was still more so when I learned that the enemy were trying to cut me off from provisions on all sides, and that their intention was to capture me by famine or treachery. Their number quickly increased to 3000 men, of whom a part came over to my side of the river, and harassed my people whenever they went out for provisions. This forced me to detach. MM. Chevalier and Gourlade, with about 10 men, some peons and boatmen, against one of their little camps, where there were about 150 men, foot and horse. Our men received their fire, stormed the camp, and destroyed it after having put every one to flight. There was not a single person wounded on our side. This little advantage gave me time to make a good provision of rice and other things in the villages near my entrenchments. I cleared out these villages and drove out the inhabitants, but I was still in need of a quantity of things necessary to life. To procure these, I tried to frighten the enemy by cannonading their chief camp on the other side of the river. This only resulted in making them withdraw altogether beyond the reach of my guns, not with the idea of going away, but of starving me out, and, as I learned later, to give time for a reinforcement of artillery which they were expecting to arrive. They had already 4 or 5 guns, but their calibre was small compared with mine, as I was able to see from the balls which fell in my camp when it was entrenched only on the land side.
“The 19th of January, early in the morning, I sent across the river a number of workmen, supported by a little detachment under M. Gourlade, to cut down a grove of bamboos which masked my guns, and to burn down some houses which were also in their way. I forbade them to engage the enemy, and all went well until some topasses and peons advanced too far towards the enemy’s camp, and I heard discharges so loud and frequent on both sides, that I ordered a retreat to be beaten in my entrenchments, to make my people recross the river. I fired my guns continually to facilitate this and to cover the movement. In this skirmish I had only one soldier wounded, and I do not know whether the enemy had any losses. This day more than 1500 shots were fired on both sides. Some of the guns which the enemy brought up troubled us greatly, as we were not entrenched on the water side. Several balls fell at my side or passed over my head. This determined me to set all my people at work the next night with torches, to put us under cover on this side also.”
[It was apparently this fight which Kasim Ali reported to Clive on the 24th of January:–
“I wrote expressly to my people to go and take them” (the French) “and they went immediately and found them ready to fight. On both sides there were cannon and _jenjalls_.[145] A _nulla_[146] was between them, which the French crost, and advancing upon my people, fought with great intrepidity: but luckily, three or four of them being killed, they retired into their fort.”[147]]
“The Moors saw, from my manoeuvre, how important it was for them to seize the ground which I had intended to clear, and, contrary to my expectation, established themselves on it the same evening without my being able to hinder them, keeping themselves always well hidden behind the bamboos, where they had nothing to fear from my artillery, and still less from my musketry. Like me they worked at night, and, having as many prisoners or other workmen at their command as they wanted, I saw, with regret, next morning the progress which they had made opposite me. I could not dislodge them without risking everything. Weak as I was, I thought it wiser not to hazard anything more in sorties, but to hold myself always on the defensive.
“Sheikh Faiz Ulla (that was the name of the Moorish general) sent me one of his men next day with a present and proposals of peace, the first condition of which was, of course, that I should quit his country, and as, since the dry weather had set in, a very large and dangerous bank had formed in the river seven or eight leagues below me, he offered me one or two thousand workmen to assist in making a passage for my boats. The shocking treachery used by the Moors being well known to me, I refused to accept his offers except on his furnishing me with hostages for his good faith. He first proposed himself, but with such a strong escort that it was not difficult to see that it was a trap which he was setting for me, so as to seize and massacre us. After many debates between our emissaries, he consented to come to my _bajarow_, he and his servants, and that all of them should serve as hostages until I was quite out of the domains of his master.
“I loyally agreed to this arrangement and made preparations in consequence, but at 7 in the morning on the 23rd of January, the day I expected the hostages, I was awakened by a cannon-shot quickly followed by a second, the ball of which pierced the _rezai_[148] at the foot of my bed from side to side, and made a great noise. For a long time I had been accustomed to sleep fully dressed, so I was able to go out quickly and give orders in the entrenchments. The treachery and perfidy of the enemy were too manifest; nevertheless, I forbade a single shot to be fired with musket or cannon, and simply recommended my people to be on their guard on the land side. The enemy kept up a continuous and very lively fire until 4 o’clock in the evening. I considered that it would be useless for me to reply, and wished to see how far they would push their insolence. That day we picked up 40 cannon-balls, and our whole loss was one boatman slightly wounded in the leg. From 4 o’clock till night the enemy’s fire was continued, but at long intervals. It began again the next morning. I suffered this as on the previous day for a couple of hours, at the end of which. I fired several shots and silenced it. My firing seemed to trouble the enemy more than I expected it would. One of my boats was sunk by a cannon-ball, several were pierced through, and my _rezai_, which used to serve me as a coat, was much damaged.
“The succeeding days passed much in the same manner until the 3rd of February, when, on the same bank and to the north above my fleet, I saw a new entrenchment, which had been thrown up during the preceding night. Its batteries enfiladed mine along their whole length. It was necessary either to risk everything by making a sortie in order to destroy it, or to arrange terms. I determined on the latter, which appeared to me all the more necessary, as I was beginning to be in want of everything, and as I had just received letters which deprived me of all hope of the arrival of our forces in Bengal until April or May. I therefore informed Sheikh Faiz Ulla that I was ready to enter upon negotiations, and the same day he sent me some of his people, with whom I agreed to leave my entrenchments and go down the river. I consented to do this without hostages, but, that it might be done in security, I promised them a sum of money for themselves as well as for their general. This arrangement being agreed to by Sheikh Faiz Ulla, he sent me word that, in order that he might not appear to betray his master, it would be necessary for me next morning to open the fiercest fire possible on his camp; that he would reply; that on both sides it should be with the intention of doing as little hurt as possible; that I should pretend it was to force him to give me a passport, which he would send me in the evening; and that I should then send him the money I had promised. All these precautions were only to assist his rascality, and they appeared to me all the more surprising, as he had already repeatedly informed me that he had his master’s permission to give me a passport, and to let me go where I pleased. But of what are these Moors not capable? Without being blind to the continuance of his perfidy, I flattered myself that it might happen that he would not trouble me on my march when he had received my money.
“However this might be, my cannon fired from 10 in the morning till 3 in the evening. Our people, perceiving that the enemy were firing in earnest, did not spare them any more than they spared us, and that which was at first, on our side, only a pretence, finally became serious. At 4 o’clock I received an envoy, who brought me the passport, and to whom I paid the money. He assured me that I might embark my artillery the next morning, and set out the day after without the slightest apprehension of being interfered with, I took my precautions, and, in fear of treachery, kept on shore my two Swedish guns. At last, at seven in the morning, my boats started, having on board only the sick and helpless, and I set out by land with my two guns and the rest of my troop, at the head of which I put myself.”
This triumph of time and treachery was reported by Sheikh Faiz Ulla’s master, Kasim Ali, to Clive, on the 14th of February:[149]–
“I before wrote you that I had sent forces to fight the French, that they had a fort and strong intrenchments, and that we had a battle with them…. ever since I wrote you last we have been fighting, my people have behaved well, and I make no doubt but you have heard it from other people. God knows what pains and trouble I have taken in this affair. The French being shut up in their fort and undergoing much fatigue by always fighting, and likewise being in want of provisions were obliged to run away in their boats by night, and went towards the Dinajpur country.
My people being always ready to fight followed them…. They can go no other way but through the Dinajpur country. I have therefore wrote expressly to the Rajah to stop the passage.”
About this time, though Courtin does not mention it till later, he began to see what the inevitable end must be. He could not cut his way through to join Law, and with the whole country in arms against him he was too weak to hold out for any length of time. Accordingly he sent messengers secretly to Mr. Luke Scrafton, at Murshidabad. It was Scrafton, as I have said above, who wrote to Courtin for assistance when the Nawab of Dacca wanted to take their Factory and imprison the English. Courtin now wrote to him to save him from falling into the hands of the natives, and, on the 18th of February, Scrafton wrote to the Select Committee at Calcutta for the necessary permission.[150]
We now rejoin Courtin:–
“What was my surprise, at the end of an hour and a half, to see that we were followed by a body of four or five hundred men, with two guns drawn by oxen. I pretended not to notice, and continued my march, but at 3 o’clock in the afternoon, seeing this troop approach, within range of my pieces, I pointed them at the Moors, and put my force in a position of defence. Their rascality followed its usual course, and they sent me word that I had nothing to fear, that they would not march so close to me any more, and that they followed me only to preserve the peace and to hinder my people, especially the stragglers, from committing any disorder. I received this excuse for what it was worth, and pretended to be content with, it, seeing clearly that they were looking for an opportunity to surprise and destroy us.
“Several accidents happening to the boats of the rearguard prevented my troop and myself from rejoining the main body of the fleet till far on in the night. I found it anchored in the most disadvantageous position possible, and in the morning I saw at a distance of one-eighth of a league the same body of troops, that had followed me the day before, establishing and settling itself. A moment later I learned that Sheikh Faiz Ulla was on the opposite bank with his army and his artillery, that he intended to wait for me in a narrow place called Choquova,[151] at the foot of which my boats must pass, and that he was diligently making entrenchments there. My embarrassment was then extreme. I found myself surrounded on all sides; I was without any provisions, destitute of the most necessary articles of life. In this perplexity I saw only the most cruel alternatives, either to surrender or to fight to the death so as to perish with our arms in our hands. The latter appeared to be less dreadful than the former.
“After repeated consultations, we determined it would be best to risk the passage of the fleet by Choquova. We thought that possibly we should find provisions there, and that certainly the position could not be worse (for defence) than that in which we then found ourselves. The passage was carried out in three hours’ time without confusion or disorder, by means of my Swedish guns on the boat which led the van. What was our delight to find, not only a better position than that which we had quitted, but one that was almost completely entrenched by nature, and had villages full of rice to the right and left of it.
“Next day I collected provisions in abundance, cleared the country round for a quarter of a league, and did my best to ameliorate my condition. The enemy were disconcerted by my boldness. They pretended as usual, in order to deceive me the more easily, that they were not surprised at my march. They feared rightly that if I commenced new entrenchments all their trouble would begin again. Besides, I had completely protected myself from the possibility of surprise. _Pourparlers_ for an accommodation were renewed and lasted three days, at the end of which it was agreed that I should continue my march, that two hostages should be given me for my safety, and that the army with its guns should retire from Choquova, and should be sent a long way ahead across country, and as, at half a league from this place, the river was no longer navigable because of the bank which had formed in it, I should be supplied with people to facilitate my passage. Thou wilt notice, my dear wife, that in all the negotiations I had for various reasons and on several occasions proposed to suspend all hostilities until an answer could be received from Jafar All Khan and the English, to whom I said I would write to come to some accommodation with them, offering to send my letter open. This was repeatedly refused, but the refusal did not prevent my asking for the honours of war. My letters were despatched secretly by my own messengers.
“At last, on the 23rd, I quitted, though with regret (always expecting treachery), my new position, and approached the shallow or bank mentioned. It was night when I arrived. In spite of this I could understand, from the dreadful noise made by the waters, that I should have difficulty in traversing this dangerous passage even with the assistance promised me. I was only too well convinced of the truth of this when day broke, and I saw that I had again been betrayed. There was nothing to be seen of the work which the Moors had engaged to do to lessen the difficulty of the passage. However, I did not hesitate to put out with my lighter boats, firmly resolved, if they arrived safely, to sacrifice the larger, with all that was upon them, to my safety, and thus to effect my retreat during the night. With the exception of two, which were lost, they all arrived safely. During this piece of work, which took up the whole day, I dissimulated my intentions in the presence of my hostages, merely letting them see I was somewhat surprised to find that, contrary to the promise given, there were no workmen, but that the army, which ought to have been withdrawn, was still close to us. Their excuses were vague and unsatisfactory. One of them, who, no doubt, knew the enemy’s plans, asked permission to go to their camp, promising to come back the next day. Though his demand accorded with my designs, I agreed to it only after much persuasion, warning him not to break his _parole_ to return the next morning very early. This he swore to do. As a rule these people think nothing of an oath. I did not intend to wait for him, which his comrade clearly perceived, for, seeing that he himself had been sacrificed by his master’s perfidy, he approved of the resolution I had taken to set out by night, and swore that he had acted in good faith, and was ignorant of the treachery that had been concocted. ‘You can,’ he said to me, ‘have my throat cut. You would be justified in doing so; but I will not quit you, even if you give me permission. If I went to my own people, they would say that I had disclosed to you the trick which you have yourself discovered, and would certainly show me less mercy than I have experienced from you.’ After this I contented myself with having him closely watched.
“Orders being given to the remaining boats to start by night, I mounted on horseback to carry certain necessaries to my detachment on land, which was already a little in advance and had crossed a small river with the guns. I had only three blacks with me, and none of us knew the way. The night was dark, and we wandered from it. I narrowly escaped being drowned with my horse, and at last we lost ourselves entirely. If we had been met by any horsemen, nothing would have been easier than for them to capture me, our arms and cartridges being all soaked with water. Luckily I heard our drums beating, and this told us in what direction we could safely go.
“My intention was to march by land with my troops and guns. They objected to this, as I was wet to the skin and had a cold on the chest, which hardly allowed me to speak; so I went back to the boats, though with much regret, and resolved to manage so as not to lose sight of my detachment. I was in constant anxiety about the latter till 8 o’clock the next day, when we all came together, except one soldier topass, who, by his own fault, had remained on a big boat which we had abandoned, and a _manjhi_,[152] who was drowned in one of the two little ones which had sunk.
“Finding myself in the territory of the Raja of Dinajpur, I imagined I had nothing to do with any one except him, and that Sheikh Faiz Ulla and his army would not think of following me through a country which, though tributary to the Nawab of Bengal, still in no way belonged to Faiz Ulla’s master. The hostage who remained with me, and to whom I spoke about the matter,[153] did not altogether dissuade me from this idea, but counselled me to continue my march and to get farther away, which I did till 6 o’clock in the evening. What was my surprise when, at 9 o’clock, my scouts reported that the enemy were pursuing me, and were not more than a league away at the most. I could not advance during the night for fear of running on the banks or shallows with which the river was filled, and which might cause the loss of my boats and of my people. Accordingly, I did not set out till the morning, and always remained myself in the rear (of the fleet). I had stopped to wait for my land detachment and the guns, and was at some distance from the rest of my little fleet, when, about half-past nine, I heard several musket shots fired. In an instant I was surrounded by the enemy. M. Chevalier, who conducted the land detachment, fortunately perceived my situation, and, seeing my danger, brought up the two guns and fired about 20 shots, which disengaged me, and gave me time to regain my boats by swift rowing. I had with me only Pedro and the Moorish hostage mentioned before. Then I landed with MM. Brayer, Gourlade, and in general every one who was strong enough to defend himself. At the same time I ordered the boats to go on. In this skirmish our loss was only one man slightly wounded in the ear by a musket-ball.
“My little fleet _en route_, we marched by land on the bank opposite to that on which was, the main body of the enemy, who had only cavalry, which we did not trouble ourselves about It was not the same, however, with the boats. At the end of an hour the boatmen abandoned them in a sudden panic, and hurried tumultuously to join me. When my people were collected, I would have tried to go and recapture my boats, which the enemy had not delayed to seize; but not only would this have been a rash undertaking with so small a force against 3000 men, but also there was a little river which formed an island between my boats and me, and so prevented the passage of my guns This determined me to abandon the boats, and to retreat to Dinajpur, where I hoped to find an asylum with the Raja whilst I waited for a reply to my letters to Jafar All Khan and the English. We marched till 1 o’clock in the afternoon without being harassed or disquieted–no doubt because during this time Sheikh Faiz Ulla and his people were occupied in plundering the boats. We were now not very far from Dinajpur, when we met a body of the Raja’s cavalry, the commander of which begged me to take another road so as not to pass through his town. Accordingly he gave me a guide, with whom we marched till half-past five, when we arrived at a great _gunge_ (market place) at the extremity of Dinajpur. There they lodged us in a great thatched building. The want of provisions had caused us to suffer very much in this retreat.”
This was the battle of Cantanagar. Kasim Ali described it as follows to Clive:–
“My people and the French had a battle, and the latter finding themselves much, beat, they run away, and left their boats. They went to Oppoor” “and begged protection of the Kajah’s people…. Bahadur Sing came and told my people to go a little further off, and they would deliver them up, but they put us off from day to day.”[154]
About the time he was writing this, Clive was writing to say that he had received Courtin’s offer of surrender, and that Kasim Ali was to cease hostilities and allow the French to come to him with their boats and necessaries. Kasim Ali had received orders to the same effect from Mr. Scrafton, who informed him he was sending an officer to accept their surrender. This did not however prevent Kasim Ali from trying to get hold of them, which accounts for the following letter from Raja Ram Nath to Clive:[155]–
“The French are now coming from another country by boats to go towards Muxadavad, and Kasim Ali Khan’s people have followed them, out of his own country into mine. They have left their boats among Kasim Ali Khan’s people and are now travelling to Jangepors” (? Tangepur).
“When I heard this I sent people with all expedition to look after them, and I now hear that they have surrounded them. The French want the Nawab’s and your orders and _call for justice_[156] from you. They have hoisted the Nawab’s[157] and your colours, have put on your cloaths (?) and want to go to Muxadavad. Kasim Ali Khan’s people want to carry them to Rungpore but they refuse to go, and say that if one of us is taken they will destroy themselves.[158] I am a poor Zemindar who pays revenues[159] and ready to obey your orders. If the Rungpore people should take them by force, and they should kill themselves, it would be a troublesome affair.”
To return to Courtin’s letter.
“The Raja of Dinajpur did not fail to be embarrassed by the favour which he had shown to us. Fear was the only motive which influenced him. He sent word to me to depart by night under an escort of 200 of his people, who would conduct me to Murshidabad. I was very nearly accepting his suggestion, but the hunger and thirst, from which we suffered greatly, prevented me. So I postponed giving him a final answer till the next morning, and then, after full reflection, decided not to move from the place to which. I had been conducted until I received an answer to the letters sent to Murshidabad. I thought this all the wiser, as I was informed that nothing would induce my enemies to approach or attack me in my asylum.[160] The place was so retired and so well provided with storehouses, that I found there a greater appearance of security than in the open country or the escort offered by the Raja, as his men were subordinate to the same Prince as the people who composed the army of Sheikh Faiz Ulla, and were likely enough to abandon me or to join my enemies in overwhelming me. My conjectures were well founded, as, several days after, this same Raja, prompted by Sheikh Faiz Ulla, sent me word that he could not answer for what might happen to me if I were attacked; that his troops, being subject to Murshidabad like those of Kasim All Khan, could not support me, nor fire on the latter. Finally he sent a certain priest of his faith, a grave man, who came to suggest to us that our best course was to leave Dinajpur and gain the open country, otherwise we were lost. He said that he knew for certain that if I were so obstinate as to persist in wishing to remain there, orders had been given to attack us, cut our throats, and send our heads to Murshidabad. This person wished to terrify us so as to rid the Raja of us, as he was dying with fright lest war should be made in the very heart of his town. I replied that I was resolved to defend myself against any one who attacked me, to set fire to everything I found within my reach, to kill as many people as I could, and to die on my guns when I had used up all my ammunition; that this was also the intention of my companions, who preferred to die thus, like brave men, rather than to be exposed to the ignominies and indignities that we should undergo if we allowed ourselves to be made prisoners by the people of Kasim All Khan. The timid Raja, threatened by both parties, found himself in the utmost embarrassment, for Sheikh Faiz Ulla, at the gates of his town, put, as it were, his country under contribution, and demanded from him, with all imaginable insolence, that he should deliver us up to him, a thing which the Raja found difficult to do.
“Some days passed in this way, during which we had frequent alarms, but the letters I received from Murshidabad filled every one with perplexity. The English sent me people on their own account. One of my private friends,[161] whom I had been so fortunate as to oblige on a similar occasion, wrote me not to trouble myself about my boats or my effects, but to come at once to him, and he would see that they restored or paid for my property, and that they gave me all that I might need. The orders received by Sheikh Faiz Ulla and the Raja at the same time, ordered the one to leave me in peace and the other to furnish me with everything I wanted. This put my mind in a condition of serenity to which it had long been a stranger, and threw my enemies into much confusion. They proposed that I should resume possession of my boats. I knew, with absolute certainty, that they had been half looted, still I accepted them on condition they were brought to Dinajpur. They did not wish, to do this; but next morning after reflection they consented, when, in my turn, I declined, and asked only for provisions and other things necessary for my journey. This they had the harshness to refuse, doubtless because they thought that I, being destitute of everything, would have to go down by whatever route they pleased. I would not trust them in anything, fearing treachery.
“At last, without linen, without clothes, except what we had on our bodies, on the 1st of March, the seventeenth day after our retreat[162] we set out with our arms and our two Swedish guns to go to Murshidabad to the English, from whom I had demanded the honours of war.”
We learn from the correspondence between Mr. Scrafton and Clive, that Drake, the cowardly Governor of Calcutta, very naturally could not understand what was meant by this claim to the honours of war.[163]
“My guns were conducted by land by a small detachment, the command of which I gave to M. Chevalier, and we embarked on some small boats belonging to the Raja, in which we had hardly room to move.
“I was not yet at the end of my troubles, for on the 3rd of March, after dinner, as I was getting back into my boat, one of the boatmen, wishing to put down a gun, managed to let it off, and sent a bullet through my left shoulder. It passed through the clavicle between the sinew and the bone. Luckily the blow was broken by a button which the bullet first struck; still it passed almost completely through the shoulder and lodged under the skin, which had to be opened behind the shoulder to extract it and also the wad. However unfortunate this wound was, I ought to be very thankful to God that it was so safely directed, and for the further good fortune of finding with one of my people sufficient ointment for the surgeon, who was quite destitute of all necessaries, to dress my shoulder until the ninth day after, when we arrived at Murshidabad.[164] This wound caused me much suffering for the first few days, but, thanks to the Lord, in thirty-two or thirty-three days it was quite healed and without any bad effects.
“We rested ourselves from our fatigue till the 20th at my friend’s house, when, with his concurrence and in response to their offers, I went to the Dutch gentlemen at Cossimbazar, where M. Vernet, their chief and an old friend of mine, received us with the greatest kindness. It is from their Settlement that I write to thee, my dear wife. Until the ships sail for England I shall continue to write daily, and tell thee everything that is of interest.[165]
“August 10, 1758.
“My dear wife, I resume my narrative to tell thee that my boats have been restored by the English, as well as all the goods that had not been plundered by Sheikh Faiz Ulla and his people, except the munitions of war. Still, so much of the merchandise, goods and silver, has disappeared that I am ruined for ever, unless the English, who have promised to cause everything to be restored, are able to make the Moors give them up. The English have at length decided on our fate in a way altogether honourable to us. We are not prisoners of war, and so we are not subject to exchange; but we are bound by certain conditions, which they think necessary to their security, and which only do me honour. What has flattered me even more is that the two Swedish guns which I had with me on my campaign have actually been given to me as a present by the commander of the English troops, who is also Governor of Calcutta, with the most complimentary expressions.”
Courtin had written to Clive, asking permission to go down to Pondicherry. Clive replied on the 15th of July, 1758, granting permission. His letter concludes:–
“I am at this moment sending an order to the Captain Commandant of our troops to restore to you your two guns. I am charmed at this opportunity of showing you my appreciation of the way in which you have always behaved to the English, and my own regard for your merit.”[166]
Courtin continues:–
“Saved from so many perils and sufficiently fortunate to have won such sensible marks of distinction from our enemies, ought not this, my dear wife, to make me hope that the gentlemen of the French Company will do their utmost to procure me some military honour, in order to prove to the English that my nation is as ready as theirs to recognize my services?[167]
“Now, my dear wife, I must end this letter so that it may be ready for despatch. For fear of its being lost I will send in the packet another letter for thee.
“Do not disquiet thyself regarding my health. Thanks to God I am now actually pretty well. I dare not talk to thee of the possibility of our meeting. Circumstances are not favourable for thee to make another voyage to the Indies. That must depend upon events, thy health, peace, and wishes, which, in spite of my tender longing for thee, will always be my guide.
“If the event of war has not been doubly disastrous to me, thou shouldst have received some small remittances, which I have sent, and of which I have advised thee in duplicate and triplicate. If the decrees of the Lord, after my having endured so many misfortunes and sufferings, have also ordained my death before I am in a position to provide what concerns thee, have I not a right to hope that all my friends will use their influence to induce the Company not to abandon one who will be the widow of two men who have served it well, and with all imaginable disinterestedness?
“For the rest I repeat that, thanks to God, I am fairly well.
“I kiss thee, etc., etc.”
One would be glad to be assured that Courtin re-established his fortune. If he is, as I suppose, the Jacques Ignace Courtin, who was afterwards _Conseiller au Conseil des Indes_, we may be satisfied he did so; but French East India Company Records are a hopeless chaos at the present moment, and all that one can extract from the English Records is evidence of still further suffering.
From Murshidabad or Cossimbazar, Courtin went down to Chandernagore, whence the majority of the French inhabitants had already been sent to the Madras Coast. The Fort had been blown up, and the private houses were under sentence of destruction, for the English had determined to destroy the town, partly in revenge for the behaviour of Lally, who, acting under instructions from the French East India Company, had shown great severity to the English in Southern India, partly because they did not think themselves strong enough to garrison Chandernagore as well as Calcutta, and feared the Moors would occupy it if they did not place troops there, and partly because they dreaded its restoration to France–which actually happened–when peace was made. At any rate Courtin found the remnants of his countrymen in despair, and in 1759 he wrote a letter[168] to Clive and the Council of Calcutta, from which I quote one or two paragraphs:–
“With the most bitter grief I have received advice of the sentence you have passed on the French Settlement at Chandernagore, by which all the buildings, as well of the Company as of private persons, are to be utterly demolished.
“Humane and compassionate as you are, Sirs, you would be sensibly affected–were your eyes witnesses to it as mine have been–by the distress to which this order has reduced the hearts of those unhappy inhabitants who remain in that unfortunate place, particularly if you knew that there is nothing left to the majority of them beyond these houses, on whose destruction you have resolved. If I may believe what I hear, the motive which incites you is that of reprisal for what has happened at Cuddalore and Madras: it does not become me to criticize either the conduct of M. Lally, our general, who, by all accounts, is a man very much to be respected by me, or your reasons, which you suppose sufficient. Granting the latter to be so, permit me, Sirs, to address myself to your generosity and humanity, and those admirable qualities, so universally esteemed by mankind, will encourage me to take the liberty to make certain representations.
“All upbraidings are odious, and nothing is more just than the French proverb which says, to remind a person of favours done him cancels the obligation. God forbid, Sirs, I should be guilty of this to you or your nation by reminding you for a moment, that these houses, now condemned by you, served you as an asylum in 1756, and that the owners, whom you are now reducing to the greatest distress and are plunging into despair, assisted you to the utmost of their power, and alleviated your misfortunes as much as they were able. But what am I saying? Your nation is too polished to need reminding of what is just. Therefore excuse my saying that this reason alone is sufficient to cancel the law of retaliation which you have resolved to execute, and to make you revoke an order which, I am sure, you could not have given without much uneasiness of mind. I cast myself at your feet, imploring, with the most ardent prayers, that compassion, which I flatter myself I perceive in your hearts, for these poor creatures, whom you cannot without remorse render miserable. If you really, Sirs, think I too have had the happiness to be of some use to you and your nation, whilst Chief at Dacca, and that I have rendered you some services, I only beg that you would recollect them for one moment, and let them induce you to grant the favour I request for my poor countrymen. I shall then regard it as the most happy incident in my life, and shall think myself ten thousand times more indebted to you.
“If, Sirs, you have absolutely imperative reasons for reprisal, change, if you please, the object of them. I offer myself a willing victim, if there must be one, and, if blood were necessary, I should think myself too happy to offer mine a sacrifice. But as these barbarous methods are not made use of in nations so civilized as ours, I have one last offer to make, which is to ransom and buy all the private houses at Chandernagore, for which I will enter into whatever engagements you please, and will give you the best security in my power.”
The last words seem to imply that Courtin had recovered his property, at least to a great extent; but his pathetic appeal was useless in face of national necessities, and so far was Chandernagore desolated that, in November of the same year, we read that the English army, under Colonel Forde, was ambushed by the Dutch garrison of Chinsurah “amongst the buildings and ruins of Chandernagore.”
From Chandernagore Courtin went to Pondicherry, where he became a member of the Superior Council. He was one of the chiefs of the faction opposed to Lally, who contemptuously mentions a printed “Memorial” of his adventures which Courtin prepared, probably for presentation to the Directors of the French East India Company.[169] When, in January, 1761, Lally determined to capitulate, Courtin was sent to the English commander on the part of the Council. Still later we find his name attached to a petition, dated August 3, 1762, presented to the King against Lally.[170] This shows that Courtin had arrived in France, so that his elevation to the Council of the Company is by no means improbable.
To any one who has lived long in India it seems unnatural that in old days the small colonies of Europeans settled there should have been incited to mutual conflict and mutual ruin, owing to quarrels which originated in far-off Europe, and _which were decided without any reference to the wishes or interests of Europeans living in the colonies_. The British Settlements alone have successfully survived the struggle. The least we can do is to acknowledge the merits, whilst we commiserate the sufferings, of those other gallant men who strove their best to win the great prize for their own countrymen. Of the French especially it would appear that their writers have noticed only those like Dupleix, Bussy, and Lally, who commanded armies in glorious campaigns that somehow always ended to the advantage of the British, and have utterly forgotten the civilians who really kept the game going, and who would have been twice as formidable to their enemies if the military had been subordinate to them. The curse of the French East India Company was Militarism, whilst fortunately for the English our greatest military hero in India, Lord Clive, was so clear-minded that he could write:–
“I have the liberty of an Englishman so strongly implanted in my nature, that I would have the Civil all in all, in all times and in all places, cases of immediate danger excepted.”
How much might have been achieved by men like Renault, Law, and Courtin, if they had had an adequate military force at their disposal! They saw, as clearly as did the English, that Bengal was the heart of India, and they saw the English denude Madras of troops to defend Bengal, whilst they themselves were left by the French commanders in a state of hopeless impotence. On the other hand, owing to the English Company’s insistence that military domination should be the exception and not the rule, British civilians and British soldiers have, almost always, worked together harmoniously. It was this union of force which gave us Bengal in the time of which I have been writing, and to the same source of power we owe the gradual building up of the great Empire which now dominates the whole of India.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 122: Probably Portuguese half-castes.]
[Footnote 123: Matchlock men. Consultations of the Dacca Council, 27th June, 1756. Madras Select Committee Proceedings, 9th November, 1756.]
[Footnote 124: When Courtin was sent by Count Lally with the proposals for the surrender of Pondicherry he had to take an interpreter with him. _Memoirs of Lally_, p. 105.]
[Footnote 125: I.e. official order.]
[Footnote 126: I cannot ascertain where M. Fleurin was at this moment. If at Dacca, then Courtin must have left him behind.]
[Footnote 127: MSS. Francais, Nouvelles Acquisitions, No. 9361. This is unfortunately only a copy, and the dates are somewhat confused. Where possible I have corrected them.]
[Footnote 128: Calcapur, the site of the Dutch Factory. See note, p. 64.]
[Footnote 129: From a map by Rennell of the neighbourhood of Dacca it appears that the French Factory was on the River Bourigunga. There are still several plots of ground in Dacca town belonging to the French. One of them, popularly known as Frashdanga, is situated at the mouth of the old bed of the river which forms an island of the southern portion of the town; but I do not think this is the site of the French Factory, as the latter appears to have been situated to the west of the present Nawab’s palace.]
[Footnote 130: Now used in the sense of messengers or office attendants.]
[Footnote 131: Orme says (bk. viii. p. 285) that Courtin started with 30 Europeans and 100 sepoys. From Law’s “Memoir” we see that M. de Carryon took 20 men to Cossimbazar before Law himself left. This accounts for the smallness of Courtin’s force.]
[Footnote 132: Jafar Ali Khan married the sister of Aliverdi Khan, Siraj-ud-daula’s grandfather.]
[Footnote 133: I think he must mean the mouth of the Murshidabad River.]
[Footnote 134: Courtin means the lower ranges of the Himalayas, inhabited by the Nepaulese, Bhutiyas, etc. His wanderings therefore were in the districts of Rungpore and Dinajpur.]
[Footnote 135: Sinfray, Secretary to the Council at Chandernagore, was one of the fugitives who, as mentioned above, joined Law at Cossimbazar.]
[Footnote 136: Assaduzama Muhammad was nephew to Kamgar Khan, the general of Shah Alam. _Holwell. Memorial to the Select Committee_, 1760.]
[Footnote 137: Orme MSS. India XI., p. 2859, No. 246.]
[Footnote 138: Orme says the Fort was on the River Teesta, but Rennell marks it more correctly a little away from the river and about fifteen miles south of Jalpaiguri.]
[Footnote 139: These guns Courtin calls “pieces a la minute.” The proper name should be “canon a la suedoise” or “canon a la minute.” They were invented by the Swedes, who used 3-pounders with improved methods for loading and firing, so as to be able to fire as many as ten shots in a minute. The French adopted a 4-pounder gun of this kind in 1743. The above information was given me by Lieut.-Colonel Ottley Perry, on the authority of Colonel Colin, an artillery officer on the French Headquarters Staff.]
[Footnote 140: This squadron, under the command of Mons. Bouvet, actually did arrive.]
[Footnote 141: This rebellion was really conducted by Ukil Singh, the Hindoo _Diwan_ of Hazir Ali.]
[Footnote 142: Mir Jafar, Jafar Ali, Mir Jafar Ali Khan, are all variations of the name of the Nawab whom the English placed on the throne after the death of Siraj-ud-daula.]
[Footnote 143: Law says that the French soldiers who wandered the country in this way were accustomed to disguise themselves as natives and even as Brahmins, when they wished to avoid notice.]
[Footnote 144: A kind of native house-boat.]
[Footnote 145: A heavy gun fired from a rest or stand.]
[Footnote 146: A ditch or ravine.]
[Footnote 147: Orme MSS. India XI., p. 2901, No. 374.]
[Footnote 148: A thick quilt used as a covering when in bed, or sometimes like a blanket to wrap oneself in.]
[Footnote 149: Orme MSS. India XL, p. 2915, No. 417.]
[Footnote 150: Bengal Select Com. Consultations, 22nd February, 1758.]
[Footnote 151: I have not been able to identify this place.]
[Footnote 152: A boatman.]
[Footnote 153: See note, p. 88.]
[Footnote 154: Orme MSS. India XI., p. 2923, No. 432.]
[Footnote 155: Orme MSS. India XL, p. 2926, No. 438.]
[Footnote 156: This expression is characteristically Indian, and is used when any one, finding himself oppressed, appeals to some great personage for protection.]
[Footnote 157: The Nawab’s flag was the usual Turkish crescent.]
[Footnote 158: Another Indian expression. The last resource against oppression or injustice in India is to commit suicide by starvation or some violent means, and to lay the blame on the oppressor. This is supposed to bring the curse of murder upon him.]
[Footnote 159: This means simply that the Raja was not an independent ruler. The sovereign owning all land, _land revenue_ and _rent_ meant the same thing.]
[Footnote 160: This seems to want explanation. Probably Courtin had got into some sort of house used for religious ceremonies, such as are often found in or close to the market-places of great landowners.]
[Footnote 161: He probably refers to Mr. Luke Scrafton.]
[Footnote 162: I.e. from his entrenchments.]
[Footnote 163: “Courtin and his party arrived here the 10th. They are 6 soldiers, Dutch, German and Swede, such as took service with the French when our Factory at Dacca fell into the hands of Surajeh Dowleit, 4 gentlemen, some Chitagon (_sic_) fellows and about 20 peons. Courtin, on his way hither, has, by mischance, received a ball through his shoulder. They demanded _honneurs de la guerre_, which Drake has not understood” (_Scrafton to Clive, March_ 12, 1758).]
[Footnote 164: According to Orme, Courtin’s force was reduct from 30 to 11 Europeans, and from 100 to 30 sepoys.]
[Footnote 165: The manuscript I translate from contains only the postscript of the 10th of August.]
[Footnote 166: A translation. Clive generally wrote to French officers in their own language.]
[Footnote 167: Such honours were not uncommonly granted. Law was made a Colonel, so was another French partisan named Madec. On the other hand, when a French gentleman had the choice, he often put his elder son in the Company’s service and the younger in the army. Law’s younger brother was in the army. Renault’s elder son was in the Company and the younger in the army.]
[Footnote 168: Appended to “Bengal Public Proceedings,” May 31, 1759.]
[Footnote 169: I do not know whether this “Memorial” still exists, but see “Memoirs of Count Lally,” p. 53.]
[Footnote 170: “Memoirs of Count Lally,” p. 367.]
INDEX
Abdulla Khan
Admiralty, the English
Aeneas
Afghan General, the
_See_ Abdulla Khan
Agra
Ahmed Khan Koreishi
Alamgir II., Emperor, assassinated November 29, 1759 Ali Gauhar
_See_ Shah Alam
Aliverdi Khan
his opinion of Europeans
sister of
Allahabad
Amina Begum, mother of Siraj-ud-daula Anquetil du Perron, M.
Anti-Renaultions
“Arabian Nights”
Archives, French
_Areca-nut_
Armenian officers
Armenians
_Arz-begi_ (Gholam Ali Khan)
_Arzi_
_Asiatic Annual Register_
Assaduzama Muhammad, Raja of Birbhum Assam, King of
Audience Hall, the
Augustine Father
Aurengzebe
Bahadur Singh
Bahar
_See_ Bihar
_Bajarow_
Balasore
Bandel
Bankers, influence of Indian
Banowra River
Barber, a native
Battle of the 5th of February
Becher, Mr. Richard
Beinges, M.
Benares
Bengal
Nawabs of
records
revolution in
rivers of
Bengali merchant
Berhampur
_Betel_
Bettiah, Raja of
Bhagulpur
Bhutiyas
Bibi Lass
_See_ Mrs. Law
Bibliotheque Nationale
Biderra, battle of
Bihar, Hindu Rajas of
map of south
province of
town of
Birbhum
Raja of _See_ Assaduzama Muhammad Bisdom, Adrian, Director of the Dutch in Bengal Black Hole, the
Bloomer, Lieut.
Boissemont, M.
Bombay
Bourigunga River
Bouvet, M.
Brahmins
Brayer, Ensign
M., one of Courtin’s companions
Brereton, Lieut. William
_Bridgewater_, H.M.S. (Captain Smith) British. _See_ English
civilians
Museum, MS. Department
Broome, Captain A., Author of the “Rise and Progress of the Bengal Army” (Calcutta, 1850)
Budge Budge, battle of
Bugros, M.
_Bukshi_
Bulwant Singh, Raja of Benares
Bundelkand or Bundelcund
Bussy, M.
_Buxerries_
Caillot, or Caillaud
Calcapur
Calcutta
English Council at
Calve, M.
Cannon balls of clay
Cantanagar, battle of
Capitulation of Chandernagore, dispute as to terms of Capucins, church of
Carnac, Major John
Carryon, M. le Comte de
Carvalho, Jeanne. _See_ Mrs. Law
Cause of Siraj-ud-daula’s attack on the English Chambon, M
Chandernagore
booty taken at
cemetery at
council at
deserters from
garrison of
possibility of its capture by English land forces alone terms of capitulation of
Chatrapur
_Chauth_
Chevalier, M.
Chinese
Chinsurah
Chittagong
Choquova
Christian clerks
Christians
Chunargarh
_Chunam_
Chupra or Chapra.
Cicero
Civil Power, the
Clive, Lieut.-Colonel Robert (Lord Clive) Coja Wajid
Colbert, M.
Colin, Catherine
Colonel
Coote, Captain (Sir) Eyre
Coromandel, Coast of, _See_ Madras Coast Cossimbazar
Cossimbazar River
Courtin, Francois,
Jacques Ignace
Courtin, Mrs.
_See_ Madame Direy
Courtin’s Memorial
Cuddalore
Cudmore, Lieut. John
Cuttack
Dacca;
Council at;
Government College at;
Nawab of;
Palace of present Nawab
_D’Aillot_, powders
D’Albert, M. le Chevalier
Dana Shah
Danes
Dangereux, M.
Davis, Mr.
Debelleme, M. le Capitaine
De Carryon, M. le Comte
Deccan
De Kalli, M.
Delabar, M.
De la Bretesche, M.
Delamotte, Mr. John
De la Vigne Buisson;
M. le Capitaine;
jun.
De Leyrit, M.
Delhi
De Montorcin, M.
Desbrosses, M.
Deserters, English;
French
Desjoux, M.
De Terraneau, Ann.;
Lieut. Charles Cossard;
senior
De Tury;
M., Commandant of Chandernagore
D’Hurvilliers, M.
Dido
Dinajpur;
Raja of
Dinapur
Direy, Madame, _See_ Mrs. Courtin
_Diwan_
Doctor, French
Doidge, Mr.
Drake, Roger, jun.;
President of the Council at Calcutta Droguet, M.
Dubois;
M., French Company’s servant;
M., Sturgeon Major
Du Cap, M.
Dupleix, Marquis
Du Pre, M.
Durbar, The
_Dustuck_
Dutch;
Director. _See_ M. Bisdom;
Octagon, the
East India Company, English;
Forces
East India Company, French
Elephants, gentleness of
Engineers, want of
England
English;
_See_ British;
agent of;
ladies at Dacca;
Records;
trade privileges of
Eunuchs
Europe
Europeans
Europeans, generosity and courage of,
Fakir, _See_ Dana Shah
Farmers of estates,
Farukhabad,
_Faujdar_,
Fazl-kuli-khan,
Feringhees,
_Firman_,
Fleurin, M.,
Forde, Colonel,
Fort Bourgogne,
d’Orleans,
William,
Fournier, M.,
France,
King of,
Frashdanga,
French,
civilians,
ladies,
mistaken for Muhammadans,
proverb,
soldiers,
up-country factories,
Fringuey Raja,
Fullerton, Dr. William,
Fulta,
Ganges river, _See_ Hugli River
Gaya,
Gentiles, or Gentoos,
Germans,
Ghazipur,
Gholam Husain Khan,
Gourbin, M.
Gourlade, M.,
Grand Monarque, the,
Great Britain,
King of,
_Gunge_,
_Gunny_,
_Hackerys_,
Haillet, M.,
Hardwicke, Lord,
Hazir Ali Khan,
Hey, Lieut.,
Himalayas,
Hindu advisers of the Nawab,
Hindu Rajas,
women, ill-treatment of–by Siraj-ud-daula, Hindus, the,
Hindustan,
Holkar,
Holwell, John Zephaniah, Governor, Honours of war,
Hugli, Faujdar of, _See_ Nand Kumar fort,
River,
town,
Imad-al-Muluk, Ghazi-ud-din Khan,
India,
Southern,
Indian expressions, characteristic, minds, motives of,
ways of business,
Indies, The,
Indrapat, Raja of Bundelkand,
_Inhabitants_,
Innocent, or Innocent Jesus,
Ironside, Colonel Gilbert,
Ives, Surgeon Edward, author of “A Voyage from England to India in
1754, with, a narrative of the operations of the squadron and army in
India, under Watson and Clive,
1755-1757; Also a Journey from Persia to England,” (London, 1799)
Jafar Ali Khan.
_See_ Mir Jafar Ali Khan
Jagat Seth, family of
_See_ Seths
Jalpaiguri
Jats, the
_Jemadars_
Jesuit Church, the
Fathers, the
Jobard, M.
Jugdea
_See_ Luckipore
Jusserat Khan, Nawab of Dacca
Kaffirs
Kamgar Khan
Karical
Kasim Ali Khan, Nawab of Bengal
_See_ Mir Kasim
Kasim Ali Khan, Faujdar of Rungpore _Kent_, H.M.S.
Kerdizien, M.
Khodadad Khan Latty
Kilpatrick, Major James
King
_See_ Mogul
_Kingfisher_, H.M.S.
Kissendas, son of Raj Balav
Knox, Captain Ranfurlie
Kooti Ghat
Koran, the
La Haye, M.
Lal Dighi
Lally, Count
Memoirs of
Laporterie, M.
La Rue, M.
Latham, Captain
Launay, M.
La Ville Martere, M.
Law, Jacques Francois
Jean, of Lauriston
Madame Jeanne
John, of Lauriston, the Financier William
Law’s Memoir
Le Conte Dompierre
Lee, Corporal
Le Noir, M.
Le Page, M., Second Surgeon
Locusts
Luckipore
_See_ Jugdea
Lucknow
Lynn, Captain
McGwire, Mr. William
Madec, Colonel
Madras
Coast
_See_ Coromandel
Malleson, Colonel G.B., Author of “History of the French in India from the Founding of Pondicherry in 1674 to the Capture of that Place in 1761” (London, 1868)
Manik Chand, Raja
_Manjhi_
Maratha Commander
Law’s altercation with
General, the
Marathas
Martin, Captain
Martin de la Case, Ensign
Matel, M.
Midnapur
Militarism
Minchin, Captain George, Captain-Commandant of Calcutta Mir Abdulla
Miran, son of Mir Jafar
Mir Daood, brother of Mir Jafar, and Faujdar of Rajmehal Mir Jafar Ali Khan, made Nawab by the English after Plassey Mir Kasim, or Kasim Ali Khan, son-in-law and successor of Mir Jafar army of
Mir Madan
Mogul
_See_ King
Mohan Lal, favourite of the Nawab
Monsoon
Moor hostages
nobles
Moorish colours
forts
soldiers
treachery
Moors
Muhammadhans
Murshidabad
_See_ Muxadabad
or Cossimbazar River
Murshid Kuli Khan
Mustapha Ali Khan
Mutinies
Muxadabad
_See_ Murshidabad
_Naib_
Nand Kumar, Faujdar of Hugli
Native indifference to the quarrels of the Europeans _Nautch_
Naval officer, an English
Nawab, the
_See_ Siraj-ud-daula
Hindu advisers and servants of
Nawajis Muhammad Khan, uncle of Siraj-ud-daula Nawajis Muhammad Khan’s widow
Nazir Dalal, the
Negroes
Nepaulese
Neutrality in the Ganges
News from Bengal
Nicolas, M.F.
Nover, Sergeant
Nullah
Omichand
Onofre, Reverend Father
Oppoor
Orissa
Orme Papers or MSS.
Orme, Robert, historian
Oudh
Nawab of. _See_ Suja-ud-daula
Pagodas or Hindu Temples
Paris
_Parwana_
Pathans
Patna
Naib of
River
_Pattamar_
Pavilion, Bastion du
Pearkes, Mr. Paul Richard
Pedro
_Peons_
Perry, Lieut.-Colonel Ottley
Phulbari
Picques, M.
Pilots, French
Plassey, battle of
Pocock, Admiral (Sir) George
Pondicherry
Superior Council of
Porte Royale, the
Portuguese half-castes
Predestination
Priest, Hindu
Probate Records (Mayor’s Court, Calcutta) Prussian Gardens
Purneah
Nawab of. _See_ Saukat Jang
Raj Durlabh Ram, Raja
Rains, the
Raj Balav, Raja
Rajas, Hindu
Rajmehal
Faujdar of.
_See_ Mir Daood
Ramnarain, Raja, Naib or Deputy Governor of Patua Ram Nath, Raja of Dinajpur
Ranjit Rai, agent of the Seths
Raymond, M.
Renault, Pierre, Director of Chandernagore (Malleson calls him Renault de St. Germain, but he never signs himself as such) Renault, de St. Germain, eldest son of Pierre Renault Renault, Lieut., second son of Pierre Renault Renault, de la Fuye, M.
Renaultions, the
Rennell, Major James, geographer
_Rezai_,
Royal Music, the
Rungpore
Raja of. _See_ Kasizn All Khan
Sahibgunj, Raja of
Saidabad.
_Saint Contest_, the
St. Didier, M.
St. Louis, Order of
Parish Church of
Salabat Jang
_Salisbury_, H.M.S.
Sarfaraz Khan, Nawab of Bengal, defeated and killed in battle by Aliverdi Khan in 1742
Saukat Jang, Nawab of Purneah and cousin of Siraj-ud-daula Scrafton, Mr. Luke, Author of “Reflections on the Government of Indostan” (London, 1770)
Scrafton’s “Reflections”
Select Committee at Calcutta
at Madras
Sepoys, 10. _See_ Telingas
French
Law’s opinion of
Serampore, Danish Settlement
Seth Mahtab Rai, grandson of Jagat Seth Seth Sarup Chand, grandson of Jagat Seth Seths, agent of
_See_ Ranjit Rai
Seths: the family of Jagat Seth
Shah, Alam
_See_ Ali Gauhar
Shahzada or Crown Prince
_See_ Shah Alam
Sheikh Faiz Ulla
Sinfray, M.
Siraj-ud-daula
_See_ Nawab
cause of his attack on the English his aunt, widow of Nawajia Khan
his mother
_See_ Amina Begum
his younger brother
_See_ Fazl-kuli-khan
Slippers, a pair of
Sooty
Soupy, fort of
Speke, Captain
Spies employed by the English,
by the Nawab
Suan, battle of
Subah
Suja-ud-daula, Nawabof Oudh
Summer, Mr. William Brightwell
Surgeons, French
Swedes
Swedish guns
Swiss
Tangepur, or Tanjipur,
Tanks used for military purposes
Tartars
Teesta River
Telingas or Tellingees
Tibet
king of,
Toby, Captain–of the _Kingfisher_ Tooke, Mr. William
Topasses
Treaty between the English and Mir Jafar between the English and Siraj-ud-daula between the French and Siraj-ud-daula
Turkish Crescent, the
_Tyger_, H.M.S.
Ukil Singh
Vansittart, Governor Henry
Vernet, M. George, Lodewjk
Villequain, M.
Vizir, The
Volunteers, English
French
_Wakils_
Walcot, Clive Correspondence at
Waller, Mr. Samuel
War, Declaration of, between England and France Water Gate, the
Watson, Admiral Charles
Watts, Mrs. Amelia
the Worshipful Mr. William
Zemindar, collector of revenue
THE END