messages; and so everybody pays for what work he does. It is payment by results. The people like the arrangement, the company like it because they make it pay, and the system works well. But I am bound to say that, up to the present moment, Buffalo is the only city in the United States where that method has been adopted.
The instruments used in the States are no better–in fact, in many cases they are worse–than the instruments we use on this side of the Atlantic. I have heard telephones in this country speak infinitely better than anything that I have heard on the other side of the Atlantic. But they transact their business in America infinitely better than we do; and there is one great reason for this, which is, that in America the public itself falls into the mode of telephone working with the energy of the telegraph operator. They assist the telephone people in every way they can; they take disturbances with a humility that would be simply startling to English subscribers; and they help the workers of the system in every way they can. The result is, that all goes off with great smoothness and comfort. But the switch apparatus used in the American central offices is infinitely superior to anything that I have ever seen over here, excepting at Liverpool.
A new system has just been brought out, called the “multiple” system, which has been very lately introduced. I saw it at many places, especially at Indianapolis, at Boston, and at New York, where three exchanges were worked by it with a rapidity that perfectly startled me. I took the times of a great many transactions, and found that, from the moment a subscriber called to the moment he was put through, only five seconds elapsed; and I am told at Milwaukee, where unfortunately I could not go, but where there is a friend of ours in charge, Mr. Charles Haskins, who is one of our members, and he says he has brought down the rate of working to such a pitch that they are able to arrange that subscribers shall be put through in four seconds.
You will be surprised to learn that there are 986 exchanges at work in the United States. There are 97,423 circuits; there are nearly 90,000 miles of wire used for telephonic purposes; and the number of instruments that have been manufactured amounts to 517,749. Just compare those figures with our little experience on this side of the Atlantic. I have a return showing the number of subscribers in and about New York, comprising the New Jersey division, the Long Island division, Staten Island, Westchester, and New York City, and the total amounts to 10,600 subscribers who are put into communication with each other in the neighborhood of New York alone; and here in England we can only muster 11,000. There are just as many subscribers probably at this moment in New York and its neighborhood as we have in the whole of the United Kingdom.
I am sorry to delay you so long. I have very few more points to bring before you. I spoke only last week so much about the electric light that I have very little to say on that point. High-tension currents are used for electric lighting in America, and all wires are carried overhead along the streets. A more hideous contrivance was probably never invented since the world was created than the system of carrying wires overhead through the magnificent streets and cities in America. They spend thousands upon thousands of pounds in beautifying their cities with very fine buildings, and then they disfigure them all by carrying down the pavements the most villainous-looking telegraph posts that ever were constructed. The practice is carried to such an extent, that down Broadway in New York there are no less than six distinct lines of poles; and through the city of New York there are no less than thirty-two separate and distinct companies carrying all their wires through the streets of the city. How the authorities have stood it so long I cannot make out. They object to underground wires–why, one cannot tell. It is something like taking a horse to the pond–you cannot make him drink. So it is with these telephone companies: the public of America and the Town Councils have been trying to force the telephone and telegraph companies to put their wires underground, but they are the horses that are led to the pool, and they will not drink. It is said that the Town Council of Philadelphia have issued most stringent orders that on the first of January next, men with axes and tools are to start out and cut down every pole in the city. It is all very well to threaten; but my impression is that any member of Town Council or any individual of Philadelphia who attempts to do such a thing will be lynched by the first telephone subscriber he meets.
This practice of running overhead wires has great disadvantages when the wires are used for electric-lighting purposes as well as for ordinary telephone or telegraph purposes. No doubt the high-tension system can be carried out overhead with economy; but where overhead wires carrying these heavy currents exist in the neighborhood of telephone circuits, there is every possible liability to accident; and in my short trip I came across seven distinct cases of offices being destroyed by fire, of test boxes being utterly ruined, of a whole house being gutted, and of various accidents, all clearly traceable to contacts arising from the falling of overhead wires, charged with high-tension current, upon telegraph and telephone wires below. The danger is so great and damage so serious that, at Philadelphia, Mr. Plush, the electrician to the Telephone Company, has devised this exceedingly pretty cut-out. It is a little electro-magnetic cut-out that breaks the telephone circuit whenever a current passes into the circuit equal to or more than an ampere. The arrangement works with great ease. It is applied to every telephone circuit simply, to protect the telephone system from electric light wires, that ought never to be allowed anywhere near a telephone circuit.
Fire-alarms are used in America; but in England, also, the fire systems of Edward Bright, Spagnoletti, and Higgins have been introduced, and in that respect we are in very near the same position as our friends on the other side of the Atlantic. Some members present may remember that, when I described my last visit to America, I mentioned how in Chicago the fire-alarm was worked by an electric method, and I told you a story then that you did not believe, and which I have told over and over again, but nobody has yet believed me, and I began to think that I must have made a mistake somewhere or other. So I meant, when at Chicago this time, to see whether I had been deceived myself. There was very little room for improvement, because, as I told you before, they had very near reached perfection. This is what they did: At the corner of the street where a fire-alarm box is fixed, a handle is pulled down, and the moment that handle is released a current goes to the fire-station; it sounds a gong to call the attention of the men, it unhitches the harness of the horses, the horses run to their allotted positions at the engine, it whips the clothes off every man who is in bed, it opens a trap at the bottom of the bed and the men slide down into their positions on the engine. The whole of that operation takes only six seconds. The perfection to which fire-alarm business has been brought in the States is one of the most interesting applications of electricity there.
Of course during this visit I waited on Mr. Edison. Many of you know that a difference took place between Mr. Edison and myself, and I must confess that I felt a little anxiety as to how I should be received on the other side. It is impossible for any man to receive another with greater kindness and attention than Mr. Edison received me. He took me all over his place and showed me everything, and past differences were not referred to. Mr. Edison is doing an enormous amount of work in steadily plodding away at the electric light business. He has solved the question as far as New York is concerned and as far as central station lighting is concerned; and all we want on this side is to instill more confidence into our capitalists, to try and induce them to unbutton their pockets and give us money to carry out central lighting here.
I met another very distinguished electrician–a man who has hid his light under a bushel–a man whose quiet modesty has kept him very much in the background, but who really has done as much work as any body on that side of the Atlantic, and few have done more on this–and that is Mr. Edward Weston. He is an Englishman who has established himself in New York. He has been working steadily for years at his laboratory, and works and produces plant with all the skill and exactitude that the electrician or mechanic could desire.
Another large factory I went over was that of the Western Electric Company of Chicago, which is the largest manufactory in the States. That company has three large factories. While I was there, the manager, just as a matter of course, handed me over a message which contained an order for 330 arc lamps and for twenty-four dynamo machines. He was very proud of such an order, but he tried to make me believe that it was an every-day occurrence.
There are no less than 90,000 arc lamps burning in the States every day.
The time has passed very rapidly. I have only just one or two more points to allude to. I think I ought not to conclude without referring to the more immediate things affecting travelers generally and electricians in particular. It is astounding to come across the different experiences narrated by different men who have been on the other side of the Atlantic. One charming companion that we had on board the Parisian has been interviewed, and his remarks appeared in the _Pall Mall Gazette_ of Tuesday last, December 9th. There he gave the most pessimist view of life in the United States. He said they were a miserable race–thin, pale faced and haggard, and rushed about as though they were utterly unhappy; and the account our friend gave of what he saw in the United States evidently shows that the heat that did not affect some of us so very much must have produced upon Mr. Capper a most severe bilious attack. Well, his experiences are not mine. Throughout the whole States I received kindnesses and attentions that I can never forget. I had the pleasure of staying in the houses of most charming people. I found that whenever you met an educated American gentleman there was no distinction to be drawn between him and an English gentleman. His ways of living, his modes of thought, his amusements, his entertainments, are the same as ours; there is no difference whatever to be found. In Mr. Capper’s case I can readily imagine that he spent most of his time in the halls of hotels, and there you do see those wild fellows rushing about; they convert the hall of the hotel into a mere stock exchange, and look just as uncomfortable as our “stags” who run about Capel Court. You may just as well enter a betting-ring and come away with the impression that the members represent English society, or that that is the most refined manner in which English gentlemen enjoy themselves.
Well, gentlemen, there are just as exceptional peculiarities here as on the other side of the water. The Americans are the most charming people on this earth. When we enter their houses and come to know them, they treat us in a way that cannot be forgotten. I noticed a very great change since I was in America before. Whether it is a greater acquaintance with them or not I cannot say, but there is an absence of that which we can only express by a certain word called “cockiness.” It struck me at one time that there was a good deal of cockiness on that side of the Atlantic, that has entirely disappeared. Constant intercourse between the two countries is gradually bringing out a regular unanimity of feeling and the same mode of thought.
But there are some things in which the Americans are a little lax, especially in their history. At one of their exhibitions that I visited, for instance, there was a placard put up–
“The steed called Lightning, say the Fates, Was tamed in the United States.
‘Twas Franklin’s hand that caught the horse; ‘Twas harnessed by Professor Morse.”
Now, considering that Franklin made his discovery in 1752, and the United States were not formed till about thirty years afterward, it is rather “transmogrifying” history to say the lightning was tamed in the United States.
Again, where the notice about Professor Morse was put, they say that the instrument was invented by Morse in 1846, while alongside it is shown the very slip which sent the message, dated 1844; so that the slip of the original message sent by Morse was sent by his instrument two years before it was invented.
Again, that favorite old instrument of ours which we are so proud of, the hatchment telegraph of Cooke and Wheatstone, invented in 1837, was labeled “Whetstone and Cook, 1840,” so while I am sorry to say they are loose in their history, they are tight in their friendships, and all the visitors receive the warmest possible welcome from them generally, and especially so from every member of our Society belonging to the States.
* * * * *
THE HOUSE OF A THOUSAND TERRORS, ROTTERDAM.
[Illustration: THE HOUSE OF A THOUSAND TERRORS, ROTTERDAM.]
This building, which is situated at the corner of the Groote Market and the Hang, is one of the oldest houses in Rotterdam, besides being one of the most interesting from a historical point of view. There is a tradition which states that when the city was invaded and pillaged by the Spaniards, who in accordance with their usual custom, proceeded to put the inhabitants to the sword, without regard to age or sex, a large number of the leading citizens took refuge within the building, and having secured and barricaded the entrance, they killed a kid and allowed the blood to flow beneath the door into the street; seeing which the soldiery concluded that those inside had already been massacred, and without troubling to force an entry passed on, leaving them unmolested. Here the unhappy citizens remained for three days without food, by which time the danger had passed away, and they were enabled to effect their escape. It is from this incident that the building takes its name. The house is built in a species of irregular bond with bricks of varying lengths, the strings, labels, copings, etc., being in stone. The upper portion remains in pretty much the same condition as it existed in the 16th century, but is much disfigured by modern paint, which has been laid over the whole of the exterior with no sparing hand. Within the last few years the present shop windows facing the Groote Market have been put up and various slight alterations made to the lower part of the building to suit the requirements of the present occupiers. The drawing has been prepared from detail sketches made on the spot.–_W.E. Pinkerton, in Building News._
* * * * *
ON THE ORIGIN AND STRUCTURE OF COAL.
The origin of coal, that combustible which is distributed over the earth in all latitudes, from the frozen regions of Greenland to Zambesi in the tropics, utilized by the Chinese from the remotest antiquity for the baking of pottery and porcelain, employed by the Greeks for working iron, and now the indispensable element of the largest as well of the smallest industries, is far from being sufficiently clear. The most varied hypotheses have been offered to explain its formation. To cite them all would not be an easy thing to do, and so we shall recall but three: (1) It has been considered as the result of eruptions of bitumen coming from the depths, and covering and penetrating masses of leaves, branches, bark, wood, roots, etc., of trees that had accumulated in shallow water, and whose most delicate relief and finest impressions have been preserved by this species of tar solidified by cooling. (2) It has also been considered as the result of the more or less complete decomposition of plants under the influence of heat and dampness, which has led them to pass successively through the following principal stages: _peat, lignite, bituminous coal, anthracite_. (3) Finally, while admitting that the decomposition of plants can cause organic matter to assume these different states, other scientists think that it is not necessary for such matter to have been peat and lignite in order to become coal, and that at the carboniferous epoch plants were capable of passing directly to the state of coal if the conditions were favorable; and, in the same way, in the secondary and tertiary epochs the alteration of vegetable tissues generally led to lignite, while now they give rise to peat. In other words, the nature of the combustible formed at every great epoch depended upon general climatic conditions and local chemical action. Anthracite and bituminous coal would have belonged especially to primary times, lignites to secondary and tertiary times, and peat to our own epoch, without the peat ever being able to become lignites or the latter coal.
As for the accumulation of large masses of the combustible in certain regions and its entire absence in others belonging to the same formation, that is attributed, now to the presence of immense forests growing upon a low, damp soil, exposed to alternate rising and sinking, and whose debris kept on accumulating during the periods of upheaval, under the influence of a powerful vegetation, and now to the transportation of plants of all sorts, that had been uprooted in the riparian forests by torrents and rivers, to lakes of wide extent or to estuaries. Not being able to enter in this place into the details of the various hypotheses, or to thoroughly discuss them, we shall be content to make known a few facts that have been recently observed, and that will throw a little light upon certain still obscure points regarding the formation of coal.
(1) According to the first theory, if the impressions which we often find in coal (such as the leaves of Cordaites, bark of Sigillarias and Lepidodendrons, wood of Cordaites, Calamodendrons, etc.) are but simple and superficial mouldings, executed by a peculiar bitumen, formerly fluid, now solidified, and resembling in its properties no other bitumen known, we ought not to find in the interior any trace of preservation or any evidence of structure. Now, upon making preparations that are sufficiently thin to be transparent, from coal apparently formed of impressions of the leaves of Cordaites, we succeed in distinguishing (in a section perpendicular to the limb) the cuticle and the first row of epidermic cells, the vascular bundles that correspond to the veins and the bands of hypodermic libers; but the loose, thin-walled cells of the mesophyllum are not seen, because they have been crushed by pressure, and their walls touch each other. The portions of coal that contain impressions of the bark of Sigillaria and Lepidodendron allow the elongated, suberose tissue characteristic of such bark to be still more clearly seen.
Were we to admit that the bitumen was sufficiently fluid to penetrate all parts of the vegetable debris, as silica and carbonates of lime and iron have done in so many cases, we should meet with one great difficulty. In fact, the number of fragments of coal _isolated_ in schists and sandstone is very large, and _without any communication_ with veins of coal or of bitumen that could have penetrated the vegetable. We cannot, then, for an instant admit such a hypothesis. Neither can we admit that the penetration of the plants by bitumen was effected at a certain distance, and that they have been transported, after the operation, to the places where we now find them, since it is not rare to find at Commentry trunks of Calamodendrons, Anthropitus, and ferns which are still provided with roots from 15 to 30 feet in length, and the carbonized wood of which surrounds a pith that has been replaced by a stony mould. The fragile ligneous cylinder would certainly have been broken during such transportation.
The carbonized specimens were never fluid or pasty, since there are some that have left their impressions with the finest details in the schists and sandstones, but none of the latter that has left its traces upon the coal. The surface of the isolated specimens is well defined, and their separation from the gangue (which has never been penetrated) is of the easiest character.
The facts just pointed out are entirely contrary to the theory of the formation of coal by way of eruption of bitumen.
(2) The place occupied by peats, lignites, and bituminous and anthracite coal in sedimentary grounds, and the organic structure that we find less and less distinct in measure as we pass from one of these combustibles to one more ancient, have given rise to the theory mentioned above, viz., that vegetable matter having, under the prolonged action of heat and moisture, experienced a greater and greater alteration, passed successively through the different states whose composition is indicated in the following table:
H. C. O. N. Coke. Ashes. Density. Peat 5.63 57.03 29.67 2.09 —- 5.58 —- Lignite 5.59 70.49 17.2 1.73 49.1 4.99 1.2 Bitumin. coal 5.14 87.45 4 1.63 68 1.78 1.29 Anthracite 3.3 92.5 2.53 —- 89.5 1.58 1.3
Aside from the fact that anthracite is not met with solely in the lower coal measures, but is found in the middle and upper ones, and that bituminous coal itself is met with quite abundantly in the secondary formations, and even in tertiary ones, it seems to result from recent observations that if vegetable matter, when once converted into lignites, coal, etc., be preserved against the action of air and mineral waters by sufficient thick and impermeable strata of earth, preserves the chemical composition that it possessed before burial. The coal measures of Commentry, as well as certain others, such as those of Bezenet, Swansea, etc., contain quite a large quantity of coal gravel in sandstone or argillaceous rocks. These fragments sometimes exhibit a fracture analogous to that of ordinary coal, with sharp angles that show that they have not been rolled; and the sandstone has taken their exact details, which are found in hollow form in the gangue. In other cases these fragments exhibit the aspect of genuine shingle or rolled pebbles. These pebbles of coal have not been misshapen under the pressure of the surrounding sandstone, nor have they shrunk since their burial and the solidification of the gangue, for their surface is in contact with the internal surface of their matrix. Everything leads to the belief that they were extracted from pre-existing coal deposits that already possessed a definite hardness and bulk, at the same time as were the gravels and sand in which they are imprisoned. It became of interest, then, to ascertain the age to which the formation of these fragments might be referred, they being evidently more ancient than those considered above, which, as we have seen, could not have been transported in this state on account of their dimensions and the fragility of made coal. Thanks to the kindness of Mr. Fayol, we have been enabled to make such researches upon numerous specimens that were still inclosed in their sandstone gangue and that had been collected in the coal strata of Commentry. In some of their physical properties they differ from the more recent isolated fragments and from the ordinary coal of this deposit. They are less compact, their density is less, and a thin film of water deposited upon their surface is promptly absorbed, thus indicating a certain amount of porosity. Their fracture is dull and they are striped with shining coal, and can be more easily sliced with a razor.
From a fresh fracture, we find by the lens, or microscope, that some of them are formed of ordinary coal, that is, composed of plates of variable thickness, brilliant and dull, with or without traces of organization, and others of divers bits of wood whose structure is preserved. When reduced to thin, transparent plates, these latter show us the organization of the wood of _Arthropitus, Cordaites_, and _Calamodendron_, and of the petioles of _Aulacopteris_, that is to say, of the ligneous and arborescent plants that we most usually meet with in the coal measures of Commentry in the state of impression or of coal.
In a certain number of specimens the diminution in volume of the tracheae is less than that that we have observed in the same organs of corresponding genera. The quantity of oxygen and hydrogen that they contain is greater, and seems to bring them near the lignites.
We cannot attribute these differences to the nature of the plants converted into coal, since we have just seen that they are the same in the one case as in the other. Neither does time count for anything here, since, according to accepted ideas, the burial having been longer, the carbonization ought to have been more perfect, while the contrary is the case.
If we admit (1) that vegetable remains alter more and more through maceration in ordinary water and in certain mineral waters; (2) that, beginning with their burial in sufficiently thick strata of clay and sand, their chemical composition scarcely varies any further; and (3) that these are important changes only as regards their physical properties, due to loss of water and compression, we succeed quite easily in learning what has occurred.
In fact, when, as a consequence of the aforesaid alteration, the vegetable matter had taken the chemical composition that we find in the less advanced coal of the pebbles, it was in the first place covered with sand and protected against further destruction, and it gradually acquired the physical properties that we now find in it. At the period that channels were formed, the coal was torn from the beds in fragments, and these latter were rolled about for a time, sometimes being broken, and then covered anew, and this too at the same time as were the plants less advanced in composition that we meet with at the same level. These latter, being like them protected against ulterior alteration, we now find less advanced in carbonization (notwithstanding their more ancient origin) than the other vegetable fragments that were converted into coal after them, but that were more thoroughly altered at the time of burial.
There are yet a few other important deductions to be made from the foregoing facts: (1) the same coal basin may, at the same level, contain fragments of coal of very different ages; (2) its contour may have been much modified owing to the ravines made by the water which transported the ancient parts into the lowest regions of the basin; and (3) finally, since the most recent sandstones and schists of the same basin may contain coal which is more ancient, but which is formed from the same species of plants that we find at this more recent level, we must admit that the conversion of the vegetable tissues into coal was relatively rapid, and far from requiring an enormous length of time, as we are generally led to believe.
If, then, lignites have not become soft coal, and if the latter has not become anthracite, it is not that time was wanting, but climatic conditions and environment. Most analyses of specimens of coal have been made up to the present with fragments so selected as to give a mean composition of the mass; it is rare that trouble has been taken to select bits of wood, bark, etc., of the same plant, determined in advance by means of thin and transparent sections in order to assure the chemist of the sole origin and of the absolute purity of the coal submitted to analysis. This void has been partially fitted, and we give in the following table the results published by Mr. Carnot of analyses made of different portions of plants previously determined by us:
Carbon Hydrogen Oxygen Nitrogen 1. Calamodendron (5 specimens) 82.95 4.78 11.89 0.48 2. Cordaites (4 specimens) 82.94 4.88 11.84 0.44 3. Lepidodendron (3 specimens) 83.28 4.88 11.45 0.39 4. Psaronius (4 specimens) 81.64 4.80 13.11 0.44 \—-v—-/
5. Ptychopteris (1 specimen) 80.62 4.85 14.53 6. Megaphyton (1 specimen) 83.37 4.40 12.23
As seen from this table, the elementary composition of the various specimens is nearly the same, notwithstanding that the selection was made from among plants that are widely separated in the botanical scale, or from among very different parts of plants. In fact, with Numbers 1 and 2 the analysis was made solely of the wood, and with No. 3 only of the prosenchymatous and suberose parts of the bark. Here we remark a slight increase in carbon, as should be the case. With No. 4 the analysis was of the roots and the parenchymatous tissue that descends along the stem, and with No. 6 of the bark and small roots. One will remark here again a slight increase in the proportion of carbon, as was to be foreseen. The elementary composition found nearly corresponds with that of the coal taken from the large Commentry deposit.
Carbon. Hydrogen. Oxygen and
Nitrogen.
Regnault 82.92 5.39 11.78
Mr Carnot 83.21 5.57 11.22
Although the chemical composition is nearly the same, the manner in which the different species or fragments of vegetables behave under distillation is quite different.
In fact, according to Mr. Carnot, the plants already cited furnish the following results on distillation:
Volatile Fixed Coke.
matters. residue.
Calamodendron 35.5 64.7 Well agglomerated. Cordaites 42.1 57.8 Quite porous. Lepidodendron 34.7 55.3 Well agglomerated. Psaronius 29.4 60.5 Slightly porous. Ptychopteris 39.4 60.5
Megaphyton 35.5 64.5 Well agglomerated. Coal of the Great Bed 40.5 59.5 Slightly porous.
These differences in the proportions of volatile substances, of fixed residua, and of density in the coke obtained seem to be in harmony with the primitive organic nature of the carbonized tissues. We know, in fact, that the wood of the Calamodendrons is composed of alternately radiating bands formed of ligneous and thick walled prosenchymatous tissue, while the wood of Cordaites, which is less dense, recalls that of certain coniferae of the present day (Araucariae).
We have remarked above that the portions of Lepidodendron analyzed belonged to that part of the bark that was considerably thickened and lignefied. So too the portion of the Megaphyton that was submitted to distillation was the external part of the hard bark, formed of hypodermic fibers and traversed by small roots. The Psaronius, on the contrary, was represented by a mixture of roots and of parenchymatous tissue in which they descend along the trunk.
It results from these remarks that we may admit that those parts of the vegetable that are ordinarily hard, compact, and profoundly lignefied furnish a compact coke and relatively less volatile matter, while the tissues that are usually not much lignefied, or are parenchymatous, give a bubbly, porous coke and a larger quantity of gas. The influence of the varied mode of grouping of the elements in the primitive tissues is again found, then, even after carbonization, and is shown by the notable differences in the quantities and physical properties of the products of distillation.
The elementary chemical composition, which is perceptibly the same in the specimens isolated in the sandstones and in those taken from the great deposit, demonstrates that the difference in composition of the environment serving as gangue did not have a great influence upon the definitive state of the coal, a conclusion that we had already reached upon examining the structure and properties of the coal pebbles.
We may get an idea of the nearly similar composition of the coal produced by very different plants or parts thereof, in remarking that as the cells, fibers, and vessels are formed of cellulose, and some of them isomeric, the difference in composition is especially connected with the contents of the cells, canals, etc., such as protoplasm, oils, resins, gums, sugars, and various acids, various incrustations, etc. After the prolonged action of water that was more or less mineralized and of multiple organisms, matters that were soluble, or that were rendered so by maceration, were removed, and the organic skeletons of the different plants were brought to a nearly similar centesimal composition representing the carbonized derivatives of the cellulose and its isomers. The vegetable debris thus transformed, but still resistant and elastic, were the ones that were petrified in the mineral waters or covered with sand and clay. Under the influence of gradual pressure, and of a desiccation brought about by it, and by a rising of the ground, the walls of the organic elements came into contact, and the physical properties that we now see gradually made their appearance.
The waters derived from a prolonged steeping of vegetables, and charged with all the soluble principles extracted therefrom, have, after their sojourn in a proper medium, deposited the carbonized residua that have themselves become soluble, and have there formed masses of combustibles of a different composition from that resulting from the skeletons of plants, such as _cannel coal, pitch coal, boghead_, etc.
A thin section of a piece of Commentry cannel coal shows that this substance consists of a yellowish-brown amorphous mass holding here and there in suspension very different plant organs, such as fragments of Cordaites, leaves, ferns, microspores, macrospores, pollen grains, rootlets, etc., exactly as would have done a gelatinous mass that upon coagulating in a liquid had carried along with it all the solid bodies that had accidentally fallen into it and that were in suspension.
It is evident (as we have demonstrated) that other cannel coals may show different plant organs, or even contain none at all, their presence appearing to be accidental. The composition itself of cannel coal must be, in our theory, connected with the chemical nature of the materials from whence it is derived, and that were first dissolved and then became insoluble through carbonization. Several preparations made from Australian (New South Wales), Autun, etc., boghead have shown us merely a yellowish-brown amorphous mass holding in suspension lens-shaped or radiating floccose masses which it is scarcely possible to refer to any known vegetable organism.
Among the theories that we have cited in the beginning, the one that best agrees with the facts that we have pointed out is the third, which would admit, then, two things in the formation of coal. The first would include the different chemical reactions which cannot yet be determined, but which would have brought the vegetable matter now to the state of soft coal (with its different varieties), and now to the state of anthracite. The second would comprehend the preservation, through burial, of the organic matter in the stage of carbonization that it had reached, and as the result of compression and gradual desiccation, the development of the physical properties that we now find in the different carbonized substances.
We annex to this article a number of figures made from preparations of various coals. These preparations were obtained by making the fragments sufficiently thin without the aid of any chemical reagent, so as to avoid the reproach that things were made to appear that the coal did not contain. This slow and delicate method is not capable of revealing all the organisms That the carbonaceous substance contains, but, per contra, one is riot absolutely sure of the pre-existence of everything that resembles organs or fragments of such that he distinguishes therein by means of the microscope.
Our researches, as we have above stated, have been confined to different cannel coals, anthracite, boghead, and coal plants isolated either in coal pebbles, or in schists and sandstones.
[Illustration: 12a: FIG. 1.–Lancashire cannel coal; longitudinal section, X200.]
[Illustration: 12b: FIG. 2.–Lancashire cannel coal; transverse section, X200.]
Figs. 1 and 2 (magnified two hundred times) represent two sections, made in rectangular planes, of fragments of Lancashire cannel coal. In a certain measure, they remind one of Figs. 4 and 5, Pl 11, of Witham’s “Internal Structure of Fossil Vegetables,” and which were drawn from specimens of cannel coal derived likewise from Lancashire, but which are not so highly magnified. There is an interesting fact to note in this coincidence, and that is that this structure, which is so difficult to explain in its details, is not accidental, but a consequence of the nature of the materials that served to produce the coal of this region. In the midst of a mass of blackish debris, _a_, organic and inorganic, and immersed in an amorphous and transparent gangue, we find a few recognizable fragments, such as thick-walled macrospores, _b_, of various sizes, bits of flattened petioles, _c_, pollen grains, _d_, debris of bark, etc. In Fig. 2 all these different remains are cut either obliquely or longitudinally, and are not very recognizable. It is not rare to meet with a sort of vacuity, _e_, filled with clearer matter of resinoid aspect, without organization.
[Illustration: 12c: FIG. 3.–Commentry cannel coal, X200.]
In Fig. 3, which represents a section made from Commentry cannel coal, the number of recognizable organs in the midst of the mass of debris is much larger. Thus, at _a_ we see a macrospore, at _b_ a fragment of the coat of a macrospore, at _c_ another macrospore having a silicified nucleus, such as has been found in no other case, at _d_ we have a transverse section of a vascular bundle, at _e_ a longitudinal section of a rootlet traversed by another one, at _f_ we have a transverse section of another rootlet, at _g_ an almost entire portion of the vascular bundle of a root, and at _h_ we see large pollen grains recalling those that we meet with in the silicified seeds from Saint Etienne.
Cannel coal, then, shows that it is formed of a sort of dark brown gangue of resinoid aspect (when a thin section of it is examined) holding in suspension indeterminable black organic and inorganic debris, which are arranged in layers, and in the midst of which (according to the locality and the fragment studied) is found a varying number of easily recognized vegetable organs.
[Illustration: 12d: FIG. 4.–Pennsylvania anthracite, X200.]
It is very rare that anthracite offers any discernible trace of organization. Preparations made from fragments of Sable and Lamore coal could not be made sufficiently thin to be transparent; the mass remained very opaque, and the clearest parts exhibited merely amorphous, irregular granulations. Still, fragments of anthracite from Pennsylvania furnished, amid a dominant mass of dark, yellow-brown, structureless substance, a few organized vegetable debris, such as a fragment of a vascular bundle with radiating elements (Fig. 4, _a_), a macrospore, _b_, and a few pollen grains or microspores, _c_.
[Illustration: 12e: FIG. 5.–Boghead from New South Wales, X500.]
From what precedes it seems to result, then, that anthracite is in a much less appreciable state of preservation than cannel coal, and that it is only rarely, and according to locality, that we can discover vegetable organs in it. Soft coal comes nearer to amorphous carbon. Boghead appears to be of an entirely different character (Fig. 5, magnified X300). It is easily reduced to a thin transparent plate, and shows itself to be formed of a multitude of very small lenses, differing in size and shape, and much more transparent than the bands that separate them. In the interior of these lenses we distinguish very fine lines radiating from the center and afterward branching several times. The ramifications are lost in the periphery amid fine granulations that resemble spores. We might say that we here had to do with numerous mycelia moulded in a slightly colored resin. Preparations made from New South Wales and Autun boghead presented the same aspect.
If boghead was derived from the carbonization of parts that were soluble, or that became so through maceration, and were made insoluble at a given moment by carbonization, we can understand the very peculiar aspect that this combustible presents when it is seen under the microscope.
The following figures were made in order to show the details of anatomical structure that are still visible in coal, and to permit of estimating the shrinkage that the organic substance has undergone in becoming converted into coal.
It is not rare in coal mines to find fragments of wood, of which a portion has been preserved by carbonates of iron and lime, and another portion converted into coal. This being the case, it was considered of interest to ascertain whether the carbonized portion had preserved a structure that was still recognizable, and, in such an event, to compare this structure with that of the portion of the specimen that was preserved in all its details by mineralization.
[Illustration: 12f: FIG. 6.–_Arthropitus gallica_, St. Etienne; transverse section, X200.]
Fig. 6 shows a transverse section of a specimen of _Arthropitus Gallica_ found under such conditions. The region marked c is carbonized; the organic elements of the wood-cells, tracheae, etc., have undergone but little change in shape. Moreover, no change at all exists in the internal parts of another specimen (Fig. 8), where we easily distinguish by their form and dimensions the ligneous cells, _aa_, and the elements, _bb_, of the wood itself.
[Illustration: 12h: FIG. 8.–_Arthropitus gallica_, St. Etienne; transverse section through the carbonized part.]
In the region, _b_, of Fig. 6, the ligneous elements have undergone an evident change of form, and the walls have been broken. This region, already filled by petrifying salts, but not completely hardened, has not been able to resist, as the region, _a_, an external pressure, and has become more or less misshapened. As for the not yet mineralized external portion, _c_, it has completely given way under the pressure, the walls of the different organic elements have come into contact, the calcareous or other salts have been expressed, and this region exhibits the aspect of ordinary coal, while at the same time preserving a little more hardness on account of the small quantity of mineral salts that has remained in them despite the compression.
From the standpoint of carbonization there seems to us but little difference between the organic elements that occupy the region, _a_, and those that occupy _b_. If the former had not been filled with hardened petrifying matter, they would have been compressed and flattened like those of region _c_, and would have given a compact and brilliant coal, having very likely before petrifaction reached the same degree of carbonization as the latter. The layer of coal in contact with the carbonized or silicified part of the specimens is due, then, to a compression of the organic elements already chemically carbonized, but in which the mineral matter was not yet hardened and was able to escape.
[Illustration: 12g: FIG. 7.–_Arthropitus gallica_, St. Etienne; tangential longitudinal section.]
If this be so, we ought to find the remains of organic structure in this region _c_. In fact, on referring to Fig. 7, which represents a tangential, longitudinal section of the same specimen, we perceive at _ab_ a ligneous duct and some unchanged tracheae situated in the carbonized region, and then at _c_ the same elements, though flattened, in which, however, we still clearly distinguish the bands of the tracheae; at _d_ is found a trachea whose contents were already solidified, and which has not been flattened; then, near the surface, in the region, _e_, the pressure having been greater, it is no longer possible to recognize traces of organization in a tangential section. In a large number of cases, the fact that the coal does not seem to be organized must be due to the too great compression that the carbonized cells and vessels have undergone when yet soft and elastic, at the time this slow but continuous pressure was being exerted.
It also became of interest to find out whether, through the very fact of carbonization, the dimensions of the organic elements had perceptibly varied–a sort of research that presents certain difficulties. At present we have no living plant that is comparable, even remotely, with those that grew during the coal epoch. Moreover, the organic elements have absolutely nothing constant in their dimensions.
Still, if we limit ourselves to a comparison of the same carbonized wood, preserved on the one hand by petrifaction, and on the other hand non-mineralized, we find a very perceptible diminution in bulk. The elements have contracted in length, breadth, and thickness, but principally in the direction of the compression that they have undergone in the purely carbonized specimens.
In the vicinity of the carbonized portions, those of the tracheae that have not done so have perceptibly preserved their primitive length, which has, so to speak, been maintained by their neighbors, but their other dimensions have become much smaller–a quarter in thickness and half in length.
[Illustration: 12i: FIG. 9.–_Calamodendron,_ Commentry; prosenchymatous portion of the wood carbonized, X200.]
If the two fragments of the same wood are, one of them silicified and the other simply carbonized and preserved in sandstone, the diminution in volume will have occurred in all directions in the latter of the two.
[Illustration: 12j: FIG. 10.–_Calamodendron,_ fragment of the vascular portion of the wood carbonized.]
Figs. 9 and 11, which represent a portion of the _fibrous_ region of Calamodendron wood, may give an idea of the shrinkage that has taken place therein. In Figs. 11 and 12, which show a few tracheae and medullary rays of the ligneous bands of the same plant, we observe the same phenomenon. We might cite a large number of analogous examples, but shall be content to give the following: Figs. 13 and 15 represent radial and tangential sections of the bark of _Syringodendron pes-caprae_. This is the first time that one has had before his eyes the anatomical structure of the bark of a _Syringodendron_, a plant which has not yet been found in a petrified state. It is coal, then, with its structure preserved, that allows of a verification of the theory advanced by several scientists that the often bulky trunks of _Syringodendron_ are bases of _Sigillariae_.
[Illustration: 12k: FIG. 11.–_Calamodendron,_ from Autun; prosenchymatous portion of the wood silicified, X200.]
[Illustration: 12l: FIG. 12.–_Calamodendron,_ from Autun; vascular portion of the wood silicified.]
If we refer to Fig. 13, which represents a radial vertical section running through the center of one of the scars that permitted the specimen to be determined, we shall observe, in fact, a tissue formed of rectangular cells, longer than wide, arranged in horizontal series, and very analogous in their aspect to those that we have described in the suberose region of the bark of Sigillariae. Fig. 15 shows in tangential section the fibrous aspect of this tissue, which has been rendered denser through compression. Fig. 14 shows it restored. In Fig. 13, the external part of the bark is occupied by a thick layer of cellular tissue that exists over the entire surface of the trunk, but particularly thick near the scars, exactly as in the barks of the Sigillariae that we have formerly described. Finally, at _b_, we recognize the undoubted traces of a vascular bundle running to the leaves. If the bundle appears to be larger than that of the Sigillariae, this is due to the flattening that the trunk has undergone, the effect of this having been to spread the bundle out in a vertical plane, although its greatest width in the first place was in a horizontal one.
[Illustration: 12m: FIG. 13.–_Syringodendron pes-caprae_; from Saarbruck; radial vertical section, X200.]
[Illustration: 12n: FIG. 14.–Suberose cells restored.]
In anatomical structure, the barks of the Syringodendrons are, then, analogous to those of the Sigillariae. If, now, we compare the dimensions of the tissues of these barks with the same silicified tissues of the barks of Sigillariae, we shall find that there was likewise a diminution in the dimensions, but yet a less pronounced one than in the woods that we have previously spoken of. The corky nature of this region of the bark was likely richer in carbonizable elements than the wood properly so called, and had, in consequence, to undergo much less shrinkage.–_Dr. B. Renault (of Paris Museum) in Le Genie Civil_.
[Illustration: 12o: FIG. 15.–_Syringodendron pes-caprae;_ tangential vertical section in the corky part of the bark, X200.]
DESCRIPTION OF THE FIGURES.–Fig. 1, Lancashire cannel coal; longitudinal section, X200. Fig. 2, Lancashire cannel coal; transverse section, X200. Fig. 3. Commentry cannel coal, X200. Fig. 4, Pennsylvania anthracite, X200. Fig. 5, Boghead from New South Wales, X500. Fig. 6, _Arthropitus gallica_, St. Etienne; transverse section, X200. Fig. 7, same; tangential longitudinal section. Fig. 8, same; transverse section through the carbonized part. Fig. 9. _Calamodendron_, Commentry; prosenchymatous portion of the wood carbonized, X200. Fig. 10, same; fragment of the vascular portion of the wood carbonized. Fig. 11, same, from Autun; prosenchymatous portion of the wood silicified, X200. Fig. 12, same, Autun; vascular portion of the wood silicified. Fig. 13, _Syringodendron pes-caprae_; from Saarbruck; radial vertical section, X200. Fig. 14, Suberose cells restored. Fig. 15. _Syringodendron pes-caprae_; tangential vertical section in the corky part of the bark, X200.
* * * * *
ICE BOAT RACES ON THE MUEGGELSEE, NEAR BERLIN.
The interest in sports of different kinds is increasing considerably in the capital of the German Empire. Oarsmen and sailors show their ability in grand regattas; roller-skating rinks are very, popular; numerous bicycle clubs arrange grand tournaments; and training, starting, trotting, swimming, turning, fencing, walking, and running are practiced everywhere. As this winter has been quite severe in Germany, first class courses have been made for ice boats. Ice boat, races are well known in the United States, but are quite novel in Germany; at least, in the neighborhood of Berlin, as they have been known only on the coast of the Baltic Sea.
[Illustration: ICE BOAT RACES ON THE MUEGGELSEE, NEAR BERLIN.]
These vessels are quite simple in construction, the base consisting of an equilateral triangle made of beams and provided at the corners with runners. The two front runners are fixed, but the one at the apex of the triangle is pivoted, and serves as a rudder. The mast is on the front cross beam, and between the front cross beam and the side beams sufficient space is left for the helmsman.
The annexed cut, taken from the _Illustrirte Zeitung_, shows a race of the above described ice boats on the Mueggelsee (Mueggel Lake), near Berlin. It will be seen from the clumsy construction of the boats that the Germans have not yet learned the art of building these vehicles.
* * * * *
LABOR AND WAGES IN AMERICA.
[Footnote: A paper recently read before the Society of Arts, London.]
By D. PIDGEON.
The United States of America are, collectively, of such vast extent, and, singly, so individualized in character, that to speak of their labor conditions as a whole would be as impossible, in an hour’s address, as to describe their physical geography or geology in a similar space of time. I shall, therefore, confine what I have to say this evening on the subject of labor and wages in America to a consideration of the industrial condition of certain Eastern States, which, being essentially manufacturing districts, offer the best instances for comparison with the labor conditions of our own country. That this field is of adequate extent and of typical character may be inferred from the fact that the three States composing it, viz.. New York, Massachusetts, and Connecticut, contain together nearly one-half of the whole manufacturing population of America, while Connecticut and Massachusetts are the very cradle of American manufacture, and the home of the typical Yankee artisan. In addition, the State of Massachusetts is distinguished by possessing a Bureau of Statistics of Labor, whose sole business is to ventilate industrial questions, and to collect such facts as will afford the statesman a sound basis for industrial legislation. We shall find ourselves, in the sequel, indebted for spine of our chief conclusions to this excellent public institution.
If we ask ourselves, at the outset of the inquiry, “Who and what are the operatives of manufacturing America?” the answer involves a distinction which cannot be too strongly insisted upon, or too carefully kept in mind. These people consist, first, of native-born, and, secondly, of alien workers. The United States census, reckoning every child born in the country as an American, even if both his parents be foreigners, I would make it appear that only six and a half millions out of its fifty millions are of alien birth, but, for our purpose, these figures are misleading. There is a vast difference, in many important respects, between “Americans” derived from a stock long settled in the States and “Americans” with two or even with one alien parent. In the former case, the hereditary sense of social equality, the teaching of the common school, and the influence of democratic institutions, produce a certain type of character which I distinguish by the epithet “American” because it is of truly national origin. In the latter case, the so-called “American” may really be a German, an Irishman, an Englishman, or a Swede, but the qualities which I would distinguish by the word “American” have not yet been developed in him, although they will probably be exhibited by his later descendants.
Setting the census figures aside, therefore, we find, from the Registration Reports of Massachusetts, that fifty-four out of every hundred persons who die within the limits of this State are of foreign parentage. Now bearing in mind that Massachusetts is essentially a Yankee State, where comparatively few European emigrants settle, it seems probable that, going back several generations, the numbers, even of Massachusetts men, who may be truly called “Americans” would dwindle considerably. These men, however, the children of equality, of the common school, and of democratic institutions, may be considered as leaven, leavening the lump of European emigration, and shaping, so far as they can, the character of the American; people that is yet to be.
Native American labor is best described by reference to a recent past, when it filled all the factories of the United States, and challenged, by its high tone, the admiration of Europe. At the beginning of this century, public opinion in America was most unfriendly to the establishment of manufactories, so great were the complaints of these made in Europe as seats of vice and disease. Thus, when Humphreysville, the first industrial village in America, was built, in 1804, by the Hon. David Humphreys, who wished to see the colony independent of the mother country for her supplies of manufactured goods, parents refused to place their children in his factories until legislation had first made the mill-owner responsible both for the education and morality of his operatives. Similarly, when the cotton mills of Lowell, and the silk mills of Hartford, began to rise, between 1832 and 1840, the American people held the capitalist responsible for the moral, mental, and physical health of the people whom he employed, with the result that all England wondered at the stories of factory operatives, and their so-called “refinements,” which were given to this country by writers like Harriett Martineau and Charles Dickens.
Lowell, between the years 1832 and 1850, was, perhaps, the most remarkable manufacturing town in the world. Help, in the new cotton mills, was in great demand, and what were then thought very high wages were freely offered, so that, in spite of the national prejudice against factory labor, operatives began to flow from many quarters into the mills. These people were, for the most part, the daughters of farmers, storekeepers, and mechanics; of Puritan antecedents, and religious training. In the mill they were treated kindly, and, although their hours were long, they were not overworked. A feeling of real, but respectful, equality existed between them and their employers, and the best hands were often guests at the houses of the mill owners or ministers of religion. They lived in great boarding-houses, kept by women selected for their high character, and it is of these industrial families, and of their refined life, that observers like Dickens, Lyell, and Miss Martineau spoke with enthusiasm. The last writer has made us acquainted, in her “Mind among the Spindles,” with the height to which intellectual life once rose in Lowell mills, before the wave of Irish emigration, following on the potato famine, swept native American labor away from the spindles. The morality of the early mill-girls, again, was practically stainless, and, strict as the rules of conduct were in the factories, these were really dead letters, so high was the standard of behavior set and sustained by the mill-hands themselves.
Such was the character of native American labor, less than forty years ago, and such, almost, it still remains in those, now few, centers of industry where it has been little diluted with a foreign element. Nowhere is this so conspicuously the case as in Massachusetts and Connecticut, and especially in the western valleys of the former State, where important mill-streams, such as the Housatonic, the Naugatuck, and the Farmington, are lined with mills still largely manned by native Americans.
Aside from wages, which will be separately considered, the housing, education, sobriety, and pauperism of any given industrial community form together the best possible test of its social condition. In regard to the housing of labor, there is no more important fact to be discovered than the proportion of an operative population who possess in fee simple the houses in which they dwell. This proportion among the wage-earners of Massachusetts is remarkably high, one working man in every four being the proprietor of the house in which he lives. Of the remaining three-fourths, 45 per cent. rent their houses, and 30 per cent. are boarders. With regard to inhabitancy, the average number of persons living in one house in Massachusetts is rather more than six, while the average number of the Massachusetts family is four and three quarter persons. Hence, lodgers being excepted, almost every operative family in this State lives under its own roof, while one fourth of all such roofs are owned by the heads of families dwelling therein.
I leave, for a moment, the agreeable task of describing one of these homes of native American labor, and pass on to the question of education, whose universality among native Americans is perhaps most vividly illustrated by the following facts. Of 1,200 persons born in Massachusetts, whether of native or foreign parents, only one is unable to read or write, while four Germans and Scotch, six English, twenty French Canadians, twenty-eight Irish, and thirty-four Italians, out of every 100 emigrants of these nationalities respectively are illiterate. The total number of public, elementary, and high schools in the United States is 225,800, or about one school for every 200 of the entire population, and one for, say, every fifty of the 10,000,000 pupils who attended school during the census year of 1880. Finally, referring once more to Massachusetts, there are nearly 2,000 free libraries in this single State, or one to every 800 inhabitants, and these, together, own 3,500,000 volumes, and circulate 8,000,000 of volumes annually.
With regard to sobriety, it is well known that local option succeeds in closing the liquor saloons in very many operative American towns, and with the happiest results. The county of Barnstaple in Massachusetts, for example, with a population of 32,000 souls, and having no licensed liquor saloons, yields a crop of only three convictions per annum for drunkenness. The county of Suffolk, on the other hand, with a population of nearly 400,000, and a license for every 175 of its inhabitants, acknowledges one drunkard for every 50 of its population. The labor in one case is nearly all native; in the other, largely foreign.
It is almost, if not quite, impossible to obtain the statistics of pauperism in America. The “indoor” poor, as paupers in almshouses are called, can be found and counted with comparative ease, but how can the outdoor paupers be found? It is no use inquiring for them from door to door, and the poor-master’s disbursements are so limited in amount that his bills for pauper relief become mixed up with other items, so that they cannot be separately stated. The total number of paupers resident in American almshouses is 67,000, or about one in every 70,000 of the whole population. In England, we have still one pauper in every fifty thousand of the population. Such being the more important aspects of native American labor, as displayed by the statistician, it is time for the social observer to give his account of a typical American artisan’s home.
We are at Ansonia, in the Naugatuck valley, one of the chief towns of “Clockland,” where, within a radius of twenty miles, watches and clocks are made by millions and sold for a few shillings apiece. Our friend Mr. S. is an Ansonia mechanic who occupies a house with a basement of cut stone and a tasteful superstructure of wood, having a wide veranda, kitchen, parlor, and bed-room on the ground floor and three bedrooms above. The house is painted white, adorned with green jalousies, and surrounded by a well-tilled quarter acre lot. Its windows are aglow with geraniums, and from its veranda we glance upward to the wooded slopes of the Green Mountain range, and downward to the River Naugatuck, whose blue mill-ponds look like tiny Highland lakes surrounded by great factories. Within, a pleasant sitting-room is furnished with all the comforts and some of the luxuries of life, the tables are strewn with books, and the walls decorated with pretty photographs. Mr. S.’s wife and daughter are educated and agreeable women, who entertain us, during an hour’s call, with intelligent conversation, which, turning for the most part on the events of the War of Independence, is characterized by ample historical knowledge, a logical habit of mind, and a remarkable readiness to welcome new ideas. No refreshments are offered us, for no one eats between meals, and, in private houses, as in the public refreshment rooms, where native labor usually takes its meals, nothing stronger than water is ever drunk. Such are the homes of men whom I would distinguish as “American” artisans, and such, also, are those of many foreign workmen who have been long under native influence.
It is not in the valleys of Massachusetts, however, that the greatest manufacturing cities of the Union are to be found, the towns already referred to containing usually only a few thousand inhabitants, and being still, for the most part, rural in their surroundings. They are, indeed, the fastnesses, so to speak, to which the Yankee artisan has retired, after having been almost literally swept out of the great manufacturing cities by successive waves of emigrant labor, chiefly of Irish and French-Canadian nationality. To these great cities we must now turn for examples of a condition of operative society which contrasts most unfavorably with that which has already been sketched; it being, meanwhile, understood that a penumbral region, of more or less mixed conditions, graduates the brightness of the one into the darkness of the other picture.
The city of Lowell, whose brilliant past is so well known, exemplifies, on that very account, better than any other manufacturing town in the States, the character of recent alterations in American labor conditions. The mill-hands, formerly such as I have described them, have been almost entirely replaced by Canadians and Irish, who have given a new character and aspect to the Lowell of forty years ago. “Little Canada,” as the quarter inhabited by the former people is called, exhibits a congeries of narrow, unpaved lanes, lined with rickety wooden houses, which elbow one another closely, and possess neither gardens nor yards. They are let out in flats, and are crowded to overflowing with a dense population of lodgers. Peeps into their interiors reveal dirty, poorly furnished rooms, and large families, pigging squalidly together at meal times, while unkempt men and slatternly women lean from open windows, and scold in French, or chatter with crowds of ragged and bare-legged children, playing in the gutters.
The Irish portion of the town has wider streets, and houses less crowded than those of “Little Canada,” but is, altogether, of scarcely better aspect. Slatternly women gossip in groups about the doorways. Tawdrily dressed girls saunter along the sidewalks, or loll from the window-sills. Knots of shirt-sleeved men congregate about the frequent liquor-saloons, talking loudly and volubly. No signs of poverty are apparent, but everything wears an aspect of prosperous ignorance, satisfied to eat, drink, and idle away the hours not given to work. Such is the general aspect of operative Lowell to-day; but some of the old well-conducted boarding-houses remain, sheltering worthy sons and daughters of toil. Similarly, the outskirts of the city are adorned with many pretty white houses, where typical American families are growing up amid wholesome moral and physical surroundings, and enjoying all the advantages of schools, churches, libraries, and free institutions which the Great Republic puts everywhere, with lavish profuseness, at the service even of its least promising populations.
Concerning the Lowell mill-hands of to-day, I prefer, before my own observations, to quote from an article entitled “Early Factory Labor in New England,” written by a lady, herself one of the early mill-girls, and published in the “Massachusetts Labor Bureau Keport for 1883.” She says:
“Last winter, I was invited to speak to a company of the Lowell mill-girls, and tell them something of my early life as a member of their guild. When my address was over, some of them gathered round and asked me questions. In turn, I questioned them about their work, hours of labor, wages, and means of improvement. When I urged them to occupy their spare time in reading and study, they seemed to understand the need of it, but answered, sadly, ‘We will try, but we work so hard, and are so tired.’ It was plain that these operatives did not go to their labor with the jubilant feeling of the old mill-girls, that they worked without aim or purpose, and took no interest in anything beyond earning their daily bread. There was a tired hopelessness about them, such as was never seen among the early mill-girls. Yet they have more leisure, and earn more money than the operatives of fifty years ago, but they do not know how to improve the one or use the other. These American-born children of foreign parentage are, indeed, under the control neither of their church nor their parents, and they, consequently, adopt the vices and follies instead of the good habits of our people. It is vital to the interests of the whole community that they should be brought under good moral influence; that they should live in better homes, and breathe a better social atmosphere than is now to be found in our factory towns.”
The city of Holyoke, another great cotton center, having 23,000 inhabitants, is in some respects the most remarkable town in the State of Massachusetts. It was brought into existence, 35 years ago, by the construction of a great dam across the Connecticut River; and, around the water power thus created, mills have sprung up so rapidly that the population, whose normal increase is eighteen per cent. every ten years in Massachusetts, has doubled, during the last decade, in Holyoke. But eighty out of every 100 persons in the city are of foreign extraction, the prevailing nationality being French-Canadian, a people who are so rapidly displacing other operatives, even the Irish themselves, in the manufacturing centers of New England that they must not be dismissed without remark.
The Canadian-French were recently described in a grave State paper as a “horde of industrial invaders,” and accused of caring nothing for American institutions, civil, political, or educational; having come to the States, not to make a home, but to get together a little money, and then to return whence they came. The parent of these immigrants is the Canadian _habitan,_ a peasant proprietor, farming a few acres, living parsimoniously, marrying early, and producing a large family, who must either clear the soils of the inclement north, or become factory operatives in the States. They are a simple, kindly, pious, and cheerful folk, with few wants, little energy, and no ambition; ignorant and credulous, Catholic by religion, and devoted to the priest, who is their oracle, friend, and guide in all the relations of life. Such are the people–a complete contrast with Americans–who began, some twelve years ago, to emigrate to the mills of New England. They came, not only intending to return to their own country with their savings, but enjoined by the Church to do so. Employers, however, soon found out the value of the new comers, and Yankee superintendents preferred them as operatives before any other nationality, not only on account of their tireless industry and docility, but because they accepted lower wages, and kept themselves clear of trade-union societies. Thus, finally, it has come about that nearly 70 per cent. of the cotton operatives at Holyoke are of French-Canadian origin, and the social condition of all these people is precisely similar to that which has already been described as characterizing the inhabitants of “Little Canada” in Lowell.
It has already been said that the average rate of inhabitancy is six persons per house in the State of Massachusetts, but the presence of the French in Holyoke actually doubles the inhabitancy of the whole town, with what effect upon their own special quarter may easily be imagined. Probably nowhere in Europe could there be found more crowded houses, and worse physical conditions of life, than in the quarters inhabited by certain alien operatives in many manufacturing towns of the United States.
Sharp contrasts as they are, these sketches fairly picture the heights and depths of industrial conditions in a region which, as I would again remind you, contains nearly one-half of all the factory operatives in America. More than this, while the States in question would yield to no others their claims to represent advanced civilization, Massachusetts, the creation of the Puritan refugees, and the cradle of American independence, stands confessedly at the head of all her sister States for enlightened philanthropy. There are no greater lovers of right, honorers of industry, and friends to education in the world than its people, yet the present social condition of Holyoke and of Lowell, as of many other manufacturing cities, would have shocked all America thirty years ago, and been impossible less than half a century back. It is time we should ask, How is America going to treat a problem, formerly the danger and still the perplexity of Europe, for which democratic institutions have failed to furnish the solution once confidently, but unfairly, expected from them?
The State, the Church, and the School are all doing their best to prevent the lapse to lower conditions which seems to threaten labor in the States, each of them trying their utmost to “make Americans” of alien laborers, by means of the political, religious, and educational institutions of the country. How inadequate these unaided agencies are for the accomplishment of their gigantic task is nowhere so clearly realized as in the common, or free, schools of the States. These, in districts such as I have distinguished as “American,” are filled with boys and girls, of all ages from five to eighteen, whose appearance and intelligence bespeak high social conditions. Whatever the occupation which these young people may ultimately adopt–and all of them are destined for work-a-day lives–an observer feels quite sure that they are more likely to raise the character of their several employments, than to be themselves degraded to lower social levels, on quitting school.
But no similar confidence in the future of American labor is engendered by visits to the schools where sits the progeny of alien labor. In the case of the Canadians, indeed, parents and priests alike bend all their energies to the establishment of “parochial schools,” which, if they forward the cause of the Church, do little for education in the American sense of requiring good citizens, even more than good scholars, at the hands of the national teachers.
The primary schools of great industrial towns, such as Fall River, the Manchester of America, are filled, to quite as great an extent as similar schools in Europe, with ignorant, ragged, and bare-footed urchins. These children are, indeed, no less well cared for and taught than their Yankee fellows, and one cannot sufficiently admire the energy and enthusiasm with which school-teachers generally endeavor to “make Americans” of their stolid and ragged little alien charges. In these cases, however, where often the children have had no schooling at all before they are old enough to work, it is quite clear that the school cannot do all that is required to raise the labor of to-day up to the levels it occupied in the past. And, if the school itself is ineffective in this regard, how much more so must be the Church, to which immigrant youth is a comparative stranger; or those democratic institutions which are based, to quote the words of Washington himself, upon “the virtue and intelligence of the people.”
Whether the present condition of labor in America will ever again be lifted to the levels of the past depends, in truth, less upon the State, the Church, and the School, than upon the part which the American employer is taking or about to take in this question. It is impossible for any unprejudiced observer to be long in the States, and especially in the New England States, without coming to the conclusion that a large number of employers are very anxious about the character of the labor they employ, and willing to assist to the utmost of their power in improving it. In spite of the love of money and luxury which is so conspicuous a feature of certain sections of American society, a high ideal of the proper function of wealth has arisen in the States, where large fortunes are chiefly things of recent date, among large and influential classes having an enlightened regard for the best welfare of the country. This regard finds expression now in the establishment of a factory, managed with one eye on profits and another on the elevation of the artisan, and now in the endowment of free libraries or similar institutions, offering opportunities of improvement to all.
To give only a few instances of the former movement: Mr. Pullman, the great car-builder, has recently established, on Lake Calumet, a vast system of workshops and workmen’s homes, a description of which reads like a chapter from More’s “Utopia.” The Waterbury Watch Company has lately built a factory, employing 600 hands, on similar lines to those of Mr. Pullman. Cheney Brothers’ silk mills at South Manchester remain now, after Irish labor has entirely taken the place of native hands, at almost the same high level as that which, in common with Lowell, they held forty years ago. Messrs. Fairbanks, of St. Johnsbury, in Vermont, conduct a large establishment, where every married _employe_ owns a house in the village, almost an Eden for beauty and order, which has grown up around these remote but remarkable scale works. Similarly, the Cranes at Dalton, in Massachusetts; Messrs. Brown, Sharpe and Co., at Providence, Rhode Island; Mr. Hazard at Peacedale, Narragansett; and last, not least, Col. Barrows, at Willimantic, in Connecticut, have all succeeded in restoring the past conditions of native American labor among operatives, now, for the most part, of alien origin.
I wish that time permitted me to sketch, however briefly, the mills to which I have last alluded. It must suffice to say that the devoted labors of Col. Barrows, President of the Willimantic Thread Co., have succeeded in creating, out of Irish labor, social conditions of industrial life which approach ideal perfection as nearly as the work of imperfect man can possibly do. And, better still, the high morality and intelligence of Col. Barrow’s 1,600 operatives, the comfort and seemliness of their homes, the cleanly and cheerful character of the mill work, even the refinements of the music and art schools attached to the mill, can be proved, by hard figures, to be paying factors in the undertaking, viewed from a purely commercial standpoint.
So far, I have endeavored to show that a great contrast exists between what once was and now is the condition of factory labor in America. I have, further, described certain survivals of an earlier and happier state of things, and indicated the forces now at work tending to lift the Holyoke of to-day, for example, to the social levels of old Lowell. I have given my reasons for believing that the democratic institutions of America are incapable, unaided, of accomplishing such a task as this charge implies, and concluded that its accomplishment depends mainly on the action of the American employer. What this action as a whole, and what, therefore, the future of labor in America is likely to be, I confess myself in grave doubt–doubt from which I turn, with something like a sense of relief, to discuss those economical considerations affecting wage-earners which have hitherto been made to give place to social inquiries.
We have now to ask what are the wages of labor in the States, their relation to the cost of subsistence, and to wages and cost of subsistence in our own country? Finally, I shall briefly consider certain propositions of the American political economist which are so inextricably mixed up with the question of labor and wages in the States that it is impossible to discuss the one without taking some note of the other.
Until quite recently, no complete investigation, bringing the rates of wages paid in industries common to the United States and European countries, has ever been made, although the results of such an investigation have been constantly and earnestly called for both by the press and people of America. Permit me to remark, in passing, that we know little in this country of the desire for full, trustworthy, and accessible statistics, concerning all matters of national interest, which dominates the public mind of America; and as little of the willingness with which American citizens of all classes place the particulars of their private business at the service of the statistician. This desire for statistical bases whereon the statesman and economist may build, is vividly illustrated by that publication, perhaps the most wonderful in the whole world, entitled a “Compendium of the Census of the United States,” issued with every decade. These volumes, accessible to everybody, and arranged with marvelous skill and lucidity, offer to the social observer a complete, accurate, and suggestive survey of every field comprised within the vast domain of the national interests. An evening’s address would not more than suffice to indicate the scope and appraise the value of this work, which is a mine wherein, the ore ready dressed to his hand, the politico-economic or industrial essayist might work for years without exhausting its riches.
But the United States Census does not treat specifically of wages and subsistence, and it is to the Massachusetts Labor Bureau that we must again turn for such information as we now require. Dr. Edward Young, indeed, the late chief of the United States Bureau of Statistics, published an elaborate work upon this subject in 1875, but his comparisons as to the relative cost of living in America and Europe, good in themselves, are rendered of little value by the absence of such statistics as would give the true percentage of difference between American and foreign wages. Several elaborate wages reports were also published between 1879 and 1882, which, while they gave the American side of the question with great fullness, presented foreign wages very incompletely.
Always, however, impressed with the importance of making an accurate comparison between wages and the cost of subsistence on the two sides of the Atlantic, but unable to undertake a very wide inquiry with the funds at its disposal, the Massachusetts Bureau determined, in the fall of 1883, upon reducing to narrower limits than heretofore the field of investigation. Instead of America and Europe, Massachusetts and Great Britain were selected for comparison, the former as the chief manufacturing State of America, the latter as her leading competitor.
With this view, a number of agents were sent to gather personally, from the pay rolls of American and English manufactories, the rates of wages paid in twenty-four of the leading industries which are common to the two districts respectively. It was, at first, sought to extend the inquiry to thirty-five different industries, a number which would practically have covered the whole ground, but nine of these were finally abandoned for want of sufficient British information.
It is a perfectly easy thing, as already indicated, to gather wage or other statistics in the counting-houses of Massachusetts manufactories, but quite a different matter when a collection of similar information is attempted in this country, where most proprietors are unwilling, and many altogether refuse, to give any information regarding their industries.
The following table, of which an enlarged facsimile, marked A, appears on the wall, specifies the twenty-four industries from which the returns in question were made, and the number of establishments making such returns in each industry in either country:
_Table A_.
Industries. Massachusetts. Great Britain. Total
Agricultural implements 4 1 5 Artisans’ tools 3 4 7 Boots and shoes 18 2 20 Brick 3 1 4
Building trades 32 24 56 Carpetings 1 1 2 Carriages and Wagons 11 3 14 Clothing 10 4 14 Cotton goods 10 9 19 Flax and jute goods 2 3 5 Food preparations 5 2 7 Furniture 11 1 12 Glass 1 3 4
Hats (fur wool and silk) 3 2 5 Hosiery 5 3 8
Liquors (malt and distilled) 10 1 11 Machines and machinery 12 15 27 Metals and metallic goods 25 13 38 Printing and publishing 12 7 19 Printing, dyeing and bleaching etc 3 4 7 Stone 10 1 11
Wooden goods 12 1 13 Woolen goods 4 2 6 Worsted goods 3 3 6
210 110 320
Thirty-two cities in Massachusetts, and twenty-six in Great Britain, were visited in search of returns, of which almost all our great industrial centers yield their quota.
It being, of course, impossible to obtain wage returns for all the _employes_ of these various industries in either country, the investigation aimed at covering at least 10 per cent. of such totals, and, in the case of Massachusetts, succeeded in getting returns for 36,000 hands, or 13 per cent. of the whole number of artisans employed in the twenty-four industries examined. Great Britain, on the other hand, made returns for about half that number of hands, but their proportion to the totals employed cannot be similarly stated, first, because we have here no specific industrial census, and, second, because many of the English returns were made for an indefinite number of _employes_.
The comparison was made in the following way: For each of the twenty-four industries, a table, consisting of four sections, was constructed, viz., “Occupation,” “Aggregation,” “Recapitulation,” and “Comparison.” The first gave the names of the various branches of each industry, classifying these as minutely as possible, because the names indicating subdivisions of labor are, generally, so different in the two countries that the actual “matching” of occupations, desirable for a perfect comparison, is impossible. The second, or “Aggregation” section, brings the various occupations in the same industry into juxtaposition, and supplies opportunities for direct comparison. The third, or “Recapitulation” section, is drawn from the “Occupation” section, and shows the number of men, women, young persons, and children for whom wages are given; whether these are paid by the day, or by piece; and whether the wage returns show the actual amounts paid to a definite number of _employes_, or an average wage for a definite or an indefinite number of _employes_. The fourth, or “Comparison” section, brings the highest, lowest, and general average weekly wages into final comparison.
The first three sections of the table, being either simply enumerative or collective in character, are easily understood without illustration, but an example of the “Comparative” section, marked Table B, hangs on the wall, and shows all the final comparisons at a glance.
_Table B_.
——————————————————————- | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4
————————————— Classification. |Massac- | Great | Massac- | Great |husetts.| Britain.| husetts.| Britain. ——————————————————————- Average highest weekly | dols. | dols. | dols. | dols. wage paid to– | | | |
Men | 37.00 | 13.39 | 25.41 | 11.36 Women | 5.50 | … | 8.57 | 4.10 Young persons | 7.00 | 3.65 | 6.94 | 3.04 Children | 5.70 | … | 4.64 | 1.05 | | | |
Average lowest weekly wage | | | | paid to– | | | |
Men | 7.60 | 3.21 | 7.09 | 4.72 Women | 5.00 | … | 4.62 | 2.27 Young women | 4.50 | 1.46 | 4.26 | 1.66 Children | 3.00 | … | 3.09 | .60 | | | |
Average weekly wages | | | | paid to– | | | |
Men | 12.04 | 8.07 | 11.85 | 8.26 Women | 5.12 | … | 6.09 | 3.37 Young persons | 5.76 | 2.52 | 5.10 | 2.40 Children—- | 5.31 | … | 3.81 | .79 ————————————— General average weekly wage | | | | paid to all _employes_ | 11.75 | 8.07 | 10.32 | 6.96 ——————————————————————- Result: General average | |
weekly wages higher in | 45.60 | 48.28 Massachusetts by per cent | per cent. | per cent. ——————————————————————-
The two first columns of the table are simply illustrative of the method applied to a single industry, exhibiting the highest average, lowest average, and average weekly wages, whether to men, women, young persons, or children, in the particular business of “machine-making,” together with the general average wages paid to all the _employes_ in such industry. The general average weekly wages in this industry are thus shown to be 45.6 per cent. higher in Massachusetts than in Great Britain.
The 3d and 4th columns of the table consolidate all the twenty-four industries, and yield, in similar terms, as in the case of machine-making, an average comparison applying to the whole group of industries under examination, giving, as a grand result, that the general average weekly wages of Massachusetts are higher by 48.28 per cent. than those of Great Britain.
It is, however, explained that the British wage returns were made in three different ways, viz., for a definite number of _employes_, by percentage returns, and by general returns; both of the latter being for an indefinite number of _employes_. Where more than one wage-basis was given, the highest figure was used in the calculations, and, this being the case in eighteen out of the twenty-four industries, its effects on the grand result are considerable; for, by crediting Great Britain with the _average_ instead of the _high_ weekly wage, the average percentage in favor of Massachusetts rises from 48.28 per cent. to 75.94 per cent.
In order truly to indicate the higher percentage of average weekly wages in Massachusetts, we must, therefore, agree upon a figure somewhere between these two extremes, viz., that of 48.28 per cent., derived from tables in which Great Britain is credited with the high wage, and that of 75.94 per cent., derived from those tables in which she is credited with the average of the returns made upon the different bases. The mean of these figures is 62.11 per cent., which is considered to be the result of the investigation, and may be formulated as follows: The general average weekly wages paid to _employes_ in twenty-four manufacturing industries common to Massachusetts and Great Britain is 62 per cent., higher in the former than the general average weekly wages paid in the same industries in the latter country.
But the question of wages forms only one side of the working man’s account; on the other stands the cost of living, and no comparisons of prosperity, in given industrial communities, are of any value which omit to take into consideration the relative ease with which such communities can procure the means of subsistence. Table C presents a summary of prices, gathered in 1883, of the chief items in a working man’s expenditure, and their cost in Massachusetts and Great Britain.
_Table C_.
——————————————————— Articles. |Percentage higher | Percentage higher | in Mass. | in Great Britain ——————————————————— Groceries | 16.18 | –
Provisions | – | 20.00
Fuel | 104.98 | –
Dry goods | 13.26 | –
Boots and shoes | 42.75 | – Clothing | 45.06 | –
Rents | 89.62 | –
———————————————————
Having agreed that wages are probably 62 per cent. higher in Massachusetts than in Great Britain, it would be easy, if we could ascertain what proportion of a working man’s income is spent respectively in groceries, provisions, clothing, etc., to determine what advantage an operative derives from the higher wages of the United States. Dr. Engel, the chief of the Prussian Bureau of Statistics, puts us in possession of this information, and, as the result of a laborious inquiry, has formulated a certain economic law which governs the relations between income and expenditure. From him we learn (see Table D) that:
_Table D_.
A working man with an income of L60 per annum spends as follows:
Per cent.
of income. Shillings. / meat…. 248
1. On subsistence 62 or \ groceries 496 2. ” clothing 16 ” 192
3. ” rent 12 ” 144 4. ” fuel 5 ” 60
5. ” sundries 5 ” 60 ——
Total shillings 1,200 Or L60
Now, referring to Table C, it will be seen that the same man’s expenditure in America would be:
Shillings. S.
1. On subsistence / meat…. 248 – 20 p.c. = 198.4 \ groceries 496 + 16 ” = 575.3 2. ” clothing 192 + 45 ” = 278.4 3. ” rent 144 + 89 ” = 272.1 4. ” fuel 60 + 104 ” = 122.0 5. ” sundries 60 + 50 ” = 90.0 ——–
Total 1,536.2 Or L76 16s.
In other words, a workman earning L60 per annum in Great Britain would receive L99, or 62 per cent. more wages in the States, but living there would cost him L77, or L17 more than here, giving him a net advantage of only 28 per cent., instead of 62 per cent., derived from living and working in America.
But this result does not exhaust the question. The standard of life is very different among working men in the States and in Great Britain, and the almost inexhaustible statistics of the report, already so often quoted, enable us to gauge this difference with accuracy. It has been proved, by a recent investigation, whose details we need not follow, that the expenditure of working men’s families, of similar size, in Massachusetts and in Great Britain, stand to each other in the ratio of 15 to 10. By introducing this new factor into our calculations, we find that a man who spends L60 per annum in England would spend L90, instead of L77, per annum in the States, paying American prices for subsistence, and living up to American standards. In other words, he would be a gainer to the extent of only L9 per annum by living and working in the United States. Finally, if we presume that 48 or 50 per cent., rather than 62 per cent., measures the higher wages of Massachusetts, the same man’s increased wages would be L90 instead of L99, and he would-neither lose nor gain in money by becoming an American citizen, and adopting American habits.
That these conclusions agree with those rough and ready practical illustrations which, without being scientific, are generally trustworthy, let the following story evidence.
Some years ago, a skillful moulder, in my then firm’s employ, left us for the States, where he permanently settled. After a long absence, he returned for a few weeks’ holiday, when I asked him whether he earned higher wages and found life more agreeable in America than in England. “Well, as to money” was his reply, “I think, taking all things into consideration, I did about as well in the old shop as I do now; but, socially speaking, I am somebody there, while here I am only a moulder.” Social advantage, indeed, probably measures almost all the difference between the position of a skilled factory operative in the States and in England.
Let me not seem, however, to undervalue that difference. Statistics, after all, do not dominate human nature; on the contrary, human nature determines the statistician’s figures. Every artisan emigrant to America gains opportunities of advancement of which his European fellows know nothing. If he have brains, the way to success is open there, while it is practically barred to anything short of genius for men of his class in Europe. Our Australian colonies, where unskilled labor can earn 7s. 6d. a day, and live for a trifle, are, indeed, a paradise for the mere wage-earner, who can scarcely help becoming also a wage-saver; but America is the country which, with wage conditions such as I have attempted to portray, still offers the best possible opportunities of success, and even of great careers, to clever working men, and especially to clever mechanics. That man, however, is not worthy of a home in the great republic, who does not appreciate the higher social levels at which native labor desires to live, who is not anxious to make the most of the advantages which democratic institutions offer him, who does not, in short, ardently desire to become a “good American.”
There remains the question already alluded to as inextricably bound up with American labor problems: How does the American tariff affect wages? The idea that these are determinable by the tariff is the corner stone of protection in the States. The artisan has been so sedulously educated to believe that the chief object of import duties is to protect him from falling into a ruinous competition with what is called the “pauper labor of Europe,” that no movement on the part of workmen in the direction of free trade is ever likely to arise in America. I am not now about to argue the question of protection, except in so far as it relates to labor; but it may be remarked, in passing, that internal competition, rather than the people, is the enemy from whom the tariff will probably receive its death blow in the future. Protection will ultimately break down by its own weight in the States. Production already exceeds demand, the cry for a “wider market” and for “raw materials free” is in every manufacturer’s mouth; and if America upholds her protective legislation too long, the produce of her factories and mills will, by and by, force its way, in spite of the tariff, into the open markets of the world, but it will be through the gate of national suffering. Few people in this country are, I think, aware of the extraordinary fervor with which the doctrine that protection benefits labor is preached in the States. We are ourselves accustomed to hear the question of free trade argued only from the economic standpoint, but this is by no means so commonly the case in America. I shall try, by paraphrasing certain recent addresses of an able personal friend and enthusiastic protectionist, to illustrate the position taken by those persons who advocate the tariff, not upon economic grounds, but in the avowed interests of labor.
Referring to the words “Free Trade,” the speaker in question begins by asking, “What is the essential nature of that which we call trade?” And answers himself as follows:
“The grim, ugly fact is that trade is a fight, the markets are battle fields, the traders are gladiators, carrying on a true war around questions of values, with no care whether the opposing party or the community at large can afford that the trade is made. This contest is always going on, whether a lady buys a pair of gloves, or a syndicate corners Erie. Antagonism is so fixed an element of trade, and so often defeats the object it blindly follows, as to make laws which seek to mitigate the ferocity of the struggle as welcome to the far-sighted man of business as they are to the foredoomed victims of this relentless warfare.”
On the other hand, competition is said to be a–
“Wonder worker in developing energy in the strongest individuals, and massing wealth in masterful states; but, since competitive trading can never be wholly beneficent, it should be strictly controlled, in the interests of the toiling millions, who are too weak successfully to oppose its attacks. The results of forcing on the naturally weak, by means of competition, hard and unequal bargains which are evaded by the strong, are appalling in their magnitude, dividing whole peoples permanently into castes, rich and poor, injuring the former by excess, and the latter by deprivation, making a nation strong in the trading instinct, and rich in accumulated wealth, but weak and poor in all its other parts. This abuse is saddest of all when, failing to be recognized as an evil, the doctrines of free trade are wrought into the policy and social life of a people.”
Protective remedies for this state of things are introduced as follows:
“Wherever the value of competition has been fully recognized, but supplemented by wise control of its energies, the results are excellent. This fact forms the foundation of our protective laws, whose very name ‘protective’ implies assailants; those hard bargains, to wit, driven on the fighting side of trade, under the motto of ‘let the fittest survive.’ When a small army is attacked by a large one, it covers itself by earthworks. Similarly, where there are sheep, and wolves abound, the farmer puts up fences which effectually protect his flock; and, in the same way, tariffs are ‘forts,’ whence the artisan may hope successfully to defend himself against the attacks of his powerful and unscrupulous enemy, capital; or they may even be considered as a pistol, which a little fellow points at a big bully who threatens him with a thrashing.”
Such are the arguments which are urged with great fervor, and immense effect, upon the American artisan, who fully and firmly believes that protection is the only agent capable of lifting his lot above those, dreaded levels at which the “pauper labor of Europe” is universally believed to live.
The simple answer to all this rhetoric appears to be that, while it might be valid as an indictment of the competitive system as a whole, it is valueless when directed against a part of that system only. Advocates who are not prepared to say that every bargain shall be controlled by beneficence, and who distinctly admire the chief results of competition, cannot logically demand that labor, alone of all salable commodities, shall be bought and sold on altruistic principles.
In what immediately precedes, I have endeavored to indicate the character of the pleadings which make American artisans universally supporters of the tariff, and we must now return to the question, What, after all, is really the effect of protection on wages in America? I answer that no legislative schemes can add to, although they may injure, the material resources of a state. Capital can only support the labor for which the annual harvest of such resources pays, and all that legislation can do is artificially to divert labor and capital from directions which they would take under the influence of natural laws.
America is selling, at the present time, about L160,000,000 worth of food and other raw products in Europe. These, together, represent her chief branch of business, in which nearly fifty per cent. of her population is engaged, and all this merchandise is sold in the free trade markets of the world. Wages in America, therefore, cannot possibly be regulated by the tariff, because, whatever wages can be earned by men engaged in the production of agricultural products–the prices of which are fixed in Liverpool–must be the rate of wages which will substantially be paid in other branches of business. Wages, like water, seek a level; if manufacture pays best, labor will quit agriculture; if agriculture pays best, manufactures will decline, and agriculture progress.
A glance at the condition of industrial society in America vividly illustrates this conclusion. Any man, with a few dollars and a strong pair of arms, can win far greater rewards from the soil than he could possibly obtain by the same effort in Europe. His wages are high, because the grade of comfort to be obtained from the land by means of a little labor is high, and the artisans’ wages must follow suit, if men are to be tempted from the field into the workshop. American politicians, however, would have us believe that American labor owes its prosperity to taxation; in other words, that what the immigrant seeks is not the rich prizes offered him by a free and fertile soil, but the blessings which flow from a tariff that adds an average 40 per cent. to the cost of everything he needs except food.
One more illustration, and I have done. Upon the wall hangs a diagram which shows the movements of American wages, of English wages, and of the tariff from 1860 to 1883. I have already argued that a tariff cannot determine wages, and the diagram affords positive proof that it has not determined them in America, as between 1860 and the present time. On the contrary, their movements are evidently due to the same causes as have influenced wages here during this period, while it is certainly remarkable that they have fallen sooner, fallen lower, and recovered less completely in America, where industry is “protected,” than in Great Britain, were it is “unprotected.”
Shortly to recapitulate all that has been advanced, I have endeavored to show:
1st. That a great change has occurred in the social condition of labor in the United States during the last forty years, and that, spite of all the existing agencies of improvement, it is doubtful whether the working classes of America are not, at the present moment, falling still further from those high ideals of operative life which once so brilliantly distinguished the United States from European countries.
2d. That, although wages are probably some 60 per cent. higher in the chief manufacturing districts of America than in Great Britain, yet an English artisan would find himself little richer there than at home, after paying the enhanced prices for subsistence, and conforming to the higher standard of life which prevails in the States. At the same time, his whole social position and opportunities of advancement would be immensely improved.
3d. I have tried to demonstrate that the tariff, to which the higher wages of America are so confidently attributed, has really no influence whatever upon them, and that it is not therefore an engine, such as it is glowingly represented to the American artisan, constructed for the purpose of raising his lot above that of the so-called “pauper labor of Europe.” Any inquiry into the character of the work really accomplished by the engine in question would lead me into regions of controversy forbidden in this room.
Finally, if I am asked why, in a review of American labor and wages, I have said nothing of trade unionism on the one hand, and of co-operative production on the other, I can only answer that to have introduced these among so many other interesting, but subsidiary, subjects which crowd around questions of labor and wages, would have doubled the volume of this address, and more than halved the patience with which you have kindly listened to it.
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