leave, from entering their houses, from seizing by force anything in the camp or in their village, or contrary to their will, and from leaving their [the soldiers’] quarters. Especially shall you prohibit them and order them that they have no communication with the women of those regions.” Legazpi is to remain aboard his vessel until the fortress is completed. After its completion some small boats shall be made. A church shall be built near the fort, as well as a house for the religious, in order that the latter may minister to the colonists and the natives. “And you shall have especial care that, in all your negotiations with the natives of those regions, some of the religious accompanying you be present, both in order to avail yourself of their good counsel and advice, and so that the natives may see and understand your high estimation of them; for seeing this, and the great reverence of the soldiers toward them, they themselves will hold the religious in great respect. This will be of great moment, so that, when the religious shall understand their language, or have interpreters through whom they may make them understand our holy Catholic faith, the Indians shall put entire faith in them; since you are aware that the chief thing sought after by his majesty is the increase of our holy Catholic faith, and the salvation of the souls of those infidels.” To this end all help must be given to these ministers of God. The Indian interpreters carried in the fleet must be well treated. In case it shall be necessary, changes may be made in these instructions, but with the advice of the other officers; but it must be ever kept in mind that he is “to go to the said Filipinas Islands, and other islands contiguous thereto, … and to discover the return route to this Nueva Espana with the greatest despatch possible, bringing or sending spices and other valuable articles of those regions.” Urdaneta must return with the ship or ships sent back to discover the return route, because of his experience. No person shall be restricted from sending letters, in the return ship or ships, to the king or the royal _Audiencia_. The commander of the return ship shall deliver all the letters to the _Audiencia_, and they, after reading their own shall despatch the others. This person shall be most emphatically charged to communicate with no one until the _Audiencia_ has been advised of everything that has happened since the fleet left New Spain. Legazpi is enjoined in strong terms to seek advice among the religious “especially father Fray Andres de Urdaneta,” and the officers of the fleet, on all important matters. In case of Legazpi’s death the person succeeding to his office is to keep these instructions faithfully. A small box, carefully fastened, is given into Legazpi’s keeping, containing a sealed paper in which is written the name of the person who is to succeed to his command in case of his death, but this person is not to be known until such a casualty. Another similar box, sealed and fastened as the other casket, contains the name of the person who shall receive the command in case Legazpi’s successor dies also. At the end of the instructions proper is Legazpi’s oath to observe with care the commands enjoined upon him therein. (Tomo ii, no. xxi, pp. 145-200.)
Mejico, September 12, 1564. A letter from the royal _Audiencia_ to the king informs the latter of the changes which they have made in the instructions given to Legazpi by Luis de Velasco, who has died. The general and other officers have left for the port of departure, and the fleet will sail some time in October. The first instructions, which were in accordance with Urdaneta’s opinion, were to sail toward New Guinea and coast along its shores in order to discover its products and other things. “It seemed to this royal _Audiencia_, discussing and communicating in this regard with persons of experience, who have been in those regions, that, although it be true that the discovery of New Guinea would be important, especially if the riches asserted should be found there, it is not fitting that the voyage thither be made now–both because, as it is new, it has not hitherto been navigated; and because, doing so now, it would be necessary to deviate widely from the course to reach the Western Islands, and the return voyage would be delayed; and it would be running a great risk to navigate in an unknown course.” The king’s letter of September 24, 1559, is cited in support of the _Audiencia’s_ change in route, and they “determined to order the general to sail straightway in search of the Filipinas Islands, and the other islands contiguous thereto, by the same route taken by Ruy Lopez de Villalobos.” The _Audiencia_ do not agree with Urdaneta (see above, p. 81) that the Philippines are in Portugal’s demarcation. (Tomo ii, no. xxi, pp. 200-205.)
Nueva Espana, 1564 (?). The first-appointed admiral of the fleet, Juan Pablo de Carrion, writes to King Felipe in regard to the proposed route. He gives a brief outline of Urdaneta’s opinion that they should sail first to New Guinea. This island he declares “is one that we discovered in the year forty-four.” He describes it as a desolate region, with but scant food, and declares that the voyage thither is dangerous and arduous. His own opinion is that the fleet should take the same course as did Saavedra and Villalobos; “and that the fleet should put in at the Filipinas Islands, which are friendly islands, with whom we have had trade and friendship, and where even eight Spaniards of the fleet in which I sailed remained. They are islands well supplied with all manner of food, and there is much trade there. They are wealthy and large, and have the best location of the entire archipelago. Their language is known, and their ports, and even the names of their principal rulers, with whom we have contracted friendship…. There are islands among them with a circuit of three hundred leagues, and so down to fifty. Those islands that have been seen are eight large ones, without reckoning the small ones between them. They are within sight of one another, so that the most distant of them is not more than ten leagues from another. To the north of them lies the mainland of China, a distance of about two hundred leagues; at about the same distance to the south lies Maluco. And since the route from these lands thither is already known, and we have had experience of it and since it is a land most abundantly provisioned and has much trade, and is rich, I have been of the opinion that we should go thither, inasmuch as this navigation is understood and that we should not seek a new course attended with so great uncertainty and risk.” He recounts that “these islands were discovered first by Magallanes in the year twenty-one,” and afterward by Villalobos, and their secret discovered. “They are islands that the Portuguese have never seen, and they are quite out of the way of their navigation; neither have the latter had any further information of them beyond our drawing or chart. They have the best situation for the return voyage, because they are in north latitude.” He ascribes his not being permitted to accompany the expedition to the divergence of his opinion from that of Urdaneta. The latter has declared that he will not go on the expedition if it takes Carrion’s course; “and as he who goes as general, … is of his nation and land, and his intimate friend, he wishes to please the father in everything; and as the said general has no experience in these things, nor does he understand anything of navigation, through not having practiced it, he is unable to distinguish one thing from another, and embraces the father’s opinion in everything.” Carrion, in a very brief resume of Urdaneta’s life, declares that he is a man of over sixty. (Tomo ii, no. xxiii, pp. 205-210.)
Puerto de la Navidad, 1564. In a letter to the king November 18, Legazpi announces that he has taken over “two large ships and two _pataches_, and one small brigantine,” in which are one hundred and fifty seamen, two hundred soldiers, and six religious of the order of Saint Augustine, the chief of whom is father Fray Andres de Urdaneta; in all, the number of souls, counting servants, amounts to three hundred and eighty. “I shall leave this port, please God, our Lord, tomorrow … and will display, on my part, all possible diligence and care, with the fidelity which I owe, and which I am under obligation to have.” He hopes for a successful voyage. He begs the king to bear them in mind, and send aid “to us who go before,” and to commit this to one who has care and diligence, “as a matter that concerns greatly the service of God, our Lord, the increase of his holy Catholic faith, and the service of your majesty, and the general good of your kingdoms and seigniories.” He asks the king to grant (as in his other letter, _q.v._ above) the requests he had made to the viceroy, and which the latter had sent to Spain; for the preparation for the voyage has taken all his possessions. Two days later (November 20) Urdaneta writes the king to somewhat the same effect, enumerating the vessels, men, etc. Besides himself there are four other religious, “and the other … God has taken to himself in this port.” They will set out the following day, all being well. He praises Legazpi, and requests the king to keep him in his remembrance. Urdaneta’s nephew, Andres de Mirandaola, is the royal factor of the fleet, and the former begs favor for him. “Also since the religious of the order of our father Saint Augustine are the first to embark in this undertaking, and to undergo so many hardships for the service of God and your majesty, I beg your majesty to grant them favors.” (Tomo ii, nos. xxiv and xxv, pp. 211-215.)
November 25, 1564. Legazpi gives instructions on this day to the captains and pilots as to the course to be pursued. Hitherto, since leaving port, a southwest course has been steered; but now, in accordance with the royal instructions, and in the opinion of the captains and pilots, it seems advisable to change the direction. They shall sail first west-southwest to a latitude of nine degrees, and then take a due course for the Philippines, stopping at the island of Los Reyes on the way. If by any chance one of the vessels becomes separated from Legazpi’s vessel, the pilots are to return to the above latitude, stopping at any port that they may find, for eight or ten days, in hopes of meeting the other vessels. Whether they find the island or not, and do not find the other vessels, this ship shall continue on the course toward the Philippines. A token and letter must be left at any port they may reach. When the island of Los Reyes is reached, the ship will wait there ten days, after which time they shall continue their course, stopping likewise at Matalotes and Arrecifes, leaving tokens at all places, and trying to explore them and discover their products. (Tomo ii, no. xxvi, pp. 215-217.)
Relation of the expedition, from November 19, 1564, to the end of May, 1565, when the “San Pedro,” under command of Felipe de Salcedo, left Cebu for New Spain. The fleet set sail from “Puerto de Navidad, Monday, November 20, two hours before midnight, or rather on Tuesday, November 21, three hours before daybreak.” It consisted of the flagship, “San Pedro,” the “San Pablo,” captained by the master-of-camp, Mateo del Saz, and the _pataches_ “San Juan” and “San Lucas,” captained by Juan de la Isla and Alonso de Arellano respectively. The vessels bore as pilots Esteban Rodriguez (chief pilot), Pierres Plin (or Plun, a Frenchman), Jaymes Martinez Fortun, Diego Martin, Rodrigo de Espinosa, and Lope Martin. Legazpi’s vessel, the “San Pedro,” carried a small brigantine on her poop deck. On November 25, Legazpi opened the instructions given him by the _Audiencia_, which radically changed the course from the one that had been hitherto pursued–the new course being in accord with the advice of Carrion, and by the same route which Villalobos had taken. “The religious in the fleet were very sorry at this, giving out that they had been deceived; and had they known while yet ashore, that such a route was to be pursued, they would not have accompanied the expedition, for the reasons that father Fray Andres de Urdaneta had advanced in Mexico.” But they expressed their willingness to make the expedition now for the service of God and the holy Catholic faith, the increase of the kingdom, and the general good of the fleet. On the night of the twenty-ninth, the “San Lucas,” which, by the general’s orders, was accustomed to take its position at night ahead of his vessel, became separated from the rest of the fleet and was seen no more. [47] Being speedier than, the others, Legazpi naturally expected that it would reach the islands ahead of him and there await the fleet, but he was disappointed. The fleet reached on December 18, the ninth degree of latitude, from which it must proceed westward to the island of Los Reyes. It was found that there was no uniformity among the distances and reckonings of the pilots; and although each contended for the accuracy of his reckoning, they were accustomed to change their figures somewhat, before reporting to Legazpi. Urdaneta’s figures proved nearer the truth, but even he changed his reckoning, enlarging it, that he might be more in harmony with the pilots. Thus it happened that the daily runs were exaggerated, giving rise to the belief that Los Reyes had been passed. In accordance with this belief the course of the fleet was changed on the twenty-eighth of December, taking the latitude of ten degrees, in order to reach Matalotes and other islands. On January 8, 1565, the “San Pablo” reported land on the port bow, and the fleet directed its course southward. The report proving incorrect, the former course was resumed and on the next day a low, small island was discovered. The natives fled at sight or the squadron. The ships ran close to land, and finding no anchorage, for the anchors failed to touch bottom, Martin de Goyti was ordered to go ahead to look for an anchorage. Landing-parties (among whom were Urdaneta and Legazpi’s grandson, Felipe de Salcedo, Martin de Goyti, and Juan de la Isla) went on shore to gather what information they could, and Salcedo was empowered to take possession of the island for the king. Meanwhile it became necessary for the vessels to weigh anchor and set sail, as the ebb-tide was taking them out to sea. The small boats that had been sent ashore regained the fleet at ten o’clock, and it continued its voyage. The landing-party had been well received by the natives who had not decamped–an old man, his wife, and a young woman with her child–who showed them their houses, fruits, and articles of food, giving them some of the latter. They showed signs of regret at the departure of the Spaniards. “The Indian was well built and the women good looking. They were clad in garments made of palm-leaf mats, which are very thin and skilfully made. They had many Castilian fowl, quantities of fish and cocoanuts, potatoes, yams, and other grain, such as millet.” They used canoes, and made fish-hooks from bone and other articles. “Their hair is loose and long.” This island was named Barbudos. [48] No weapons, offensive or defensive, were seen. On the tenth they reached another larger island and many small islets, which they called Los Plazeles from the surrounding shoals. They appeared uninhabited. The same day they passed another uninhabited island, which they called the isle of Birds, from its many wild-fowl. On the twelfth they passed other uninhabited islands which they called Las Hermanas [“The Sisters”]. On the fourteenth, they passed islands which Urdaneta declared to be the Jardines of Villalobos. The pilots ridiculed this assertion, saying that they were much farther on their course. In a general council on the seventeenth the best course to the Philippines was discussed, as it was advisable to avoid entering at the hunger-point of Villalobos. It was agreed to sail along the thirteenth degree, in which course Urdaneta declared they must meet the Ladrones. On the twenty-second of January land was sighted which the pilots declared to be the Philippines, but which Urdaneta said might be the Ladrones, which he afterwards affirmed to be the case from the lateen-sails of the native boats, “which the inhabitants of the Filipinas do not make.” The pilots continued to ridicule him, but Urdaneta’s reasoning was correct. The fleet was surrounded by a multitude of boats, whose occupants, all talking at once, invited them with word and sign to land, offering refreshment. Some knives, scissors, beads, a mirror, and other articles were given to the occupants of the nearest canoe. On the following Tuesday the vessels succeeded in finding an anchorage, and the instructions as to behavior on land were carefully enjoined on all the men. [49] They were immediately surrounded by the canoes of the natives, the occupants of which brought many kinds of food, but in very small quantity. They would not enter the vessels although asked to do so by Legazpi, “who showed them much love and affection, and looked upon them as friends.” They sold their food for such things as playing cards, little bits of cloth, etc. “The father prior talked with them, using the few words of their language that he remembered, especially counting up to ten, whereat they manifested great pleasure; and one of them mentioned the name Gonzalo, which as the father prior said, was the name of a Spaniard who had been found in one of those islands, which was called Goam.” The natives signed to them to enter their villages, where they would find food in abundance. “And all the canoes, and those in them, had their arms, which consisted of shields, bundles of throwing-sticks, slings, and egg-shaped stones…. They leave the body quite uncovered. They are tall, robust, well built, and apparently of great strength. The women, too, are very tall, and wear only a cord tied about the waist, and to the cord they hang some grass or leaves from the trees, whereby they cover the shameful parts. Some cover the latter also with mats made from palm-leaves. All the rest of the body is uncovered. Both men and women wear their hair, which is of a yellowish color, loose and long, gathering it up behind the head.” Their canoes are “very neatly and well made, sewed together with cord, and finished with a white or orange-colored bitumen, in place of pitch. They are very light, and the natives sail in them with their lateen sails made of palm-mats, with so much swiftness against the wind or with a side wind that it is a thing to marvel at.” The trading was all done from the canoes for the natives would not enter the vessels. They cheated much, passing up packages filled mainly with sand, or grass, and rocks, with perhaps a little rice on top to hide the deceit; the cocoa-nut oil was found to be mixed with water. “Of these the natives made many and very ridiculous jests.” They showed no shame in these deceits, and, if remonstrance was made, began straightway to show fight. “They are inclined to do evil, and in their knavishness they exhibit a very great satisfaction in having done it; and truly whoever gave the name of island of Ladrones [robbers] was right; for they are robbers and boast of it, and are quite shameless and inclined to evil. They render account to no one, each man being sufficient to himself. Thus it was seen that, whenever the general gave some articles, such as beads, mirrors, and articles of barter, to the Indians who seemed to be the principals, they quarreled over who should take them, snatching them from one another and fleeing. And they were always looking for something to steal. They unfastened a large piece of one rudder blade in the _patache_ ‘San Joan,’ and they tried to, and actually did, draw out the nails from the sides of the ships.” [50] The vessels having anchored in a small cove for the purpose of refilling the water-butts, the natives showed hostility, discharging showers of stones from two sides, wounding some of the Spaniards, among others Captain Juan de la Isla, whereat the master-of-camp was sent ashore to remonstrate. The natives, in consequence, promised to keep the peace. Repeated experiences proved that no confidence could be placed in these people; for they broke their word as soon as given. Legazpi took possession of this island “in the name of his majesty”; and the religious disembarked to say mass, and celebrated divine worship. [51] Several natives were captured and held as hostages, being well treated in each case. One escaped, although his legs were fettered with irons, by swimming; one hanged himself, and the others were set free. Urdaneta proposed that a settlement be made in this island, and a vessel despatched to New Spain, but Legazpi said this would be acting contrary to his instructions. Before leaving the island, however, a hundred men under the command of Mateo del Saz landed to inflict chastisement for the death of a ship-boy whom the natives, finding him asleep in a palm grove, whither he had gone while the water-butts were being refilled, had killed in a most barbarous manner. Four of the natives were captured, three of whom (all wounded) were hanged at the same place where the boy had been killed; and the other was, through the intervention of the priests, taken aboard the ship, in order to send him to New Spain. Many houses were burned, a damage, “which, although slight, was some punishment for so great baseness and treachery as they had displayed toward us, … and was done, so that when Spaniards, vassals of his majesty, anchor there another time, the natives shall give them a better reception, and maintain more steadfastly the friendship made with them.” “This island of Goam is high and mountainous, and throughout, even to its seacoast, is filled with groves of cocoa-palms and other trees, and thickly inhabited. Even in the valleys, where there are rivers, it is inhabited. It has many fields sown with rice, and abundance of yams, sweet potatoes, sugar cane, and bananas–these last the best I have seen, being in smell and taste far ahead of those of Nueva Espana. This same island has also much ginger, and specimens of sulphurous rock were found.” The island had “no wild or tame cattle, nor any birds, except some little turtle-doves that are kept in cages.” The natives captured would not eat the meat offered them, nor “would they at first eat anything of ours.” The natives were skilful fishermen, being able to catch the fish with the naked hands, “which is a thing of great wonder.” “They are excellent swimmers. Their houses are high, and neatly and well made”–some, placed on posts of stone, served as sleeping-apartments; other houses were built on the ground, and in them the cooking and other work was done. They had other large buildings that served as arsenals for all in common, wherein the large boats and the covered canoes were kept. “These were very spacious, broad, and high, and worth seeing.” The fleet left this island on February 3, and anchored on the thirteenth near the island of Cebu. Peace was made with the natives of one of the islands. Inquiries were made for Bernardo de la Torre, one of the captains of the Villalobos expedition, and they were given to understand that he was north from there. The natives, while professing friendship, brought their visitors but little food. [52] Legazpi, therefore, sent Juan de la Isla with a party to look for a good port. This party was gone six days, experiencing the usual treachery from the natives, who killed one of the men, who had disembarked without permission. Meanwhile another expedition was despatched toward the south, with the same object in view. Possession was taken of the island of Zibabao in the king’s name. [53] On the twentieth of February the fleet set sail passing southward between a large island and a number of small islets. Next day they cast anchor off the large island in a large bay to which they gave the name San Pedro. [54] Here they learned that Tandaya, where they hoped to find the Spaniards still remaining in these regions from the Villalobos expedition, was a day’s journey farther on. In this bay a native came to Legazpi’s ship who could speak a few words of Spanish. They wished to send word to Tandaya and to buy provisions, but the natives, though good promisers, were tardy doers. Goyti was sent in search of Tandaya, while the general took possession of the island near which the ships were anchored. The latter, attempting to ascend to the native village, encountered the hostility of the people. Government here was in “districts like communal towns, each district having a chief. We could not ascertain whether they had any great chief or lord.” Goyti returned in ten days with news that he had found a large river which he was told was Tandaya. As they explored the coasts they were followed by the natives, who took every occasion of displaying their hostility. He had passed a large settlement called Cabalian. There was a good anchorage here, but no port; “and the Indians of Cabalian had golden jewels, and had many swine and Castilian hens which were near the shore and which could be seen from the boat.” On the fifth of March the fleet sailed to this town, reaching it on the same day. Friendship was made with the natives in accordance with their special blood ceremonies [55] in such cases. Some boats, sent out next day under command of the master-of-camp, discovered the strait separating this island from Panay. The usual trouble was experienced by Legazpi in securing provisions, and it was necessary to despatch Goyti to the shore to take what was needed, but with orders not to harm the natives. Next day Legazpi sent to the shore what was considered the equivalent of the food thus taken, in beads and other articles, by a native who was on his vessel. The general learned from hostages aboard his ship the names of many of the islands. On the ninth of March the fleet set sail for Mazagua, being guided by one of these hostages. Failing to meet here the hoped-for friendship, they determined to go to the island of Camiguinin, [56] first setting free all the hostages, giving them back their canoe, provisioning it for three days, and giving many presents of clothes to them, in order by this liberality to contract a lasting friendship. On the eleventh of March the coast of this island was reached. This island “is very thickly wooded.” The natives, as usual, fled. On the fourteenth the fleet set sail for Butuan in Mindanao, but owing to contrary winds, they were not able to sail that day beyond Bohol. The _patache_ “San Juan” was despatched to Butuan from this place, to try to make peace with its king and the people; and the captain of this vessel was ordered to treat well any junks he might meet from “China or Borneo, and other parts.” The Malayan interpreter, Geronimo Pacheco, was sent in this vessel, and they were ordered to obtain as much information as possible in regard to trade. The time given them for this expedition was twenty-five days. News being received that a large sail had been seen, the master-of-camp was sent in a small boat to investigate. Two days later he returned, reporting that the junk was from Borneo, and that he had fought with it “for it would not listen to peace.” In the end the junk surrendered, and was brought in a prisoner; but the enemy “had killed a good soldier with a lance-thrust through the throat,” and had wounded twenty more. The men of the junk were Moros, and they had fought most valiantly, and “were determined to die.” Legazpi gave the Moros their liberty, whereat they expressed many thanks; he gathered as much information as possible from them in regard to the islands and peoples of these regions. “The Moros told him that they carried iron and tin from Borney, and from China porcelain, bells made of copper according to their manner, benzoin, and painted tapestry; from India pans and tempered iron pots.” Among the captured Moros was the pilot, “a most experienced man who had much knowledge, not only of matters concerning these Filipinas Islands, but of those of Maluco, Borney, Malaca, Jaba, India, and China, where he had had much experience in navigation and trade.” The Moros being shown the articles of trade brought by the fleet, advised them to go to Borneo, Siam, Patan, or Malaca, where they could easily trade them, but “although we wandered about these islands for ten years, we could not dispose of so many silks, cloths, and linens.” “This Moro told the general that two junks from Luzon were in Butuan, trading gold, wax, and slaves…. He said that the island of Luzon is farther north than Borney.” The Castilians learn that the hostility and fear of the natives of these islands is the result of a marauding expedition conducted by Portuguese, who had represented themselves to be Castilians. [57] With the aid of the Moro pilot peace and friendship were made with one of the chief men of the island of Bohol; and now for the first time food was received in any quantity, many sardines especially being brought by the natives. Legazpi despatched one of the small boats to Cebu in order to make friendship and peace with its inhabitants, and to gather all possible information for the relation he was to send back to New Spain. They were guided by the Moro, who acted in the capacity of interpreter, as he knew the language of the natives. A negro “who had been in India and Malaca, and knew the Malay tongue” acted as interpreter between this pilot and the Spaniards. “The Borneans said that the Indians had two Spaniards, and that sometime ago they had given one of them to Bornean merchants; they did not know whether they had the other yet, or what had been done with him. The Portuguese had ransomed the one taken by the Borneans and had taken him to Malaca.” As the men sent to Cebu did not return within the time appointed by Legazpi–they had been provisioned for but one week–a canoe of natives, who offered themselves, was sent to look for them. Meanwhile the “San Juan,” which had been despatched to Butuan, returned without having accomplished the full object of its mission, namely, to procure information regarding cinnamon. The captain reported having “found at the port of Botuan two Moro junks from Luzon,” with which they traded for gold and wax. The soldiers, hearing that the Moros had much gold in their junks, were insistent that they should seize them, alleging as an excuse the deceit practiced by the Moros in their trading. The captain would not permit this, and in order to avoid a collision with the Moros returned to the fleet, leaving part of his duty unaccomplished, for which Legazpi reprimanded him severely. The general, calling a council of his officers and others, consulted with them as to the advisability of colonizing one of the islands. All but the religious were unanimous that a settlement should be made on one of them, but the latter did not care “to deliberate upon this.” [58] Questioned as to what island they preferred, if Legazpi should order a settlement made, they signified as their choice the island of Cabalian, where although there was no port, a settlement could be made in the interior, as food was abundant there, and the return vessel to Spain could be easily provisioned. The unanimous opinion was that the “San Pedro” should return with news of the expedition to New Spain, as it was a lighter and better vessel than the “San Pablo.” Nine days after their departure the canoe returned without news of the Spaniards sent to Cebu, which caused Legazpi great anxiety. That same night, however, these men returned alive and well, but the Moro pilot had been treacherously killed by some natives, while bathing in a river of the island of Negros. They had not anchored at Cebu, because of the violence of the tides about it. They had coasted about Negros and Cebu, and reported a large population and a plentiful food supply on the latter island. A council having been called it was determined that the fleet should go to Cebu, without delay, in order that they might make a settlement and despatch the “San Pedro” before the rainy season set in. Therefore on Easter Day the fleet set sail for this island, distant from Bohol fifteen or sixteen leagues. Being delayed by calms and contrary winds and the tides they did not reach their destination until the twenty-seventh and thirtieth of April. In conformity with the opinion that it was allowable to fight with the inhabitants of this island if they refused food and would not make a true friendship and peace–inasmuch as their chiefs had been baptized, and had afterward apostatized, and had treated Magalhaes treacherously–Legazpi, after meeting with expressions of hostility and defiance, sent a party ashore to take the island. The natives immediately fled, and the soldiers were unable to find any of them on disembarking. “Their weapons are long sharp iron lances, throwing-sticks, shields, small daggers, wooden corselets, corded breastplates, a few bows and arrows, and culverins.” About one hundred houses were burned, the fire having started from an accidental shot from one of the vessels, or having been lit purposely by the natives. The soldiers were quartered in the houses remaining after the fire. “There was found a marvelous thing, namely, a child Jesus like those of Flanders, in its little pine cradle and its little loose shirt, such as come from those parts, and a little velvet hat, like those of Flanders–and all so well preserved that only the little cross, which is generally upon the globe that he holds in his hands, was missing. [59] Meanwhile, as was right, the general had this prize, and when he saw it, he fell on his knees, receiving it with great devotion. He took it in his hands and kissed its feet; and raising his eyes to heaven, he said: ‘Lord, thou art powerful to punish the offenses, committed in this island against thy majesty, and to found herein thy house, and holy Church, where thy most glorious name shall be praised and magnified. I supplicate thee that thou enlighten and guide me, so that all that we do here may be to thy glory and honor, and the exaltation of thy holy Catholic faith.’ And he ordered that this sacred image be placed with all reverence in the first church that should be founded, and that the church be called Nombre de Jesus [‘Name of Jesus’]. It gave great happiness and inspiration to all to see such an auspicious beginning, for of a truth it seemed a work of God to have preserved so completely this image among infidels for such a long time; and an auspicious augury in the part where the settlement was to be made.” On May 8, the fort was commenced, Legazpi breaking the first ground, and “dedicating it to the most blessed name of Jesus.” [60] The sites for the Spanish quarters and the church were chosen, and the town was called San Miguel, because founded on the day of this saint’s apparition. That night the natives returned, setting fire to the remaining houses, so that the whole town was in danger of being burnt, with all the goods brought ashore from the ships. The site of the house wherein had been found the sacred image was selected “as the site of the Monastery of the Name of Jesus … and from the said house the child Jesus was brought to the … church in solemn procession, and with the great devotion, rejoicing, and gladness of all the men. Arriving at the church, they all adored it, and placed it on the principal altar, and all vowed to observe, sanctify, and celebrate solemnly as a feast day each year, the day on which it had been found, April 28. [61] And in addition a brotherhood of the most blessed name of Jesus was established in the same manner, under the conditions of that of San Agustin of Mexico, the majority of the people entering as members and brothers.” In this procession took part a number of natives under two chiefs who professed friendship to the Spaniards. Finally peace and friendship was made between Legazpi and the greatest chief of the island, Tupas; and it was arranged that tributes should be paid in produce, since the people had no gold–not because of “any necessity the King of Castilla had of it” but merely as a tribute and token that they recognized him as their lord. But, perhaps through the maliciousness of the Moro interpreters, this peace was not concluded or kept; and certain of the natives, finding one of the company, Pedro de Arana, alone, killed him and cut off his head. “In this manner do the Indians of these islands keep peace and friendship, who in our presence refuse or deny nothing; but twenty paces away they keep nothing that they have promised. They have no knowledge of truth, nor are they accustomed to it. Therefore it is understood, that it will be very difficult to trade with them in a friendly manner, unless they understand subjection or fear.” On the twenty-seventh of May, Legazpi ordered that the roll of those remaining be taken, in order that it might be sent to New Spain. Certain men of gentle birth, headed by one Pedro de Mena, objected to serving as Legazpi’s body-guard, saying that such was the duty of servants. The master-of-camp hearing this, disrespect to the general, chided them, and sentenced them to serve in the companies. In revenge for this some one set fire to the house in which Legazpi’s personal effects had been stored. The fire was put out and the danger averted with difficulty, during which “some of the soldiers were burned and hurt.” De Mena and Esteban Terra were arrested, and the latter was given a hearing and found guilty. He was executed next morning. “From this it will be seen that not only are there enemies outside, but even in the very camp itself … and it will be seen how necessary and suitable is the aid that must come from Nueva Espana.” (Tomo ii, no. xxvii, pp. 217-351.)
Zubu, May 28, 1565. Andres de Mirandaola writes to the king various details of the expedition. “The products we have seen as yet among the natives, are gold, cinnamon, and wax; and their trade consists in these articles. And we are certain that these things can be had in abundance if your vassals, the Spaniards, cultivate the friendship of this land, for the aforesaid natives … are a people who live without any restraint, neither regarding nor respecting those whom they designate as their seigniors…. It will be necessary for your majesty to conquer this region, for I believe without any doubt, that by no other way can it prove beneficial; nor can the Christian religion be otherwise advanced, because the people are extremely vicious, treacherous, and possessed of many evil customs. Therefore it is necessary for your majesty to order the conquest of this region, which can be done, with our Lord’s aid, without much loss, if your majesty order people, arms, and ammunition to be provided, of all of which we suffer great lack at present.” He tells of the damage inflicted on the Spanish in these regions by the Portuguese. Speaking of the Moro junks found at Butuan, Mirandaola says of the island of Borneo: “This island of Borney is rich, according to what we have heard of it. It is well populated and is very well fortified, having much artillery. Its people are warlike, and there is much trade in all parts of it.” A brief account of the Spanish establishment on Cebu follows, and the consequent communications with the natives, which differ in no respect from other accounts. “Fray Andres de Urdaneta, my uncle, is returning, and is going to serve your majesty in this discovery; and for his companion goes Fray Andres de Aguirre. As captain goes Felipe de Salcedo and Juan de Aguirre, persons whom we know will serve your majesty with all fidelity, faith, and cheerfulness.” He asks (in addition to the “two hundred well armed and equipped men” requested from New Spain) from the king “six hundred well armed men … of whom four hundred should be arquebusers and two hundred pikemen; large artillery, such as culverins, with ammunition; and ammunition and weapons for those who are here now. The people should be the best that can be found and of good lives.” He asks the king to confirm the reward granted him by Velasco, and to increase his salary to three thousand ducats on account of the high cost of living. (Tomo ii, no. xxxii, pp. 365-372.)
Relation of the expedition by Estevan Rodriguez, chief pilot of the fleet. This relation seems to have been the log kept by this pilot. Many of its entries are simply reckonings. He gives the names, tonnage, captains, and pilots of the different vessels. On the nineteenth of November the banner and standard were consecrated, and the oath taken. The fleet set sail four hours before dawn on November 21, [62] On Sunday, the twenty-sixth, the course was changed in accordance with the sealed instructions given to Legazpi. The “San Lucas” separated from the fleet December 1. On the eighth, Diego Martin, pilot of the “San Pablo,” reported land but he was in error. Next day an island was sighted, in which there were “about one hundred Indians, a people well built and with long beards,” for which the island was called Barbudos. “The women have pleasant faces, and these people are as dark complexioned as mulattoes. The women have little gardens. They have certain roots from which they make excellent bread, for I have tried it.” [63] On the tenth they passed and named the islands Placeres and San Pablo. Other islands were passed on the twelfth and fifteenth. On the twenty-second they sighted a mountainous island to the south, whose inhabitants saluted them as “chamurre, chamurre,” [64] or that is, “friends, friends!” This was the island of Guam. They found it to have a good bay and good rivers of fresh water. The products of this island are named, the people described, and the troubles there briefly enumerated. “The master-of-camp and Martin de Gueyte, with one hundred and fifty men, sacked and burned two villages.” During the eleven days spent here “masses were said each day.” Numerous words of the language spoken are recorded: Friend, _chamor_; good, _mauri_; hereabout, _baquimaqui_; pleasant to the taste, _mani_; take, _jo_; oil, _rana_; rice, _juay_; land, _tana_; dry cocoa, _micha_; senor, _churu_; fresh cocoa, _mana_; iron, _yrizo_; botija [a species of jar], _o_; gourd, _coca_; ship, _botus_; nail, _yuro_; salt, _azibi_; sugar-cane, _tupotipor_; fish, _bian_; no, _eri_; salt fish, _azuiban_; yam, _nica_; small, _segu_; wood, _tagayaya_; green banana, _regue_; water, _ami_; tamal, _enft_; banana, _jeta_; acorn, _puga_; net, _ragua_; pictured paper, _tricabo-tali;_ eyes, _macha_; rock, _rapia_; ears, _perucha_; paper, _afuipuri_; teeth, _nifi_; palm-leaf mat, _guafal_; hair, _chuzo_; ginger, _asinor_; hands, _catecha_; she, _reben_; foot, _ngmicha_; osier basket, _pian_; beard, _mimi_; deep, _atripe_; leg, _achumpa_; crab, _achulu_; this, _achi_; petaca [a leather covered trunk or chest], _agu_; pitcher, _burgay_; come here, _hembean;_ star, _vitan;_ moon, _uran_; sun, _afaon_; to eat, _mana_; large, _riso_. Their numbers up to ten are: _acha, gua, tero, farfur, nimi, guanan, frintin, gua [sic], agua, manete_. On the fourteenth of February, 1565, they sighted the Philippines. Describing the natives, Rodriguez says: “these Indians wear gold earrings, and the chiefs wear two clasps about the feet…. All the body, legs, and arms are painted; and he who is bravest is painted most.” Juan de la Isla was sent with one of the small vessels to reconnoiter a large and excellent bay at some distance away. There he made blood-friendship with the natives, but one of his men was treacherously killed. Rodriguez’s reckonings were taken according to the Mexican rather than the Spanish rules. Rodriguez and Goyti were commissioned to explore among certain of the islands in order to find safe channels for the ships. They found one such between Panay and another island. They passed Tandaya and Cabalian during their ten days’ cruise, and the fleet, in consequence of their report sailed to the latter place. The treacherous conduct of the Portuguese to both Spaniards and natives is discovered. “The general determined to go to Betuan, which is a very rich island, whence much gold is brought,” and anchor was cast before Bohol, from which place Legazpi despatched Juan de la Isla to explore westward, and Martin de Goyti eastward A small boat was despatched under Rodriguez “to discover some islands that could be seen from here. We went in the frigate, fifteen men and one Indian, who knew the language, the pilot of a junk captured by the master-of-camp and Captain Martin de Goete.” This detachment coasted among various islands, among them Licoyon and Binglas. [65] They were blown out of their course by a storm. A _prau_ was sighted, but its occupants took flight, ran their vessel ashore, and hid on the island. The Spaniards went to the _prau_, and found therein a “little Indian girl of about three years, very pretty. She was hanging over the edge of the _prau_ with her body in the water, and screaming. When we came and wished to take her, she slipped into the water and would wellnigh have drowned, had not one of our men leaped in after her.” Shortly after this a battle with other natives was averted only by the wind blowing off the covering to their two pieces of artillery, at sight of which the natives fled in confusion and hid themselves. The inhabitants showed themselves hostile at all points and the Spaniards had several narrow escapes on this island of Negros. From here they crossed to the island of Cebu. “This Cibuy is a fine island, about sixty leagues in circumference and thickly populated…. We found fourteen or fifteen villages on its sea-coast…. We did not dare to go ashore, although we were in need of food.” The detachment returned to the fleet after twenty days, although they had been ordered only to cruise during six. The natives and two soldiers sent to look for these men had missed them by going to the opposite side of the island from that where Rodriguez had been The fleet set sail for Cebu, where after landing they found the village deserted. Legazpi ordered that each mess of four soldiers should take one house and the rest of the houses be destroyed. Everything was removed from the houses before any were destroyed. The general ordered that a thick set palisade of stakes be built, including therein a few wells of fresh water. “This village was built in triangular shape, with two water-fronts and one land side.” The artillery was placed to defend the coast, while the Spaniards relied on the palisade for protection on the land side, until the fort could be built. Companies were sent out to scour the country for food, and “always brought back fowl, hogs, rice, and other things … and some good gold.” The natives to the number of one hundred came to make peace one day. “In this town when we entered we found therein a child Jesus. A sailor named Mermeo found it. It was in a wretched little house, and was covered with a white cloth in its cradle, and its little bonnet quite in order. The tip of its nose was rubbed off somewhat, and the skin was coming off the face. The friars took it and carried it in procession on a feast day, from the house where it was found to the church that they had built.” The natives were told that they thus honored the child Jesus. “After the mass and the sermon, the general went to treat with the king for friendship, telling him that we came thither for the King of Castilla, whose land this was, who had sent other people here before, and that they had been killed–as, for instance, Magallanes (and when Magallanes was mentioned, the king was much disturbed); but that he pardoned everything, on condition that you be his friends.” To this peace the natives acceded, but as in other instances only for the moment; they failed to return at the appointed time to conclude the preliminaries, and killed one of the Spaniards. A body of men was sent out who captured more than twenty of the natives, among them a niece of the king, which was the means of getting into friendly touch with the people once more. The “San Pedro” was ready now to set out on the return trip to New Spain being well supplied with provisions for more than eight months. “Two hundred persons, with ten soldiers and two fathers, the father prior, and father Fray Andres de Aguirre,” sailed with it on the first of June. (Tomo ii, no. xxxiii, pp. 373-427.)
1565. Log of the return voyage to New Spain kept by Rodrigo de Espinosa. [66] This man was the pilot of the small vessel “San Juan,” commanded by Juan de la Isla. He was ordered to accompany Estevan Rodriguez on the return passage of the “San Pedro,” under the command of Felipe de Salcedo. Setting sail on June 1, from the “Port of Zubu, … between the island of Zubu and the island of Matan, this latter island being south of Zubu,” the “San Pedro” took a general northerly and easterly direction. The passage through the islands is somewhat minutely described. On one island where they landed to obtain a fresh supply of water, they saw “two lofty volcanoes.” This island they named Penol [“Rock”]. On June 10 the island of Felipina was reached, whence the trip across the open Pacific was commenced. Often the direction of the wind and the reckoning of the sun, are chronicled–also the days’ runs, which vary between five and forty-five leagues. June 21, Corpus Christi Day, a headland was sighted on the starboard side, which had the appearance of a ship at anchor, and to which the name Espiritu Santo [“Holy Ghost”] was given. By September 15, Cebu lay fifteen hundred and forty-five leagues toward the west. On the eighteenth an island on their starboard side was named Deseada [“Desired”], and the log reads sixteen hundred and fifty leagues from the point of departure. On Saturday, the twenty-second, land was sighted; and next day the point of Santa Catalina, in twenty-seven degrees and twelve minutes north latitude, received its name. From that point they coasted in a southeasterly direction along the shores of southern California to its southern point in “twenty-three degrees less an eighth,” naming the headland here Cape Blanco, from its white appearance. Near this place died the master of the vessel, “and we threw him into the sea at this point.” On the twenty-seventh the chief pilot “Esteban Rodriguez [67] died between nine and ten in the morning.” The small islands southeast of Lower California were passed and it was estimated that they were in the neighborhood of cape Corrientes. On the thirtieth, cape Chamela was passed; and on the first of October, the “San Pedro” lay off Puerto de la Navidad; the chart showing a distance of eighteen hundred and ninety-two leagues from Cebu. “At this time I went to the captain and said to him, that I would take the ship wherever he ordered, because we were off Puerto de la Navidad. He ordered me to take it to the port of Acapulco, and I obeyed the order. Although at that time there were but from ten to eighteen men able to work, for the rest were sick, and sixteen others of us had died, we reached this port of Acapulco on the eighth of this present month of October after all the crew had endured great hardships.” (Tomo ii, no. xxxiv, pp. 427-456.)
Following this relation is a document showing the estimates made by the two pilots and the boatswain, by command of the captain, of the distance between Cebu and Puerto de la Navidad. The first estimate was made on July 9. The map of the chief pilot was found to measure eighteen hundred and fifty leagues, but in his opinion the distance was about two thousand leagues. Rodrigo de la Isla Espinosa [68] declared that an old map in his possession showed more than thirteen hundred and seventy leagues, [69] but he increased the amount to about two thousand and thirty leagues. Francisco de Astigarribia’s map measured eighteen hundred and fifty leagues, but his estimation was about two thousand and ten leagues. On September 18 the same three men estimated the distance from Cebu to the first land sighted–“an island off the west coast of New Spain” and lying in about thirty-three degrees–at seventeen hundred and forty leagues sixteen hundred and fifty leagues, and sixteen hundred and fifty leagues respectively; the highest point reached had been a fraction over thirty-nine degrees. (Tomo ii, no. xxv, pp. 457-460.)
1565-1567. Relation of occurrences in the Philippines after the departure of the “San Pedro” to New Spain. [70] To a Moro who presented himself as a deputy from the chief Tupas, Legazpi expressed his sorrow that the natives were fleeing to the mountains, and would not give credence to the friendship and peace offered them in the name of the king, by the Castilians. Word was sent to Tupas that Legazpi regretted the necessity of warring with the natives, and that, when they wished to return, they might do so peaceably. Although they treacherously had killed a Spaniard, he, on his part, had treated well the two women and two children captured by him, and would restore them freely to their husbands and fathers, without ransom, whenever they chose to return to ask his pardon and to make peace. That same afternoon two chiefs–one of whom, Simaquio, was the husband of one of the women and the father of the two children–came into the fort. They declared themselves to be brothers of the chief Tupas. Simaquio “came to deliver himself to the governor, saying that the latter could do what he wished with him and his, and that he should hold them as slaves, or sell them in Castilla, or do what he pleased with them.” Legazpi permitted him to see his wife and daughters, telling him “that he had been as watchful of their honor, as if he had kept them in his own house.” Simaquio signified his desire “to be … the friend and vassal of the king of Castilla, and to have perpetual peace and friendship, and that he would never be found lacking in it.” To this Legazpi replied that it was necessary to treat with Tupas and the others jointly, “and that in this manner it would be ascertained who wished peace and friendship, and who did not; that he [Simaquio] should go and confer regarding peace and friendship with Tupas and the other chiefs; and that after such talk and conference, and getting the opinion of all, they should return to finish these negotiations and conclude the matter. Meanwhile his wife and daughters would receive good care and treatment, and he could rest assured that after peace had been made, he [Legazpi] would be their father and they his children, and he would look, after them and protect them as such.” This good treatment reassured the natives, and a few days later Tupas appeared and a treaty of peace was made, the conditions of which follow. “First, they make submission, and bind and place themselves under the dominion and royal crown of Castilla and of his majesty, as his natural vassals, promising to be faithful and loyal in his service, and not to displease him in any way. They promise to observe, fulfil, and obey his royal commands as their king and lord; and to obey, in his royal name, the governor and captain residing in these islands, and to receive the latter whenever he should come to their islands, towns, and houses–whether he were angry or pleased, whether at night or day, whether for peace or for war, without any resistance or hostility, to fulfil his commands, and not to withdraw themselves from this dominion, now or in the future. This they promised for themselves and their future descendants, under risk of falling under and incurring the penalties which should be imposed in case of treachery and treason against their king and lord.
“_Item:_ on condition, that the chief who killed Pedro de Arana by treachery should not enjoy this peace and friendship, until he had appeared before the said governor to make his plea, and whose punishment the said governor said he reserved for himself.” The said Tupas and chiefs declared that they accepted this condition; and that, if they could, they would bring this man to his lordship so that he might be punished.
“_Item:_ on condition that, if the said Tupas and chiefs asked the said governor for the aid of his men against any Indians hostile to them, who were making or should make war upon them, the said governor was obliged to give them aid, protection, and reenforcement of men for it. Likewise if the said governor should request people from the said Indians, they would be obliged to volunteer to fight against his enemies. All the spoils taken when the said Spaniards and Indians were acting in concert should be divided into two equal parts, of which the said governor and his people were to have one part, and the said natives the other.
“_Item:_ on condition that, if any Indian, a native of this island, should commit any crime or wrong against any Spaniard, or take anything pertaining to and connected with the Spaniards, the said chiefs would be obliged to arrest him and bring him as a prisoner to the governor, in order that he might be punished, and justice done. And if any Spaniard should do any wrong or damage to the natives, or take anything belonging to them, the said chiefs and natives were to notify the said governor, and show him the proofs thereof, so that he might punish the wrong, and execute justice according to law.
“_Item_: It is a condition that, if any slave or other person flee from the Spanish camp, and should go inland where the Indians live and inhabit, the said chiefs and natives be obliged to arrest him and bring him before the governor; likewise if any Indian, man or woman, free or slave, come to the Spanish camp from the Indians, that the said governor promises to send him back and surrender him–so that neither side defraud or hide anything from the other.
“_Item:_ It is a condition that the said chiefs and natives shall be obliged, in selling to the Spaniards any or all provisions native to their land, and which they may wish to sell the latter, to demand only the just prices current among them, and those usually imposed by them, without advancing the price above its usual value. This price shall be fixed and understood, now and in future, and there shall be no change in it. Likewise the said governor shall fix moderate rates on the articles of barter brought from Spain for the natives. After these prices are fixed, neither side may advance them.
“_Item:_ It is a condition that none of the said natives may, now or at any time, come into or enter the camp and settlement of the Spaniards with any weapons of any kind whatever, under penalty that the person entering with weapons shall be punished by the governor.” In return for these conditions of peace, thus accepted by the natives, Legazpi promised that, for this first year, they need pay no tribute or other submission until after their harvests, “for the king of Castilla had no need of their possessions, nor wished more than that they recognize him as lord, since they were his and within his demarcation.” In token of submission, Tupas and all the other chiefs present bent the knee before Legazpi, “offering themselves as vassals of his majesty,” whom the governor … received as such vassals of the crown of Castilla, and promised “to protect and defend as such.” As a climax, presents of garments, mirrors, strings of beads, and pieces of blue glass were given to the various chiefs. Then Legazpi told them of the necessity of the king’s having “a strong house, wherein could be kept and guarded the articles of barter and the merchandise brought thither, and his artillery and ammunition;” as well as a town-site for the soldiers. These the natives should assign, where it best pleased them, “because he wished it to be with the consent and choice of all of them; and although he had planned the house of his majesty on the point occupied at present by the camp, in order to be near the ships, he wished it to be with their universal consent.” This place was granted by the natives, whereupon Legazpi proceeded to mark out land for the fort and Spanish town, assigning the limits by a line of trees. Ail outside this line “was to remain to the Indians, who could build their houses and till the fields.” After ordering the natives “to go to the other side or the line which he had assigned to them, and the Spaniards … within the line … the governor passed from one part to the other, cut certain branches, and said that, in his majesty’s name he took, and he did take; possession of that site, … and in token of true possession he performed the said acts.” Besides not being allowed to enter the Spanish town with arms, no native could come hither at night, unless by special permission. Legazpi promised that “if any wrong should be done them, or they should experience any violence from any one, he would defend and protect them as their own father and protector,” and that all wrongs would be punished according to Castilian laws. In conclusion a collation was given to the natives, and Simaquio’s wife and daughters were surrendered to him and the other hostages set free, “whereat they expressed great wonder and joy, because it is unusual among them to free prisoners without any ransom.” “The next day … the same chiefs returned … and said that they had come to make merry with the governor. The latter gave them a good reception, and set before them a breakfast and some liquor, in which consists their way of making merry.” They brought other chiefs who submitted to the Spaniards, and later still other chiefs came in. Trade began to flourish as the natives recovered from all fear and returned to their former haunts. Among other things the natives traded “a great quantity of palm wine, to which the Spaniards gave themselves with good appetite, saying that they did not miss the wine of Castilla. But because of the risk and trouble that might arise therefrom, the governor ordered that wine should not be brought or sold within the camp, and that the Spaniards should not buy it. He told Tupas and the chiefs that, as the Spaniards were not accustomed to this land, and were but recently come thither, it was not good for them to drink this wine, and that some of them had become sick. And he asked that Tupas neither consent to it, nor bring wine to the Spaniards.” The traffic still went on nevertheless, “secretly and at night,” and the Spaniards gave themselves up to it entirely, saying “that it was better than that of Castilla.” Moreover, the women prostituted themselves freely throughout the camp, an evil which Legazpi, although he posted sentinels, was unable to stamp out. Finally he announced to the native chiefs that only men should do the trading in the camp; and if the women did any trading he would assign them a public place as a market, and the latter should enter none of the Spanish houses. The chiefs replied “that those who came to sell and trade were slaves and not married women, and that he should not concern himself about it nor take it ill, for such was their custom, and that married and honorable women did not go to the camp; although the contrary of this was seen and understood afterwards. For the Indians going outside the village, as they do continually, to trade beside the sea, many of the wives and daughters of the chiefs came to the camp along with the other women, and thus went through the camp, visiting with as much freedom and liberty as if all the men were their own brothers. Thus it was seen and discovered later that this is one of their customs, and is exercised with all strangers from the outside. The very first thing they do is to provide them with women, and these sell themselves for any gain, however slight” The natives are described as covetous and selfish, without neatness and not cleanly. “It has not been ascertained whether they have any idols. They revere their ancestors as gods, [71] and when they are ill or have any other necessity, they go to their graves with great lamentation and commendation, to beg their ancestors for health, protection, and aid; They make certain alms and invocations here. And in the same manner they invoke and call upon the Devil, and they declare that they cause him to appear in a hollow reed, and that there he talks with their priestesses. Their priests are, as a general rule, women, who thus make this invocation and talk with the Devil, and then give the latter’s answer to the people–telling them what offerings of birds and other things they must make, according to the request and wish of the Devil. They sacrifice usually a hog and offer it to him, holding many other like superstitions in these invocations, in order that the Devil may come and talk to them in the reed: When any chief dies, they kill some of his slaves, a greater or less number according to his quality and his wealth. They are all buried in coffins made out of two boards, and they bury with them their finest clothes, porcelain ware, and gold jewels. Some are buried in the ground, and others of the chief men are placed in certain lofty houses.” [72] Legazpi ordered that in future no slaves be killed at the death of their chiefs, an order which they promised to obey. The natives desired to procure iron in their trading, but Legazpi ordered that none be given them by anyone. However, the trade was continued secretly, the iron being concealed in clothing, even after some of the men had been punished. By various dealings with the natives Legazpi discovered that they were deceiving him in regard to other natives of Cebu and the island of Matan; they had said that these men would make peace and friendship, but they never appeared. The inhabitants of Matan had always been hostile to the Spaniards, “saying that they would kill us, or at least would drive us away by hunger.” One day Tupas told the governor that “his wife and daughters would like to come to see him, because they had a great desire to know him. He replied that he would be very glad and that Tupas should bring them whenever he wished; accordingly, Tupas did so after a few days. Their manner of coming was such that the women came by themselves in procession, two and two, the chief one last of all. After this manner came the wife of Tupas with her arms on the shoulders of two principal women, with a procession of more than sixty women, all singing in a high voice. Most of them wore palm-leaf hats on their heads, and some of them garlands of various kinds of flowers; some were adorned with gold, and some with clasps on their legs, and wearing earrings and armlets, and gold rings on their hands and fingers. They were all clad in colored petticoats or skirts and shawls, some of them made of taffety.” The usual good cheer followed, and presents were made to all the women. The same good treatment was accorded to the wives of other chiefs who visited the settlement in the same manner. Legazpi “after his arrival in these islands, tried always to put the minds of the natives at rest, not allowing them to receive any wrong or hurt, or permitting that anything belonging to them should be taken from them without being paid for … principally in this island of Zubu, where he thought to live and dwell permanently among the natives.” A few days after the coming of Tupas’s wife and the other women, he sent his niece to Legazpi. She was the first native to receive baptism, “although the father prior made her wait some days, enforcing upon her mind what it meant to be a Christian, and what she must believe and observe after her baptism.” She was named Isabel, and married Master Andrea, a Greek calker, a few days after. Her son, aged three, and two children, a boy and a girl, of seven and eight years respectively, also received baptism. Other Indians came, in imitation of Isabel, asking baptism; and seven or eight infants who died received the holy rite that ensured them entrance into heaven. After being two months in Cebu, Legazpi, although pushing the work on the fortifications as rapidly as possible, sent out, in order to keep his part of the treaty, contingents of men with the natives, at two different times, to aid the latter against their enemies. The weapons and warlike qualities of the Spaniards gained them great prestige and inspired great terror throughout all the islands. About this same time “seven or eight Moros, whose chief was called Magomat, [73] came in a canoe to the camp, declaring themselves to be natives of the island of Luzon; and asked the governor for permission to come to this village to trade with a _prau_ which was stationed near this island. They said that if the Spaniards would trade with them, they would be very glad to have junks come from Luzon with much merchandise for the Spanish trade.” They had learned of the Spanish settlement through a Moro who had been sent to Panay to buy rice for the fort, and that “they did no harm to anyone, and were possessed of a great quantity of silver and small coins; therefore they had come to find out our manner of trading.” One of the Moros happening to sneeze while trading for pearls, said “that they could not buy; that that was their custom, and if they did, they would sin therein.” Through these Moros the natives of Cebu learned to demand _tostones_ [a small coin] in exchange for their articles of trade, which was a loss to the Spaniards; but the latter laid in a good supply of provisions, by the aid of these same Moros. By the latter, Legazpi sent word to the king of Luzon of his residence in the islands and his desire to meet him and “deliver the message he bore to him from his majesty; and requested that he send him for this, a trustworthy person, or allow him to send some Spaniards thither to treat with the same king.” These Moros induced two small “junks from Venduro [Mindoro] which is an island near Luzon” to come to trade at Cebu, having told them of the good treatment afforded them. These latter carried “iron, tin, porcelain, shawls, light woolen cloth and taffety from China, perfumes, and other knick-knacks.” The master-of-camp and Martin de Goyti were sent with a body of men to obtain provisions among the neighboring islands, in the month of September of 1565. Guided by certain chiefs of Cebu, they visited an island to the west, inhabited by blacks who lived in a town called Tanay, stopping on the way at a village, hostile to Cebu, where they obtained some food. The people of Tanay fled at their approach, and the little food found there was sent to Legazpi; while the two leaders remained at the island some days in a fruitless endeavor to make peace and friendship with the natives. On All Saints’ Day “about the hour of mass” some twenty houses were burned in the Spanish settlement, “among others that where the religious slept, and the hut where mass was said,” and many goods were burned. “It could not be proved whether this fire was set, or happened through carelessness.” It having been discovered that the inhabitants of Matan and Gavi who would not make peace with the Spaniards, but were friendly to the natives of Cebu, came freely to that island, and even entered the Spanish settlement, the master-of-camp and Goyti were despatched to Matan to receive the homage of the chiefs or to make war upon them. Warned by the natives of Cebu, those of Matan fled. The invaders burned their village, for which the natives threatened retaliation, saying they would burn the houses of the Spanish settlement. Meanwhile the food problem assumed threatening dimensions, and the men became discontented and began to grumble because they were not allowed to take anything from the natives without pay. “And although the governor and captains, the religious and other chief persons … tried to encourage them with good words and promises,” a mutiny was arranged among certain men, which, “if God in his infinite mercy had not caused it to be discovered, might have caused great loss and trouble.” Certain of the petty officers (some of them foreigners), and some of the soldiers and servants, conspired to seize the “San Juan,” and, making first a cruise through the islands, to seize “the junks of Borneo, Luzon, and Venduro, trading among these islands.” Then they planned their course by way of the Strait of Magellan to New Spain, Guatemala, or Peru, or to Spain or France. If the weather were contrary then “they would go to Malaca, where the Portuguese would receive them with open arms … because they had fled from this camp and settlement.” All officers had been selected. The mutiny had every appearance of succeeding, for the master of the “San Pablo” had in his care all the artillery, powder, and ammunition aboard the ship. The twenty-seventh of November was set for their desertion, and to avoid pursuit the “San Pablo” and the frigates that had been built were to be sunk. The date, for some unknown reason, was postponed until the twenty-eighth. On that day the master of the “San Pablo” divulged the conspiracy to the master-of-camp, who immediately informed Legazpi. Pablos Hernandez, a native of Venice, the head of the conspiracy, fled, first making an ineffectual attempt to assume the ecclesiastical garb, in order that he might escape with his life. Finally “he determined to die as a Christian, in order that his soul might not be lost;” he gave himself up, and was hanged. The French pilot Pierres Plin, and a Greek were also hanged. The others were pardoned after being severely reprimanded. More than forty persons were implicated in this conspiracy. “The governor imposed only one order upon the foreigners, namely that none of them should speak any other language than Spanish.” It was discovered that some of these men had conspired while at Puerto de la Navidad to make off with the “San Lucas,” and that one night the sails had been lowered on the “San Pablo” under pretext that Legazpi’s ship had done the same, the intention being to desert. Through the promptness of the master-of-camp, who threatened to hang the pilots if they lost sight of the “San Pedro,” the conspiracy was foiled. The mutiny suppressed, attention was given to securing food. Five _praus_ of natives set out for the province of Baybay, taking with them articles of barter–Legazpi preferring that natives should go on this errand, as he feared that the Spaniards would wrong the islanders. These men delayed, as well as those who went to Panay, and it was thought, purposely, believing that the Spaniards would be driven from the island by hunger. So great was the famine that cats and rats were eaten by some of the soldiers. Goyti was sent with a number of small boats and a detachment of one hundred men to the villages hostile to those of Cebu, with orders to buy food and try to procure peace and friendship with the natives. He sent back several boat-loads of food, and on his own coming announced peace with five villages. Finally the natives who had gone to Panay returned, after three months’ absence, bringing many excuses and but little food. Meanwhile news came from Baybay, where many of the former inhabitants of Matan and Gavi had sought refuge, of hostile excursions against the town of Mandam, an ally and friend of the Spaniards. These people from Baybay carried their insolence so far as to say they would burn the Spanish settlement. Legazpi sent two chiefs to Baybay to demand the release of the prisoners taken at Mandam. The messengers were scoffed at, and the marauders returned to Mandam in greater force, where they committed many depredations and made many prisoners. Legazpi determined to teach these arrogant natives a lesson, and ordered the master-of-camp to go thither; but granted a few days’ delay at the petition of the Cebu natives, who said that many of their men were at Baybay, as well as those despatched thither to secure food. During this delay the master-of-camp and Martin de Goyti were sent to the islands where the latter had been shortly before, and where he had made peace with certain villages. This peace was confirmed and the inhabitants of fifteen or sixteen other villages “offered themselves as vassals of his majesty, some of whom gave millet and rice … and others gave earrings of little weight … and this was the first gold that was given in these islands to his majesty.” All the natives of these islands have no idea of honor among themselves, always being ready to take advantage of each other’s misfortunes–as was apparent by those of Cebu, who were friendly to the inhabitants of Mandam, robbing and sacking that town, when its people fled from the raiders of Baybay. The master-of-camp having returned from his expedition among the friendly villages, set out for Baybay, under guidance of Simaquio. This latter guided them, not to the chief city, where the prisoners from Mandam had been taken, but to the small and unimportant village of Caramucua, which was found deserted. At the town of Calabazan the Spaniards were duped by the few natives found there, who claimed to be natives of Cebu, and asked the invaders to wait two days and they would bring the chiefs of this town to make peace and friendship. The two days having elapsed, and no natives appearing, the Spaniards marched inland, being deserted by all the natives of Cebu, who said that “these were their friends, from which it was quite apparent that they were all hand in glove with one another.” A three or four leagues’ march resulted only in the killing of a few hogs, the firing of the native huts, and the capture and hanging of several natives. The only salutary result of the expedition was the return of a number of the inhabitants of Cebu who had migrated to Baybay because they did not wish to acknowledge the Spanish rule; asking pardon of Legazpi, these natives of Cebu were permitted to return, but the same favor was denied those from Matan and Gavi. Legazpi’s policy was always to treat the people of Cebu with more than fairness, in order to retain their friendship, although he was fully aware of their duplicity toward him. Numerous expeditions in search of food were organized. The master-of-camp with seventy men, and accompanied by Juan de la Isla and the king’s factor was despatched to the coasts of Butuan in search of sago, whence they returned after a long delay, and after they were half given up as lost; having failed to obtain provisions at Butuan, the commander of the expedition had gone on farther, over-staying his limit of forty days. On his return he brought more than one thousand _fanegas_ [74] of rice. He brought cheering news of the friendliness of the natives, and of the taking possession in the king’s name of “Vindanao [Mindanao], and the coast of Botuan, Negros, and Panay.” Another expedition under command of Goyti was despatched to Negros with additional orders to procure news of the former expedition, but his quest was useless. Meanwhile a messenger brought word that the master-of-camp was going to Panay, and would return as soon as possible. Before the return of the master-of-camp, Goyti was sent on another expedition to the coasts of Cabalian and Abuyo, taking with him sixty men. He was successful, sending back several boat-loads of rice, and news that the people of these districts were friendly,–although not much confidence could be placed in their friendship, for only a league from Cabalian five of his men had been treacherously murdered, and another time two more had shared the same fate. The master-of-camp having returned meanwhile, Legazpi sent a reenforcement of thirty men to Goyti with orders to explore the strait between Abuyo and Tandaya. At the mouth of this strait, news was had of a Christian “named Juanes, who had lived with the Indians for more than twenty years, and had married the daughter of a chief, and that he was painted like the other natives.” Although an effort was made to obtain definite news in regard to this man, it was unsuccessful; and Goyti, falling ill of fever, was obliged to return without ransoming him. He brought as captives two chiefs whom he caused to be seized. While the camp was weakened by the absence of so many men on these expeditions, the malcontents at the settlement took occasion to attempt another mutiny. The ringleader was a certain soldier named Carrion, who had been pardoned by Legazpi after being “condemned to death by the master-of-camp for a certain crime.” He was exposed by a Frenchman, who, like Carrion, had been implicated in the previous mutiny. It was planned to get to the Moluccas, “where they would receive all courtesy.” A boat was to be seized from certain Moros of Luzon, and other depredations, to ensure sufficient food, etc., were to be committed. Carrion and one other were hanged. The former “knew but little, but presumed to know it all, and talked too much, so that the majority of his acquaintances shunned his conversation.” The master-of-camp was sent with a number of men to attempt the ransom of Juanes from the natives, with orders to stop on the way at Eleyti to ascertain the cause of the delay of a certain Pedro de Herrera who had been sent thither to obtain resin for pitching the ships. When this latter returned he bore a letter from the master-of-camp to the effect that Herrera had gone beyond his instructions. The latter was thereupon arrested and tried. This man brought news of three Spaniards who were held in the island of Tandaya who had been captured from a vessel within fourteen or fifteen months. Legazpi immediately sent this information to the master-of-camp, in order that he might ransom those men as well as Juanes, but the messengers failed to find that officer. Juanes proved to be not a Spaniard, but a Mexican Indian who had accompanied Villalobos. This Indian declared the three men to be of the same expedition, and Herrera had made a mistake in the time, which should be years, not months. The men despatched under Juan de la Isla to take the information of Herrera to the master-of-camp, fell in with the ship “San Geronimo,” which had been sent from New Spain with aid to Legazpi. The ship itself arrived at Cebu on October 15, 1566, with a doleful story of “bad management, mutinies, want of harmony, deaths, hardships, and calamities.” The captain, by name Pericon, was not a suitable officer for such a voyage, setting sail from “Acapulco with more haste and less prudence than was needful.” A conspiracy to mutiny was formed under the leadership of the master, the pilot, Lope Martin–the pilot of the vessel that had deserted Legazpi–and others. After various insubordinations, of which the captain, in his blindness, took no notice, the latter and his son were murdered. Soon afterward the two chief conspirators quarreled; and the pilot, forestalling the intention of the master to arrest him, hanged the latter. Then the pilot resolved to return to Spain by the Strait of Magellan, promising to make rich men of all who would follow him, but intending to abandon on some island those who were not favorable to him. Under pretext of wintering at a small islet near the island of Barbudos, he contrived to have the greater part of the men disembark. The ecclesiastic Juan de Viveros, who accompanied the expedition, discovering the pilot’s intention to abandon some of the party, remonstrated with the latter’s chief adviser, saying that “it was inhuman, and he should take them to the Filipinas, and leave them where there were provisions,” but to no purpose. Each man lost all confidence in his fellows, and certain of the men, forming a counter mutiny in the king’s name, seized the vessel and set their course for the Philippines, abandoning Lope Martin and twenty-six men on this island. The leader of this second mutiny hanged two men who were concerned in the death of the captain. Finally, after many hardships, the Ladrones and later the Philippines were reached. The notary of the ship was tried and executed by Legazpi as an accomplice in the captain’s death. The others concerned in the mutiny were all pardoned. This new contingent “made homage anew, and swore to obey his majesty and the governor in his royal name.” [75] The master-of-camp having been sent about this time to Panay to collect the tributes of rice, returned on November 16, without having accomplished his object, and having been compelled to leave his vessel, the “San Juan,” at Dapitan. He brought news that the Portuguese were coming to the island, sent thither by the viceroy of India “in search of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, who had left Nueva Espana with four ships.” One ship of the Portuguese fleet was encountered near Mindanao and four others about thirty leagues from Cebu, and two more at a distance of ten leagues out. On the following day the two Portuguese vessels last seen made their appearance, but almost immediately stood off again, and soon disappeared. The Spaniards began to fortify their settlement as strongly as possible, and the vessels were stationed in the best positions. Legazpi bade the Spaniards not to forget that they were Spaniards, and reminded them of the “reputation and valor of the Spanish people throughout the world.” The natives in terror abandoned their houses, “removing their wives and children to the mountain, while some took them in canoes to other villages; and others took their children, wives, and possessions to our camp, placing them in the houses of soldiers who were their friends, saying they would die with us.” On the nineteenth of November the two vessels reappeared; and Martin de Goyti was sent to talk to them, and if they “were in need of anything,” to invite them to anchor in the port. The Portuguese said that they had become separated from the rest of their fleet by a storm. They were bound from India to the Moluccas, and thence to Amboina to take vengeance upon the natives for various depredations. After a mutual salute with the artillery, the Portuguese vessels withdrew. Each carried about thirty-five or forty Portuguese soldiers and crews of Indians from Malabar. Legazpi despatched the same captain with a letter to the Portuguese captain, Melo, expressing his regret that they had not stopped to accept his hospitality, because “at this port they would have been well received and aided with whatever was necessary for their voyage; for his majesty’s command was that, wherever he should meet Portuguese, he should give them every protection and aid.” He sent presents of food and wine, etc., to the Portuguese, who expressed their thanks verbally, saying “they had no paper or ink.” They promised to do no wrong to the natives, at the request of Goyti, “because they were vassals of his majesty, and our friends.” A comet seen next day “nearly above the town of Zebu,” was taken by the soldiers as an omen of war and bloodshed. Affairs with the natives continued to improve steadily, and several chiefs came to offer themselves as vassals to the governor, promising to pay tribute. The Moro interpreter, his wife, and one child received baptism, a conversion that was of great moment because this Moro had much influence with the natives. The ship “San Geronimo” was judged totally unseaworthy; and, in a council called by Legazpi to consider the question, it was decided to take the ship to pieces, and to construct a smaller vessel from what could be saved of it. The carpenters and others having made an examination of the vessel announced that it was so rotten that no smaller vessel could be made from it. Legazpi ordered also a large frigate to be built, as there was a great necessity for it to bring provisions to the settlement. The deaths of the Mexican Indian and a sailor and the sickness of several others, were attributed to poison, and Legazpi called Tupas to strict account, telling him that his treatment of the Spaniards was the reverse of what was to be expected for such good treatment on their part. Finally it was discovered that a woman had poisoned wine that had been sold to these men. She was executed, after having made a full confession and embraced the Christian religion. In consequence a stringent order was issued by the governor that no one should buy the native wine. On the same night of the execution of this woman one of the chiefs implicated in the murder of Pedro de Arana was captured upon information furnished by Tupas; he was executed on the following day, in the place of the murder. Expeditions sent out to explore and gather provisions, learned of gold and mines. On March 5, 1567, the large frigate was completed and launched, and it was named “Espiritu Santo.” An expedition was despatched to the island of Gigantes in search of pitch for the boats. [76] “What we call pitch in this region is a resin from which the natives make candles in order to use in their night-fishing, and is the same as the copal of Nueva Espana, or at the most differs from it very little in color, smell, and taste; but it is very scarce, and occurs in but few places, and is found with great trouble.” None was found here, and a boat-load of rice was brought instead from Panay, On the anniversary of the finding of the child Jesus in Cebu, the twenty-eighth of April, one of the two boats that had been despatched to the coasts of Mindanao under command of the master-of-camp returned with news of his death from fever, and anger at an attempted mutiny. Two soldiers who were supposed to be ringleaders were sent back with the frigate and the “San Juan” was following as rapidly as possible. The attempted mutiny was due to the master-of-camp’s prohibiting any trading or buying of cinnamon. Martin Hernandez, a Portuguese, was the leader and the mutiny was smothered by his hanging. Martin de Goyti was appointed to the vacant position of master-of-camp, “for he was entirely trustworthy, and had much experience in matters of war.” Besides the master-of-camp, fifteen or sixteen others died, which the physician declared was the result of eating too much cinnamon. The new master-of-camp executed two soldiers and one sailor, who were found to be, after Hernandez, most concerned in the mutiny.
The “San Juan” was despatched to New Spain to carry despatches and to beg aid. At the same time, July 10, came two boats from the Moluccas with letters to Legazpi from the Portuguese commanders inviting the Spaniards to their islands. From these Portuguese it was learned that they proposed a speedy descent upon the settlement. The Spaniards were but ill prepared for such a thing. “All this risk and danger has been caused by the delay in receiving aid from that Nueva Espana. May God pardon whomsoever has been the cause of so great delay and so many hardships!” [77] (Tomo iii, no. xxxix, pp. 91-225). Cebu, _circa_ 1566. A petition to the king bearing signatures of Martin de Goiti, Guido de Labezari, Andres Cauchela, Luis de la Haya, Gabriel de Rribera, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Joan de la Isla, and Fernando Rriquel, sets forth the following requests: 1. That ecclesiastics be sent to Cebu, “for the preaching of the holy gospel and the conversion of the natives,” as only three of those first sent remain, namely, Fray Diego, Fray Martin de Herrada, and Fray Pedro He Gamboa. 2. More men, and arms and ammunition for five or six hundred men, so that if the natives will not be converted otherwise, they may be compelled to it by force of arms. 3. That due rewards be granted Legazpi for his faithful service. 4. The confirmation and perpetuation of the appointments made by the viceroy of New Spain, Luis de Velasco, in the expedition of Legazpi. 5. That the king grant to all those of the expedition and their descendants forever exemption from _pecho_ [78] and custom duty, as well as exemption from tax on ail merchandise that they might trade in these islands for the period of one hundred years. 6. That transferable _repartimientos_ [79] be granted to the conquerors and new discoverers. 7. That the wives and children of the conquerors, whether in Spain or New Spain, be sustained from the royal estate until the _repartimientos_ be made; and that in case of the death of any of those of the expedition this sustenance be continued. 8. That land be apportioned to them. 9. That the conquerors alone, outside of the king, be allowed to trade in the Philippines. 10. That the Moros, “because they try to prevent our trade with the natives, and preach to them the religion of Mahomet,” may be enslaved and lose their property. 11. That the offices of the royal officials appointed by Velasco be granted for life, and to one heir after them, and that they be allowed to share in the _repartimientos_. 12. An increase of salary because of the high cost of living in these islands. The petitioners beg further: 1. That slave traffic be allowed, “that the Spaniards may make use of them, as do the chiefs and natives of these regions, both in mines and other works that offer themselves.” 2. The remittance of the king’s fifth of all gold and silver found for fifty years. 3. That the natives be distributed in _encomiendas_. Legazpi in a separate petition makes the following requests: That the Philippines be conquered, colonized, and placed under the dominion of the crown, in order that the gospel may be preached to more advantage and the tributes collected from the natives, who are “changeable, fickle, and of but little veracity.” That religious of good life be sent who may serve as examples, and that they may “try to learn the language of this land, for thereby they will obtain good results.” That certain Moros, who, under pretext of being traders, preach the Mahometan faith and hinder Spanish trade with the natives, be expelled from the islands, and that they be not allowed to marry or settle therein. That his office of governor and general be confirmed for life and extended to one heir, as promised by Velasco. That the four thousand ducats promised him by Velasco be granted him from the royal estate, inasmuch as he has made the expedition without any personal aid from the king. That he and two heirs be allowed to hold all the forts established by him, with the salary agreed upon with Velasco, and that such holding and salary commence with the fort of Cebu. That the title of high constable, for himself and heirs, of all lands discovered and colonized by him, be confirmed. That he may have two of the Ladrone Islands, with the title of _adelantado_, provided he conquer and colonize them at his own cost; these islands will be of great service as a way-station between New Spain and the Philippines. That Felipe de Salcedo, his grandson, be granted the habit of the order of Santiago for his great services in the voyage to the Philippines, and his discovery of the return route to New Spain, for all of which he had received no financial aid from the crown. That the king favor Mateo del Saz, the master-of-camp, for his excellent services. (Tomo iii, no. xlv, pp. 319-329.)
Legazpi’s son, Melchor, presented five petitions to the king, all growing out of the agreements made with the former by Luis de Velasco, and his subsequent services in the islands. The first petitioned in behalf of Legazpi: 1. That two of the Ladrones with title of _adelantado_, and a salary of two thousand ducats be granted him and his heirs, this concession to bear civil and criminal powers of jurisdiction, and the title of governor and captain-general of the Ladrones. 3 and 4. Exclusive right to choose men for the conquest, both in New Spain and the Philippines, or any other place, and the appointment of duties and officials; also the right to fit out ships in any port of the Indies, and authorization of agents. 5. That he be permitted to assign land to the colonists. 6 and 7. That he and his heirs be high constables of all these islands and that they hold all forts built therein. 8 and 9. To him, his sons, heirs, and successors forever, one-twelfth of all incomes from mines, gold and silver, precious stones, and fruits, in the Ladrones; and two fisheries, one of pearls and the other of fish, in the same islands. 10. That for ten years after any colony has been formed no import tax be paid on goods. 11. That only one-tenth of all gold, silver, gems, and pearls discovered for ten years after the first settlement be paid the king. 12. That Legazpi may appoint in his absence from the Philippines or Ladrones a lieutenant, who shall act in his name. 13. That for six years he may commission two vessels for navigation of the Indies, and that he may despatch them together or separately. 14. That fines be granted for the founding of churches and monasteries throughout the islands. 15. That the petition in regard to Felipe de Salcedo be granted. 16. That a dozen religious from each order go to the islands, and that their superior do not object to their going. 17. That no foreigners, especially Portuguese, be allowed in the islands, “because therefrom might follow great losses and troubles, as happened when Lope Martin was sent as pilot with Captain Pericon.” 18. That no vessels be permitted to go to these islands from the Indies, or from any other land, “without the express consent and commission of the royal _Audiencia_ or the viceroy” of the district from which the ship sails, and the king must be fully informed thereof. The cause of this clause was that ships were fitting out in Peru and other places for these islands. 19. That Moros be prohibited from trading in the islands. 20. “Because the conquest of the Ladrones is of slight moment, by reason of their inhabitants being poor and naked,” and their best use is as a way-station from New Spain; and New Guinea on the other hand offers much profit in both temporal and religious matters, that their conquest be permitted to Legazpi. 21. That, in case of Legazpi’s death before the conquest is effected, the petitioner, or Legazpi’s heir and successor, or the person appointed by him, may complete it. This petition was vistoed in Madrid, March 2, 1569, although it had been presented a considerable time before that date. After waiting for two years in vain for an answer to this petition Melchor de Legazpi presented another petition asking: that efficient aid be sent his father; that he be confirmed in his title of governor and captain-general “with the salary that your highness is pleased to assign him, and with the other rewards contained in his [Legazpi’s] petition, … and that he be not abandoned to die in despair at seeing himself forsaken and forgotten by his king;” that he be granted the four thousand ducats promised him by Velasco “in order that we might better prepare for the marriage of … my sister, who is of marriageable age.” The petition states that even had Legazpi’s expedition proved a failure, the king should not permit want to come upon his children, since his substance had been expended in the royal service. In the third petition, Melchor de Legazpi requests that the office of accountant of the City of Mexico rendered vacant by the death of its incumbent, be bestowed upon him, in remembrance of his father’s services. He says the family is “poverty-stricken and in debt,” because of his father having spent all his possessions in the king’s service. The fourth petition presents information concerning Legazpi’s services. The fifth petition requests that certain persons be received by the court as witnesses, and give information regarding Legazpi. From the testimony of these persons it was shown that Legazpi was one of the oldest and most honored citizens of the City of Mexico; that he was a wealthy landholder of that city; and had lost his wealth through devotion to the king’s service, without receiving any reward therefor. (Tomo iii, no. xlvi, pp. 330-370.)
Warrant of the Augustinian Authorities in Mexico Establishing the First Branch of Their Brotherhood in the Philippines–1564
Fray Pedro de Herrera, vicar-general of the Order of Hermits of our holy Father Augustine in the regions of the Indies, with Fray Diego de Vertavillo, provincial of the same order in this Nueva Espana, and Frays Antonio de Aguilar, Nicolas de Perea, Francisco de Villafuerte, and Juan de Medina, _definitors_ [80]–to our very dear Brethren in Christ, Andres de Urdaneta, prior, Diego de Herrera, Andres de Aguirre, Lorenzo de San Esteban, Martin de Rada, priests, and Fray Diego de Torres, to you, all and singular, everlasting greeting in the Lord.
Very beloved sons: You are aware how Felipe, by the grace of God king of the Spains and the Indies, and our lord, has been greatly pleased with the news that some brethren of our order are to go with the expedition now being equipped by his very illustrious viceroy and captain-general, Don Luis de Velasco, in this Nueva Espana, which is to rail through the Western Sea of this kingdom toward the continent and certain of the islands that lie between the equator and the Arctic and Antarctic poles, and below the region of the torrid zone itself–to the end that according to right reason and the benign counsels of Christian piety, both at home and abroad as will best seem consonant with the purpose of his royal majesty, you may control the fleet and troops of the Spanish army. Especially too that the most brilliant light of faith may beam upon the populous races that dwell in that region of the world. Through the benignity of God most holy and supreme, and your preaching, there is hope that those benighted barbarians may cast aside the errors and more than Cimmerian darkness of idolatry for the splendor of the gospel; and that they who, so long unacquainted with gospel truth, have been groping in the gloom of Satanic bondage may now at last through the grace of Christ, the common savior of all men, gaze at the full light of truth in their knowledge of his name.
Wherefore, as it has seemed our filial and reasonable duty not to prove wanting in view of the favor and trust granted us by his royal majesty, whereby measures will be taken to add to the divine glory, our homage to the king, and the safety of many mortals,–therefore after long meditation on this matter and mature counsel, sure as we are of your piety, deep learning, charity, and merits, we have chosen you for this apostolic charge, the task (with the help of the Lord, to whom we commend you) of leading peoples to embrace the faith. In order that greater and richer merit may ensue from your obedience in undergoing these very great hardships, which you are ready to meet through your love of Christ–although we have ever found you willing and ready to comply with our mandates–yet now in virtue of die Holy Ghost we command you, the above-named brethren, to set out in this first voyage with the fleet which the illustrious and well-born knight Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and commander of the fleet, whom ours [81] style captain-general, is to conduct to the aforesaid lands. We exhort and pray you earnestly, as far as we may in the Lord, to be in all things as the good actor of God, as becometh the holy ones and ministers of God, in all virtues–especially humility, patience, and discipline.
Chiefly, however, we desire to have shine forth in your deeds that singular and renowned token of Christians which our Savior Christ, when on the point of offering up his most innocent life and his most holy blood–that thereby, in rescuing us from the deadliest of fates, he might ensure the freedom of mortals–commended repeatedly to his followers as a countersign, in these words: “By this shall all men know that you are my disciples, if you have love one for another.” This is that priceless boon of charity which Paul styles “the bond of perfection,” which we trust may not only shine forth from your midst–Whereby you should cling to Christ as a companion, and seek the possession of his spirit–but that the same affection of peace and love flow thence from you to all other men as from a clear fountain, to the end that those who have made profession of this soldiership in Christ may cling to one another in the mutual bond of charity, to the maintenance amidst the clash of arms of that “grace which,” the Apostle affirms, “is above all sense.” For peace, be it known, dwells even in the midst of affrays, and is to be commended by you all, to the best of your power, to the inhabitants of those regions–to whom you should, as the heralds and vanguard of true evangelical piety, appear as in search not of what is your own, but of what is Jesus Christ’s. Moreover, we earnestly exhort your charity in the Lord, as far as lies in our power, to announce the all-holy gospel of Christ to all races, baptizing them that believe in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost; training them in the holy Catholic faith, on the same lines on which the faithful are trained by our cherished mother the Church of Rome; shunning utterly therein all novelty of doctrine, which we desire shall in all things conform to the holy and ecumenical councils and doctors acknowledged by the same Church; teaching them especially that obedience which all Christians owe to die supreme Pontiff and the Church of Rome–which in truth is always the leader, head, and mistress of all other churches of the world–then to their lawful rulers and masters; teaching them at the same time to live under the yoke and discipline of Faith, Hope, and Charity, and to forget, moreover, their old-time superstitions and errors of the Devil. And that you may the more easily fulfil the duty of your apostleship, to which you have been called by the Lord, we declare and appoint all among you who are priests among the preachers and confessors of our order, granting to you whatever privileges have hitherto been granted or shall be granted by the supreme Pontiffs themselves, or their legates, to our order especially, as well as to other orders, hospitals, houses, congregations, or other persons whatsoever–the privileges whereof may be considered as common to us by reason of many apostolic grants, among others, especially, the grants made to us by Julius the Second, Leo the Tenth, Clemens the Seventh, and Paulus the Third. Moreover, we grant you especially all the authority hitherto given by Sixtus the Fourth, Nicholas the Fifth, Gregorius the Ninth, Leo the Tenth, Adrian the Sixth, Clemens the Seventh, Paulus the Third, and Paulus the Fourth, or which hereafter may be given by all other Pontiffs, to all brethren going to the countries of unbelievers, to preach the holy gospel of Christ–especially to Farther Tartary, China, and other regions of the earth wherein we know not whether up to these times has been preached the piety of the holy Catholic faith–among which indults of the Pontiffs, Adrian the Sixth granted and conveyed all his power of whatsoever kind that might seem of need in the conversion and maintenance of neo-Christians. By reason of our office we grant and convey to you this power as far as lies in us.
We grant you, moreover, the power to establish houses and monasteries of our order in whatever places it may seem expedient to you for the glory of God and the health of our neighbor, and all the privileges, especially those of Sixtus the Fourth, Julius the Second, and Leo the Tenth for the reception of novices to the habit of our order. Shunning, moreover, all novelty, you shall zealously bring them up in the same mode of life that you yourselves have learned from your mother, our order, under the rule of our holy Father Augustine, and the constitutions of the order.
Also, we grant you power to administer all the sacraments to commanders, soldiers, sutlers, traders, and others who go on this expedition, as well as to all other faithful in Christ, whom you may encounter wheresoever you go, in virtue of the grants made therefor to us by Adrian the Sixth, Paulus the Third, and all other supreme Pontiffs.
Also to the very venerable father Fray Andres de Urdaneta whom you all–each for himself, publicly and privately, at the same time when through our commission you were assembled in chapter–have chosen canonically as your prior and prelate for this expedition, we grant the fulness of all our authority in corporals as well as spirituals, as far as we have, it and are enabled, without reserving anything whatsoever to ourselves. And this authority we wish to terminate in the aforesaid father, whenever according to our instructions you shall choose another, and pass thence in its fulness to the newly-elect, and so on in succession for all time, until this grant of ours shall be recalled by ourselves or our chiefs.
In testimony and faith whereof, we have signed our names, with the titles of our office, to this our grant, whereto we have ordered the seals of our order to be appended.
Given in our convent of Culhuacan [Mexico], the fifth ides of February, in the year of our Redemption one thousand five, hundred and sixty-four.
_Fray Pedro de Herrera_, Vicar general. _Fray Diego de Vertavillo_, Provincial.
_Fray Antonio de Aguilar_, _Definitor_. _Fray Nicolas de Perea_, _Definitor_.
_Fray Francisco de Villafuerte_, _Definitor_. _Fray Juan de Medina_, _Definitor_.
Act of Taking Possession of Cibabao
On the flagship, on the fifteenth day of February, 1565, the royal fleet being anchored near a large island, which the natives indicated by signs to be called Cibabao, [82] the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, his majesty’s governor and captain-general of the people and fleet of discovery of the Western Islands, appeared before me, Fernando de Riquel, chief notary of the said fleet and government of the said islands, and declared: that whereas his lordship is sending his ensign-general, Andres de Ybarra, to make friends with an Indian, a native of this island, called Calayan, who declared himself a chief; and whereas it is fitting that possession be taken of the island in the name of his majesty; therefore he authorized fully the said Andres de Ybarra to take possession, in the name of his majesty, of the part and place where he went thus with the said Indian, and all the other districts subject and contiguous thereto. In affirmation of the above, he consented to the present ordinance before me, the said notary, and the witnesses hereunder subscribed, with their incidences and dependencies, annexes and rights, and he embossed the same in the form prescribed by law, and signed it with his name, the witnesses being the high constable Grabiel de Rribera, Amador de Arriaran [83] and Juan Pacheco, gentlemen of the governor, Miguel Lopez.
Given before me,
_Fernando Riquel_, chief notary.
And after the aforesaid, on this said day, month, and year aforesaid, the said ensign-general Andres de Ybarra, appeared before me, the said notary and the witnesses hereunder subscribed, being on the river Calayan to which the said chief thus named took him, having landed in a small inlet, at the edge of the water, and containing a small bay, and said that in the name of his majesty, by virtue of the power conferred on him by the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general of the discovery of the islands of the West, he occupied and took possession and apprehended the tenure and true and actual possession or quasi-possession of this said land, and of all territory subject to it and contiguous to it. And in token of true possession, he passed from one end of that land to the other, cut branches of trees, plucked grass, threw stones, and performed such other acts and ceremonies as are usual in such cases–all of which took place quietly and peaceably, with common consent of those who were present, without the opposition of any one. And after the aforesaid act took place, the said Andres de Ybarra besought me, the said notary, to certify thereto, those present as witnesses being, father Fray Diego de Herrera, father Fray Pedro de Gamboa, the high constable Grabiel de Rribera and Francisco Scudero de la Portilla, [84] Pedro de Herrera, and many other soldiers. I, the said Fernando Rriquel, notary aforesaid, bear witness to the aforesaid, for it was done in my presence, and I was present at everything jointly with the said witnesses. In witness whereof I, Fernando Riquel, chief notary, affix here my signature and accustomed flourish, which in such documents is in token of truth. Collated with the original. [85]
_Fernando Riquel_, government notary.
Proclamation Regarding Treasure
Order to Make Declaration of the Gold Taken from the Burial-Places of the Indians
In the island of Cubu of the Western Islands, belonging to his majesty, on the sixteenth of May, one thousand five hundred and sixty-five, the most illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, his majesty’s governor and captain-general of the people and fleet of the discovery of the Western Islands, appeared before me, Fernando Riquel, government notary of the said islands, and declared: that, inasmuch as he had been informed that many Spanish soldiers and sailors have opened many graves and burial-places of the native Indians in this island, wherein a quantity of gold and other jewels has been found; and inasmuch as those opening these graves and finding the said gold have not made a report thereof to his excellency nor to his majesty’s officials, in order that his majesty may receive and take his royal fifths and rights; therefore he ordered, and did order, that proclamation should be made, in due form of law, that all who have opened any graves whence they have abstracted gold, jewels, and other valuables, and those who have in their possession gold and jewels of these islands, however they may have been obtained, shall appear and make full declaration regarding such things before his majesty’s officials, in order that what is, in this regard, fitting to his majesty’s service and the good security of his royal estate, may be provided–under penalty that whoever shall act contrary to this order shall, besides losing all the gold and other valuables thus obtained and abstracted, be proceeded against in due form of law.
Furthermore, he ordered that, from this time henceforth, no grave or burial-place be opened without the permission of his, excellency, in order that there might be present at this opening one of the king’s officials, or myself, the above-mentioned notary, so that no fraud or deceit may occur, and so that an account and memorandum may be taken of everything–under penalty of five hundred _pesos de minas_ and of returning all that was taken from such grave or burial-place, together with the fifth over and above this for his majesty’s exchequer and treasury. This was his declaration and order, and he signed the same with his name,
_Miguel Lopez_
Proclamation: This said day, month, and year abovesaid, the contents of this edict were proclaimed in the form prescribed by law, by the voice of Pito Atambor, [86] in the presence of myself, the said notary, near the lodging of the said governor and general, and near the lodging of the master-of-camp, Mateo del Sas, many soldiers being present at each place. In affirmation of the above, Fernando Riquel, government notary.
Collated with the original,
_Fernando Riquel_, government notary.
Letters from Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and Other Officials to Felipe II of Spain–1565
To the Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:
I gave an account to your majesty of my departure from Puerto de la Nabidad, which is located in Nueva Espana, with your royal fleet for the discovery of the Western Islands. Continuing my voyage until February thirteen of this present year, I arrived at one of the Filipinas Islands. Afterward I cruised among other islands of this archipelago, until I reached this island of Cubu, whence I despatched a vessel to Nueva Espana to discover the return route, and to give an account to your majesty of the incidents of our voyage until the departure of this vessel. The relation of the voyage is despatched together with this letter, as well as certain other information in regard to the change of feeling among the natives respecting the friendship and goodwill that they have been wont to exercise toward the vassals of your majesty, and the cause therefor; the possessions that have been taken in your majesty’s name; and the routes of the pilots of this fleet. I beseech your majesty that you will have these examined, and provide whatever seems most fitting. I shall remain in my settlement in this island of Cubu until I receive the orders your majesty shall see fit to impose upon me, although I have but few people. I am writing also to the royal _Audiencia_ of Nueva Espana to beg succor of both people and ammunition, in order that I may sustain myself until your majesty has seen all these records, the memorandum of the articles asked by the officials of your royal _hacienda_ [treasury] residing here, and the general and individual communications of those who remain here, and until your majesty shall have provided and ordered what is most fitting, and have signified your royal pleasure. Since this undertaking is so vast, and of so great import in regard to the spiritual and temporal, and has ended so happily, and is so seasonable, I humbly beg your majesty to order that particular account be taken of it, and that you order the succor and provision petitioned and requested from these islands; and that you will give the matter into the charge of one who will provide and effect it with all care and diligence; for I trust, with the help of God, our Lord, that very great blessings in the service of God, our Lord, and of your majesty, will result, with the increase of your royal income and the universal good of your kingdoms and seigniories. I beseech your majesty that, yielding with your accustomed magnificence in showing favor to your servants who serve you in matters of great import, you will be pleased to order that the communications accompanying this letter be examined, and that you will grant me the favor that seems most fitting to your majesty, whose sacred royal Catholic majesty may our Lord have in his keeping, and give you increase of kingdoms and seigniories for many and felicitous years. From Cubu, May 37, 1565.
Your sacred royal majesty’s faithful servant, who kisses your majesty’s royal feet,
_Miguel Lopez de Legazpi_
_[Endorsed:_ “To the Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty the king Don [Felipe] our lord.–To his majesty, May 27, 1565. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, Cubu, May 27, 1565.–Seen and to be filed with the others.”]
To the Sacred Catholic Majesty:
Because General Miguel Lopez de Legazpi is giving your majesty a full account of events throughout these districts, therefore we shall say only that we remain in your majesty’s royal service in these Filipinas–in that part where the men of Magallanes were killed, called the island of Cubu–under the protection of God, our Lord, and awaiting that of your majesty; and we remain here with very great necessity.
We beseech your majesty to provide us aid with the despatch and diligence fitting, in order that your majesty’s purpose to introduce the Christian religion into these districts, and to reduce these people, neglected for so many years, and who are in dire need of receiving the fruits of our holy Catholic faith, may be attained. We are of stout heart because of the many favors that our Lord has been pleased to bestow upon us hitherto; and for the future we trust that he will keep us in his holy service, and protect us in that of your majesty. The ship acting as flagship on the voyage hither from Nueva Spana is about to return to discover the return route to your majesty’s kingdoms. The venerable father Fray Andres de Hurdaneta sails in it. To him we refer in everything that has happened here, and we charge him with the relation of events in these districts, as one who has so well understood everything that has happened hereabout. Father Fray Diego de Herrera, Fray Martin de Herrada and Fray Pedro de Gamboa, religious from whom we receive every good instruction and counsel, remain here.
We supplicate your majesty, with all humility, to exercise the accustomed favor to your majesty’s faithful servants and vassals, in consideration of the faith, fidelity, and alacrity with which we have ever served your majesty. What is offered for your consideration by us and by this entire camp, as your servants, we make known to your majesty, which things your majesty will be pleased to provide.
In your majesty’s name we have possessed and still possess, as protector and general, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, one for whom we give many thanks to our Lord, who has been pleased to provide us a so excellent protector, and one who with a so great desire watches over the service of your majesty–whose sacred Catholic royal person may our Lord have in his keeping, and augment with great kingdoms and seigniories; such is the wish of us the faithful servants of your majesty. The island of Cubu, May 29, 1565. Sacred Catholic Majesty, your sacred Catholic majesty’s faithful servants, who kiss your majesty’s royal feet with all humility: Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, Mateo del Saz, Fray Diego de Herrera, Fray Martin de Rada, Martin de Goiti, Fray Pedro de Gamboa, Guido de Lavezari, Andres Cabchela, Andres de Mirandaola, Andres de Ybarra, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Luis de la Haya, Juan de la Isla, Gabriel de Rribera.
[_Addressed:_ “To the Sacred Catholic Majesty, King Don Felipe our lord, from his camp in the islands of the West.”]
[_Endorsed:_ “To his majesty. xxixth of May, 1565. From Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and other persons, from Cubu, on xxixth of May, 1565. Seen, and to be added to the rest. 65.”]
Sacred Catholic Majesty:
First and foremost in this present letter, we inform your majesty, with the loyalty and fidelity which we always display, of our great need of help, which your majesty must condescend to have sent us speedily, considering that we have so great need of it in order to attain what is so much desired by us in the service of God, our Lord, and in that of your majesty.
The great service which the venerable father Fray Andres de Hurdaneta has rendered to God, our Lord, and to your majesty is worthy of great praise and many thanks; for he instructed us in all things, both spiritual and temporal, during the whole voyage, and because no other except him sailed in the fleet who did instruct us. Therefore, all of us, your majesty’s faithful servants–both the officials of the camp and all your vassals generally–humbly beseech and beg your majesty to consider his great services and merits; and as soon as he has given your majesty an account of all that has happened in these regions hitherto, to order and command him to return, in order to prosecute this undertaking, which is of so great import to the service of God, our Lord, and to that of your majesty–inasmuch as it is fitting for the future, as he is one who has so well understood everything that is occurring in all places, and as therein he may attain the result desired by your majesty in everything. This we hope to achieve, with all confidence and alacrity, through divine favor and the protection of your majesty. Therefore we beseech your majesty to grant us this favor, and succor us with father Fray Hurdaneta’s presence, because he is very necessary to us, and will gather much fruit in both spiritual and temporal affairs; and for all the aforesaid matters, and for our consolation and aid, we are sure of this gratification, which your majesty will be pleased to grant us fully, as is your majesty’s wonted custom to so faithful servants and vassals. May our Lord watch over the sacred Catholic royal person of your majesty; and may he augment you with great kingdoms and seigniories, as is desired by us, your majesty’s faithful servants and subjects. From the island of Cubu, the first of June, the year MDLXV. Sacred Catholic Majesty, your sacred Catholic majesty’s faithful servants and subjects, who with all humility kiss your majesty’s royal feet: Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, [87] Mateo Delsaz, Martin de Goiti, Guido de Lauezari, Andres Cabchela, Andres de Mjrandaola, Andres de Ybarra, Luis de la Hava, Fernando Riquel, government notary; Amador de Arriaron, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Gabriel de Rribera, Juan de la Ysla, Jeronimo de Moncon, Hernando Lopez, Don Pedro de Herrera, Francisco de Leon, Marcos de Herrera, Pedro de Herrera, Juan Pacheco Maldonado, Diego Lopez Pilo, Christobal de Angulo, Luis Antonio Banuelos, Garcia de Padilla, Martin de Larrea, Lloreynte Machado, Lope Rodriguez, Garcia Ramyrez, Francisco Escudero de la Porlilla, Rodrigo de Ribera, Pablos Ernandes, Francisco Lopez, corporal, Bartolome Rodriguez, Diego Fernandez de Montemayor, Antonio Flores, Julio Garcia, Anton Aluarez Degrado, Francisco de Herrera, Ernando de Monrrey.
[_Addressed:_ “To the Sacred-Catholic Majesty, King Don Felipe our lord, from the general and his camp in the Western Islands.”]
[_Endorsed:_ “+ To his majesty. Seen. From the island of Cubu from Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and others. June first, 1565.”]
A Letter from the Royal Officials of the Filipinas Accompanied by a Memorandum of the Necessary Things to Be Sent to the Colony
Most powerful sirs:
As your highness [88] must have already learned through the despatch carried as from us by the bachelor Mynes [Martinez], we set sail for these Western Islands on the twentieth of November, MDLXIIII. In compliance with your highness’s command, we shall relate what occurs in those islands with all faithfulness and diligence.
Since your highness will find an account of the voyage made by us, in the relation given by the pilots who come with the fleet, we shall say no more about it, except by way of reference. We shall only relate the events which concern the service of God, our Lord, the service of his majesty, and the increase which his royal exchequer can derive from these regions.
We reached these Felipinas on the thirteenth of February, MD[L]XV. From the day of our arrival here until now we have found not a friend or a people who submits to his majesty. The reason for this was disclosed to us after we had sailed about in this archipelago for two months, namely, that the Portuguese who are in the Malucos came to an island called Bohol, where we remained thirty-seven days, and there committed the following mischief: after they had made peace with the natives and given them to understand that they came to trade with them, they called together one day as many natives as they could; and while the latter, thinking themselves safe, were trading with them, the Portuguese gave a war-signal and killed five hundred people, capturing six hundred more whom they took to Maluco as slaves. This has caused us great anxiety, because the natives, having received such cruel treatment, were so frightened that whenever they saw a sail they ran to the mountains; and, if any of them remained, it was to tell us that they desired none of our friendship. Thus from the day we arrived until now, we have suffered much hardship. We stopped at an island where Magallanes’s men were killed, and there the people received us somewhat peacefully; but the following day, after they had placed in safety their wives and children, they said that they did not wish to give us in exchange for our goods anything of what we had asked, namely, their provisions. As we have just said, they declared that not only they would not give us anything, but that they were willing to fight us. Thus we were forced to accept the challenge. We landed our men and disposed the artillery of the ships, which were close to the houses of the town, so that the firing of the artillery from the said ships and the arquebuses on land drove the enemy away; but we were unable to capture any of them, because they had their fleet ready for the sea.
They abandoned their houses, and we found in them nothing except an image of the child Jesus, and two culverins, one of iron and one of bronze, which can be of no service to us; it is believed that they were brought here at the time of Magallanes. We rejoiced, as