Their Origin.–“Our Flammenwerfer troops owe their origin to a mere incident. Their present commander, Major R., when an officer of the Reserve, received the order, during peace manoeuvres, to hold a certain fort at all costs. During the sham fight, having employed all means at his disposal, he finally alarmed the fire brigade unit, which was under his orders as commander of the fort, and directed the water jets on the attacking force. Afterwards, during the criticism of operations in the presence of the Kaiser, he claimed that he had subjected the attackers to streams of burning oil. The Kaiser thereupon inquired whether such a thing would be possible, and he received an answer in the affirmative.
“Long series of experiments were necessary before Engineer L. succeeded in producing a combination of various oils, which mixture is projected as a flame on the enemy by means of present day Flammenwerfer.
“Major R. occupied himself in peace time with fighting fire as commander of the Munich Fire Brigade. The `Prince of Hades,’ as he is called by his `fire spouters,’ enjoys great popularity among his men as well as among the troops to whose assistance he may be called. He can look back on an important development of his units. Whereas in January, 1915, Flammenwerfer troops consisted of a group of 36 men, to-day they constitute a formation with special assault and bombing detachments, and are furnished with all requisites for independent action. In reading Army Communiques, we often find mention of these troops. If difficulty is experienced in clearing up an English or French Infantry nest, the `Prince of Hades’ appears with his hosts and smokes the enemy out. That conditions of membership of this unit hardly constitute a life insurance policy is obvious; nor is every man suitable. Special men who are physically adapted and who have given proof of keenness in assault are necessary for such work.”
Further Flame Development.–Specimens of a very neat portable German Flammenwerfer were captured in August, 1917. It contained three essential parts: a ring-shaped oil container surrounding a spherical vessel containing compressed nitrogen, which was used to expel the oil, and a flexible tube of rubber and canvas carrying the jet. The whole was arranged to be carried on the back. At about this time prisoners stated that men were transferred to the Flammenwerfer companies as a form of punishment.
The Germans were fond of using the Flammenwerfer during counter-attacks and raids in which the morale factor is so important. Thus in September, 1915, in a raid against the British during our great offensive, the German raiding party was heralded by a shower of stick bombs and the Flammenwerfer men followed. The bombing party advanced under cover of these men, the smoke from the flame throwers acting as a screen. British experience was that the calm use of machine-gun fire soon put German flame throwers out of action, and it is clear that the Germans themselves realised this weakness of isolated flame attacks for, in one of their documents issued by German G.H.Q. in April, 1918, they said: “Flammenwerfer have been usefully employed in combats against villages. They must be engaged in great numbers and must fight in close liaison with the infantry, which helps them with the fire of its machine-guns and its grenades.”
The 1918 Offensive.–Some idea of the importance of these developments and of the scale on which they were exploited in the later campaigns of the war can be obtained by briefly examining the German plans for the use of gas in their 1918 offensive, and their execution: _Die Technik im Weltkriege_ tells us: “During the big German attacks in 1918, gas was used against artillery and infantry in quantities which had never been seen before, and even in open warfare the troops were soon asking for gas.”
The Yellow and Blue Cross shells first introduced into operation in July, 1917, were not incorporated into comprehensive offensives until March, 1918. Owing to the exigencies of the campaign, the initial surprise value of these gases was subordinated to the later large scale use in the great offensive. In December, 1917, the German Army was instructed anew regarding the use of the new gas shell types for different military purposes, laying great stress on the use of non-persistent gas for the attack. Fortunately for us, the gas shells destined for this purpose were not relatively so efficient as the German persistent types, which were devoted to the more remote preparation for attack and to defensive purposes. Their penetrating Blue Cross types were a comparative failure. Although plans emphasised the importance of this gas for the attack, facts later gave greater prominence to the use of the persistent Yellow Cross shell for defensive purposes in the great German retreat.
Ludendorffs Testimony.–Ludendorff, himself, emphasised the great importance which was attached to gas in this offensive. He says[1]: “And yet our artillery relied on gas for its effect, and that was dependent on the direction and strength of the wind. I had to rely on the forecast submitted to me at 11 a.m, by my meteorologist, Lieutenant Dr. Schmaus. Up till the morning of the 20th strength and direction were by no means very favourable; indeed, it seemed almost necessary to put off the attack. It would have been very hard to do. So I was very anxious to see what sort of report I should get. It was not strikingly favourable, but it did indicate that the attack was possible. At 12 noon the Army Groups were told that the programme would be carried out. Now it could no longer be stopped. Everything must run its course. G.H.Q. higher commanders and troops had all done their duty. The rest was in the hands of fate, unfavourable wind diminished the effectiveness of the gas, fog retarded our movements and prevented our superior training and leadership from reaping its full reward.”
[1] _My War Memories_. Hutchinson & Co., 1919.
Preparations for Assault;–Gas Defensive at Armentieres.–For twelve days prior to their March assault the Germans used mustard gas over, certain areas, and the non-persistent types for other localities. As an example of the first method, we can state that nearly 200,000 rounds of Yellow Cross shell were used on the 9th March, and caused us heavy casualties. The actual attack at once confirmed our suspicions of enemy intention to break through on the territories which were not infected by the persistent mustard gas. In the second case, of the non-persistent types of Blue and Green Cross, bombardments of tremendous intensity occurred for several hours before the assault, on all defensive positions and organisations for several miles behind the front line. Millions of rounds must have been used. Although not without serious effect on the campaign, this furious gas attack did not fully justify expectations. The failure of mask penetration by the Blue Cross shell prevented the full possibilities of Green Cross coming into play. To illustrate the specific use of gas in this great offensive, and the organic way in which it was co-ordinated in the plan of attack, we quote from a recent statement by General Hartley.[1] Referring to the gas shelling immediately before the extension of the attack to the north of Lens on 9th April, he explains, “Between the 7th April and 9th April there was no gas shelling between the La Bassee Canal and Armentieres, while there was heavy Yellow Cross shelling immediately south of the Canal, and Armentieres had such a heavy bombardment that the gutters were running with mustard gas. This indicated the probability of an attack on the front held by the Portuguese, which occurred on 9th April, Blue and Green Cross being used in the preliminary bombardment.” The Portuguese front lay between the two Yellow Cross regions.
[1] _Journal of the Royal Artillery_, February, 1920.
Fixed Gas Barrage at Kemmel.–Another most interesting example is also quoted, dealing with the shelling preceding the attack on Kemmel on 25th April. “This is an interesting case, as non-persistent Blue Cross shell were used within the objective and Yellow Cross just behind it, indicating that on 25th April the enemy did not intend to go beyond the line they gained.”
Percentage of Chemical Shell.–Some idea of the importance which the Germans attached to their chemical ammunition, as distinct from explosives, can be gathered from the following extract from a captured order of the Seventh German Army, dated May 8th, 1918, giving the proportion of chemical shell to be used in the artillery preparation for the attack on the Aisne on 27th May, 1918.
“(_a_) Counter-battery and long range bombardments. For 7.7 c/m field guns, 10.5 c/m and 15 c/m, howitzers and 10 c/m guns; Blue Cross 70%, Green Cross, 10%; H.E. 20%, long 15 c/m guns fire only H.E.
(_b_) Bombardment of infantry positions. (i) Creeping Barrage.
For 7.7 c/m field guns, 10.5 c/m and 15 c/m howitzers; Blue Cross 30%, Green Cross 10%, H.E. 60%, 21 c/m howitzers fire only H.E.
(ii) Box Barrage.
For 7.7 c/m field guns, 10.5 c/m howitzers and 10 c/m guns; Blue Cross 60%, Green Cross 10%, H.E. 30%.”
What more striking demonstration is needed than these extraordinarily high percentages?
Gas Retreat Tactics;–General Hartley’s Analysis.–No Yellow Cross shell were to be used in the bombardment, but, as mentioned above, there was a complete change of tactics in their retreat, during which they attempted to create a series of barriers by literally flooding areas with mustard gas. This defensive use of mustard gas was most important. Again, quoting General Hartley, “Yellow Cross shell were used much farther forward than previously, bombardments of the front line system and of forward posts were frequent, and possible assembly positions were also shelled with this gas. On more than one occasion when an attack was expected the enemy attempted to create an impassable zone in front of our forward positions by means of mustard gas. Their gas bombardments usually occurred on fronts where they had reason to fear an attack, with the idea of inflicting casualties in areas where troops might be massing. It was instructive to note how supplies of Yellow Cross shell were switched from the Third to the First Army front late in August when they became nervous about the latter sector. In Yellow Cross they had an extremely fine defensive weapon, which they did not use to the best advantage, for instance, they neglected its use on roads and did not hamper our communications nearly as much as they might have done. As our offensive progressed their gas shelling became less organised, and one saw very clearly the superior value of a big gas bombardment as compared with a number of small ones. In the latter case it was usually possible to evacuate the contaminated ground and take up alternative positions, while in the case of a bombardment of a large area such as the Cambrai salient, the difficulty of doing so was greatly increased, and consequently casualties were higher. During our offensive it was not possible to exercise the same precautions against gas as during stationary warfare, and the casualties were increased on this account.”
Percentage of German Gas Shell in Enemy Dumps.–A test of the importance attached by any army to the different types of ammunition which it uses can be made by examining the percentage of such types of shell in a number of ammunition dumps assembled behind the front line for some specific operation, or part of a campaign. An examination of German production from this point of view is very interesting, and also brings out a significant point. The normal establishment of a German divisional ammunition dump in July, 1918, contained about 50 per cent. of gas shell. The dumps captured later in the year contained from 30 per cent. to 40 per cent. These figures are significant, for they show how much importance the German Army attached to gas shell. When we think of the millions of shell and of the huge quantities of explosives turned out by our own factories to fill them, and when we realise that for a large number of gun calibres the Germans used as many shell filled with gas as with explosive, some idea of the importance of gas in the recent war and of its future possibilities can be obtained. Further, when we realise that the production of explosives can be controlled and inspected during peace, but that no such control can exist for chemical warfare products, the significance for the future stands revealed.
Forced Exhaustion of Stocks.–It might be thought that the lower percentages found later on in the year were an indication of the decreasing importance of chemical shell. Examining the case less superficially, however, we soon see that this lower percentage has an entirely different meaning. In the first place, we know that the German factories were still pressing on to their maximum output at the time of the Armistice. New units were being brought into operation. Secondly, we have seen how huge quantities of mustard gas were diverted to those particular German armies which were most threatened by the final Allied offensive, indicating that certain portions of the German front were being starved for chemical shell. The truth of the matter is that the Germans had accumulated enormous stocks for their great offensive and that they had expended these stocks at a greater rate than their factories could replace them. We learn from Schwarte’s book that, “Although the production of Yellow Cross almost reached 1000 tons a month, yet finally the possibilities of use and the amount required were so great that only a much increased monthly output would have been sufficient.”
Yperite, French Mustard Gas.–During this period the volume of allied gas activities also increased considerably. But until June, 1918, our success was due to the development of more successful tactical methods rather than to any specific chemical surprise.
Very great credit is due to the French for having produced large quantities of mustard gas by the above date.
Judging from the German Intelligence Reports the surprise effect of the French production was almost as great as that obtained by the earlier German use. It again evaded the gas discipline of the troops, and we find the German staff laying enormous emphasis on this question, which was already very prominent in their general and operation orders. The occasion provided a very striking example of German belief in their absolute predominance in production. They were largely justified in this belief, but it carried them too far. They explained the use of mustard gas by the French as due to the use of German mustard gas obtained from “blind” German shell!
Effect on German Gas Discipline.–British mustard gas was not in use in the field until September, 1918, but the French was a great success, and probably contributed to no small extent to the final allied success in the 1918 campaign. The French termed mustard gas “Yperite” after Ypres, the place where it was first used. As far as such terms can be applied to any weapon, Yperite arrived to spread panic, and terror amongst the German formations. A document captured by the Sixth French Army shows that Yperite used on the 13th June against the 11th Bavarian Division was the chief cause of the precipitate retreat of this Division. The Seventh German Army refers to another bombardment on the 9th of June, in which the casualties exceeded five hundred.
It is curious to note that although the Germans had so preached the superiority of their gases and gas methods, serious blows by the Allies found the German gas discipline unequal to them. It is no exaggeration to say that the use of mustard gas by the French, and later by the British, and the British projector, produced, on each occasion, in the German ranks feelings allied to panic. This is reflected in the many orders which have been captured from army and other headquarters enforcing and even appealing for gas discipline amongst the troops. Thus, almost immediately after the first French use, Ludendorff, chief of the German General Staff, issued a special detailed order on the subject, and the German document captured by the French can be taken as representative. “Our Yellow Cross has caused much damage to the enemy, formerly less protected than now. But as a natural sequence he had developed through it a gas discipline which can certainly be taken as model. On this account enemy troops have been able to cross, at once and without loss, areas which their artillery had just bombarded with gas. We also must train our troops to an excellent standard of gas discipline if we expect to avoid the grave dangers which threaten the fighting forces of our army.” By the time of the Armistice France had produced nearly 2000 tons of mustard gas, British and American production was rapidly increasing, so that the output was attaining stupendous proportions. Some idea of the importance of chemical warfare in the campaigns of 1917-1918 can be obtained from the following figures:
Allied Gas Statistics.–Between November, 1917, and November, 1918, France produced more than five millions of her latest type of respirator. The British figure was probably higher. From April to November, 1918, the French filled nearly two and a half million shell with mustard gas. From the 1st of July, 1915, to the latter date more than seventeen million gas shell were completed by the French. In addition to these huge gas shell figures we must remember the chemical operations from projectors and as cloud gas. During the period the British averaged fifty large scale operations of this type per month, sometimes discharging monthly three hundred tons of gas. The total French production of chlorine and poison gas for chemical warfare approached 50,000 tons, a large proportion of which production occurred during 1917 and 1918. The British was of the same order, but German production was at least more than twice as high, showing what great use they made of gas shell. The huge American programme might have reduced the margin, but no limits can be placed on German possibilities and elasticity in production.
Critical Importance of Rapid German Production.–These figures are misleading inasmuch as they give no indication whatever of the relative difficulties and corresponding rapidity of action on both sides. As a general rule, where the German lag between the approval of a substance and its use in the field covered weeks, our lag covered months. Owing to efficient production, chemical warfare was an infinitely more flexible weapon in German hands than in ours. This will be readily understood when we analyse, later, the methods of production of some of the chief German war gases. In general, German development of these complicated substances provided a series of examples of the ease and rapidity of production of organic substances by the dye industry. On the other hand, except in very few exceptional cases, British and French production, although we cast no reflection on the energy or skill of any concerned, was exceedingly slow and costly by comparison. The Germans used mustard gas in July, 1917. We identified it a few days afterwards. But the first fruits of allied production were not in the field for eleven months. British material was not used until a month or two before the Armistice. Further, in this case, we were convinced of the value of the substance almost from the first day of its use by the enemy. We will endeavour to throw light upon this in our review of production.
The period of intensive chemical warfare may be regarded as the proof of the German experiment of 1915-1916. Shed of their trial nature, the chemical weapons played a logical and increasingly dominating part in the campaign. They were surely destined to play a much more prominent part had the period of stabilised warfare continued. Projector cloud gas would have assumed greater importance as a casualty producer. But we will leave such considerations for a future chapter.
CHAPTER V
CHEMICAL WARFARE ORGANISATIONS
We have no desire nor intention to give a detailed historical account of the above. The ramifications, of Allied organisations were so numerous, the number of persons concerned so great, the sacrifices made so heavy, that only an exceedingly lengthy account could hope to do justice to individuals. In addition, such an account would not serve our purpose. We wish to show, as briefly as possible, how the different Allied organisations were bound up in an organic way with the campaign, how they compared with those of the enemy, and what lesson the comparison may contain for the future.
Two facts stand out in such a comparison. We are struck with the extreme simplicity of the German organisations, as we know them, and the great complexity and multiplicity of the Allied departments as we saw them. We must admit from the beginning that we know least of the German home organisations for research and production, but our knowledge is sufficient to reveal their simplicity. The Inter-Allied Commission of Control may, and certainly should, obtain full information, but at present the matter stands as follows.
German Research.–The Germans relied upon two main and very strong centres for research. They have already been indicated as the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute, under the direction of Professor Haber, and the enormous research organisations of the I.G. There are various references to internal gas organisation in captured documents. It appears that they received their final form late in 1917. A great gas school (Heeres-Gaschule) was instituted in Berlin where there were also central depots for anti-gas inspection and material. Rather earlier than this the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute was definitely appointed as the official research centre. The War Ministry had a chemical section named A.10, which dealt with gas questions. It is rumoured, and there is strong reason to believe, that the I.G. was largely staffed by officers of the Reserve before the war. Whatever their pre-war associations, if any, with the War Ministry, hostilities must have found them keenly alive to the possibilities of their unique research and organic chemical producing facilities. It is inconceivable that this military personnel should not have greatly assisted the I.G. in its operations, inventions and general assistance for the army.
It appears that the subdivision of work left the, direction of chemical research in Berlin, possibly at the above Institute, while the bulk of the work of preparing the new compounds, and developing manufacturing processes for approved substances, occurred in the laboratories of the I.G.
Leverkusen.–We know, for example, that a very large number of substances was produced at Leverkusen and samples forwarded to Berlin, of which only a few were finally approved for production. The physiological work and field tests were certainly associated with the Berlin organisation, but it is not clear how much of this work occurred within the I.G. An Allied mission to Leverkusen reported as follows:–“It was emphatically stated that no means of testing the products were resorted to beyond inhala-tion and testing the effect of the substances on the staff, but this statement must be accepted with reserve.” This is particularly so as we know that large numbers of respirator-drums had been made in this factory, and that a gas school existed at Leverkusen in 1915.
A member of another Allied mission was informed by one of the staff at Leverkusen that the authorities there were well aware of the difficulties in chemical warfare, apart from production, for they had some experience in the designing and testing of chemical shell. It maybe that the German Government relied upon the I.G. for such work in the early stages of the chemical war, pending the development of official organisation. When we remember, however, that at Leverkusen alone there was a staff of 1500 technical and commercial specialists, apart from thousands of workpeople, before the war, and that the latter were increased by 1500 during the war, we find it difficult to place a limit on the services which might have been rendered by this research centre alone. The opinion of the members of the Hartley Commission[1] was, that much thought and attention had been given to chemical warfare by the chemists of the Company.
[1] A post-armistice inter-allied mission of experts, to the Rhine chemical factories, March, 1919.
Hochst.–A great volume of chemical warfare research occurred also at Hochst. “The admission was made that the research department of the factory was continuously employed during the war on the preparation of substances suitable for chemical warfare, many hundreds being prepared and sent to Berlin for examination. The firm employed 300 academically trained chemists in peace time, but during the war many more were engaged, partly for research and partly because all shell filling was carried out under the supervision of trained chemists.”
Ludwigshafen.–The most influential branch of the I.G. was, undoubtedly, the Badische Anilin und Soda Fabrik. It might have been expected, as they shared largely in production, that a considerable amount of chemical warfare research would occur at these works, but this was emphatically denied to Allied missions. It may be, however, that as the nitrogen fixation enterprise was developed there, requiring a large amount of technical development and control, this was considered a sufficient contribution to the general cause.
Early Formulation of Policy.–In examining what signs we have of the organisation and policy underlying chemical warfare research and production in Germany, we are struck by the fact that all the substances used with such dire effect against us during the war must have been approved for production by the Government at a relatively early date. The following table, assembled from information supplied by the German factories, brings this point out very clearly.
First Use War Chemical. Factory. Production Began. in the Field, Diphosgene Hochst Sept., 1916 Summer, 1915 (Green Cross) Leverkusen June, 1915 Mustard Gas Leverkusen Spring, 1917 July, 1917 (Yellow Cross)
Diphenyl- Hochst May, 1917 July, 1917 chlorarsine
(Blue Cross)
Diphenyl- A.G.F.A. ? Feb., 1918 June, 1911 cyanarsine
(Blue Cross)
Ethyl-dichlor- Hochst Aug., 1917 March, 1918 arsine
(Blue Cross)
We have chosen the later products to establish the point, for it is self-evident for the earlier products, some of which were made before the war.
Movements of Personnel.–The movements of German chemical personnel give us a clue as to the main tendencies in their chemical warfare policy. The factories were called upon to produce, as we have already shown, towards the end of 1914, but this production largely involved the use of substances already manufactured on a certain scale. Large scale production of the more advanced types of war chemical seems to have been directly stimulated by the Hindenburg programme, in connection with which the Companies withdrew large numbers of their skilled workers from the front.
German Simplicity of Organisation.–We can safely conclude from the above that Germany required no cumbersome government mechanism for the preparation of new war chemicals, for the semi-industrial work in developing processes for approved substances, nor for their production. By relying on the I.G., the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute, and probably some other organisation for field and physiological tests, Germany escaped the necessity for comprehensive government organisation, the development of which was such a handicap to Allied countries. It is certainly very suggestive that we only met, in the field, substances approved before the summer of 1917. It is with great interest and a certain amount of apprehension that we speculate upon the research developments after that period with which the war did not make us immediately acquainted. If this early period produced such effective results as mustard gas, Blue Cross compounds, and the different cloud substances, what hidden surprises were matured in the later period? This feature of simplicity, of linking up a new war with an old peace, activity was paralleled somewhat in the field organisation. We have seen how Germany created special formations for cloud attacks, but for a time practically abandoned them, throwing most of her chemical warfare production into shell. In other words, she substituted a normal weapon, the artillery. We, on the other hand, largely impelled by the enforced simplicity of our production, tended more towards the development of special formations and special weapons for cloud production, but with such success that the German Pioneer formations, after being practically dropped, found a use in developing and using our new weapon, the Livens Projector.
German Organisation at the Front;–The Gas Regiment.–It is probable that the earliest form of German organisation at the front consisted in the liaison between Professor Haber and the German G.H.Q. It will be remembered that Ludendorff, discussing cloud and shell gas, refers to this co-operation, stating:[1] “Geheimrat Haber proved of valuable service in this connection with the use of gas.” It was also rumoured soon after the first German attack that the organisation and preparation of the latter were under the scientific guidance of this renowned Professor. The attack was carried out by the 35th and 36th Pioneer Regiments, each furnished with chemically trained officers who were specially detailed for gas warfare.
The importance of protection was realised very early, and a gas school for officers of all armies was organised at Leverkusen for training in protection. We cannot but regard it as significant that Leverkusen is also the site of the enormous Bayer[2] organic chemical works which played such a large part in poison gas production. The school dealt mainly with protection.
[1] _My War Memories_, page 338.
[2] A branch of the great German dye combine, the Interessen Gemeinschaft, known as the I.G.
Early German Gas School.–Apparently, at the end of November, 1916, special gas staffs were created and attached provisionally to the headquarters of formations entrusted with large scale gas operations. In addition, these staffs had the normal routine function of supervising inspection and instruction in gas warfare at the front. At about this time each regiment or larger unit was given a gas officer (gasschutzoffizier) with similar duties to those outlined above. In other words, the arrangement was generalised throughout the army. This officer was assisted by non-commissioned officers and men specially chosen for the purpose in the smaller units. The great need for these staffs is brought out in German official documents.
New Gas Regiments;–Gas Shell Experts.–In 1917 two new Pioneer battalions, the 37th and 38th respectively, were created for the express purpose of carrying out projector attacks. These developments in organisation, both advisory and combatant, led, at about this time, to the centralisation of the gas services at the front under a Kommandeur der Gastruppen at G.H.Q. It would thus appear that the Germans achieved the centralisation of their gas services some months later than ourselves. Further developments in organisation, of which we are aware, were connected with two main tendencies in German gas warfare. In the first place, the vast employment of gas shell led the Germans to create special gas experts on the Divisional artillery staffs. We have this on the authority of an order by Ludendorff dated June 16th, 1918. This gas shell expert was not necessarily an imported specialist, but was usually a specially trained officer chosen from the staff in question. This was a very important move, for it gave the artillery a paternal interest in gas shell. This artillery specialist maintained a very close liaison with the Divisional Gas Officer.
Inspection of Protective Masks and Method.–The second tendency was towards stricter protective standards and inspection. The gas inspection centre at Berlin was given more responsibilities in the field and the protection of horses, dogs and carrier pigeons received great emphasis.
British Field Organisation;–“Breach” Organisations.–Our own field development followed very similar lines. The immediate need in April, 1915, was for organisations on the front to advise formations on temporary methods of protection, to ascertain quickly the nature of any new German chemical attack, and to provide special means of examining the treatment of the new kind of casualty. These were “breach organisations,” so to speak, countering the immediate effects of enemy attacks while more comprehensive and permanent cadres were created to absorb them. The personnel of these breach organisations was largely composed of chemists already at the front who had in some cases taken part in the first German attacks. Efforts were soon on foot to mobilise British chemists for offensive purposes. So remote from the old army standards and training were the conceptions of the new scientific warfare, that there was no scientific cadre or outstanding scientific soldier to take over the direction and organisation of these matters at the front or at home. Accordingly, in June, 1915, Brigadier-General C. H. Foulkes, C.M.G., D.S.O. (then Major, R.E.) was given the difficult task of assembling and training an offensive gas formation, and acting as Gas Adviser to G.H.Q. The Special Companies thus created have already been referred to in quotations from despatches. In addition to this combatant personnel a number of specialists and advisory organisations came into being. Additional gas officers were appointed by various divisions, and chemical advisers by higher formations.
Central Laboratory.–A central laboratory was instituted at G.H.Q. under the late Colonel W. Watson, C.M.G., F.R.S., which did particularly valuable work in connection with the rapid identification of new enemy chemicals. With the development of gas shell, the chemical advisers included this subject in their province. Reference must also be made to the medical and physiological side.
New Type of Casualty.–After the introduction of gas warfare the army was always faced with the possibility that some entirely new chemical would produce a new type of casualty which would require special and sometimes unusual treatment. A new element was thus introduced into army medical work. The effects of a new gas used in large quantities on the front was often just as serious a threat to organisation as the sudden development of a strange epidemic. Reaction to meet these new conditions took the form of the development of medical research organisations at home, and of the appointment of a special medical and physiological advisory staff incorporated later in the Directorate of Gas Services. It was thus possible, after any enemy gas attack, and with little delay, to institute inquiries with regard to treatment of casualties, stimulate special investigations, and prepare for any reorganisation in personnel and equipment, and, in general, introduce satisfactory alert conditions throughout the medical organisation along the whole of the Allied front. In this connection the effective liaison between the medical specialists of the British and French armies must be mentioned.
Directorate of Gas Services.–These various services were centralised in the Directorate of Gas Services, in the Spring of 1916, under Major-General H. F. Thuillier, C.B., C.M.G., R.E. It is interesting to note that although in their rear organisations for research and supply the French preceded us in the adoption of a logical symmetrical arrangement, yet in the field we were the first to produce the centralised chemical warfare service which was so essential.
British Home Organisations;–The Royal Society.–After the battle of the Marne, Germany rapidly realised the need for scientific and industrial mobilisation for the new stage into which the war had passed. Many signs and definite statements by Falkenhayn and others in authority have shown us how this realisation found outlet in various schemes for research and production. The need for scientific attention to various war problems was also realised in England, and found expression in the mobilisation of prominent scientists by the Royal Society, which constituted a number of committees to deal with specific activities and to assist various Ministries or administrative government departments in connection with scientific matters.
Royal Society Chemical Sub-Committee.–The Chemical Sub-Committee included such prominent names as Lord Rayleigh, Sir William Ramsay and Sir Oliver Lodge. Retaliation, decided on early in May, 1915, was reflected in organisation. Lord Kitchener entrusted Colonel Jackson, C.M.G., R.E. (later Major-General Sir Louis Jackson, K.B.E., C.B., C.M.G., R.E.), then in charge of a fortification section of the War Office, with the task of examining and taking action on the possibilities of retaliation, and a liaison with the above chemical committee of the Royal Society was soon established. Protection became a part of the duties of the Medical Services and was placed under the direct control of Colonel, afterwards Sir William Horrocks, who became chairman of the specially appointed Anti-Gas Committee. Further, a little later, the Chemical Sub-Committee above referred to became an advisory body to Colonel Jackson. This was the origin of the Chemical Warfare Department, but it was destined to pass through many difficult and hampering transformations before reaching its final, more or less efficient and symmetrical form.
The Trench Warfare Department.–With the formation of the Ministry of Munitions late in May, 1915, Colonel Jackson’s section was transferred to it. At this stage there was definite recognition of the absolute need of keeping chemical warfare research, design, and supply under one head. Probably this was the chief reason which prompted Lord Kitchener, then Secretary of State for War, to agree to the transference of this section to another Ministry, and consent to the birth of the Trench Warfare Department.
Scientific Advisory Committee;–Commercial Advisory Committee.–Even at this stage activities were growing and government organisation was found necessary to cover such functions as in Germany were rendered unnecessary by the existence of the I.G. It became clear that the new department would require strong permanent scientific advice, and this was found in the formation of the Scientific Advisory Committee. This included the most active members of the former relevant Royal Society Committee, amongst whom were Professor A. W. Crossley, the Secretary, and Professors H. B. Baker, J. F. Thorpe, and Sir George Beilby, all of whom rendered great services in the later development of this new branch of warfare. A parallel Commercial Advisory Committee was appointed, composed of representatives of some of the leading manufacturers of the country.
Split Between Research and Supply.–We cannot follow in detail the many fluctuations experienced in the organisation of the department. They represent a constant struggle between a definitely expressed policy of centralisation and symmetry for supply and research, and circumstances imposed upon the department by the reorganisation and fusion of Ministries and departments. There were brief periods, notably at the commencement and in the final stages, when the desired centralised organisation was approached, but there were also periods when there was a complete split between research and supply with feeble and unsatisfactory liaison between the two. Speaking generally, the break between research and supply occurred in December, 1915, when the Trench Warfare Department was split up into two parts. These were the Trench Warfare Research Department, in which was included the Scientific Advisory Committee, and, shortly afterwards, changed its name to that of the Chemical Advisory Committee, and the Trench Warfare Supply Department. The relationships between those two departments remained practically unchanged until the formation of the Chemical Warfare Department in October, 1917. This statement must be qualified, however, by a reference to the services rendered by Professor, later Sir John Cadman, K.C.M.G., in bringing about this liaison, not only with supply in England, but also with that in France.
During the early period the Royal Society Committee of Physiology became active and was later very closely co-ordinated with the Chemical Warfare Department, as the Chemical Warfare Medical Committee.
Munitions Inventions Department.–Another feature which is worthy of notice because it was common to Allied organisations other than the British, and because it formed part of the slow realisation of the essential unity of chemical warfare activities, was the duplication of effort by the Munitions Inventions Department. Suggestions which could only have value when considered as part of the definitely directed chemical warfare policy were constantly raised with the Inventions Department, but this difficulty was overcome later by the growing importance of chemical warfare and the effecting of a liaison between the two departments by Colonel Crossley.
Imperial College of Science.–During the early period the Imperial College of Science rendered great services by assisting in research. It continued to do so during the rest of the war, but was later associated with a large number of British university chemical and scientific departments in pursuing a huge programme of chemical warfare research. We can only make passing reference to the development of the training and experimental grounds which formed such an important part in assisting decisions on chemical warfare policy. The Porton ground, however, was a model of its kind, a pioneer amongst Allied experimental grounds, and a tribute to the creative and administrative efforts of Lt.-Colonel Crossley, C.M.G., C.B.E., who was its commandant from its inception to the end of the war.
The Chemical Warfare Department.–The growing importance of chemical warfare, the vigorous chemical initiative assumed by Germany in the summer of 1917, and various other reasons led to reorganisation of the Chemical Warfare services in this country in October, 1917, and the Chemical Warfare Department, under Major-General Thullier, formerly Director of Gas Services, B.E.F., was constituted. This reorganisation witnessed a great increase in research and other activities of the department and a still greater mobilisation of the chemists of the country. Although this change witnessed further centralisation by the incorporation of the Anti-Gas Department, thereby settling once and for all the inherent association between offensive and defensive research, a fact which had been apparent to many long before, yet it still ignored the fundamental connection between offensive research and supply. This had been recognised in French organisation as early as 1915, yet we did not reach the ideal solution even at the end of the war.
The Anti-Gas Department.–We have mentioned the origin of the Anti-Gas Department. Although separate in organisation from chemical warfare research, yet the remarkable work and personality of the late Lt.-Colonel E. F. Harrison, C.M.G., overcame the disadvantages by energetic liaison and a great capacity for the internal organisation. General Hartley has paid a tribute which we cannot refrain from repeating: “Colonel Harrison was one of the great discoveries of the war. It is often stated that he was the inventor of the box respirator, but this he would have been the first to deny. His great merit was as an organiser. He gathered round him an enthusiastic group of young chemists and physicists, and the box respirator represents the joint result of their researches, carried out under his inspiration and controlled by his admirable practicable judgment. He organised the manufacture of the respirator on a large scale, and it is a great testimony to his foresight and energy that in spite of all the difficulties of production, the supplies promised to France never failed. Fifty million respirators were produced by the department, and of these nineteen million were box respirators.”
Anti-gas research was at first centred in the R.A.M. College, Millbank, and from the beginning of 1917 in the Physiological Institute, University College, London. The work done in research and production not only protected the whole of the British Army, but formed the backbone of American and a large part of Italian protection. Further, the sacrifices made in connection with this work are not sufficiently known. Numbers of young scientists sacrificed their health and sometimes life, in carrying out the critical tests upon which the safety of millions of Englishmen and Allies depended.
Designs Committee.–We cannot leave this branch of the subject without referring to the Chemical Warfare Designs Committee. An important trend in chemical warfare was its growing independence of the normal weapons of war, and its special requirements when adapted for use with both the normal and newer types. This tendency found expression in the above Committee under the direction of Professor Jocelyn Field Thorpe. The development of satisfactory chemical shell was an enormous problem, and the importance of entirely new forms of the chemical weapon will be brought out in dealing with the limitation of armaments.
French Organisation.–French development followed very similar lines.
From April 28th, 1915, a Commission of military representatives and scientists was organised under General Curmer. This gave place in June to a Chemical Warfare Research Committee under M. Weiss, Directeur des Mines au Ministere des Traveaux Publics. In August, 1915, three special Committees were formed; one under M. Kling for problems from the front, whose organisation was responsible for a volume of exceedingly reliable identifications of enemy chemicals of great use to the Allies; another under M. Moureu for offensive research, whose brilliant organic investigation characterised later French developments, and the other under M. Vincent, for research on protection. But, in the meantime, the importance of gas shell was impressed upon the French and, on the 1st July, 1915, this organisation passed into M. Albert Thomas’s new Ministere de L’Artillerie et des Munitions. Manufacture passed into the hands of the Directeur du Materiel Chimique de Guerre. In September, 1915, these sections were centralised under General Ozil, attached to the same Ministry. General Ozil’s service was strongly supported by a number of eminent French scientists, and achieved unusual success in the face of great practical difficulties.
A very close liaison was maintained with the army, and the initiative, energy, and devotion of all concerned cannot be too highly praised. In production alone the difficulties were enormous. There was no highly organised dye industry available. The prewar German monopoly had seen to that. Elaborate organisations and continuous research work under difficult conditions were necessary to replace the smooth, running normal activities of the great German dye combine. The salient points in French production are dealt with more fully in another chapter.
In research and protection French activities were no less handicapped and just as creditable. The protection of the French armies was largely achieved through the genius and tireless industry of Professor Paul Lebeau.
Quick to realise the need of retaliation against the new German weapon, the French developed their chemical offensive and defensive with characteristic elan and intuition. Contributing largely to Allied research, they took the lead in Inter-Allied co-operation and liaison, and their activities in this field were due to much worthier causes than mere geographical position.
Italian Development.–The Italians were alive to the importance of chemical warfare. World famous names such as those of Senator Paterno and Professor Villavecchia were associated with their organisation. Once again, however, although not lacking in invention and initiative, they were continually hampered by production, which imposed such grave disadvantages upon them as to endanger seriously the success of their campaign. The success of the great German offensive against Italy in the autumn of 1917 was largely ascribed to the German use of gas of such types and in such amounts that the Italian protective appliances were outmanoeuvred. Further, in spite of the offensive qualities of the Italian gas organisation under Col. Penna, lack of supplies prevented large scale gas retaliation, so essential in maintaining gas morale.
Towards the end of the war, when the French and British production improved, and with the entry of America and the promise of supplies therefrom, it was possible to assist the Italians from Allied sources, and arrangements were made to supply them with the British Respirator, to assist them in the development of the Livens Projector, to supply large quantities of mustard and other gases, and to assist them in production. The use of the British box respirator was undoubtedly a great factor in repelling the Austrian offensive of June, 1918. Their experimental fields and research organisations were particularly well staffed, and, backed by production, Italian chemical genius would have been capable of producing very serious results.
Supply Organisations.–What a marked contrast between the organisation required for German and Allied chemical warfare production! Such organisation implies cadres and arrangements for co-operation with research organisations, for semi-scale work, commercial functions, priority, raw material supply, transport, and all their concomitants. In Germany, the self-contained dye industry simplified all these functions. The Government addressed itself to one producing organisation which was responsible for most of the relevant research. Whole Government departments were rendered unnecessary by this centralised production.
British Supply Organisation.–In England the situation was entirely different. Even before the advent of mustard gas the Government was compelled to apply to at least twenty contractors. The products required were foreign to the normal activities of many of these. They required assistance in raw materials, transport, technical methods, either the result of the work of other factories or of research. The latter again involved complex official organisation, cumbrous even if efficiently carried out. This at once introduced difficulties. The centre of gravity of supply was in government offices instead of in the centres of production. Much depended upon the co-ordination of the official departments. Quite apart from the Government plants finally engaged in chemical warfare production, more than fifty plants were used in private organisations, of which a very high percentage were entirely new.
Allied Handicaps.–The functions of the allied Government supply departments were or should have been much more than those of an individual negotiating a contract. Owing to the fact that these were new plants, and that the products were foreign to the production of many of the firms concerned, two alternatives had to be faced. Either the technical and service departments of each firm had to be considerably strengthened, or else a special organisation had to cover these functions by employing a considerable government technical and liaison personnel. For reasons of secrecy and general efficiency the latter procedure evolved, but neither represented the ideal solution.
The German Solution.–This was the German arrangement in which these functions were all embodied in the centralised producing organisation, the I.G. The German Government took the role of a pure contractor, the only additional function being the choice of product and method, a question of policy. This implied the existence of a Government experimental organisation, but purely for this purpose.
Departmental Difficulties.–The Allied task would have been much simpler if the only war weapon had been a chemical one, in which case an efficient organisation could have been decided upon at first, and need have suffered no very radical changes. As it was, however, the British supply organisation had to administer some seventy plants, which were really in private hands, and found its chief difficulties quite apart from the external perplexities of the problem. They arose in its relationships with other Government departments.
Allied Success Against Odds.–Taking a broad view of the case, although nobody who knew the facts could regard our poison gas production with anything but dismay, except in a few cases, yet the main feeling was one of amazement that we succeeded as well as we did with these entirely new substances. The whole story of chemical warfare supply amongst the Allies is one of devoted effort by all concerned, against overwhelming odds, and although the level of results was poor compared with Germany, yet we find here and there brilliant examples of Allied adaptability and tenacity amongst which the French development of mustard gas stands pre-eminent.
What we have already said about supply organisation may be summed up in one sentence. The Germans were already organised to produce. We had to create Government departments to administer a large number of plants in private hands, and they had to cope not only with the external difficulties of the situation but with the almost overwhelming difficulties of internal organisation. The checquered career of the British supply department provides a good example. The French and Americans suffered less than ourselves from these troubles, the latter having the benefit of the combined experience of the other Allies.
Allied Lack of Vision in Production.–A survey of the earliest supply organisation of this country reveals another difficulty which later events have obscured. Few people realised the developments which chemical warfare would produce. The early production of chemicals for gas warfare was grouped under some such designation as trench warfare stores, and graded in order of importance, from the point of view of supply organisation with catapults and spring guns, flame projectors and body shields! It is no unfair criticism to state that hard facts rather than vision forced the importance of chemical warfare upon those responsible for munition production in the early stages of the war. Chemical warfare production remained under the Trench Warfare Supply Department for many months, where it was one of ten Trench Warfare sections. The vicissitudes of trench warfare supply are too numerous and complicated to be dealt with here, but chemical warfare supply has suffered accordingly.
British Lag in Organisation.–Examining Allied organisations, we find that the French and Americans approached this ideal solution more rapidly than ourselves, and we can trace in our own development a number of unsuccessful attempts to reach this centralised control, although the last configuration, under the direction of Major-General H. F. Thuillier, was the nearest approach. French organisation for supply provides another example of their national characteristic of logical thinking and love of symmetry. As early as September, 1915, the French centralised their research organisation, the Inspection des Etudes et Experience Chimiques, and their supply organisation, the Direction du Materiel Chimique de Guerre, in their Service Chimique de Guerre under General Ozil.
French and American Characteristics.–Their early concentration on gas shell shows that this symmetrical organisation was due not only to the above characteristic but also to vision in war development. American supply organisation again provides evidence of the national characteristic. They had no I.G. but they had plenty of money and material, and the total of Allied experience in production. They therefore proceeded at once to build an enormous producing centre known as Edgewood Arsenal. We refer to this later. The tremendous potentialities of this Arsenal will readily he seen, although they did not become effective during the war.
It would be poor testimony to the tremendous efforts and sacrifices made by the various firms and officials connected with chemical warfare to leave the matter at this stage, or to make a minute analysis of the different internal causes for lack of success. We may say that although the efforts of all concerned were beyond praise, yet they were so initially handicapped that it was practically impossible even to approach the German efficiency. In France and England we were suffering from the faults of past years, our lack of attention to the application of science to industry. The Americans would also have suffered, for they were in the same plight, but they adopted the drastic solution of Edgewood Arsenal. As we show later, however, this solution was really only a very necessary and valuable attempt to treat the symptom rather than the disease. We cannot regard the problem as settled for any of these countries. If it is, then the outlook is very poor.
Inter-Allied Chemical Warfare Liaison.–Chemical warfare offered, in theory, a splendid opportunity for co-ordination amongst the Allies, The new methods, unhampered by tradition, seemed, at first sight, admirably suited for exploitation against the enemy by an allied Generalissimo and staff. Co-ordination never reached this stage, although strong liaison organisations were developed. Inter-allied research conferences occurred periodically in Paris, where decisions for co-operation were taken after full discussion of allied work. The continuity of these relationships was maintained by an active secretariat on which each ally was represented. The contact, so close between actual allied scientific workers in this field, became less evident in the application of their results to field warfare, for several reasons. In the first place, close scientific contact in research was replaced by the actual field relationships of the armies, and, as is well known, the central inter-allied command did not materialise until the spring of 1918, and even then it was only possible to apply the new principle to the actual battlefield. The traditional differences between. the methods of the different services of each ally still existed to a large extent, and they found expression in type of armament, equipment, and military standards, such as, for example, gun calibres and shell design, to which chemical warfare had to conform. No inter-allied gas mask materialised, although this would have been of inestimable advantage. Probably the example of most complete co-ordination occurred on the supply side, where absence of the above traditional difficulties and the crying need to make the most of available raw materials compelled a very close co-ordination.
Inter-Allied Supply.–The writer was responsible for initiating, in 1917, an Inter-Allied Chemical Supply Committee, whose function was to pool effectively the allied raw materials, and to arrange their distribution in accordance with allied programmes, the exchange of which implied a considerable step. Later this Committee became one of a number, similarly constituted, forming part of the Inter-Allied Munitions Council.
Thinking over the difficulties of the inter-allied supply, now that the emergenices of the situation have passed, an important contrast emerges. After three years of war, and although protected by the powerful arm of the blockade, we were, still resorting, for chemical warfare supply, to measures which, compared with the German methods, were complicated, clumsy, and inefficient. This was, in a sense, forced upon us by the number of the allies, and the fact that they held the outer lines. But it is easily forgotten that Germany also had a number of allies, and that Germany supply organisation was sufficient to feed them all.
Nature of Chemical Warfare Research.–So, much has been vaguely said, and is vaguely known, about research in chemical warfare that a brief analysis will be of value.
Discovery of New Substances.–Research for this purpose has a number of very distinct functions, The most obvious is the discovery of new substances. But there are others in connection with which research work represents a much greater volume. Very few new substances which found valuable application during the war were revealed by chemical warfare research. The bulk of the important substances were already known as such, although their importance for war was probably not realised. It is most important to emphasise the fact that even in the future, should there be no direct attempts to reveal new chemical warfare substances, they will undoubtedly arise as a normal outcome of research, even if, without exception, every chemist in the world became a most pronounced pacifist. A valuable substance once discovered or decided upon, however, whole series of research investigations become necessary.
Technical Method of Preparation;–Filling Problem;–Protection;– Half-Scale Investigation.–The substance must be prepared in the most efficient manner for manufacture, which may not be the mode of its discovery. It must be used in shells, cylinders, or some other war chemical device. Each device represents a different filling problem, different difficulties with regard to contact of the war chemical and the envelope of the container. If a projectile is in question the ballistics become of importance. More important than any of these, except production, is the question of protection. It is axiomatic that an army proposing to use a new offensive chemical must be protected against it. It may, therefore, be necessary to modify the existing mask or protective appliance, or to create an entirely new one. If research reveals the necessity for the latter course of action it may provide sufficient reason for abandoning the substance. In addition, according to productive difficulties, it may be necessary to undertake comprehensive and very expensive research on half-scale methods for production. It is impossible in many cases to proceed directly from the laboratory process to large scale manufacture without serious risk of failure.
Two Classes of Research.–Broadly, these research functions form two classes, those concerned with policy and approval of a substance and those concerned with work which follows automatically upon such approval. There must be, of course, a certain amount of overlapping and liaison between the two classes.
Herein lay one of the great advantages enjoyed by the Germans. Their great producing organisation, the I.G., was able to take over automatically certain of these research functions, in particular all those with regard to preparation and production, even of protective appliances. The Government reserved what we have called the policy functions, and was responsible, we assume, for the mass, of physiological and design research which must always precede approval or a decision on policy.
Signs were not lacking, further, that the I.G. was even employed on certain occasions for this latter type of research.
Conclusion.–From the facts at our disposal there can be no doubt that the total material facilities at the disposal of the Allies for chemical warfare investigation were considerably more extensive and expensive than those of Germany with the one notable exception of trained technical organic chemists. It is very doubtful whether the German field experiments were as largely provided for as those of the Allies. When we think of the French grounds at Versailles and Entressin, the British at Porton, the American grounds in France and in America, and the Italian organisations, there can hardly be any doubt that the total German facilities were much smaller. Under the actual circumstances of the war, however, it was difficult to develop more co-operation than was possible by a very close liaison. The fact that all the experimental developments from these grounds required special modification to meet the peculiar needs of artillery and other equipment for each ally, prevented the adoption of uniform types of projectile or other appliances. Even uniform shell marking was found impracticable.
The “Outer and Inner Lines.”–The Allied situation compelled the multiplication of cumbersome organisations in the different countries. Lack of a strong organic chemical industry placed each ally at a considerable disadvantage, compared with Germany, in the development of such organisations. Using a strategic comparison, we can say that Germany not only possessed the “inner lines” in the chemical war, but an exceptionally efficient system to exploit them, in the shape of the great I.G.
CHAPTER VI
THE STRUGGLE FOR THE INITIATIVE
Meaning of the Chemical Initiative.–The German invasion of Belgium in 1914 was a direct appeal to the critical factor of surprise in war. By disregarding their pledge, a “scrap of paper,” they automatically introduced into this attack the elements of military surprise. We, the enemy, were unprepared, and a complete rearrangement of dispositions became necessary.
A recent writer has admirably summarised the facts.[1]
[1] A. F. Pollard. _A Short History of the Great War_. Methuen, 1920.
“Germany began the war on the Western front before it was declared, and on 1-2 August, German cavalry crossed the French frontier between Luxembourg and Switzerland at three points in the direction of Longwy, Luneville, and Belfort. But these were only feints designed to prolong the delusion that Germany would attack on the only front legitimately open to warfare and to delay the reconstruction of the French defence required to meet the real offensive. The reasons for German strategy were conclusive to the General Staff, and they were frankly explained by Bethmann-Hollweg to the British Ambassador. There was no time to lose if France was to be defeated before an effective Russian move, and time would be lost by a frontal attack. The best railways and roads from Berlin to Paris ran through Belgium; the Vosges protected more than half of the French frontier south of Luxembourg, Belfort defended the narrow gap between them and Switzerland, and even the wider thirty miles’ gap between the northern slopes of the Vosges and Luxembourg was too narrow for the deployment of Germany’s strength; the way was also barred by the elaborate fortifications of Verdun, Toul, and Nancy. Strategy pointed conclusively to the Belgium route, and its advantages were clinched by the fact that France was relying on the illusory scrap of paper.”
The first German cloud gas attack was the second attempt to gain the decisive initiative, by the unauthorised use of a surprise of an entirely different nature.
Modern writers are at great pains to establish how the world war, although leaving the final function of the infantry unchanged, rendered them and their staff subservient to mass munition production. Mr. H. G. Wells explains this to the Kaiser in a delightful imaginary interview between that august person and an hypothetical manufacturer.[1] Professor Pollard tells us how, when the first German surprise had failed, the war became “a test of endurance rather than generalship.” We will leave a clear field for any military challenge to such a point of view. Our objection is that it is not fully developed. The war was still a test of generalship, that of directed production. This war has shown, and future wars may unfortunately confirm, that the type and secrecy of production is as important as its volume. There will still be the purely military surprise and manoeuvre, but superimposed, co-ordinated, and sometimes predominant will appear the technical surprise, the result of the generalship of production.
[1] _War and the Future_. Cassel, 1917.
Such a surprise is achieved by the sudden introduction on a large scale of some entirely new war weapon, capable of achieving a strategic or tactical objective in an unsuspected manner.
Although the general idea of this second type of surprise existed before the war, particularly in naval warfare, it required the coincidence of the Great European War and modern scientific development to demonstrate its great importance on land.
Thus the first German gas attack found the opposing troops entirely unprotected, not merely through the absence of a mask, but in training and technical discipline. The case is quoted of an indignant gassed soldier who, in an early gas attack, when reproached for not protecting himself, thereupon opened his tunic and revealed a mask firmly tied round his chest! It is a far cry from such a case to the inculcation of strict gas discipline into an army of millions. The attack reaped the corresponding results in casualties and morale. It found the opposing medical services unequipped, not only to treat the new type of casualty, but even to determine its nature rapidly and efficiently. In short, it found the enemy utterly unprepared, either in theory or practice, to counter its effect. The importance of this second type of surprise lies in its peculiar potentialities. It may affect a given military result with an extraordinarily small expenditure of material, energy, and eventually human life, when compared with the older military weapons. Chemical warfare is a weapon, par excellence, to achieve this second type of surprise. Therein lies its chief importance.
As a result, the history of chemical warfare becomes one of continual attempts, on both sides, to achieve surprise and to counter it by some accurate forecast in protective methods. It is a struggle for the initiative.
More than this, as the use of chemical warfare becomes an organic part of operations, as it did during the war, these operations become correspondingly dependent upon conditions imposed by the chemical campaign. One can imagine the case of an army unprotected against a new gas, aware that the enemy is ready to employ the latter, compelled to postpone some huge offensive until its protective methods were equal to countering the new chemical. General Fries, the American authority, states, in reference to mustard gas, and the Northern offensives in 1917: “It is no disparagement of the British, nor of any one else, to say that they held up the date of their attack for two weeks pending further investigations into the effects of this new gas.” Ludendorff, referring to the German offensive in March, 1918, tells us, “Our artillery relied on gas for its effect. Up till the morning of the 20th strength and direction (of the wind) were by no means favourable, and it seemed almost necessary to put off the attack.” Such a point becomes of greater importance as the influence of other arms decreases. If we assume international arrangements for the limitation of other types of armament in the future, chemical warfare at once stands out as decisive.
Controlling Factors;–Rapid Manufacture.–Certain well-defined factors hold a controlling position in the chemical initiative. Before any chemical discovery can be used for surprise on the front a second step must occur; this is large scale manufacture. This period is vital to surprise. Success in chemical warfare is largely dependent on secrecy, which means achieving production in the shortest possible time, and this is particularly important at the commencement of hostilities. Throughout the war the Germans possessed this advantage and, in the future, unless certain steps are taken, it will be theirs again. A very simple example will suffice to show the importance of the combination of these two factors. Let us assume the not remote possibility that Germany had refrained from using poison gas until she had reached the stage of development which existed at the time of her 1918 offensive. There is little room for doubt that the big scale use of cloud attacks which would then have been available, and of shell gas, in particular mustard gas, would have achieved decisive success. The Allies would have been totally unprotected, the moral effect would have been enormous, and, even if we ignore the latter, the number of casualties would have produced a gap the size of which was only dependent on German wishes.
Rapid Identification Essential.–It is important to remember, however, that once a chemical campaign has commenced, certain factors may militate against any lengthy retention of the initiative by either party. Organisations develop whose function is to ascertain the nature of new enemy chemical devices so that protective research and production can commence with the minimum delay. This assumes the existence of a protective appliance and organisation. The very efficient collaboration of the British Central Laboratory in France for the examination of new gas shell with the French organisation centred in Paris provides numerous examples of the functioning of this safeguard. No time was lost in identifying the nature of the various chemicals employed by Germany in her shell fillings. Speed was vital. The use of a new type of chemical in shell, bomb, or other contrivance, in any sector of the front, on whatever scale, however small, was reported without delay. Then followed instantaneous collection and examination, after which all front line formations, other formations, allies, and rear organisations were expeditiously warned. The harmless trial flight of the few shell of a new type might be followed by the use of hundreds of thousands in a deadly attack one hundred miles away or on another allied front. Not only were captured offensive contrivances of value for this purpose, but the rapid examination of new enemy masks was of prime importance, for it could be assumed that the enemy would be protected against his own surprises in store for others.
Attempts to ascertain the enemy’s gas activities were not confined to examining captured material after their first use. Raids and artillery fire were both used to obtain intelligence regarding preparations, or to break up the gas emplacements. The Germans have provided us with a particularly gallant and interesting attempt.
Near Nieuport the front penetrated a region inundated by the Belgians during the desperate German offensives of 1914. The trench system, winding through a mile or so of sand dunes, passed in a southeasterly direction through the marshy sector known as Lombartzyde. Here the bogged front lines were intersected by the Yser canal, the German front trench being some 80 yards away. Allied gas was installed in the Lombartzyde and neighbouring sectors ready for discharge on the first favourable opportunity. For some reason or other the Germans suspected this, and at night a raiding party swam down the ice cold Yser, and, negotiating the submerged wire, landed in the Allied support line. Stunning the sentry with a bomb which, fortunately, refused to explode, they proceeded to the front line to seek gas emplacements. Either through unexpected disturbance, or for some other reason, they were compelled to leave before completing their inspection, and successfully swam the Yser canal back to their own trenches. This hazardous enterprise represents but one of many raids whose function it was to ascertain the presence of enemy gas.
Propaganda and Morale.–Another factor intended to facilitate the attainment of the chemical initiative was the German use of propaganda. Rumours, reflected in the Press, were often current at the Front, at home, and in neutral countries, that some particularly fiendish chemical contrivance was about to be launched against the Allies by Germany. Thus, in January and February of 1916, vigorous propaganda activity of this kind in Switzerland preceded the great German offensive at Verdun. The new gas was heralded by fantastic stories. Certain death was threatened for all within one hundred yards of the shell burst. The origin of the report was traced to various sources. In one case rumours concerned a conscientious worker in a German factory, desirous of warning the French through Swiss friends, in other cases German scientists were reported to be influencing Francophile neutrals in order that they might warn the French. But an analysis of the propaganda reveals something more than its sensational nature. The information arrived at well-defined periods, which usually preceded the actual use of a new gas or chemical device by Germany. But when the actual effort is compared with the prophecy we find that in no case was there any real clue as to the nature of the gas. Thus, before the use of phosgene by the Germans at the end of 1915, definite reports reached the Allies regarding the projected use of at least ten new gases by Germany, which were described not only chemically, but as being colourless, odourless, powerful, blinding, and instantaneously deadly! No such volume of propaganda was experienced before the first German cloud attack at Ypres. Indeed, one would not have expected it, for the mere fact of the use of cloud gas was then new to war, and of military value.
This propaganda was not without its effect, and, but for the excellent Allied gas discipline, would have been an effective precursor to the gas itself. Cases were not absent, at the Battle of Loos, for example, in which the German use of lachrymators found British soldiers so mentally unprepared, or rather let us say “prepared” by propaganda, as to spread ridiculous rumours on the battlefield as to the all-powerful nature of the new German gas shell. These were, in fact, bursting a few yards away, with no more serious results than lachrymation and vomiting. The extended use of shell gas by the Germans in the summer of 1916 was again preceded by intensive propaganda during the early months of that year, in which the promise of prussic acid was prominent. The influence of a name is very curious. Prussic acid probably accounted for fewer casualties than any other gas. This fact became apparent with the increasing use of the French Vincennite, which contained prussic acid. Yet German propaganda redoubled its efforts as time went on to inspire fear in the Allied soldiers by the threat to use prussic acid. It is clear that armies cannot abandon gas discipline, and that an important factor in strengthening this discipline is a wise distribution of gas knowledge. The use of mustard gas and newer shell gases in 1917 was again preceded by a burst of propaganda. In this period we find the first reference to long-range gas shell and aircraft gas bomb, and, curiously enough, a certain amount of propaganda with regard to a blinding chemical, which partially described mustard gas.
As further confirmation of the General Staff origin of this propaganda we find that the 1918 outburst occurred two or three months earlier in the year than in 1917. This was accounted for, no doubt, by its intended influence upon Allied morale in the great German offensive of early 1918. This last wave of propaganda includes one very interesting example. It is better known than other cases through its association with the International Red Cross at Geneva. This body represented in February, 1918, that Germany was about to use a really terrible gas which would have such disastrous effects that it was absolutely essential to make a last attempt to get both sides to abandon gas warfare. The official wire reads as follows:–“Protest of International Red Cross against the use of Poison Gas. I have received private letter from Monsieur X., President of International Red Cross, which I think that I ought to lay before you. He says that Red Cross were induced to make protest by what they had heard of new gas Germans are preparing although Red Cross understands that the Allies are aware of the gas and are taking their precautions. As they did not wish to draw an indictment of Germany they appealed to both groups of belligerents to pledge themselves not to use this weapon. Red Cross asks whether the Entente leaders through Inter-Allied Council at Versailles could not make a loud declaration which would reach the peoples of the Central Empires as well as their rulers, pledging themselves not to use such gas on condition that the two Emperors similarly bind themselves not to employ it. If the latter refuse, all the guilt will rest with them.” Although there can be no doubt that the International Red Cross and the Swiss involved in this move were absolutely bona fide, yet whoever was responsible for initiating the move on the German side played his hand very well. If, as actually occurred, the protest did not result in the cessation of gas hostilities, it still served its purpose as propaganda aimed at Allied morale. Knowing his dispositions for gas defence, and our own offensive preparations, it is probable that the enemy was willing to withdraw before being overwhelmed by Allied and American production. After three years of costly improvised production by the Allies, Germany could no longer securely enjoy the fruits of the initiative provided by the plants and factories of the I.G.
Peculiar Peace-Time Danger.–There can be no doubt therefore that the mere contact of two armies during war acts as a check against the decisive use of chemical warfare, except in the very early stages. During peace this contact will be practically non-existent, and it would be possible for any country so to diverge in its lines of research and discovery that, given rapid means of production, it could repeat the German surprise of 1915, this time with decisive results. Should such a nation possess a monopoly in the means of rapid production, the world is practically at her mercy. Should she be prepared to break her word, the usual means of controlling disarmament are impotent against these developments.
War Fluctuations of Initiative.–In the light of the above remarks the fluctuations in the initiative during the recent war are very significant. The first marked feature was the development of British and Allied protection to counter the enemy attacks which would presumably follow the first German use of cloud gas. Immediately after the German chemical surprise, and while the Allies were still undecided whether to retaliate, work proceeded feverishly on the development of some form of protection for the hitherto unprotected soldier. In response to Lord Kitchener’s dramatic appeal to the women of England and France, masks were sent to France in sufficient quantity within a few days. They were of a very primitive type, and consisted of a pad of cotton wool impregnated with certain chemicals, to be held in place over the mouth, which was superseded, in May, by a very similar contrivance, slightly more efficient with regard to the length of time of protection. Dr. Haldane and certain other prominent chemists and physiologists worked on the different improvised types. With this feeble protection, or, in the first case, with none at all, our armies had to face the first German cloud gas attacks.
The idea of the gas helmet which covered the whole head was brought to England by Captain Macpherson of the Newfoundland Corps, early in May. Suitably impregnated, it made satisfactory tests. The helmet type of respirator made of flannel was first tested in the Anti-Gas laboratories on May 10th, 1915, and was a great success compared with previously suggested types. Arrangements for its manufacture were accordingly made, and this began in June, 1915. This protective device consisted of a flannel helmet with a celluloid film eyepiece, and was called the hypo helmet. The fabric was impregnated with the same solution as the cotton waste pads described above, the dipping being carried out largely at Oxford Works, but partly in the Royal Army Clothing Department, Pimlico. Its manufacture was continued until September, 1915, about two and a half millions being made in all. From June, 1915, we never really lost the initiative in the matter of defence, although, at different times, the struggle was very intense. It was this helmet, with the modified phenate impregnation, which, known as the P. helmet, formed the first line of defence against the probable employment of phosgene by Germany. It became known as the “Tube Helmet” when fitted with a mouthpiece for exhaled air, and, in this form, countered the formidable enemy phosgene attack in December, 1915. The later addition of hexamine, suggested from Russia, greatly improved the efficiency against phosgene and led to the P.H. helmet, which was issued from January, 1916. It was not withdrawn until February, 1918, but in the later stages was used as a second line of defence. The magnitude of this manoeuvring for protection can be judged from the facts that two and a half millions of hypo helmets, nine millions of P. helmets, and fourteen millions of P.H. helmets were issued during the campaign.
There is no doubt that this early period, however, was a very costly experiment on the use of the different masks, the success of which involved the loss of numbers of men who were compelled, through reasons of supply or uncertain design, to use the less efficient types. In one case, for example, the trial of mica eyepieces rendered otherwise efficient masks absolutely useless by breaking, and caused losses. We cannot afford to repeat such experiments in future. Failure to develop protective appliances fatally implies large-scale experiments in future wars in which unnecessary loss of life is bound to occur. If steady research in peace can diminish this possible loss, shall it be stopped?
The urgency of these developments can be understood from a case quoted by General Hartley:[1] “A certain modification of the respirator was considered necessary in France, and officers were sent home to explain what was needed. Within forty-eight hours of their arrival arrangements were made to modify the respirators, and within a few weeks the fighting troops had been re-equipped with the new pattern. Less than three months after the change had been recommended three attacks were made by the Germans which would certainly have had very serious consequences if our troops had not been in possession of the improved respirator, as the older pattern would not have withstood the concentration of gas employed. This was only one of many changes that were made in the respirator to meet new developments.”
[1] Report before the British Association, 1919.
How urgent was the need for these developments? It was vital. Here is a case showing frightful losses sustained by partially or inefficiently protected troops. Between May and July of 1915 the Germans made at least three cloud gas attacks upon the Russians, immediately west of Warsaw. In all these attacks, taken together, gas was discharged for a total time of not more than one hour, and they were all practically from the same position, on a front of about six miles. The affair seems relatively small, yet what was the result? The Russians lost not less than 5000 dead on the field, and their total casualties were of the order of 25,000 officers and men. A Siberian regiment had, before the last attack, a ration strength of about forty officers and 4000 men. This was reduced by a twenty minutes gas discharge to four officers and four hundred men. No other weapon could have reproduced, under the most favourable conditions for its use, in as many days, what gas was able to do in as many minutes.
Although our protection had countered the later German attacks with cloud gas, yet it threatened to fail to meet the situation created by the use of a variety of organic chemicals in shell. In order to counter the use of lachrymatory compounds by the enemy, compounds which penetrated the helmet insufficiently to cause serious casualties but sufficiently to hamper the individual by lachrymation, goggles were introduced in which the eyes were protected by rims of rubber sponge. This remedied the weakness of the P.H. helmet and produced the P.H.G. helmet, of which more than one and a half millions were issued during 1916-1917.
Towards the end of 1915 the standard protection was the P. and P.H. helmet, but the use of lachrymators compelled us to use the P.H.G. Even this helmet was not satisfactory against the high concentrations of phosgene or lachrymators, and after much research the opinion gained ground that further development must be on other lines. In addition, the need for a more general form of protection was emphasised by the German adoption of a mask of cartridge design. In other words, the fabric of the helmet, or facial portion of the mask, was made impermeable, and the filtration of the poisoned air occurred through a cartridge, or filtering box, attached to the fabric in the form of a snout. The cartridge provided a much greater protective range and capacity. It was clear that such German protection was evidence of their plans for the further use of gas. The new German cartridge mask appeared in the autumn of 1915. Doctor H. Pick, reviewing German protective measures in Schwarte’s book, enumerates the various desiderata of the ideal mask and explains, “It was only our early recognition of these requirements which gave us an advantage over the enemy from the first in the sphere of defensive measures against gas, and which spared us from having to undertake radical alterations in the apparatus as the English, French, and Russians had to do more than once.” This early adoption of a comprehensive view on protection by Germany is a testimony to both German thoroughness and their definite intention to proceed with a vigorous chemical war. The latter is not mere inference, for it is borne out by the dates at which they commenced production in their dye factories. Further, even if the German cartridge mask was only decided upon after Loos, which is not probable, our feeble reply in that battle would hardly have justified such a radical advance in protection.
It was thus forecasted that not only would new ranges of compounds be employed which it would be most difficult to counter individually, but aggressive methods would arise, either entirely new or modifications of the cloud method, which would enable much higher concentrations to be obtained than those in evidence hitherto. Accordingly the first type of the well-known British Box Respirator was designed, giving a big capacity of highly efficient filtering material, or granule, contained in a canister, with an improved face-piece and breathing arrangements. Without going into details, it may be said that Colonel Harrison and Major Lambert were associated with a number of other enthusiastic workers in developing the Box Respirator.
Here again the question of chemical supply threatened to influence our retention of the initiative. Without going into the development of the granule in the respirator, the supply of potassium permanganate was of prime importance, and the country was woefully deficient in the production of this substance. The determined efforts of British manufacturers overcame this difficulty. It was now possible to work on general lines for the improvement of this canister to increase its protective range, and to modify the canister specifically in accordance with intelligence as to what the enemy had recently done or was about to do. In this way, and successively, the army was successfully protected against the higher concentrations employed and the newer substances introduced. The issue of the large Box Respirator commenced in February, 1916. It was replaced by the small Box Respirator which came out in August, 1916, and of which over sixteen millions had been issued before the signing of the Armistice. At one time over a quarter of a million small Box Respirators were produced weekly. The chief modifications were the use of a smaller box or canister, the margin of protection being unnecessarily large in the former type.
It became necessary in the spring of 1917 to provide more efficient protection against irritating smokes which tended to penetrate the respirator as minute particles, and the first form consisted in the use of two layers of cotton wadding in the canister of the small Box Respirator. The use of Blue Cross compounds by Germany in the summer of 1917 rendered this matter more urgent, and a special filter jacket was designed which fitted round the Small Box Respirator. A million were made and sent to France. Developments proceeded on these lines. Altogether, more than fifty million masks and respirators of different kinds were manufactured by the British Anti-Gas Department for our own and Allied armies.
We thus have some idea of the importance of protection in chemical warfare and of the absolutely imperative need of deciding whether or no work on protection must go on. There can be no doubt as to the answer to this question. It is not only in the interest of the army, whether a League of Nations or a national army, but also in those of the civil population.
The Tense Protective Struggle.–Few people realise how the development of Allied and enemy gas masks and protective measures was forced upon each side in a number of critical steps. At each of these, had research and production been unequal to the task, the armies would have found themselves more uncovered and exposed than if the whole trench and dug-out system had been suddenly rendered unusable in some peculiar way, thus removing cover from high explosive and shrapnel, rifle, and machine-gun fire. The army has an apt expression. An officer or man parading incompletely equipped is dubbed “half naked.” To be within reach of enemy gas without a mask was true nakedness. A modern army without a gas mask is much more helpless and beaten than one without boots. More than this, it must be clearly understood that a gas mask of efficient design and production will remain of very little use unless, supported by comprehensive research which, itself, gains enormously in efficiency if related to enemy offensive activities.
The German Mask.–Consider the German mask for a moment. We have seen how Germany adopted the canister drum or cartridge form before any of the other belligerents, and in good time to protect her own men against their own use of phosgene, at the end of 1915. Indeed, Germany probably held up the use of phosgene until her own protection against it was developed, although Schwarte’s book claims that the German mask issue in 1915 was mainly a protection against chlorine. The filling consisted of some such material as powdered pumice-stone saturated with a solution of potash, and powdered over with fine absorbent charcoal in order to protect against organic irritants and phosgene. These were the familiar one-layer drums. Then came the British concentrated cloud gas offensive in the summer of 1916, which undoubtedly found the German mask unequal to some of the higher concentrations which were obtained under most favourable conditions. The Gas Officer of the Sixth German Army stated in a document issued in November, 1916: “Considerable losses were caused by the gas attacks which have taken place latterly. The casualties were mainly due to the men being surprised in dugouts, to the neglect of gas discipline, masks not being at hand, to faulty masks, and to the use of old pattern drums _*which could not afford protection against the type of gas employed by the enemy_. (The italics are our own.–V.L.)
Evidence is found in the introduction of the German three-layer drum in the autumn of 1916. An army does not undertake the manufacture of millions of new appliances without very good reason. This new drum was specially aimed at phosgene protection. The middle layer consisted of granulated absorbent charcoal, which had the property of absorbing large quantities of organic irritants and phosgene. In the three-layer drum the latter gas was adequately guarded against for most field purposes, although we have reason to believe that the German staff was always apprehensive, and German soldiers suspicious of the actual penetration of their mask obtained in the immediate locality of projector discharges.
Dr. Pick explains in Schwarte’s book what is already well known, that the charcoal layer has a wide, “non-specific effect, and it retains almost all materials of which the molecular weight is not too small, even if very strongly neutral in character (as, for example, chlorpicrin).” He goes on to say “the progressive development of gas warfare led to the use of these very materials, whilst substances with acid properties, such as chlorine, fell more and more into disuse. The three-layer drum went through all sorts of changes in consequence. When the use of chlorpicrin mixtures gained in importance in 1917, the layer of charcoal was increased at the expense of the other two layers. This stage of development ended in 1918, when the other layers were done away with altogether, and the entire three sets were filled with `A’ charcoal.” ” `A’ charcoal was a particularly efficient form. We learn from the same source that the increased protection against phosgene was very welcome to the Germans in view of the danger arising from gas projector attacks. Further, the capacity for absorption of the German charcoal was never equalled by any of foreign production.” This was certainly true for the greater part of the war. But Dr. Pick continues, in a sentence which is full of significance: “In consequence of the high quality of the drum’s absorption, we were able to carry on to the end of the war with a drum of relatively small proportions.” This point is so important as to demand further explanation.
Enforced German Modifications.–The most important disadvantage of a gas mask is its resistance to breathing. Men undertaking arduous and dangerous duties in the presence of gas must wear a mask, but they cannot undertake these duties if their breathing is seriously interfered with. This is particularly so in trench engineering and in the heavy work of the artillery. Now the resistance depends, for a given type of filling, upon the area of the cross-section of the drum. Breathing will be easier through a very large area than through a very small one. The British appliance was a frank admission that, with its filling, a large drum was necessary, so large that the weight of it could not be borne by the mask itself, but by attachment to the chest, the actual mask being connected with the drum or box by a flexible rubber tube. But the Germans adopted from the beginning a form of protective appliance in which the drum or cartridge was attached to and supported by the mask. In other words, their development was limited by the weight of their drum, unless they completely changed their type on British lines. It is quite clear that they realised this, for Doctor Pick tells us, referring to the large size of the British box: “For this reason the weight of the box is so great that it is no longer possible to attach it directly to the mask. It is, therefore, carried on the chest and joined to the mouthpiece of the mask by a flexible tube.”
The development of British cloud gas compelled the Germans so to modify their filling that the resistance to breathing increased considerably. They countered this, however, by introducing an exceedingly active charcoal, realising that the weight of their drum had already reached the limit possible with that type of apparatus, and that they could not, therefore, get better breathing capacity by increasing its size. When, however, the Blue Cross compounds were introduced, it was necessary for both armies to take special precautions. These precautions involved introducing a layer of filtering material into the canister or drum. Dr. Pick tells us: “When the material of the Blue Cross type became of greater importance, a supplementary apparatus had to be issued. A thin disc filter prepared by a special method from threads of cotton was fastened to the tube of the drum by means of a spring lid. This arrangement provided adequate protection against materials of the Blue Cross type used by the enemy, as, for instance, stannic chloride, whilst the German Blue Cross gas, which was more penetrating, was only retained to a moderate degree.” This is a direct admission that, in order to counter the Allied use of Blue Cross gas, further filtering arrangements would have been necessary. But the resistance to breathing of the German apparatus was already strained to the utmost. It is exceedingly improbable that the Germans, having already reached the limit of size of the canister or drum, and being unable to obtain better breathing by increase in size, could have introduced any such device without carrying their resistance beyond the possible limit. In other words, the use of Blue Cross by the Allies would have compelled them to adopt the British type of apparatus, that is, a bigger box supported by the chest and connected to the mask by a flexible rubber tube. This would have led them into an _impasse_.
Shortage of Rubber.–We know how, in the beginning of 1917, they were compelled to substitute leather in the substance of the mask. Dr. Pick admits that this was due to lack of raw material, rubber, and there are many other signs that this was so. Although leather was not altogether a bad substitute for this purpose, rubber would have been essential for the flexible tube, and the millions required to refit the army would have completely broken the German rubber resources. Many facts, including their feverish development of synthetic rubber, small quantities of which they obtained at enormous cost, go to prove this conclusion. The submarine, _Deutschland_, returning to Germany in 1916, from its historic trip to America, carried shipments of the most sorely needed commodities, including large quantities of raw rubber. Stringent measures were adopted later to collect waste rubber and prevent its use for such purposes as billiard tables and tyres for private vehicles. The first naval expedition to Baltic ports after the Armistice found the hospitals in a pitiable plight for lack of rubber. The Germans were being driven into an impossible position. In other words, the Allies, by a proper use of Blue Cross compounds, could have regained the gas initiative. There is no doubt that they were within a few months of doing so. Once again we see the importance of production. Lack of raw materials for protective purposes was endangering the German position, but delay in offensive production by the Allies removed that danger. Although their pressing need was obvious, the Blue Cross arsenic compounds were not available. The chemical war involves manoeuvring for position just as definitely as the older forms, but in it production, formerly a routine activity, assumes critical strategic importance.
Gas Discipline.–This constant vigilance against enemy surprise imposed more conditions upon the troops than the permanent adoption of a protective appliance which, in itself, was a very big thing. Given the mask, the army had to be taught how and when to use it. A gas sense had to be developed which ensured rapid use of the mask at the right time with the least hampering of operations. Gas discipline thus became one of the most important features of general training, a feature which can never be abandoned by the armies of civilised nations in the future without disastrous results. This discipline, like all other protective work, was dependent in its nature and intensity upon the struggle for the initiative. One example out of many is found in the numerous German Army Orders which followed our introduction of the Livens projector. This weapon gave the possibility of much higher concentrations at much greater ranges from the front line than were formerly possible and for a time German gas discipline was severely shaken, and the staffs had to react violently to meet the situation. The introduction of this weapon, in fact, was the first clear case of the gaining of the chemical initiative by the Allies. A telegram from German General Headquarters stated: “The English have achieved considerable success by firing gas mines simultaneously from a considerable number of projectors on to one point. Casualties occurred because the gas was fired without warning, and because its concentration was so great that a single breath would incapacitate a man.”
This is a further example of the fact that the decisive initiative was very difficult to obtain after two years of war, whereas by the same means it would have been ensured at the commencement. The general development of German protection was a partial safeguard, but the value of the weapon could be seen from the fact that an order was issued for all German working parties to wear gas masks when within 1000 yards of the front line on nights not obviously unsuitable for Allied gas discharges. It is difficult to exaggerate the military importance of such an imposition.
Summary.–We have thus covered a period, the main features of which were attempts at the cloud initiative by Germany and our rapid and successful protective reaction. The conditions surrounding the first attack were entirely peculiar. The complete surprise attending it could only be repeated at the commencement of another war. It failed for entirely different reasons from those which prevented the decisive use of phosgene by the Germans. But our reaction carried us further, and we developed the final form of cloud gas attack, the Livens projector, which, in its turn, taxed the German protection to the utmost, and threatened to overcome it. History repeated itself with a vengeance in this protective struggle.
Two attempts at the cloud initiative, the German phosgene attempt and the Livens projector, were both partially successful. Had either of those attempts shared the surprise of April 22nd, 1915, their success would have been many times greater. It was contact on the battle front that developed a protective appliance and organisation, by giving us an insight into enemy appliances and projects. We cannot emphasise too strongly the significance of this for the future. Apart from remote exceptions, contact will be entirely absent. We can have no guarantee whatever that new devices will be revealed, either between nations or to a central body. Suppose the Germans had been more fully aware of the possibilities of cloud gas, and, realising the dependence of their one method upon wind direction and caprice, had developed our method of producing cloud at a distance. The combinations of the two methods at Ypres could hardly have left a margin of chance for failure. This is a feeble example of what may occur.
New German Attempts.–By this time it was not easy to see how either side could obtain a decisive surprise by the use of chemicals aimed at the respiratory system. It appeared very difficult to penetrate the different forms of respirators by conditions obtainable in the field.
Professor F. P. Kirschbaum, writing on gas warfare, in Schwarte’s book, reveals how Germany counted on obtaining the gas initiative against the French at Verdun. He explains how the decision to use Green Cross on a large scale coincided with certain modifications in the design of the German gas shell, which made its large-scale manufacture much simpler and more rapid. “The manufacture of Green Cross,” he also tells us, “was assured in the special progress in technical chemistry, and the output was adequate,” and goes on to explain, “The first use of per stuff[1] found the enemy unprepared with any suitable protection. The French had equipped their troops with protection against chlorine, but had provided no protection against phosgene,”–“the results of Green Cross ammunition were recognised by the troops. During the big operations before Verdun, however, the enemy did their very utmost to substitute the gas mask M2 for the respirator XTX. Gas mask M2 was a protection against Green Cross. For this reason Green Cross ammunition alone could not be expected to have an effect, as soon as the enemy carried out defensive measures by means of gas mask M2 or some better apparatus. This reverse spurred on the Germans to renewed efforts.” The writer proceeds to explain how in 1916 these efforts resulted in finding two important substitutes, mustard gas or Yellow Cross and the arsenic compounds of the Blue Cross type.
[1] Diphosgene or Green Cross constituents.
Yellow and Blue Cross.–The Germans had, somewhat hastily, laid aside their cloud activities. But they were very keenly pursuing another line, the development of shell gas. Thus, in July, 1917, they made two distinct attempts to regain their initiative by the use of shell gas, and were very largely successful in one case. We refer to the Yellow and Blue Cross shell, containing mustard gas and diphenyl-chlorarsine respectively.
Captain Geyer, writing in Schwarte’s book, relates: “Gas was used to a much greater extent, over 100,000 shells to a bombardment after the introduction of the Green Cross shell in the summer of 1916 at Verdun. From that time the use of gas became much more varied as the number of types of guns firing gas projectiles was increased, field guns having also been provided with gas projectiles. The most tremendous advance in the use of gas by the artillery, and indeed in the use of gas in general, came in the summer of 1917 with the introduction of the three elements, Green, Yellow, and Blue, one after another. This introduced the most varied possibilities of employing gas, which were utilised to the full in many places on the front during the successful defensive operations of 1917, above all in Flanders and at Verdun. The hardly perceptible poisoning of an area by means of Yellow Cross shell and the surprise gas attack became two of the new regulation methods of using gas.”
Yellow Cross.–The respirator afforded complete protection against the attacks of mustard gas on the respiratory system, but this gas evaded protection in other ways. In the first place, its early unfamiliarity evaded the gas discipline of the Allies, and it was not realised in many cases that the respirator was necessary. This was speedily corrected, but its second line of attack was not easily, and never finally countered. We refer to its vesicant action. Mustard gas could produce severe blistering and skin wounds in such slight concentrations, even through clothing, that it was a tremendous casualty producer, putting men out of action for several weeks or months, with a very low rate of mortality. Used in large quantities against an entirely unprotected army, its results might well have been decisive.
This was the first example of chemical attack upon a new function. We had too readily assumed that gas, or chemical attack, would be restricted to the respiratory system, or to the eyes. We had assumed that if our mask protection was ahead of enemy respiratory attacks our situation was safe. Mustard gas was a rude awakening. It was impossible to protect fully against mustard gas, unless we protected the whole body, and it was never possible to do this during the war without too seriously influencing the movements of the soldier.
Blue Cross.–The Blue Cross Shell was a deliberate attempt to pierce the respirator. It represented to the German mind such an advance of aggression over protection that the effect on the enemy would be almost as if he were entirely unprotected. Some idea of the German estimate of its importance can be found in the following quotation from Captain Geyer: “The search for new irritants in the sphere of arsenic combinations led to the discovery of a series of effective substances. In view of the obvious importance of highly irritant compounds capable of existing in a very finely divided, pulverised, or particulate form, research was made in the domain of little volatile substances with boiling points up to 400’0. This led to the astonishing discovery that _diphenylarsenious chloride_ when scattered would penetrate all gas masks then in use, even the German, practically unweakened, and would have serious irritant effects on the wearers. This discovery could only be explained by the supposition that the irritant works in the form of particles which it is difficult to keep back by means of a respirator, even a completely protecting respirator, such as the German and English gas masks were at that time. Further analysis showed that the mixture of air and gas examined revealed a concentration of gas greatly in excess of the point of saturation for the vapour given off by this stuff. Finally, ultra microscopic examination showed the existence of smoke particles. A new type of fighting material had been discovered.”
He also tells us how, following this discovery, production rose to 600 tons monthly, and used up all the arsenic obtainable in Germany. The Allies were fully alive to the importance of this matter, and we have already explained that, had they been in possession of large quantities of Blue Cross compounds, they might have forced German protection into an impossible position. No better example could be found of the immense superiority enjoyed by Germany owing to her flexible and efficient producing organisation. Captain Geyer goes on to explain how the military value of these projectiles was considerable, and, therefore, the monthly production reached a figure of over one million shell. We have already emphasised the question of design in chemical warfare, and its importance is borne out by the comparative failure of these German projectiles. Geyer explains how only minute particles less than 1/10,000 of a millimetre in diameter are of any use to penetrate a mask, and he develops the difficulties experienced by Germany in obtaining such fine pulverisation without decomposing the substance. He explains the difficulties which they had in arriving at a suitable shell, and their unsuccessful struggle to overcome the necessity of a glass container, which, he says, demanded “a considerable advance in the technical work of shell production.”
This attempt at the chemical initiative by the use of Blue Cross illustrates another method of attack. Geyer says, “Blue and Green Cross ammunition were used simultaneously in the field–called coloured cross (Buntkreuz) in order, by the use of Blue Cross, to force the enemy to remove gas masks, whereby they exposed themselves to the poisonous effects of Green Cross. Matters seldom reached that point, however, for as soon as the enemy realised the effect of `coloured cross’ ammunition, they withdrew troops which were being bombarded with it from their positions to a zone beyond the range of artillery fire. The English in particular had tried to protect the troops against the effects of diphenylarsenious chloride, and of diphenylarsenious cyanide (which followed it and was even more effective) by the use of filters made of woollen material and wadding. They were to a great extent technically successful, but the most effective defensive apparatus, the `jacket’ to the box, was unsatisfactory from the military point