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lib. xx, cap. v-xiii).

[5] Hernan Cortes, the conqueror of Mexico, was born in 1485, at Badajoz, Spain. When a mere boy, he resolved upon a military career, and in 1504 went to the West Indies, where he took part in various expeditions, and held some official posts of importance. During 1519-27, Cortes effected the conquest of Mexico and subjugation of its people. Returning to Spain in triumph (1528), he received from the emperor titles and lands, and was made captain-general of New Spain, an office which he held from 1530 to 1541. He sent Saavedra to search for Loaisa (1527); and in 1533 and, 1539 sent out expeditions of discovery–the latter, under Ulloa, ascending the western coast of America to thirty-two degrees north latitude. Cortes died at Seville, December 2, 1547.

[6] Andres de Urdaneta was born in 1498, at Villafranca de Guipuzcoa. He received a liberal education, but, his parents dying, he chose a military career; and he won distinction in the wars of Germany and Italy, attaining the rank of captain. Returning to Spain, he devoted himself to the study of mathematics and astronomy, and became proficient in navigation. Joining Loaisa’s expedition, he remained in the Moluccas, contending with the Portuguese there, until 1535, when he went back to Spain. Going thence to Mexico (about 1540), he was offered command of the expedition then fitting out for the Moluccas, “but on terms which he could not accept.” Villalobos was given command of the fleet in his stead, and Urdaneta later (1552) became a friar, entering the Augustinian order, in which he made his profession on March 20, 1553, in the City of Mexico. There he remained until the fleet of Legazpi departed (November 21, 1564) from La Navidad, Mexico, for the Philippine Islands; Urdaneta accompanied this expedition, with four other friars of his order. He was appointed prelate of those new lands, with the title of “protector of the Indians;” he also acted as pilot of the fleet. In the following year he was despatched to Spain, to give an account to the government of what Legazpi had accomplished. This mission fulfilled, he desired to return to the Philippines, but was dissuaded from this step by his friends; he came back to Mexico, where he died (June 3, 1568), aged seventy years. Urdaneta was endowed with a keen intellect, and held to his opinions and convictions with great tenacity. To his abilities and sagacity are ascribed much of Legazpi’s success in the conquest of the Philippines. For sketches of his life, see Retana’s edition of Martinez de Zuniga’s _Estadismo de las Islas Filipinas_ (Madrid, 1893), ii, appendix, pp. 621, 622; and _Dic.-Encic. Hisp.-Amer._

[7] The “zebra” was the guanaco or South American camel (_Auchenia_). The feathers were those of the South American ostrich (_Rhea rhea_), also called “nandu” and “avestruz” by the natives, or possibly of the smaller species _R. darwinii_; both are found as far south as the Strait of Magellan.

[8] It was the custom of many of the writers of these early documents to give in dates only the last two or three figures of the year.

[9] His name was Alvaro de Loaisa.

[10] This was the flagship of Magalhaes, which remained at Tidore after the departure of the “Victoria.” The “Trinidad” set out for Panama on April 6, 1522, but was compelled by sickness and unfavorable winds to return to the islands. She was then captured by the Portuguese; the ship was wrecked in a heavy storm at Ternate, and her crew detained as prisoners by the Portuguese. Hardships, disease, and shipwreck carried away all of them except four, who did not reach Spain until 1526.

[11] Sebastian Cabot (Caboto) was born about 1473–probably at Venice, although some claim Bristol, England, as his birthplace; he was the son of the noted explorer John Cabot, whom he accompanied on the famous voyage (1494) in which they discovered and explored the eastern coasts of Canada. A second voyage thither (1498), in which Sebastian was commander, proved a failure; and no more is heard of him until 1512, when he entered the service of Fernando V of Spain, who paid him a liberal salary. In 1515 he was a member of a commission charged with revising and correcting all the maps and charts used in Spanish navigation. About this time, he was preparing to make a voyage of discovery; but the project was defeated by Fernando’s death (January 23, 1516). In the same year Cabot led an English expedition which coasted. Labrador and entered Hudson Strait; he then returned to Spain, and was appointed (February 5, 1518) royal pilot-major, an office of great importance and authority. He was one of the Spanish commissioners at Badajoz in 1524; and in 1526 commanded a Spanish expedition to the Moluccas, which sailed from Spain on April 3 of that year. Arriving at the River de la Plata, Cabot decided to explore that region instead of proceeding to the Moluccas–induced to take this step by a mutiny among his officers, sickness among his crews, and the loss of his flag-ship. Misfortunes followed him, and he returned to Spain in 1530. Upon the accession of Edward VI to the English throne, Cabot was induced to reenter the English service, which he did in 1548, receiving from Edward promotion and rewards. Nothing is heard of him after 1557; and no work of his is known to be extant save a map of the world, made in 1544. and preserved in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. Regarding his life and achievements, see Nicholls’s _Sebastian Cabot_ (London, 1869); Henry Stevens’s _Sebastian Cabot_ (Boston, 1870); Harrisse’s _Jean et Sebastian Cabot_ (Paris, 1882); F. Tarducci’s _John and Sebastian Cabot_ (Brownson’s translation, Detroit, 1893); Dawson’s “Voyages of the Cabots,” in _Canad. Roy. Soc. Trans., 1894,_ pp. 51-112, 1896, pp. 3-30, 1897, pp. 139-268; Dionne’s _John and Sebastian Cabot_ (Quebec, 1898); Winship’s _Cabot Bibliography_ (London, 1900).

[12] Joao Serrao, one of Magalhaes’s captains, was elected, after the latter’s death, to the command of the fleet. On May 1, 1521, he was murdered by natives on the island of Cebu, having been treacherously abandoned there by his own companions.

[13] The “Santiago,” in which was the priest Areizaga (see note 3).

[14] Saavedra died at sea in the month of December, 1529. See Navarrete’s _Col. de viages_, v, p. 422.

[15] Lib. xx of Oviedo’s _Hist. de Indias_ is devoted to the relation of these early expeditions to the Philippines of Magalhaes, Loaisa, and Saavedra.

[16] Ruy Lopez de Villalobos is said to have been a man of letters, licentiate in law, and born of a distinguished family in Malaga; he was brother-in-law of Antonio de Mendoza, who (then viceroy of New Spain) appointed him commander of the expedition here described. Departing from Navidad, Mexico (November 1, 1542), he reached Mindanao on February 2 of the following year; he was the first to make explorations in that island. It was he who bestowed upon those islands the name Filipinas (Philippine), in honor of the crown-prince Don Felipe of Spain, afterward known as Felipe II; he conferred this appellation probably in 1543. The Portuguese, then established in the Moluccas, opposed any attempt of Spaniards to settle in the neighboring islands, and treated Villalobos as an enemy. After two years of hardships and struggles, he was obliged to place himself in their hands; and, departing for Spain in one of their ships, was seized by a malignant fever, which terminated his life at Amboina, on Good Friday, 1546. In his last hours he was spiritually assisted by St. Francis Xavier (styled “the Apostle of the Indies”). For biographical material regarding Villalobos, see _Dic.-Encic. Hisp.-Amer.,_ article: “Lopez de Villalobos;” Galvano’s _Discoveries of the World_ (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 231-238; and Buzeta and Bravo’s _Diccionario Filipinas_; Retana’s sketch, in his edition of Zuniga’s _Estadismo_, ii, p. 593*.

[17] Pedro de Alvarado was, after Hernan Cortes, the most notable of the early Spanish conquerors of New Spain. He was born at Badajoz, about 1485, and came to America in 1510. He served with distinction in many wars and expeditions during the conquest, and received from Cortes various important commands. Among these was the post of governor and captain-general of Guatemala (1523); in the following year he founded the old city of Guatemala, which later was destroyed by the eruption of a volcano. In 1534 he planned to send an expedition to the Pacific islands; but news of the discovery of Peru and the conquests of Pizarro caused him to defer this enterprise, and he sent instead troops to Peru, fitted out through his extortions on the inhabitants of his province. Afterward he planned, with Mendoza, the expedition conducted by Villalobos, but never knew its outcome; he died on July 4, 1541, from wounds received while attacking an Indian village.

[18] Antonio de Mendoza belonged to a family of distinction, and was born at Granada, toward the close of the fifteenth century. He was the first viceroy of New Spain, being appointed April 17, 1535. He was beloved by the people for his good government; he made wise laws, opened and worked mines, coined money, founded a university and several colleges, and introduced printing into Mexico. He despatched two maritime expeditions of discovery–that of Villalobos, and another to California; and made explorations by land as far as New Mexico. In 1550 he was sent as viceroy to Peru, and administered that office until his death, which occurred July 21, 1552, at Lima.

[19] The title of Marquis del Valle de Oaxaca was conferred upon Hernan Cortes, July 6, 1529. He had taken great interest in the exploration of the Pacific Ocean and its coasts; and had spent on expeditions sent out with that object no less sum than three hundred thousand pesos (Helps’s _Life of Cortes_, p. 282.)

[20] This compares favorably with the homestead law of the United States. The institution mentioned in the next sentence apparently was peculiar to Spanish colonial administration in America. Its origin was in the _repartimiento_, which at first (1497) meant a grant of lands in a conquered country; it was soon extended to include the natives dwelling thereon, who were compelled to till the land for the conqueror’s benefit. In 1503 _encomiendas_ were granted, composed of a certain number of natives, who were compelled to work. The word _encomienda_ is a term belonging to the military orders (from the ranks of which came many officials appointed for the colonies), and corresponds to our word “commandery.” It is defined by Helps (practically using the language of Solorzano, the eminent Spanish jurist), as “a right conceded by royal bounty, to well-deserving persons in the Indies, to receive and enjoy for themselves the tributes of the Indians who should be assigned to them, with a charge of providing for the good of those Indians in spiritual and temporal matters, and of inhabiting and defending the provinces where these _encomiendas_ should be granted to them.” Helps has done good service to historical students in recognizing the great importance, social and economic, of the _encomienda_ system in the Spanish colonies, and its far-reaching results; and in embodying the fruits of his studies thereon in his _Spanish Conquest in America_ (London, 1855-61), to which the reader is referred for full information on this subject; see especially vols. iii, iv.

[21] See the Treaty of Zaragoza, vol. i, p. 222.

[22] This was the dust or residue of the filings from the various assays and operations in the founding of metals, and was usually applied to the benefit of hospitals and houses of charity. It belonged to the king, and was placed under lock and key, one key in possession of the founder and the other of the king’s factor.–Note by editor of _Col. doc. ined_.

[23] This name is variously spelled Labezaris, Labezares, Labezarii, Lavezarii, and in other ways. This man occupied an important place in Legazpi’s expedition, and was later governor of the Philippine Islands. Several documents by him will appear in this series.

[24] A note by the editor of _Doc. ined._ says that the religious sent in this expedition were Fray Jeronimo de San Estevan, prior of the Augustinians; Fray Nicolas de Perea, Fray Alonso de Alvarado, and Fray Sebastian de Reina.

[25] A small vessel with lateen sails.

[26] This was the Portuguese governor of Ternate and the Moluccas. The correspondence may be found in the archives of Torre do Tombo.

[27] Apparently a reference to the islands Sarangani and Balut, off the southern point of Mindanao. Regarding Mazaua (Massava, Mazagua) Stanley cites–in _First Voyage by Magellan_ (Hakluyt Society Publications, no. 52), p. 79–a note in Milan edition of Pigafetta’s relation, locating Massaua between Mindanao and Samar. It is doubtless the Limasaua of the present day, off the south point of Leyte.

[28] A map by Nicolaus Visscher, entitled _Indiae Orientalis nova descriptio_ (undated, but probably late in the seventeenth century) shows “Philippina al Tandaya,” apparently, intended for the present Samar; but Legazpi’s relation of 1565 (_post_) would indicate that Tandaya was the modern Leyte. Ortelius (1570) locates the Talao Islands about half-way from Mindanao to Gilolo they are apparently the Tulour or Salibabo Islands of today.

[29] The names in brackets are the modern appellations (see _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar,_ ii, pp. xvi, xvii).

[30] Antonio Galvano explains this by declaring that he had in 1538 (being then the Portuguese governor of the Moluccas) sent Francisco de Castro to convert the natives of the Philippines to the Catholic faith. On the island of Mindanao he was sponsor at the baptism of six kings, with their wives, children, and subjects. See Galvano’s _Tratado_ (Hakluyt Society reprint of Hakluyt’s translation, _Discoveries of the World_, pp. 208, 233).

[31] See _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar_, ii, p. xvii.

[32] On old maps Abuyo; the aboriginal appellation of the island of Leyte (Retana-edition of Combes’s _Mindanao_, p. 749).

[33] Probably the cannon belonging to Magalhaes’s ship “Trinidad,” which the Portuguese seized in October, 1522; they had built a fortified post on the island of Ternate in the preceding summer, their first settlement in the Moluccas. Ternate, Tidore, Mutir, and two others, are small islands lying along the western coast of Gilolo; on them cloves grew most abundantly when Europeans first discovered the Moluccas.

[34] Bisayas or Visayas is the present appellation of the islands which lie between Luzon and Mindanao.

[35] This document is printed in both the original text and English translation.

[36] Luis de Velasco succeeded Antonio de Mendoza as viceroy of New Spain, taking his office in November, 1550, and holding it until his death (July 31, 1564). He was of an illustrious family of Castile and had held several military appointments before he became viceroy. He exercised this latter office with great ability, and favored the Indians to such an extent that he was called “the father of the Indians.” He died poor and in debt, and was buried with solemnity in the Dominican monastery at the City of Mexico.

[37] A small vessel used as a tender, to carry messages between larger vessels, etc.

[38] The Treaty of Zaragoza, _q.v._ vol. i, p. 222.

[39] This opinion is correct, referring as it does to the five islands lying along the coast of Gilolo.

[40] Miguel Lopez de Legazpi who, with Andres de Urdaneta, rediscovered and conquered the Philippine Islands, was born in Zubarraja in Guipuzcoa in the early part of the sixteenth century, of an old and noble family. He went to Mexico in 1545, where he became chief clerk of the _cabildo_ of the City of Mexico. Being selected to take charge of the expedition of 1564, he succeeded by his great wisdom, patience, and forbearance, in gaining the good will of the natives. He founded Manila, where he died of apoplexy August 20, 1572. He was much lamented by all. He was succeeded as governor of the Philippines by Guido de Lavezaris.

[41] Navarrete says (_Bibl. Marit_., tomo ii, p. 492), that Legazpi was fifty-nine years old when the fleet set sail in 1564, which makes him six years older than the age given above. See _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar,_ tomo ii, p. 116, note.

[42] The Ladrones or Marianas number in all sixteen islands, and are divided into two groups of five and eleven islands respectively. They extend north and south about nine hundred and fifty kilometers, lying between thirteen degrees and twenty-one degrees north latitude, and one hundred and forty-eight degrees and one hundred and forty-nine degrees forty minutes longitude east of Madrid. They are but thinly populated; their flora resembles that of the Philippines. The largest and most important of these islands, Guam, is now the property of the United States.

[43] Although this allusion cannot well be identified, it indicates some episode of the great eagerness and readiness for western discovery then prevalent in France. Cartier’s explorations (1534-36, and 1540-43), and later those of Jean Allefonsce, had already been published to the world; and maps of the eastern coast of North America showed, as early as 1544, the great St. Lawrence River, which afforded an easy entrance to the interior, and might readily be supposed to form a waterway for passage to the “Western Sea”–especially as New France was then generally imagined to be a part of Asia; Japan and China being not very far west of the newly-discovered coast.

[44] These two vessels were rechristened “San Pedro” and “San Pablo” before actually sailing. The admiral of the fleet was to have been Juan de Carrion; but he was left behind because of his dissensions with Urdaneta, and Mateo del Saz fulfilled his duties.

[45] The Theatins were a religious congregation founded in Italy (1524) by Gaetano de Tiene and Giovanni Pietro Caraffa, archbishop of Theato (the modern Chieti)–who afterward became pontiff of Rome, under the title of Paul IV. Their object was to reform the disorders that had crept into the Roman church, and restore the zeal, self-sacrifice, and charity of apostolic days. They would neither own property nor ask alms, but worked at various trades and were thus maintained, with voluntary offerings from the faithful. During the next century they spread into other European countries (where they still have many houses), and undertook missions in Asia.

[46] The total cost of the preparation of Legazpi’s fleet was 382,468 pesos, 7 tomines, 5 grains of common gold; and 27,400 pesos, 3 tomines, 1 grain of gold dust. These expenses cover the period from December 13, 1557, until March 2, 1565. See _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar,_ iii, no. 36, pp. 461-463.

The gold dust here mentioned (Spanish _oro de minas_) means gold in the form of “gravel” or small nuggets, obtained usually from placers, or the washings of river-sands. The “common” gold (_oro comun_) is refined gold, or bullion, ready for coinage.

[47] This vessel, after trying to find–or at least making such a claim–the fleet in Mindanao and other islands, returned to New Spain, anchoring at Puerto de la Navidad August 9, 1565. A relation by its captain Alonso de Arellano, gives an account of this voyage (published in _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar,_ iii, no. 37, pp. 1-76). Testimony as to the truth of this relation is given under oath by its author, his pilot Lope Martin, and others. It is quite evident throughout that it was written with the hope of explaining satisfactorily the “San Lucas’s ” sudden disappearance and failure to rejoin the flagship. Accounts of islands passed by the vessel are given and the various and frequent mishaps of wind and wave detailed at length. On January 8 an island was reached where the people “were afraid of our ship and of us and our weapons. They are well proportioned, tall of stature, and bearded, their beards reaching to their waists. The men wear their hair long like women, neatly combed and tied behind in a knot. They are greedy, very treacherous, and thoroughly unprincipled…. They are Caribs, and, I understand, eat human flesh. They are warlike, as it seemed to us, for they were always prepared, and they must carry on war with other islands. Their weapons are spears pointed with fish bones, and masanas [a wooden weapon, generally edged with sharp flint, used by the early Mexican and Peruvian aborigines.]…. They are much given to hurling stones from slings, and with very accurate aim. They are excellent swimmers and sailors. We called this island Nadadores [Swimmers], because they swam out to us when we were more than a league from the island.” A mutiny sprang up after reaching the Philippines, but was checked. Arellano claims that he left the prescribed tokens of his visit in Mindanao. The _patache_ reached Puerto de la Navidad on August 9, after its crew had suffered many hardships and much sickness. Legazpi, quite naturally, was much displeased at the evident desertion of the “San Lucas” and caused action to be taken against Arellano and Lope Martin, by Gabriel Diaz of the Mexican mint. This latter presented various petitions before the _Audiencia_ of Mexico, detailing the charges and asking investigation. The charges were desertion,–“in which the loss he occasioned cannot be overestimated,” because this vessel was intended for a close navigation of the islands and their rivers and estuaries, which the larger vessels could not attempt,–assuming to himself powers of jurisdiction that belonged to Legazpi as general of the expedition,–executing summary justice on two men (causing them to be thrown overboard),–cruelty, and “many other grave and serious offenses;” which “he had committed in company with the pilot and others.” Diaz asked that Arellano be made to render an account to Legazpi and to serve for his pay, as he had served in the expedition but ten days. However just the demand for an investigation, it was never made, which was probably due to Arellano’s influence with the court in Spain. The only notice that appeared to be taken of the petitions was a request from the _Audiencia_ that Diaz show his authority to act in the case, which he had showed already in the petitions. The voyage of the “San Lucas” is called by the editor of _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar,_ “one of the boldest registered in the history of navigation.” See the above series, tomo ii, pp. 222, 223; and tomo iii, pp. v-xviii, and 1-76.

[48] See the notarial attestation of the taking of possession of Barbudos in _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar,_ iii, pp. 76-79. This was apparently one of the Marshall Islands.

[49] On January 26, 1565, Legazpi in person took possession of the Ladrones, for the Spanish crown. This possession was made in the island of Guam, before Hernando Riquel, government notary, and with all the necessary formalities. The witnesses were “Fray Andres de Urdaneta, prior; the master-of-camp, Mateo del Sanz; the accountant, Andres Cauchela; the factor, Andres de Mirandaola; the chief ensign, Andres de Ybarra; Geronimo de Moncon, and many others.” See the record of possession, _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar,_ iii, pp. 79-81.

[50] Cf. with this the thievishness, and dexterity therein, of the Huron Indians, in _Jesuit Relations_ (Cleveland reissue), v, pp. 123, 241, 243, and elsewhere.

[51] This island is styled variously Guam, Goam, Guan, and Boan (see _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar_, ii, p. 243). The United States government now uses it as a coaling station.

[52] From an official document drawn up by Hernando Riquel, it appears that the fleet reached the Philippines in very poor condition, due to insufficient and careless preparation. In response to a petition signed by the royal officials “Guido de la Vacares [Lavezaris], Andres Cauchela, and Andres de Mirandaola,” that testimonies be received from certain officers and pilots of the fleet, in regard to its poor condition, Legazpi ordered such depositions to be taken, which was done on May 23, 1565. These testimonies show that the fleet left Puerto de la Navidad with insufficient crews, marine equipment, artillery, and food, in consequence of which great sufferings had been and were still being endured. It was testified “that the provisions of meat, lard, cheese, beans and peas, and fish lasted but a short time, because of putrefying and spoiling by reason of having been laid in many days before sailing.” See _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar,_ iii, pp. 305-318.

[53] The notarial testimony of this taking of possession will be given in this volume, p. 167.

[54] Probably the island of Leyte. See _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar_, ii, p. 258.

[55] This ceremony of blood friendship will be explained in later documents. It was characteristic of Malayan peoples. The present Cabalian is in the extreme S.E. part of Leyte.

[56] Camiguin, north of Mindanao, and north by west from Butuan Bay.

[57] The testimonies of the “wrongs inflicted on the natives in certain of the Philippines, under cover of friendship and under pretext of a desire to trade,” by Portuguese from the Moluccas, and the injuries resulting therefrom to the Spaniards, are recounted in _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar_, iii, pp. 284-305.

[58] Probably in pique because Urdaneta’s advice to colonize New Guinea had been disregarded, and because these islands were, as Urdaneta declared, in Portugal’s demarcation.

[59] The notarial memorandum of the finding of the Nino Jesus will be found in _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar_, iii, pp. 277-284. It gives Legazpi’s testimony concerning the discovery, and his appointment of the date of finding as an annual religious holiday, as well as the testimonies of the finder, Juan de Camuz, and of Esteban Rodriguez, to whom Camuz first showed the image (which is described in detail). Pigafetta relates _{First Voyage of Magellan,_ pp. 93, 94) that he gave an image of the Infant Jesus to the queen of Cebu, April 14, 1521–evidently the same as that found by Legazpi’s men.

[60] On this day Legazpi took formal possession of the island of Cebu and adjacent islands for Spain. The testimony of Hernando Riquel, government notary, of this act appears in _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar,_ iii, pp. 89, 90.

[61] This image is still preserved in the Augustinian convent at Cebu; a view of it is presented in this volume.

[62] The preceding relation says three hours.

[63] Probably the casava root.

[64] The native race inhabiting Guam is called Chamorro.

[65] This was the island of Negros (_Col. doc. ined. Ultramar_, ii, p. 410).

[66] The pilot makes use of the familiar second person singular forms throughout this relation.

[67] His relation of this voyage, continued until a few days before his death), is preserved in the Archivo general de Indias, at Seville. See _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar_, ii, p. 456.

[68] His full name. He was a brother of Captain Juan de la Isla. See _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar,_ vol. ii, p. 458.

[69] The number in the printed document is one thousand three hundred and seventy. This must be an error for one thousand eight hundred and seventy, as so great a difference between the three maps would hardly be likely to occur.

[70] This relation may be considered as the continuation of that which records the voyage from New Spain, until the departure of die “San Pedro” from Cebu. Neither is signed, but the former seems to have been written by a military officer, as he speaks in one place of “the men of my company.”

[71] Cf. the Chinese belief, and the reverence of the American Indian for his ancestors.

[72] Cf. the burial rites of North American tribes, as described in the _Jesuit Relations_ (see Index, article: Indians).

[73] This chief’s name is also spelled in this relation Mahomat.

[74] The _fanega_ is a measure of capacity that was extensively used throughout Spain and the Spanish colonies, and in the Spanish-American republics; but it is now largely superseded by the measures of the metric system. Its value varied in different provinces or colonies. Its equivalents in United States (Winchester) bushels are as follows: Aragon, O.64021; Teruel (Aragon), I.23217; Castile, 1.59914; Asturias, 2.07358; Buenos Aires, 3.74988; Canary Islands, 1.77679 (struck), 2.5 (heaped). The _fanega_ of Castile is equivalent to 5.63 decaliters. The name was also applied to the portion of ground which might be sown with a _fanega_ of grain.

[75] A detailed relation of the voyage of the “San Geronimo” was written by Juan Martinez, a soldier, being dated Cebu, July 25, 1567. It is given in _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar,_ ii, no. 47, pp. 371-475. From the very first the insubordination of the pilot Lope Martin was manifest, who said to the easy-going captain. “If you think you are going to take me to Cebu, you are very much mistaken; for as soon as he saw me there, the governor would hang me.”

[76] In regard to this use of precious gums, see _East Africa and Malabar_ (Hakluyt Society Publications, no. 35), pp. 31, 230; in that text _yncenso_ is incorrectly translated “wormwood.”

[77] Document no. xli, pp. 244-276, tomo iii, consists of memoranda made by Hernando Riquel, notary of the expedition. These were drawn up by order of Legazpi, and relate to occurrences after the fleet reached Cabalian (March, 1565), until the resolution to colonize in Cebu. They are mainly concerned with negotiations with the natives, and are fully attested; but contain nothing additional to the matter in the relations.

[78] A tax paid to the monarch by those not belonging to the nobility.

[79] See note 18, _ante_, on _repartimientos_ and _encomiendas_.

[80] Counselors of the provincial or other high official, whose advice was considered by him in all important affairs.

[81] Ours: a familiar term in use by members of a religious order, referring to their fellows therein.

[82] This island is called by the French pilot Pierres Plun, in his relation, Zibaban, Zibao, and Zibaba. La Concepcion calls it (_Historia,_ vol. i, p. 331) Ybabao. The editor of _Cartas de Indias_ conjectures this to be the island of Libagas (near Mindoro); but that would not agree with the statements made about it in various documents. Retana (_Zuniga,_ vol. ii, p. 383*) says that Cibabao is Samar, which is, however, not an altogether satisfactory identification.

[83] This name is given at Arrezun in _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar_.

[84] In _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar_, this name it given as Francisco Escudero de la Portolla.

[85] In another document, dated February 20, 1565 (published in _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar_, iii, pp. 81, 82), Legazpi personally verified the possession taken by Ybarra, Andres de Urdaneta being witness thereto. On that day Legaspi took possession not only of Cibabao but of the adjacent islands.

[86] In _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar_ (p. 336), this name is given as “ypolito atanbor.”

[87] Many of these names are signed with a _rubrica_ or flourish, which, like the French _paraphe_, was customary as a protection against forgery.

[88] Apparently referring to the president of the _Audiencia_ of New Spain, although the formal address is to that body as a whole.

[89] This list does not accompany the letter, either in the Sevilla archives or in _Doc. ined;_ but see Bibliographical Data for this document, at end of this volume.

[90] The Spanish _quintal_ varied in different provinces and colonies as follows (equivalents given in U.S. pounds): Aragon, 109.738476; Castile (and Chile), 101.6097; Asturias, 152.281185; Catalonia, 87.281; Valencia (old measure), 109.728476; Buenos Aires, 101.4178. This unit of weight has been generally replaced by those of the metric system.

[91] Evidently this word is used in its early sense, of one who practiced blood-letting, etc., as the barber often performed duties now strictly pertaining to the physician.

[92] The _arroba_ was equal to four _quintals_.

[93] The _braza_ was a measure of length, equivalent to 16.718 decimeters, or 1.82636 yards (U.S.) The name originated (like the French _brasse_) in the primitive use of the human arm as a measure of length. The _braza_ (square) was used in the Philippines as a measure of surface, being equivalent to 36 Spanish, or 30.9168 English, square feet.

[94] A short dagger with a broad blade.

[95] In the relation published in _Col. doc. ined. Ultramar_, ii, pp. 265-277, where these transactions are recounted in greater detail, these names are spelled Camutrian (Camutuan, Camotuan), and Maletec, respectively.

[96] Apparently the same as the Massaua of earlier documents.

[97] In the relation cited above, note 92, the name of this island is spelled (p. 277) Camiguinin.

[98] The second ship of the fleet, “San Pablo.” The “San Pedro” or flagship was spoken of as the _capitana_.

[99] A veil of thin gauze worn by the Moors. Evidently the term is used in this connection, as the Mohammedans of these islands were called Moros (Moors) by the Spaniards.

[100] Apparently referring to the island of Negros.

[101] The word is _escaupiles_, which was a species of ancient Mexican armor.

[102] An equestrian exercise with reed spears.

[103] The actual date of departure was the twenty-first.

[104] See note 43, _ante_, as to the cost of the fleet. The reference in the text is apparently to some Mexican mint or mine.

[105] This vessel was the “San Lucas,” commanded by Alonso de Arellano; see account of its adventures in “Expedition of Legazpi.”

[106] A reference to the relation sent to Felipe II by Legazpi–probably by the “San Pedro.”

[107] A measure for grain containing one-third of a _fanega_.

[108] An error naturally made, in those early days of acquaintance with the Philippines, since the island of Mactan (Matan), where Magalhaes was slain, lies near the coast of Cebu. According to the _U.S. Philippine Gazetteer_ (p. 69), the archipelago comprises twelve principal islands and three groups, with one thousand five hundred and eighty-three dependent islands.

[109] Apparently meaning the “San Pedro,” which was despatched from Cebu by Legazpi on June 1, 1565. It reached Navidad on October 1, and probably arrived at Seville in May or June, 1566.

[110] The _concha_ and _blanca_ were ancient copper coins of the value of one-half and three _maravedis_, respectively. The coins above-mentioned evidently resembled these in size.

[111] The “San Geronimo.”

[112] Throughout this document, the statements and comments of the notaries will be enclosed in parentheses, to enable the reader more easily to separate the various letters and writs from one another.

[113] The _caracoa_ is a large canoe used by the Malayan peoples–“with two rows of oars, very light, and fitted with a European sail, its rigging of native manufacture” (_Dic. Acad._). According to Retana (_Zuniga_, ii, p. 513*), the word _caracoa_ is not to be found in Filipino dictionaries.

[114] Referring to the rule of Sebastiao, the infant king of Portugal, and of his grandmother Catarina, regent during his minority.

[115] Javelins: the Portuguese word is _azagayas_, with which cf. _assagai_, the name of a like weapon among the Kaffirs of Africa.

[116] This phrase (meaning “nothing paid”) is no longer used in notarial documents. Sometimes when documents are legalized by the Mexican Legation at Washington, the fee is not paid there, but is to be paid at Mexico on presentation of the document there; the secretary of the Legation accordingly writes on it, _No se pagaran derechos_–perhaps a similar procedure to that noted in the text.–_Arthur P. Cushing_ (consul for Mexico at Boston).

[117] This arose from the fact that the Portuguese navigated eastward from Europe to reach their oriental possessions, while the Spaniards voyaged westward. The reckoning of the Spaniards in the Philippines was thus a day behind that of the Portuguese. This error was corrected in 1844, at Manila and Macao respectively. See vol. i, note 2.

[118] Sevilla, one of the centers of Mahometan power in Spain, was besieged for more than two years (1246-48) by Fernando III of Castilla, who finally captured it. The expedition against Tunis here referred to was undertaken by Carlos I of Spain (1535). to restore Muley Hassan, the Mahometan king of Tunis, to his throne, whence he had been driven by Barbarossa, King of Algiers; the usurper was expelled, after a brief siege.

[119] This is followed by the certification of the copyist who transcribed this document for the South American boundary negotiations between Spain and Portugal in 1776, at Paris. It reads thus: “I, Don Juan Ignacio Cascos, revisor and expert in handwriting and old documents, and one of those appointed by the Royal and Supreme Council of Castilla, made the foregoing copy, and collated it with the original, which was written on twenty-four sheets of ordinary paper, and signed, each in his own hand, by Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and Fernando Riquel. Madrid, the twenty-sixth day of August in the year one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six.

_Juan Ignacio Pascos_.”