divide in two each wing and afford ready access to the various departments located on both sides.
Each flat communicates with the adjoining one by broad, splendid black walnut staircases decked with arabesques in gilt carving.
The design, elevation and general plan of the edifices, were prepared and drafted by Mr. Eugène Taché, the Assistant-Commissioner of Crown Lands. The internal divisions and specifications were laid out under the direction of Mr. P. Gauvreau, the Engineer of Public Works; the contractor was F. X. Cimon, M.P.
Messrs. Beaucage & Chaliauvert, undertook the cut stone work, which was carried out by their foreman, Mr. Bourgeaud.
Messrs. Cerat & Vincent, of Montreal, are contractors for the sculpture in stone, and the galvanized iron roof and ornamentation in the same material and in zinc was executed by Messrs. De Blois & Bernier, of Montreal, whilst Mitchell & Co. contracted for the heating apparatus.
The whole building when completed is expected to cost about $800,000.
Opposite looms out the long tea-caddy-looking building, built by the Sandfield Macdonald Government in 1862,–the Volunteer Drill Shed. Its length, if not its beauty, attracts notice. “Ferguson’s house,” next it, noted by Professor Silliman in his “_Tour between Hartford and Quebec in 1819_,” is now difficult to recognize; its present owner, A. Joseph, Esq., has added so much to its size. This antiquated dwelling certainly does not belong to a new dispensation. Another land-mark of the past deserves notice–the ex-Commander of the Forces’ lofty quarters; from its angular eaves and forlorn aspect it generally went by the name of “Bleak House.” I cannot say whether the place was ever haunted, but it ought to have been. [149] On the summit of the plateau, formerly known as _Buttes- à-Nepveu_, and facing Mr. John Roche’s stately mansion, Hon. P. Garneau and M. Bilodeau have constructed handsome terraces of cut-stone dwellings. We are now in the _Grande Allée_–the forest avenue, which two hundred years ago led to Sillery Wood. On turning and looking back as you approach Bleak House, you have an excellent view of the Citadel, and of the old French works which extend beyond it, to the extremity of the Cape, overlooking _l’Anse de Mères_. A little beyond Bleak-House, at the top of what is generally known as Perrault’s Hill, stands the Perrault [150] homestead, dating back to 1820, _l’Asyle Champêtre_–now tastefully renovated and owned by Henry Dinning, Esq. The roof and facade of a _Chalet Suisse_ would much enhance its appearance. The adjoining range of heights, occupied by the Martello Towers, the Garneau and Bilodeau Terraces, &c., were called the _Buttes-à-Nepveu_, after one of their first French owners. “It was here that Murray took his stand on the morning of April 28th, 1760, to resist the advance of Levis, and here commenced the hardest-fought, the bloodiest action of the war, which terminated in the defeat of Murray, and his retreat within the city”. The Martello Towers are bomb-proof, they were four [151] in number, and formed a chain of forts extending along the ridge from the St. Lawrence to the River St. Charles. The fact that this ridge commanded the city, unfortunately induced Murray to leave it and attempt to fortify the heights, in which he was only partially successful, owing to the frost being still in the ground.
The British Government were made aware of the fact, and seeing that from the improved artillery the city was now fully commanded from the heights, which are about seven hundred yards distant, decided to build the Towers. Arrangements were accordingly made by Col. Brock, then commanding the troops in Canada. In 1806 the necessary materials were collected, and in the following year their construction commenced. They were not, however, completed till 1812. The original estimate for the four was £8,000, but before completion the Imperial Government had expended nearly £12,000. They are not all of the same size, but, like all Martello Towers, they are circular and bomb-proof. The exposed sides are _thirteen_ feet thick and gradually diminish like the horns of the crescent moon, to seven feet in the centre of the side next the city walls. The first or lower story contains tanks, store-rooms and magazine; the second has cells for the garrison, with port-holes for two guns. On the top there used to be one 68-pounder carronade, two 24 and two 9-pounders.
A party of Arnold’s soldiers ascended these heights in November, 1775, and advanced quite close to the city walls, shouting defiance at the little garrison. A few shots soon dispersed the invaders, who retraced their steps to Wolfe’s Cove. At the _Buttes-à-Nepveu_ great criminals were formerly executed. Here, La Corriveau, the St. Vallier Lafarge, met her deserved fate, in 1763, after being tried by one of Governor Murray’s Courts-martial for murdering her husband. After death she was hung in chains, or rather in a solid iron cage, at the fork of four roads, at Levi, close to the spot where the Temperance Monument has since been built. The loathsome form of the murderess caused more than one shudder amongst the peaceable peasantry of Levi, until some brave young men one dark night, cut down the horrid cage, and hid it deep under ground, next to the cemetery at Levi, where, close to a century afterwards, it was dug up and sold to Barnum’s agent for his museum.
Sergeant Jas. Thompson describes in his diary, under date 18th Nov., 1782, another memorable execution:
“This day two fellows were executed for the murder and robbery of Capt. Stead, Commander of one of the Treasury Brigs, on the evening of the 31st Dec., 1779, between the Upper and Lower Town. The criminals went through Port St. Louis, about 11 o’clock, at a slow and doleful pace, to the place where justice had allotted them to suffer the most ignominious death. It is astonishing to see what a crowd of people followed the tragic scene. Even our people on the works (Cape Diamond) prayed Capt. Twiss for leave to follow the hard-hearted crowd.” It was this Capt. Twiss who subsequently furnished the plan and built a temporary citadel in 1793.
In 1793, we have also, recorded in history, another doleful procession of red-coats, the Quebec Garrison accompanying to the same place of execution as a mess-mate (Draper), a soldier of the Fusileers, then commanded by the young Duke of Kent, who, after pronouncing the sentence of death, as commander, over the trembling culprit kneeling on his coffin, as son and representative of the Sovereign, exercised the Royal prerogative of mercy and pardoned poor Draper.
Look down Perrault’s hill towards the south. There stands, with a few shrubs and trees in the foreground, the Military Home–where infirm soldiers, their widows and children, could find a refuge. It has recently been purchased and converted into the “Female Orphan Asylum.” It forms the eastern boundary of a large expanse of verdure and trees, reaching the summit of the lot originally intended by the Seminary of Quebec for a Botanical Garden; subsequently it was contemplated to build their new seminary there to afford the boys abundance of fresh air. Alas! Other counsels prevailed.
Its western boundary is a road leading to the new District Jail–a stone structure of great strength, surmounted with a diminutive tower, admirably adapted, one would imagine, for astronomical pursuits. From its glistening cupola, Commander Ashe’s Provincial Observatory is. visible to the east.
I was forgetting to notice the substantial building, dating from 1855–the Ladies’ Home. The Protestant Ladies of Quebec have here, at no small expense and trouble, raised a useful asylum, where the aged and infirm may find shelter. This, and the building opposite, St. Bridget’s Asylum, with its growing fringe of trees and green plots, are decided ornaments to the _Grande Allée_.
The old burying ground of 1832, with all its ghastly memories of the Asiatic scourge, has assumed quite an ornate, nay a respectable aspect. Close to the toll-bar on the _Grande Allée_, may yet be seen one of the meridian stones which serve to mark the western boundary of the city, beyond the Messrs. Lampson’s mansion. On the adjoining domain, well named “Battlefield Cottage,” formerly the property of Col. Charles Campbell, now owned by Michael Connolly, Esq., was the historic well out of which a cup of water was obtained to moisten the parched lips of the dying hero, James Wolfe, on the 13th September, 1759. The well was filled in a few years ago, but not before it was nigh proving fatal to Col. Campbell’s then young son,–(Arch. Campbell, Esq., of Thornhill.) Its site is close to the western boundary fence, in the garden, behind “Battlefield Cottage.” Here we are at those immortal plains–the Hastings of the two races once arrayed in battle against one another at Quebec. The western boundary of the Plains is a high fence enclosing Marchmont, for years the cherished family seat of John Gilmour, Esq., now occupied by Col. Fred Turnbull, of the Canadian Hussars.
On the north-east corner of the Belvedere Road, may be seen a range of glass houses, put up by J. Doig, formerly gardener at Benmore.
A few minutes more brings the tourist to the Hon. D. Price’s villa, Wolfe- field, where may be seen the precipitous path up the St. Denis burn, by which the Highlanders and British soldiers gained a footing above, on the 13th September, 1759, and met in battle array to win a victory destined to revolutionize the New World. The British were piloted in their ascent of the river by a French prisoner brought with them from England–Denis de Vitré, formerly a Quebecer of distinction. Their landing place at Sillery was selected by Major Robert Stobo, who had, in May, 1759, escaped from a French prison in Quebec, and joined his countrymen, the English, at Louisbourg, from whence he took ship again to meet Admiral Saunders’ fleet at Quebec. The tourist next drives past Thornhill, for years owned by Arch. Campbell, Esq., P.S.C., Sir Francis Hincks’ old home when Premier to Lord Elgin. Opposite appear the leafy glades of Spencer Wood, so grateful a summer retreat, that Lord Elgin used to say, “There he not only loved to live, but would like to rest his bones.” Next comes Spencer Grange, the seat of J. M. LeMoine, Esq.; then Woodfield, the homestead, of the Hon. Wm. Sheppard [152] in 1847, later on of Messrs. John Lawson and Jas Gibb. [153] Facing the Woodfield property, on the Gomin Road, are visible the extensive vineries and peach houses of Hon. Geo. Okill Stuart, Judge of the Vice-Admiralty Court. The eye next dwells on the rustic church of St. Michael, embowered in evergreens. This handsome little temple of worship where the Governors of Canada usually attended, when living at Spencer Wood, contain several memorial window. Southwards looms out, at _Sous- les-Bois_, the stately convent of _Jésus-Marie_; on the edge of the bank, to the south-east, at _Pointe-à-Pizeau_, stands the R. C. Church of St. Colomb de Sillery, in a most commanding position; on the Sillery heights, north-west of the Church of St. Michael, the late Bishop George J. Mountain owned a delightful summer retreat, recently sold to Albert H. Furniss, Esq.; then you meet with villas innumerable–one of the most conspicuous is Benmore House, Col. Rhodes’ country seat. Benmore is well worthy of a call, were it only to procure a _bouquet_. This is not merely the Eden of roses; Col. Rhodes has combined the farm with the garden. His underground rhubarb and mushroom cellars, his boundless asparagus beds and strawberry plantations, are a credit to Quebec.
Next come Clermont, [154] Beauvoir, [155] Kilmarnock, [156] Cataraqui, [157] Kilgraston, [158] Kirk-Ella, [159] Meadow Bank, [160] Ravenswood, [161] Dornald, [162] until, after a nine miles’ drive, Redclyffe closes the rural landscape–Redclyffe, [163] on the top of _Cap Rouge_ Promontory. There, many indications yet mark the spot where Roberval’s ephemeral colony wintered as far back as 1542. You can now, if you like, return to the city by the same route, or select the Ste. Foye Road, skirting the classic heights where General Murray, six months after the first battle of the Plains, lost the second, on the 28th April, 1760; the St. Foye Church was then occupied by the British soldiers. Beauséjour is a beautiful demesne, where M. Ls. Bilodeau has several reservoirs, for the propagation of trout. Your gaze next rests on Holland House, Montgomery’s headquarters in 1775, behind which is Holland tree, overshadowing, as of yore, the grave of the Hollands. [164]
The view, from the St. Foye Road, of the gracefully meandering St. Charles below, especially during the high tides, is something to be remembered. The tourist shortly after detects the iron pillar, surmounted by a bronze statue of Bellona, presented in 1855 by Prince Napoleon Bonaparte– intended to commemorate the fierce struggle at this spot on the 28th April, 1760. In close vicinity, appear the bright _parterres_ or umbrageous groves of Bellevue, [165] Hamwood, [166] Bijou, [167] Westfield, [168] Sans-Bruit, and the narrow gothic arches of Finlay Asylum; soon you re-enter by St. John’s Suburbs, with the broad basin of the St. Charles and the pretty Island of Orleans staring you in the face.
The principal objects to be noted in this street are: on the north side, St. John’s Church, built in 1848–a large but not very elegant temple of R. C. worship, capable of seating 2,000 persons; on the south side, St. Mathew’s Church, (Church of England,) a handsome structure, whose beginnings, in 1828; were associated with the late Bishop G. J. Mountain’s ministrations and munificence. The exertions of the Rev. Chs. Hamilton and the generous donations of his brother, Robert Hamilton, and other members of the family, have been mainly instrumental in enlarging and decorating this building. Close by, is the new French Protestant Church. We shall close this short sketch with a mention of the “Quebec Protestant Burying Ground,” originally bought by the Government of the Province of Quebec, from the heirs of St. Simon, partly on the 9th December, 1771, and partly on the 22nd August, 1778. In the year 1823, Lord Dalhousie made a grant of this ground to the “Trustees of the Protestant Burying Ground,” in whose hands it has remained until the 19th May,, 1860, when the cemetery was declared closed by the 23rd Vict., chap. 70. Major Thomas Scott, Pay- master of the 70th Regiment, a brother to Sir Walter, was buried here in 1823. Major Thomas Scott was at one time charged with having written “_Rob Roy_.” And next to St. John Gate, looms out the handsome new building of the Y. M. C. A Association facing the new Montcalm Market.
ASSOCIATION HALL.
“The first Young Men’s Christian Association in this city was organized about twenty years ago, but it soon collapsed, having run into debt. A second attempt resulted in the formation of another Association in 1867, which was also a failure. The present Association was established in January, 1870. It had a very small beginning–five young men met in a merchant’s office in the Lower Town for prayer and conference and they formed the nucleus of the present Association. John C. Thomson, Esq., now President of the Association, a gentleman well known for his active interest in all good works, was one of the five. Soon after this prayer meeting, a canvass was made among young men, and 150 names obtained. Henry Fry Esq., merchant, was elected first President, and Mr. W. Ahern, Secretary. For three years the Association occupied rooms over the hardware store of Messrs. Bélanger & Gariépy, Fabrique street, and, in 1873, removed to the rooms above Mr. McLeod’s drug store, which it vacated to enter upon an enlarged sphere of labour in its elegant new building. It is admirably situated, facing the Montcalm market.”
“In October 1875, a delegation of Y. M. C. A. workers visited this city, including Messrs. Crombie, Budge, Cole, &c. The revival services which followed their visit will still be fresh in the memory of our readers. Two results, both fraught with very great importance to the Association, followed their visit. One was the engagement of Mr. T. S. Cole as permanent Secretary, the other was the development of a scheme for the construction of a building to be specially adapted, and regularly set apart for the use of the Association. On a memorable Monday evening in October, 1877, in the Methodist Church in this city, the scheme was first publicly discussed. At this meeting some $5,000 was subscribed, and the canvass next day resulted in large additions to the above. Up to the present, $19,000 have been subscribed towards the structure, and over $15,000 paid in, including the proceeds of the ladies’ bazaar last year (1879).
“The site of the building, one of the most valuable, and certainly one of the most eligible for the purpose in the city was obtained by purchase from the Dominion Government by auction in the month of January, 1878. The plans for the building were secured by competition, the successful architect being Mr. J. F. Peachy. The cost of the whole building, when completed, will be $40,000, but at present only the front portion has been erected. The back wing will be commenced when a few thousand dollars more have been subscribed towards it. It is to contain the gymnasium below, and above a large hall 100 feet by 56, with seating accommodation for 700 people on the floor and 300 in the galleries. This hall will be furnished with an independent entrance from Glacis street, twelve feet wide. The lot upon which the present building is erected contains 21,000 square feet, being 186 feet in depth, and having a frontage on St. John street of 106 feet. The front building covers the whole extent of frontage and has a depth of 50 feet. It is built of stone and brick, the whole front being stone and cut glass. It contains three flats including the mansard. Over the main entrance is an open Bible, upon which is engraved Matt. XXIII., 8. Above the centre Window in raised letters in stone, are the words “Quebec Young Men’s Christian Association, 1879.” Immediately behind the front structure is a small building which forms a room for the daily prayer meeting. It may be reached from Glacis street, and also by a staircase leading down to it from the entrance hall of the main building.”
“The lower part of the edifice has been fitted up as stores. The main entrance to Association Hall, in the middle of the front, is by a spacious staircase twelve feet wide, at the foot of which are elegant double swinging doors with plate glass. Beneath this stairway is the heating apparatus, which has been placed in the building by Mr. Thomas Andrews, of St. John street, and is on an entirely new and highly approved principle. The whole second flat, is set apart for Association use. One-half of it composes the reading room. This magnificent apartment which is one of the finest reading rooms on the Continent, is 45 by 46 feet, having a height of 18 feet, with windows on three sides, the balcony window on the North overlooking the whole of the country between St. Roch’s and the Laurentian Mountains. Opposite the top of the stairway on the landing of this flat, is the door leading to the Secretary’s room, which is fitted with glass, in order that the Secretary may see everybody coming up stairs into the reading room or elsewhere. This room is about 12 by 18 feet, and has on either side of it, the committee room and cloak room, both of about similar dimensions. Opposite the committee room is the lavatory, &c., for the use of members. At the West end of this flat the rooms both front and back are parlours, with folding doors between, so that while one may be used for conversational purposes or such like, the other may be fitted with a piano and also with games, such as chess, draughts, &c. The upper flat, which contains also very handsome rooms, beautifully finished, is divided into two portions, one to be occupied exclusively by the Secretary, and containing dining and drawing rooms divided by folding doors, four bed-rooms, kitchen, store room, &c. The other part is divided between the caretaker’s apartments, and the bath room, which is specially for the use of members. The committee also reserve a spare room in this portion of the building. From the roof of the structure, which is reached by a staircase leading into the tower, a magnificent view is obtained of every part of the city and of all the surrounding country. Special credit in connection with its erection is certainly merited by the contractor, Mr. John Hatch, and the architect, Mr. J. F. Peachy.”
CHAPTER V.
_MODERN QUEBEC_.
“I can re-people with the Past; and of The Present there is still, for eye and thought And meditation, chasten’d down, enough.” –(CHILDE HAROLD.)
Quebec, with the limitations set forth elsewhere, under the English regime, was governed by Justices of the Peace, who sat in special sessions, under authority of Acts of the Provincial Legislature, until 1833. In 1832 the city was incorporated (1 William IV., chap. 52,), Its first Mayor, elected in 1833, was a barrister of note, Elzéar Bédard, Esq., subsequently Mr. Justice Elzéar J.S.C. The amended Act of Incorporation of the City of Quebec, the 29th Vic., cap. 57, sanctioned on the 18th September, 1865, thus defines the limits of the city, the number and limits of the wards:–“The City of Quebec, for all municipal purposes, comprises the whole extent of land within the limits assigned to the said city by a certain proclamation of His Excellency Sir Alured Clarke, bearing date the 7th May, 1792, and in addition all land extending to low water mark of the River St. Lawrence, in front of the said city, including the shore of the River St Charles, opposite the city, as limited by high water mark on the north side of the said river, from, the prolongation of the west line of St. Ours street to the west line of the farm of the Nuns of the Hôtel Dieu; thence running southwards along the said line, about 550 feet, to the southern extremity of a pier erected on the said farm, at low water mark; thence running due east, about 800 feet, to the intersection of the line limiting the beach grants of the Seigniory of Notre Dame des Anges, at low water; and finally, thence along the said beach line, running north 40 degrees east, to the intersection of the prolongation of the line of the Commissioners for the Harbour of Quebec, and thence following the said Commissioners’ line to the westerly line of the city. The said city also comprises all wharves, piers and other erections made or to be made in the said River St. Lawrence, opposite to or adjoining the said city, though extending beyond the low water mark of the said river, and being within the said Commissioners’ line, and even beyond the same, should it be hereafter extended or reduced.
_BOUNDARIES OF THE WARDS._
“The said city is divided into eight wards, to wit: St. Louis Ward, Palace Ward, St. Peter’s Ward, Champlain Ward, St. Roch’s Ward, Jacques Cartier Ward, St. John’s Ward and Montcalm Ward.
1st. St. Louis Ward comprises all that part of the Upper Town within the fortifications, and south of a line drawn from Prescott Gate to St John’s Gate, along the middle of Mountain street, Buade street, Fabrique street, and St. John street.
2nd. Palace Ward comprises all that part of the Upper Town within the fortifications, and not included in St. Louis Ward. 3rd. St. Peter’s Ward comprises all that part of the Lower Town bounded on the south by a line drawn in the middle of Sous-le-Fort street, and prolonged in the same direction to low water mark in the River St. Lawrence at the one end, and to the cliff below the Castle of St. Louis at the other, and on the west by the eastern limits of the Parish of St. Roch, together with all the wharves, piers and other erections, opposite to this part of the Lower Town, although built beyond low water mark in the said river.
4th. Champlain Ward comprises all that part of the Lower Town lying between St. Peter’s Ward and the limits of the said city, together with all wharves, piers and other erections, opposite thereto, although built beyond the low water mark in the said river.
5th. St. Roch’s Ward comprises all that part of the Parish of St. Roch which lies within the limits of the said City of Quebec, on the north-west side of a line drawn in the middle of St. Joseph street, from one end to the other.
6th. Jacques Cartier Ward comprises all that part of the Parish of St. Roch which lies within the limits of the said City of Quebec, not comprised in St. Roch’s Ward.
7th. St John’s Ward comprises all that space bounded by Jacques Cartier Ward, the fortifications, the limits of the said city on the west, and a line drawn in the middle of St. John street from St. John’s Gate to the western limits of the city.
8th. Montcalm Ward comprises all that space bounded by the fortifications on the east, and on the west by the city limits, on the north by St John’s Ward, and on the south by the _cime du cap_ of the St. Lawrence.
The city is administered by a Mayor, holding office for two years, at a salary of not more than $1,200, nor less than $600, per annum; and by eight Aldermen and sixteen Councillors, returned by the eight wards,– elected to serve gratuitously three years by the duly qualified electors of each ward: no one is eligible as Mayor, Aldermen or Councillor unless he be a British subject, by birth or naturalization, and of the full age of twenty-one years, and owning within the city limits real estate, free from encumbrance, of the value of $2,000. Quebec contains ten small _Fiefs_ or Domaines. The _Fief_ Sault-au-Matelot belongs to the Seminary. The Ursuline Nuns, the R. C. Church (_La Fabrique_), the Heirs LaRue, the Hôtel-Dieu Nuns, the Récollet Friars, each had his _Fief_. The _Fief de la Miséricorde_ (Mercy) belongs to the Hôtel-Dieu. The Heirs LaRue own the _Fief de Bécancour_ and that of _de Villeraie_; there is also the _Fief Tasseville_. The _Fief_ of the Récollets–or Franciscan Friars–the order being extinct, reverted to the Crown.
_WAR DEPARTMENT PROPERTY IN QUEBEC CITY AND DISTRICT._
_As per Schedule, Consolidated Statutes of Canada (22 Vict.) Cap. 36._
_LOCAL NAME OF THE PROPERTY AND ORIGIN OF THE TITLE._
Exercising Ground, Plains of Abraham–Leasehold from the Ursuline Nuns, 99 years from 1st May, 1802.
No. 3 Tower Field, N. W. of the Grande Allée, Plains of Abraham– Leasehold from the Nuns of the Hôtel-Dieu, 99 years from 1st May, 1790; space covered by the tower is freehold.
No. 4 Tower Field, N. W. of St. John’s Road–Leasehold from the Nuns of the Hôtel-Dieu; 99 years from 1st May, 1790; including a freehold strip of 0_a_. 1_r_. 0-1/2_p_.
Land surrounding Nos. 1 and 2, Towers, S. E. side of the Grande Allée Plains of Abraham–Acquired by purchase from the Ursuline Nuns, 15th June, 1811, Joseph Plante, N. P., Quebec.
Land S. E. of the Grande Allée to the Cime du Cap and between Nos. 1 and 2, Towers property, and counterscarp of the Citadel and works adjacent–The greater part acquired by purchase from individuals, and partly by conquest, of the old French Works, &c., an annual ground rent of £1 17s. 0d., is payable on part of this land to the Fief de Villeray.
The Esplanade, Town Works–Glacis, Cricket Field, ditches, ravelin, &c., in front, lying between St. Louis and St. John’s Gates–Acquired partly by conquest and partly by purchase from various individuals (Cricket Field, 5_a_. 3_r_. 22_p_.)
Citadel–Glacis and Town Works, as far as St. Louis Gate, Engineer Yard, &c.–Chiefly by right of conquest and military appropriation.
Town Works, Artillery Barracks, Glacis, &c., between St. John’s Gate, Palace Gate and St. Valier street–Chiefly by conquest and military appropriation. Lots in St. Vallier street, purchased in 1846-7.
Mount Carmel, a commanding eminence, and site of the Windmill Redoubt or Cavalier, formerly a portion of the defenses of Quebec.–Acquired by purchase, 25th Nov, 1780. J. Plinguet, N.P.
Officers’ Barracks, Garrison Hospital, &c., fronting on St. Louis street, and in rear by St. Geneviève street.–Acquired by purchase, 5th April, 1811.
Commissariat Premises, opposite old Court House, on St. Louis street, and in rear by Mount Carmel street.–Acquired by purchase, 11th August, 1815.
Jesuit Barracks, with other buildings and land attached, fronting on St. Anne street and Upper Town market square.–By right of conquest and military appropriation, occupied as Infantry Barracks, &c.
The Town Works, along the top of the Cape (Cime du Cap), between the King’s Bastion of the Citadel and Prescott Gate, Mountain Hill, including site of old Fort St. Louis, Government Garden, &c.–Part of the Crown Domain by conquest and military appropriation, with small portions at either end acquired by purchase in 1781, and about 1827- 29.
Near Grand Battery, East end of St. George street. Magazine F., and Ordnance stores, &c.–By right of conquest and military appropriation.
Magazine E., Hôtel Dieu, on Rampart street, between Palace and Hope Gates.–Acquired by purchase, 17th June, 1809.
The Defences along the Ramparts between Prescott Gate, Grand Battery, Hope Gate and Palace Gate (Upper Town).–By right of conquest and military appropriation (including Rampart street and cliff underneath).
Inclined Plane Wharf and land to the Cime du Cap (top of the cliff) on Champlain street, S. E. of the Citadel.–Acquired by purchase, 24th Sept., 1781, afterwards used in connection with the Citadel.
Queen’s Wharf premises, and small lot opposite, on Cul-de-Sac street– Formerly a part of the defences of Quebec, site of a battery.– Acquired by right of conquest, &c.
Land at the foot of the cliff in La Canoterie and St. Charles streets, as a Glacis in front of the Town Works.–Acquired by purchase in 1846- 7, to prevent buildings against the defences.
Commissariat Fuel Yard, &c., on Palace Harbor, St. Roch’s.–Part of the Intendant’s Palace property, held by conquest.
_SEIGNIORY OF NEUVILLE COUNTY OF PORTNEUF._
(_Site of Fort Jacques-Cartier._)
A strong defensive position, on the right bank of the River Jacques Cartier, about 30 miles above Quebec.–Acquired by purchase from the Seignior, 26th June, 1818.
THE ENVIRONS OF QUEBEC.
_INTRODUCTION._
“Oh give me a home where the maple and pine Around the wild heights so majestically twine; Oh give me a home where the blue wave rolls free From thy bosom, Superior, down to the sea.”
“Could you not write the history of ‘Our Parish,’ and also sketch briefly our country seats, marking out the spots connected with historical events?” Thus discoursed one day to us, in her blandest tones, a fair denizen of Sillery. There was a poser for a _galant homme_; a crusher for the first _littérateur_ of … the parish. In vain did we allege we were not a “Christopher North,” but a mere retiring “antiquaire”–a lover of books, birds, flowers, &c. The innate civility of a Frenchman elicited from us an unreflective affirmative reply. Thus, compassionate reader, was entrapped, caught and committed the first _littérateur_ of Sillery–irrevocably handed over to the tender mercies of all the critics, present and future, in and out of the parish. Oh, my friends, what a crunching up of literary bones in store! what an ample repast was thus prepared for all the reviewers–the Jeffreys and LaHarpes–in and out of the parish, should the luckless _littérateur_ fail to assign fairy scenery–important historical events–great battles, not only to each renowned spot, but even to the merest potato-patch, turnip-ground or cabbage-garden within our corporate limits? Yes, tremble for him.
Joking apart, is there not a formidable difficulty besetting our path–the insipidity and monotony inseparable from the necessity which will devolve on us of having constantly to discover new beauties in spots identical in their main features; and should we, in order to vary the theme, mix up the humorous with the rural, the historical, or the antiquarian style, may not fun and humour be mistaken for satire–a complimentary notice for flattery, above all others, a thing abhorrent to our nature? But ’tis vain to argue. That fatal “yes” has been uttered, and no true knight goes back from his plighted word. There being no help, we devoutly commend our case to St. Columba, St. Joseph, and the archangel St. Michel, the patrons of our parish, and set to our task, determined to assume a wide margin, draw heavily on history, and season the whole with short anecdotes and glimpses of domestic life, calculated to light up the past and present.
O critic, who would fain seek in “Our Parish”–in our homes–great architectural excellence, we beseech you to pause! for the majority of them no such pretension is set up. Nowhere, indeed, on our soil are to be found ivied ruins, dating back to doomsday book, moated castle, or mediaeval tower. We have no Blenheims, no Walton Halls, nor Chatsworths, nor Woburn abbeys, nor Arundel castles, to illustrate every style of architectural beauty, rural embellishment, and landscape. A Dainpierre, a Rochecotte, a LaGaudinière, may suit old France: they would be lost in New France. Canadian cottages, the best of them, are not the stately country homes of
“Old pheasant-lords,
… Partridge-breeders of a thousand years,”
typifying the accumulated wealth of centuries or patrician pride; nor are they the gay _châteaux_ of _La Belle France_. In the Canada of the past, we could–in many instances we had to–do without the architect’s skill; nature having been lavish to us in her decorations, art could be dispensed with. Our country dwellings possess attractions of a higher class, yea, of a nobler order, than brick and mortar moulded by the genius of man can impart. A kind Providence has surrounded them in spring, summer and autumn with scenery often denied to the turreted castle of the proudest nobleman in Old England. Those around Quebec are more particularly hallowed by associations destined to remain ever memorable amongst the inhabitants of the soil.
Some of our larger estates, like Belmont (comprising 450 acres,) date back more than two centuries, whilst others, though less ancient, retrace vividly events glorious in the same degree to the two races, who, after having fought stoutly for the mastery, at last hung out the olive branch and united long since, willing partners, in the bonds of a common nationality, neither English nor French, though participating largely of both, and have linked their destinies together as Canadians. Every traveller in Canada, from Baron La Hontan, who “preferred the forests of Canada to the Pyrénées of France,” to the Hon. Amelia Murray, Charlevoix, LaGalissonière, Peter Kalm, Isaac Weld, John Lambert, Heriot, Silliman, Dickens, Lever, Ampère, Marmier, Rameau, Augustus Sala, have united in pronouncing our Quebec landscape so wild, so majestic, and withal so captivating, as to vie in beauty with the most picturesque portions of the Old or the New World.
Let us first sketch “Our Parish,” the home of our forefathers–the home of our children.
_SILLERY._
Henry IV. of France had for his chancellor, in 1607, Nicholas Brulart de Sillery, a worthy and distinguished magistrate, who, as state councillor, ever enjoyed the confidence of his sovereign until death closed his useful career in 1627, at the ripe age of 80. He was the eldest brother: his father had also for years basked in the smiles of good King Henry IV. for his unwavering adherence to his fortunes. To this eminent lawyer and statesman was born a patriarchal family of sons and daughters. The youngest of his sons, Noël Brulart de Sillery, [169] having brilliantly completed his studies at Paris in the classics, entered, at the age of 18, the military order of the Knights of Malta, and resided twelve years in that island as a knight; his martial bearing and ability, modesty, and uniform good conduct soon paved the way for him to the highest dignities in this celebrated Order. Soon the Grand Master appointed him “Commandeur de Troyes”; this preferment yielded him 40,000 livres per annum.
On his return to Paris in 1607, the favour of the court and the protection of Marie de Medicis were the means of having him nominated Knight of Honour. His talents, birth, deportment and position soon procured him the appointment of French Ambassador to the Court of Spain in 1614, which high position he left for that of Ambassador at Rome in 1622, where he replaced the Marquis of Coeuvres. He spent two years in the Eternal City, and subsequently acknowledged that it was there that he conceived the idea first of embracing Holy Orders; Cardinal de LaValette replacing him at the Roman Court as French _Chargé d’Affaires_. From what can be gleaned in history, this distinguished personage led a princely life, his enormous rent-roll furnishing the means for a most lordly establishment of retainers, liveries and domains. [170] His fancy for display, great though it was, never, however, made him lose sight of the poor, nor turn a deaf ear to the voice of the needy.
In 1626, the Pope (Barberini), Urban the VIII., having proclaimed a jubilee, the ex-ambassador, as if a new light had dawned on him, and under the guidance of a man famous for his pious and ascetic life, Vincent de Paul, determined to reform his house and whole life. Thus, a few years after, viz., in 1632, the Commandeur de Sillery sold to Cardinal Richelieu his sumptuous and princely hôtel in Paris, called Sillery, entered Holy Orders in 1634, and devoted all the energy of his mind and his immense wealth to the propagation of the faith amongst the aborigines of Canada, having been induced to do so by the Commandeur de Razili, who had previously solicited him to join the company des “Cents Associés,” or Hundred Partners, of which Razili was a member.
The Commandeur de Sillery inaugurated his benevolent purpose by placing 12,000 livres in the hands of Father Charles Lalemant, a zealous Jesuit; this was the beginning of the mission which, through gratitude to its founder, was called Sillery–it was distant about four miles and a half from Quebec, on the north shore of the St. Lawrence; date of the foundation, July, 1637. [171] History has preserved a letter addressed from Paris by the Commandeur de Sillery to the Chevalier de Montmagny, governor of the colony, in which the benevolent man asked the Governor to ratify a grant of “twelve arpents” made to him in the city itself by the company of the Hundred Partners, and also to ratify a promised grant of other lands to open a seminary or school to educate Algonquin and Montagnais children, although, at the request of the Indians, the settlement became, in 1638, more extensive, and comprised also the residence of the christianized Indians. Negabamat and Nenasesenat were the first to establish their families there. On the last day of June, 1665, we will find the eloquent Negabamat, then a resident of Quebec, sent by his tribe to harangue and compliment the great Marquis of Tracy on his arrival at Quebec. (_Relations_, 1665, _p_. 4.) Father LeJeune, a learned Jesuit, had charge and control over the workmen who were sent out from France at the expense of the Commandeur de Sillery; and on the 22nd February, 1639, a permanent bequest was authentically recorded in favor of the mission by the Commandeur placing at interest, secured on the Hôtel-de-Ville at Paris, a sum of 20,000 livres tournois. Palisades had been used originally to protect the settlement; in 1651, the Governor of Quebec, Jean de Lauzon, strengthened the palisades and added redoubts. [172] In 1647 the church of the mission had been placed under the invocation of St. Michael the Archangel; hence Sillery Cove, once called St. Joseph’s, was, in 1647, named St Michael’s Cove.
The Commandeur de Sillery extended his munificence to several other missionary establishments in Canada and other places. What with the building of churches, monasteries and hospitals in Champagne, France; at Annecy, Savoy; at Paris, and elsewhere, he must, indeed, have been for those days a veritable Rothschild in worldly wealth.
This worthy ecclesiastic died in Paris on the 26th September, 1640, at the age of sixty-three years, bequeathing his immense wealth to the Hôtel-Dieu of that city. Such was, in a few words, the noble career of one of the large-minded pioneers of civilization in primitive Canada, le Commandeur Noël Brulart de Sillery–such the origin of the name of “Our Parish,” our sweet Canadian Windermere.
One of the first incidents, two years after the opening of the mission, was the visit paid to it by Madame de la Peltrie, the benevolent founder of the Ursuline Convent at Quebec. This took place on the 2nd August, 1639, the day after her arrival from Dieppe and stately reception by the Governor, M. deMontmagny, who had asked her to dinner the day previous. This same year the nuns called _Hospitalières_ (Hôtel-Dieu) opened a temporary hospital at Sillery, as the inmates and resident Indians suffered fearfully from the ravages of small-pox. In attempting a sketch of the Sillery of ancient days, we cannot follow a truer nor pleasanter guide than the old historian of Canada in the interesting notes he published on this locality in 1855, after having minutely examined every inch of ground. “A year after their arrival at Quebec,” says Abbé Ferland, “in August, 1640, the _Hospitalières_ nuns, desirous of being closer to the Sillery mission, where they were having their convent built according to the wishes of the Duchess D’Aiguillon, left Quebec and located themselves in the house of M. de Puiseaux. They removed from this house at the beginning of the year 1641 to take possession of their convent, a mile distant. During that winter no other French inhabitants resided near them except the missionaries, and they suffered much from cold and want. But the following year they had the happiness to have in the neighbourhood a good number of their countrymen. M. de Maisonneuve, Mlle. Mance, the soldiers and farmers recently arrived from France, took up their abode at M. de Puiseaux…. They spent the winter there, and paid us frequent visits, to our mutual satisfaction.” [173]
The mission of St. Joseph at Sillery being constantly threatened by the Five Nations, the _Hospitalières_ ladies were compelled to leave their convent and seek refuge in Quebec on the 29th May, 1644, having thus spent about three years and a half amongst the savages. [174] The locality where they then resided still goes under the name of “Convent Cove.”
“Monsieur Pierre Puiseaux, Sieur de l’habitation de Sainte Foye, after whom was, called _Pointe-à-Pizeau_, at Sillery, seems to have been a personage of no mean importance in his day. Having realized a large fortune in the West Indies, he had followed Champlain to Canada, bent on devoting his wealth to the conversion of the aboriginal tribes. His manor stood, according to the Abbé Ferland, on that spot in St Michael’s Cove on which the St. Michael’s Hotel [175]–long kept by Mr. W. Scott–was subsequently built, to judge from the heavy foundation walls there. Such was the magnificence of the structure that it was reckoned “the gem of Canada’–“_Une maison regardée dans le temps comme le bijou du Canada_,” says the old chronicler. Paul de Chomedey de Maisonneuve having arrived, in 1641, with colonists for Montreal, the laird of Ste. Foye [176] generously tendered him the use of his manor. Under the hospitable roof of this venerable old gentleman, M. de Maisonneuve, Mlle. Mance, the founder of the Hôtel Dieu Hospital at Montreal, and Mdme. de la Peltrie spent the winter of 1641-2, whilst the intended colonists [177] for Ville-Marie were located close by in the Sillery settlement. During the winter, dissensions took place between the future Governor of Montreal, M. de Maisonneuve, and the then present Governor of Quebec, Chevalier de Montmagny. It appears that on a certain festival a small cannon and also fifteen musket shots had been fired without authority; His Excellency Governor Montmagny, in high dudgeon at such a breach of military discipline, ordered Jean Gorry, the person who had fired the shots, to be put in irons; Mlle. Mance had furnished the powder for this military display The future Governor of Montreal, Monsieur de Maisonneuve, is said to have, on this occasion, publicly exclaimed: “Jehan Gorry, you have been put in irons for my sake and I affronted! I raise your wages of ten half crowns (dix écus), let us only reach Montreal; no one there will prevent us from firing.” [178] Bravo! M. de Maisonneuve! Peace, however, was restored, and His Excellency Governor Montmagny headed in person the expedition which, on the 8th May following, sailed from St Michael’s Cove, Sillery, to found at Montreal the new colony. Monsieur Puiseaux accompanied M. de Maisonneuve, to take part also in the auspicious event, but his age and infirmities compelled Him soon after to return to France, where he died a few years subsequently, and by his last will, executed at LaRochelle on the 21st June, 1647, he bequeathed his Ste. Foye property to the support of the future bishops of Quebec. “The walls of the Sillery Chapel,” says the historian of Canada previously quoted, “were still standing about thirty years ago, and the foundations of this edifice, of the hospital and of the missionary residency are still perceptible to the eye on the spot now occupied by the offices and stores of Hy. LeMesurier, Esq., at the foot of the hill, and opposite the residence of the Honourable Mr. Justice Caron.”
“Amongst the French gentlemen of note who then owned lands at Sillery may be mentioned. François de Chavigny, _sieur de Berchéreau qui_,” adds Abbé Ferland, “_occupait un rang élevé dans le colonie. En quelques occasions, il fut chargé de remplacer le Gouverneur, lors que celui-ci s’absentait de Québec_.” Now, dear reader, let it be known to you that you are to look with every species of respect on this worthy old denizen of Sillery, he being, as the Abbé has elsewhere established beyond the shadow of a doubt, not only the ancestor of several old families, such as the Lagorgendières, the Rigaud de Vaudreuils and Tachereaus, but also one of the ancestors of your humble servant the writer of these lines.
“The Sillery settlement contained during the winter of 1646-7, of Indians only, about two hundred souls. Two roads led from Quebec to the settlement, one the Grande Allée or St. Louis Road, the other the Cove Road, skirting the beach. Two grist mills stood in the neighbourhood: one on the St. Denis streamlet which crosses the Grande Allée road (from Thornhill to Spencer Wood)–the dam seems to have been on the Spencer Wood property. ‘This mill, and the _fief_ on which it was built, belonged to M. Juchereau,’ one of the ancestors of the Duchesnays. ‘Another mill existed on the Bell Borne brook,’ which crosses the main road, the boundary between Spencer Grange and Woodfield. Any one visiting these two streamlets during the August droughts will be struck with their diminutiveness, compared to the time when they turned the two grist mills two hundred years back: the clearing of the adjoining forests, whence they take their source, may account for the metamorphosis.”
The perusal of the Rev. Mr. Ferland’s work brings us to another occurrence, which, although foreign to the object of this sketch, deserves notice:–
“The first horse [179] seen in Canada was landed from a French vessel about the 20th June, 1647, and presented as a gift to His Excellency Governor Montmagny.” Another incident deserving of mention occurs under date of 20th August, 1653. The Iroquois [180] surprised at Cap Rouge Rev. Father J. Antoine Poncet and a peasant named Mathurin Tranchelot, and carried them off to their country. For three days the rev. missionary was subjected to every kind of indignity from the Indian children and every one else. A child cut off one of the captive’s fingers. He was afterwards, with his companion, tied up during two nights, half suspended in the air; this made both suffer horribly; burning coals were applied to their flesh. Finally, the missionary was handed over to an old squaw; he shortly after became free, and returned to Quebec on the 5th of November, 1653, to the joy of everybody.
His comrade, Tranchelot, after having had his fingers burnt, was finally consumed by fire on the 8th September, 1653. Such were some of the thrilling incidents of daily occurrence at Sillery two centuries ago.
What with breaches of military etiquette by M. de Maisonneuve’s colonists, the ferocity of skulking Iroquois, and the scrapes their own neophytes occasionally got into, the reverend fathers in charge of the Sillery mission must now and again have had lively times, and needed, we would imagine, the patience of Job, with the devotion of martyrs, to carry out their benevolent views.
We read in history [181] how, on one Sunday morning in 1652, the Sillery Indians being all at mass, a beaver skin was stolen from one of the wig- wams, on which a council of the chiefs being called, it was decided that the robbery had been committed by a Frenchman, [182] enough to justify the young men to rush out and seize two Frenchmen then accidentally passing by, and in no wise connected–as the Indians even admitted–with the theft. The Indian youths were for instantly stripping the prisoners, in order to compel the Governor of the colony to repair the injury suffered by the loss of the peltry. One of them, more thoughtful than the rest, suggested to refer the matter to the missionary father, informing him at the same time that in cases of robbery it was the Indian custom to lay hold of the first individual they met belonging to the family or nation of the suspected robber, strip him of his property, and retain it until the family or nation repaired the wrong. The father succeeded, by appealing to them as Christians, to release the prisoners. Fortunately, the real thief, who was not a Frenchman, became alarmed, and had the beaver skin restored.
Old writers of that day occasionally let us into quaint glimpses of a churchman’s tribulations in those primitive times. The historian Faillon tells some strange things about Bishop Laval and Governor D’Argenson: their squabble about holy bread. (_Histoire de la Colonie Française en Canada_, vol. ii., p. 467.) At page 470, is an account of a country girl, ordered to be brought to town by Bishop Laval and shut up in the Hôtel-Dieu, she being considered under a spell, cast on her by a miller whom she had rejected when he popped the question: the diabolical suitor was jailed as a punishment. Champlain relates how a pugnacious parson was dealt with by a pugnacious clergyman of a different persuasion respecting some knotty controversial points. The arguments, however irresistible they may have been, Champlain observes, were not edifying either to the savages or to the French: “J’ay veu le ministre et nostre curé s’entre battre è coup de poing sur le différend de la religion. Je ne scay pas qui estait le plus vaillant et qui donnait le meilleur coup; mais je scay tres bien que le ministre se plaignoit quelque fois au Sieur de Mons (Calviniste, directeur de la compagnie) d’avoir ésté battu et vuoidoient en ceste faccon les poincts de controverse. Je vois laisse à penser si cela éstait beau à voir; les sauvages éstoient tantôt d’un côté, tantôt de l’autre, et les François meslez selon leur diverse croyance, disaient pis que pendre de l’une et de l’autre religion.” The fighting parson had evidently caught a tartar. However, this controversial sparring did _not_ take place at Sillery.
The winter of 1666 was marked by a novel incident in the annals of the settlement. On the 9th of January, [183] 1666, the Governor of the colony, M. de Courcelles, with M. du Gas as second in command, and M. de Salampar, a volunteer, together with two hundred colonists who had volunteered, and three hundred soldiers of the dashing regiment of Carignan, [184] which the viceroy, the proud Marquis de Tracy, had brought over from Europe, after their return from their campaign in Hungary, sallied forth from the capital on snow-shoes. A century and a half later one might have met, with his gaudy state carriage and outriders, on that same road, another viceroy–this time an English one, as proud, as fond of display, as the Marquis de Tracy–with the Queen’s Household Troops, the British Grenadiers, and Coldstream Guards–the Earl of Durham, one of our ablest, if not one of the most popular of our administrators. Let us now follow the French Governor of 1666, heading his light-hearted soldiers along the St. Louis road, all on snow-shoes, each man, His Excellency included, carrying on his back from 25 to 30 lbs. of biscuit, &c. The little army is bound towards the frontiers of New Holland (the State of New York) on a 900 miles’ tramp (no railroads in those days), in the severest season of the year, to chastise some hostile Indian tribes, after incorporating in its ranks, during its march, the Three Rivers and Montreal reinforcements. History tells of the intense suffering [185] experienced during the expedition by these brave men, some of them more accustomed to Paris _salons_ than to Canadian forest warfare on snow-shoes, with spruce boughs and snow-drifts for beds. But let us not anticipate. We must be content to accompany them on that day to the Sillery settlement, a march quite sufficient for us degenerate Canadians of the nineteenth century.
Picture to yourself, our worthy friend, the hurry and scurry at the Missionary residence on that day–with what zest the chilled warriors crowd round the fires of the Indian wigwams, the number of pipes of peace they smoked with the chiefs, the fierce love the gallant Frenchmen swore to the blackeyed Montagnais and Algonquin houris of Sillery, whilst probably His Excellency and staff were seated in the residency close by, resorting to cordials and all those creature comforts to be found in monasteries, not forgetting _Grande Chartreuse_, to restore circulation through their benumbed frames!–How the reverend fathers showered down the blessings of St. Michael, the patron saint of the parish, on the youth and chivalry of France!–How the Sillery duennas, the _Capitainesses_, closely watched the gallant sons of Mars lest some of them [186] should attempt to induce their guileless neophytes to seek again the forest wilds, and roam at large–the willing wives of white men!
We shall clip a page from Father Barthélémy Vimont’s _Journal of the Sillery Mission_, (Relations des Jesuits, 1643, pp. 12, 13, 14) an authentic record, illustrative of the mode of living there; it will, we are sure, gladden the heart even of an anchorite:–
“In 1643, the St. Joseph or Sillery settlement was composed of between thirty-five and forty Indian families, who lived there the whole year round except during the hunting season; other nomadic savages occasionally tarried at the settlement to procure food, or to receive religious instruction. That year there were yet but four houses built in the European fashion; the Algonquins were located in that part of the village close to the French residences; the Montagnais, on the opposite side; the houses accommodate chiefs only, their followers reside in bark huts until we can furnish proper dwellings for them all. In this manner was spent the winter season of 1642-3, the French ships left the St Lawrence for France on the 7th October, 1642; a period of profound quiet followed. Our Indians continued to catch eels, (this catch begins in September)–a providential means of subsistence during winter. The French settlers salt their eels, the Indians smoke theirs to preserve them. The fishing having ended about the beginning of November, they removed their provisions to their houses, when thirteen canoes of Atichamegues Indians arrived, the crews requesting permission to winter there and be instructed in the Christian religion. They camped in the neighborhood of the Montagnais, near to Jean Baptiste, the chief or captain of these savages, and placed themselves under the charge of Father Buteux, who undertook to christianize both, whilst Father Dequen superintended the religious welfare of the Algonquins. Each day all the Indians attended regularly to mass, prayers, and religious instruction. Catechism is taught to the children, and the smartest amongst them receive slight presents to encourage them, such as knives, bread, beads, hats, sometimes a hatchet for the biggest boys. Every evening Father Dequen calls at every hut and summons the inmates to evening prayers at the chapel. The _Hospitalières_ nuns also perform their part in the pious work; Father Buteux discharged similar duties amongst the Montagnais and Atichamegues neophytes. The Atichamegues have located themselves on a small height back of Sillery. ‘When the Reverend Father visits them each evening, during the prevalence of snow storms, he picks his way in the forest, lantern in hand, but sometimes losing his footing, he rolls down the hill.’ Thus passed for the Sillery Indians, the early portion of the winter. In the middle of January they all came and located themselves about a quarter of a league from Quebec, to make tobogins and began the first hunt, which lasted about three weeks. Each day they travelled a quarter of a league to Quebec to attend mass, generally at the chapel of the Ursuline Convent, where Father Buteux and also the nuns instructed them. In February they sought the deep woods to hunt the moose.” “On my return to Sillery,” adds Father Vimont, “twelve or thirteen infirm old Indians, women and children, who had been left behind, followed me to the Hospital, where we had to provide for them until the return, at Easter, of the hunting party.”
Whilst the savage hordes were being thus reclaimed from barbarism at Sillery, a civilized community a few hundred miles to the east of it were descending to the level of savages. We read in Hutchinson’s _History of Massachusetts Bay_, of our Puritan brethren of Boston, occasionally roasting defenceless women for witchcraft; thus perished, in 1645, Margaret Jones; and a few years after, in 1656, Mrs. Ann Hibbens, the lady of a respectable Boston merchant. Christians cutting one another’s throats for the love of God. O, civilization, where is thy boast!
During the winter of 1656-7, Sillery contained, of Indians alone, about two hundred souls.
Let us now sum up the characteristics of the Sillery of ancient days in a few happy words, borrowed from the _Notes_ [187] published in 1855 on that locality, by the learned Abbé Ferland.
“A map of Quebec by Champlain exhibits, about a league above the youthful city, a point jutting out into the St. Lawrence, and which is covered with Indian wigwams. Later on this point received the name of Puiseaux, from the first owner of the Fief St. Michael, bounded by it to the southwest. [188] On this very point at present stands the handsome St. Columba church, surrounded by a village.” [189]
“Opposite to it is the Lauzon shore, with its river _Bruyante_ [190] (the ‘Etchemin’), its shipyards, its numerous shipping, the terminus of the Grand Trunk Railway; the villages and churches of Notre Dame de Lévis, St. Jean Chrysostôme and Saint Romuald. To your right and to your left the St. Lawrence is visible for some twelve or fifteen miles, covered with inward and outward bound ships. Towards the east the landscape is closed by Cap Tourment, twelve leagues distant, and by the cultivated heights of the _Petite Montagne_ of St. Féréol, exhibiting in succession the _Côte de Beaupré_, (Beauport), (L’Ange Gardien, &c.) the green slopes of the Island of Orleans, Cape Diamond, crowned with its citadel, and having at its feet a forest of masts, Abraham’s Plains, the Coves and their humming, busy noises, St. Michael’s Coves forming a graceful curve from Wolfe’s cove to Pointe à Puiseaux. Within this area thrilling events once took place, and round these diverse objects historical souvenirs cluster, recalling some of the most important occurrences in North America; the contest of two powerful nations for the sovereignty of the New World; an important episode of the revolution which gave birth to the adjoining Republic. Such were some of the events of which these localities were the theatre. Each square inch of land, in fact, was measured by the footsteps of some of the most remarkable men in the history of America: Jacques Cartier, Champlain, Frontenac, Laval, Phipps, d’Iberville, Wolfe, Montcalm, Arnold, Montgomery, have each of them, at some time or other, trod over this expanse.
“Close by, in St. Michael’s Cove, M. de Maisonneuve and Mademoiselle Mance passed their first Canadian winter, with the colonists intended to found Montreal. Turn your eyes towards the west, and although the panorama is less extensive, still it awakens some glorious memories. At Cap Rouge, Jacques Cartier established his quarters, close to the river’s edge, the second winter he spent in Canada, and was succeeded in that spot by Roberval, at the head of his ephemeral colony. Near the entrance of the Chaudière river stood the tents of the Abnoquiois, the Etchemins and the Souriquois Indians, when they came from the shores of New England to smoke the calumet of peace with their brethren the French; the river Chaudière in those days was the highway which connected their country with Canada. Closer to Pointe à Puiseaux is Sillery Cove where the Jesuit Fathers were wont to assemble and instruct the Algonquin and Montagnais Indians, who were desirous of becoming Christians. It was from that spot that the neophytes used to carry the faith to the depths of the forest; it was here that those early apostles of Christianity congregated before starting with the joyous message for the country of the Hurons, for the shores of the Mississippi, or for the frozen regions of Hudson’s Bay. From thence went Father P. Druilletes, the bearer of words of peace on behalf of the Christians of Sillery, to the Abnoquiois of Kennebeki, and to the puritans of Boston. Near this same mission of Sillery, Friar Liégeois was massacred by the Iroquois, whilst Father Poncet was carried away a captive by these barbarous tribes.
“Monsieur de Sillery devoted large sums to erect the necessary edifices for the mission, such as a chapel, a missionary residence, an hospital, a fort, houses for the new converts, together with the habitations for the French. The D’Auteuil family had their country seat on the hill back of Pointe à Puiseaux; and the venerable Madame de Monceau, the mother-in-law of the Attorney-General Ruette D’Auteuil, was in the habit of residing there from time to time, in a house she had constructed near the chapel.”
In 1643, Father Bressani having been taken prisoner by the Iroquois, and having heard them discuss a plan to seize on the white maidens of Sillery (such were the names the Nuns went by); wrote it on some bark, which a Huron Indian having found, took it to Governor Montmagny. The Governor then organized a guard of six soldiers, who each day relieved one another at Sillery, to watch over the village–the incursions of the savages increasing, the soldiers refused to remain any longer, and Governor Montmagny gave the Hospitalières the use of a small house on the beach of the river in the lower town. (Hist. de l’Hôtel-Dieu, p. 50.)
Francis Parkman furnishes interesting details of the arrival of Piesharit, a famous Indian chief, at Sillery in 1645, and of a grand council held by deMontmagny, in the Jesuits House, which exists to this day, probably the oldest structure of the kind in Canada, dating from 1637.
“As the successful warriors approached the little mission settlement of Sillery, immediately above Quebec, they raised their song of triumph and beat time with their paddles on the edges of their canoes; while, from eleven poles raised aloft, eleven fresh scalps fluttered in the wind. The Father Jesuit and all his flock were gathered on the strand to welcome them. The Indians fired three guns, and screeched in jubilation; one Jean Baptiste, a Christian chief of Sillery, made a speech from the shore; Pisharet repeated, standing upright in his canoe, and to crown the occasion, a squad of soldiers, marching in haste from Quebec, fired a salute of musketry, to the boundless delight of the Indians. Much to the surprise of the two captives, there was no running of the gauntlet, no gnawing off of finger-nails or cutting off of fingers; but the scalps were hung, like little flags, over the entrance of the lodges, and all Sillery betook itself to feasting and rejoicing. One old woman, indeed, came to the Jesuit with a pathetic appeal. “Oh, my father! let me caress these prisoners a little: they have killed, burned, and eaten my father, my husband and my children.” But the missionary answered with a lecture on the duty of forgiveness.
On the next day, Montmagny came to Sillery and there was a grand council in the house of the Jesuits. Pisharet, in a solemn harangue, delivered his captives to the Governor, who replied with a speech of compliment and an ample gift. The two Iroquois, were present, seated with a seeming imperturbability, but great anxiety of heart; and when at length they comprehended that their lives were safe, one of them, a man of great size and symmetry, rose and addressed Montmagny.” [191]
It would be indeed a pleasant and easy task to recall all the remarkable events which occurred in this neighborhood. One thing is certain, the cool retreats studding the shores of the St. Lawrence were equally sought for by the wealthy in those days as they have been since by all those who wish to breathe pure air and enjoy the scenery.
The Sillery settlement commenced to be deserted about the beginning of the last century. After the cession of Canada the care of the buildings was neglected, and they soon fell to ruins; but the residence of the missionary fathers was preserved, and the ruins of the other structures remained standing long enough to be susceptible of identification with certainty. Several of the old inhabitants recollect having seen the church walls demolished, and they were of great solidity. Abbé Ferland himself, twenty years ago, saw a portion of those walls standing above ground. The ruins of the hospital and the convent were razed about fifty years ago, and in demolishing them several objects were discovered, some of which must have belonged to the good ladies, the _Hospitalières_ nuns.
For the benefit of those who might feel inclined to explore the remaining vestiges of M. Sillery’s foundation, I shall furnish some details on the locality. About the centre of Sillery Cove can be seen a cape, not very high, but with its sides perpendicular. The position of surrounding objects point it out as the spot on which stood the fort intended to protect the village; there also, in a dry soil, stood the cemetery, from which several bodies were exhumed in the course of last summer (1854) At the foot of the cape, on your left, is the missionaries’ house now converted into a residence for the clerks of Messrs. E. R. Dobell & Co. This building has been kept in repair, and is still in a good state of preservation. In a line with it, and nearest the St. Lawrence, can be discovered the foundation of the church. This edifice stood north-east and south-west.
Near the wall closest to the river ran a spring of water, perfectly clear, and, no doubt, used for the wants of the church and of the presbytery. Several other streams of excellent water run down the hill and intersect the grounds in all directions. No misconception can exist as to where the chapel stood, as there are still (in 1855) living several persons who saw the walls standing, and can point out the foundations which have since been identified and enclosed by stone pillars and chains. To the right of the small cape, and on a line with the chapel, stood the hospital, now deserted for more than two centuries. Over its foundation an elm has grown,–’tis now a handsome and large tree; six feet from the ground its circumference measures two fathoms (12 feet), which makes its diameter about three and a half. Heriot thus describes the locality in 1806:–
“From hence to Cap Rouge the scenery, on account of its beauty and variety, attracts the attention of the passenger. At Sillery, a league from Quebec, on the north shore, are the ruins of an establishment which was begun in 1637, intended as a religious institution for the conversion and instruction of natives of the country; it was at one time inhabited by twelve French families. The buildings are placed upon level ground, sheltered by steep banks, and close by the borders of the river; they now only consist of two old stone houses, fallen to decay, and of the remains of a small chapel (the chapel has of late been repaired and fitted up for a malt house, and some of the other buildings have been converted into a brewery). [192] In this vicinity the Algonquins once had a village; several of their tumuli, or burying places, are still discoverable in the woods, and hieroglyphics cut on the trees remain, in some situations, yet unaffected.” [193]
On the 6th June, 1865, we determined to afford ourselves a long-promised treat, and go and survey, with Abbé Ferland’s _Notes on Sillery_ open before us, and also the help of that eminently respected authority in every parish, the “oldest inhabitant,” the traces of the Sillery settlement of 1637. Nor had we long to wait before obtaining ocular demonstration of the minute exactitude with which our old friend, the Abbé, had investigated and measured every stone, every crumbling remain of brick and mortar. The first and most noticeable relic pointed out was the veritable house of the missionaries, facing the St. Lawrence, on the north side of the road, on Sillery Cove; it was the property of the late Henry Le Mesurier, Esquire, of Beauvoir. Were it in the range of possible events that the good fathers could revisit the scene of their past apostolical labours and view their former earthly tenement, hard would be the task to identify it. The heavy three-feet-thick wall is there yet, as perfect, as massive, as defiant as ever; the pointed gable and steep roof, in spite of alterations, still stands–the true index of an old French structure in Canada. Our forefathers seemed as if they never could make the roof of a dwelling steep enough, doubtless to prevent the accumulation of snow. But here ends all analogy with the past; so jaunty, so cosy, so modern does the front and interior of Sillery “Manor House” look–thus styled for many years past. Paint, paper and furniture have made it quite a snug abode. Nor was it without a certain peculiar feeling of reverence we, for the first time, crossed that threshold, and entered beneath those fortress- like walls, where for years had resounded the orisons of the Jesuit Fathers, the men from whose ranks were largely recruited our heroic band of early martyrs–some of whose dust, unburied, but not unhonoured, has mingled for two centuries with its parent earth on the green banks of Lake Simcoe, on the borders of the Ohio, in the environs of Kingston, Montreal, Three Rivers, Quebec–a fruitful seed of christianity scattered bountifully through the length and breadth of our land; others, whose lifeless clay still rests in yon sunny hillock in the rear, to the west of the “Manor House”–the little cemetery described by Abbé Ferland. Between the “Manor House” and the river, about forty feet from the house, inclining towards the south, are the remains of the foundation walls of the Jesuit’s church or chapel, dating back to 1640. On the 13th June, 1657, fire made dreadful havoc in the residence of the Jesuits (_Relations_, for 1657, p. 26); they stand north-east and south-west, and are at present flush with the greensward; a large portion of them were still visible about thirty-five years ago, as, attested by many living witnesses; they were converted into ballast for ships built at this spot, and into materials for repairing the main road by some Vandal who will remain nameless. From the Manor House you notice the little cape to the south-west mentioned in Abbé Ferland’s _Notes_, though growing smaller and smaller every year from the quantities of soil and stone taken from it, also to repair the road. The large elm pointed out by the Abbé as having grown over the spot where the hospital stood is there yet, a majestic tree. The selection of a site for the little cemetery is most judicious, several little streams from the heights in the rear filter through the ground, producing a moisture calculated to prevent decomposition and explanatory of the singular appearance of the bodies disinterred there in 1855. Every visitor will be struck with the beauty, healthiness and shelter which this sequestered nook at Sillery presents for a settlement, and with its adaptability for the purposes for which it was chosen, being quite protected against our two prevailing winds, the north-east and south-west, with a warm southern exposure.
Many years after the opening of the Algonquin and Montagnais school at Sillery, the Huron Indians, after being relentlessly tracked by their inveterate foes, the Five Nations, divided into five detachments; one of these hid on the Great Manitoulin Island, others elsewhere; a portion came down to Quebec on the 26th July, 1650, [194] under the direction of Father Ragueneau, and, on the 28th July, 1650, settled first on the Jesuits land at Beauport; in March, 1651, they went to _Ance du Fort_, on the lands of Mademoiselle de Grandmaison, on the Island of Orleans. But the Iroquois having scented their prey in their new abode, made a raid on the island, butchered seventy-one of them, and carried away some prisoners. The unfortunate redskins soon left the Island in dismay, and for protection, encamped in the city of Quebec itself, under the cannon of the fort, constructed by Governor d’Aillebout to receive them, near the Jesuits College (at Cote de St. Michel); in 1667, they settled on the northerly frontier of Sillery, [195] in Notre Dame de Foy [now St. Foye]; restless and scared, they again shifted they quarters on the 29th December, 1693, and pitched their erratic tents at Ancienne Lorette, which place they also abandoned many years afterwards to go and settle at _Jeune_ or Indian Lorette, where the remnants of this once warlike race [196] (the _nobles_ amongst Indian tribes) exist, now crossed with their Caucasian brethren, and vegetate in obscurity–exotic trees transplanted far from their native wilds.
Shall we venture to assert that Sillery equals in size some of the German principalities, and that, important though it be, like European dynasties, it has had its periods of splendor succeeded by eras of medieval obscurity. From 1700 down to the time of the conquest, we appeal in vain to the records of the past for any historical event connected with it; everywhere reigns supreme a Cimmerian darkness. But if the page of history is silent, the chronicles of the _ton_ furnish some tit-bits of drawing- room chit-chat. Thus, as stated in Hawkins’ celebrated _Historical Picture of Quebec_, [197] the northern portion of the parish skirting the St. Foye road “was the favorite drive of the Canadian belle.” In these few words, of Hawkins is involved an intricate question for the salons, a problem to solve, more abstruse than the one which agitated the Grecian cities respecting the birth of Homer. Who then was the Canadian Belle of former days? The Nestors of the present generation still speak with admiration of a fascinating stranger who, close to the end of the last century, used to drive on the St. Foye road, when a royal duke lived in the city, in what is now styled “The Kent House,” on St. Louis street. The name of this distinguished traveller, a lady of European birth, was Madame St. Laurent; but, kind reader, have patience. The Canadian belle who thus enjoyed her drives in the environs of Quebec was not Madame St. Laurent, as it is distinctly stated at page 170 of Hawkins that this occurred before the conquest, viz., 1759. Might it have been that vision of female loveliness, that spotless and beautiful Mrs. De Léry, whose presentation at court, with her handsome husband, shortly after the conquest, elicited from His Majesty George III. the expression which history has preserved, “If such are all my new Canadian subjects, I have indeed made a conquest;” or must we picture to ourselves as the Canadian belle that peerless beauty, that witty and aspiring Madame Hughes Pean, Intendant Bigot’s fair charmer, mysteriously hinted at, in all the old Quebec guide books, as “Mrs. P—-.” Madame Hughes Pean, [198] whose husband was Town Major of Quebec, owned a seigniory in the vicinity of the city–some say at St. Vallier, where Mons Pean used to load with corn the vessels he dispatched elsewhere; she also was one of the gay revellers at the romantic Hermitage, Bigot’s shooting lodge at Charlesbourg. Old memoirs seem to favour this version. Be this as it may the St. Foy road was a favorite drive even a century before the present day; so says Hawkins’ historical work on Quebec–no mean authority, considering that the materials thereof were furnished by that accomplished scholar and eminent barrister, the late Andrew Stuart, father of the present Judge Stuart, and compiled by the late Dr. John Charlton Fisher, one of the able joint editors of the New York _Albion_, and father of Mrs. Ed. Burstall, late of Sillery. Who was the reigning belle in 1759, we confess that all our antiquarian lore has failed to satisfactorily unravel. The battles of 1759 and 1760 have rendered Sillery, St. Foye, and the Plains of Abraham classic ground. The details of these events, having appeared elsewhere, [199] the reader is referred to them.
Those of the present day desirous to ascertain the exact spot in the environs of Quebec where past events have taken place, ought to be careful not to be misled by subsequent territorial divisions for municipal or canonical purposes. Many may not be aware that our forefathers included under the denomination of Abraham’s Heights that plateau of comparatively level ground extending in a south-easterly direction from the _Coteau Ste. Geneviève_ towards the lofty banks which line the River St. Lawrence, covering the greatest part of the land on which subsequently have been built the St. Lewis and St. John’s suburbs, the hilly portion towards the city and river, where stands the Asile Champêtre; thence south-east, being then called Buttes à Nepveu; the land close by, between the Plains and Pointe à Puiseaux, as Côte St. Michael; the ascent from the valley of the St. Charles towards this plateau was through the hill known as Côte d’Abraham. The locality afterwards known as Woodfield and Spencer Wood, in the fief of St. Michael, was designated as the wood of Sames, thus called after a celebrated French ecclesiastic of Quebec, Bishop Dosquet, who owned there a country seat in 1753–then known as Sames– later on, as Woodfield. To the west lay the Gomin Wood–which had taken its name from a French botanist, Dr. Gomin, who had located himself on land on which it is said, Coulonge Cottage was subsequently built in order to study the Flora of Sillery, which is very varied and rich.
The old Sillery settlement, which lay within the limits of the parish of Ste. Foye, was, in 1855, placed under the distinguished tutelage of a Saint, dear to those who hail from the Emerald Isle, and called St. Columba of Sillery. Thus the realms heretofore sacred to the Archangel, St. Michael and to St. Joseph, have peaceably passed under the gentle sway of St. Columba, despite the law of prescription. The British residents of Sillery–and this ought to console sticklers for English precedents and the sacredness of vested rights–did not permit the glory of the Archangel to depart, and soon after the erection of St. Columbia into a parish, the handsome temple of worship called St. Michael’s church, came into existence. [200]
_OUR COUNTRY SEATS._
In the preceding paper a general sketch has been attempted of that portion of the St. Lawrence highlands adjoining Quebec to the west–a locality remarkable for the numerous residences it contains of “the nobility of commerce,” as a contemporary facetiously styles our merchants. We shall, in the following go over a great portion of the same ground, delineating, first the land area west of Quebec proper, where was fought the battle of the 13th Sept., 1759, _the Plains or Abraham_, and next detail, specifically, the most attractive of these country residences, enlarging our canvass, however, so as to comprise also descriptions of rural homes beyond the limits of Sillery. Many other abodes we would also desire to take in these pages, but space precludes it. It is hoped we won’t be misunderstood in our literary project: far is it from our intention to write a panegyric of individuals or a paean to success, although sketches of men or domestic recollections may frequently find their place in the description of their abodes. No other desire prompted us but that of attempting to place prominently before the public the spots with which history or nature has more specially enriched Quebec. Quebecers ought to be proud of their scenery and of the historical ivy which clings to the old walls of Stadacona. Neighbouring cities may grow vast with brick and mortar; their commerce may advance with the stride of a young giant; their citizens may sit in high places among the sons of men, but can they ever compare with our own fortress for historical memories or beautiful scenery? We shall assign the first place to the mansion which still crowns the Montmorenci Falls, once the abode of the father of our Sovereign; we shall then view the residences on the St. Lewis road in succession, then those along the St. Foy road, and finally close this paper with the description of other remarkable spots in the neighborhood of Quebec.– Lorette, Château Bigot, Montmorency Falls, Chaudière Falls.
_THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM._
“Aux plaines d’Abraham, rendez-vous des batailles, revenez voir ces lieux, oh! revenez encore, officiers du _Grand Roi_, revenez tous aussi, La Barre, Frontenac, Denonville, Tracy! alignez vous, soldats, Carignan et Guienne, appuyez, Languedoc et Béarn et la Reine.”– _Alp. de Puibusque_.
“Among modern Battle-fields,” says Col. (now Lt. General) Beatson, “none surpass in romantic interest the Plains or Heights of Abraham.”
No Quebecer would have the hardihood to challenge the assertion of this able engineer officer, stationed here from 1849 to 1854, and who spared neither time nor pains, with the assistance of our historians and antiquarians, Ferland, Faribault and McGuire, to collect authentic information on this subject. Col. Beatson compiled a volume of historical notes, which he published in 1858, when stationed at Gibraltar. [201]
The Plains of Abraham will ever be famous, as having witnessed, more than one century back, the deadly encounter of the then two leading nations of Europe–England and France–to decide the fate of Canada–one might say (by the series of events it led to) the destinies of North America.
Of this mighty duel, which crimsoned with human gore these fields one murky September morning, in 1759–Smollett, Carlyle, Bancroft, Hawkins, Smith, Garneau, Ferland, Miles and other historians have vied with one another to furnish a graphic account. Of the origin of the name, none until lately could tell.
“Notwithstanding,” adds Col. Beatson, “the world-like celebrity of these Plains, it was not until very recently that the derivation of their name was discovered; and as it is comparatively unknown, even in Canada, the following explanation of its origin will doubtless possess attractions for such as are fond of tracing to their sources the names of celebrated localities, and who may be surprised to learn that upwards of a century previous to the final conquest of Canada by the British arms, the scene of the decisive struggle for national supremacy in the northern division of the New World had derived its name from one who, if not a Scotchman by birth, would seem to have been of Scottish lineage. This apparently improbable fact will, however, appear less extraordinary when it is known that he was a sea- faring man; and when it is considered how close was the alliance and how frequent the intercourse which, for centuries before that period, had subsisted between France and Scotland.
“This individual, whose name was Abraham Martin, is described in a legal document, dated the 15th August, 1646, and preserved among the archives of the Bishop’s Palace, at Quebec, as (the King’s) Pilot of the St. Lawrence; an appointment which probably conferred on its possessor considerable official rank; for we find that Jacques Quartier, or Cartier, the enterprising discoverer and explorer of the St. Lawrence, when about to proceed in 1540, on his third voyage to Canada, was appointed by Francis I, Captain General and Master Pilot of the expedition which consisted of four vessels.
“That Martin was a person of considerable importance in the then infant colony of New France may also be inferred from the fact that, in the journal of the Jesuits and in the parish register of Quebec, he is usually designated by his Christian name only, Maître Abraham; as well as from the circumstance of Champlain, the distinguished founder of Quebec and father of New France, having been god-father to one of Abraham’s daughters (Hélène) and of Charles de St. Etienne, Sieur de la Tour, of Acadian celebrity, having stood in the same relation to Martin’s youngest son, Charles Amador.
“The earliest mention of Martin’s name occurs in the first entry of the parish register of Quebec, viz., on, the 24th of October, 1621; when his son Eustache, who died shortly afterwards, was baptized by father Denis, a Franciscan Friar. The second baptism therein recorded is that of his daughter Marguerite, which took place in 1624; and it is stated in the register that these children were born of the legitimate marriage of Abraham Martin surnamed or usually known as _the Scot_ (“dict l’Ecossois.”) Their family was numerous; besides Anne and other children previously to the opening of the register in 1621, the baptism of the following are therein recorded:–
Eustache,……………. \ / 1621. Marguerite,………….. | | 1624. Marie,………………. | | 1627. Adrien,……………… | Born in | 1635. Madelaine,…………… | | 1640. Barbe (Barbara),……… | | 1643. Charles Amador,………. / \ 1648.
who was the second Canadian raised to the priesthood, and became a canon at the erection of the chapter of Quebec.”
As the reader will observe there is nothing to connect the Plains with that of the patriarch of Genesis. Nay, though our Scotch friend owned a family patriarchal in extent, on referring to The Jesuits’ Journal we find, we regret to way, at page 120 an Entry, according to which the “Ancient Mariner” seems to have been very summarily dealt with; in fact committed to prison for a delinquency involving the grossest immorality. The appellation of Plains of Abraham was formerly given by our historians to that extensive plateau stretching from the city walls to the Sillery Wood, bounded to the north by the heights of land overhanging the valley of the St. Charles, and to the south by the _coin du cap_ overlooking the St. Lawrence, whose many indentures form coves or timber berths, for storing square timber, &c., studded with deep water wharves.
The hill in St. John suburbs or ascent leading up from the valley of the St. Charles, where St. Roch has since been built to the table-land above, was from time immemorial known as COTE D’ABRAHAM, Abraham’s Hill. Why did it bear that name?
On referring to the Parish Register of Quebec, from 1621 to 1700, one individual seems to have borne the name of Abraham, and that person is Abraham Martin, to whom under the appellation of _Maître_ Abraham, repeated reference is made both in the Register and the Jesuits’ Journal.
Abraham Martin, according to the documents quoted by Col. Beatson, owned in two separate lots–one of twenty and the other of twelve _arpents_–thirty-two _arpents_ of land, covering, as appears by the subjoined Plan or Diagram copied from his work, a great portion of the site on which St. John and St. Louis Suburbs have since been erected. Abraham’s property occupied, it would seem, a portion of the area–the northern section–which, for a long period, also went under the name of Abraham’s Plains. It adjoined other land of the Ursuline Ladies then owned on _Côteau St. Louis_, closer to the city, when 1667, [202] it was purchased by them; at that time, the whole tract, according to Col. Beatson, went under the general name of Plains of Abraham. Such appear to be the results of recent researches on this once very obscure question.
_THE BATTLE FIELD._
Two highways, lined with country seats, forest trees or cornfields run parallel, at a distance varying from one to half a mile, leading into Quebec: the _Grande Allée_, or St. Louis and the Ste. Foye road. They intersect from east to west the expanse, nine miles in length, from _Cap Rouge_ to the city. These well known chief arteries of travel were solidly macadamized in 1841. At the western point, looms out the oak and pine clad cliffs of a lofty cape–_Cap Rouge_ or _Redclyffe_. Here wintered, in 1541-2, the discoverer of Canada, Cartier and his followers, here, in 1543-4, his celebrated follower, Roberval, seems also to have sojourned during the dreary months of winter.
A small stream, at the foot of the cape, meanders in a north westerly direction through St. Augustin and neighbouring parishes, forming a deep valley all around the cape. The conformation of the land has led geologists to infer that, at some remote period, the plateau, extending to Quebec, must have been surrounded on all sides by water, the _Cap Rouge_ stream and St. Charles being the outlets on the west, north and east. This area increases in altitude until it reaches the lofty summit of Cape Diamond, its eastern boundary. Nature itself seems to have placed these rugged heights as an insurmountable barrier to invasion from the St. Lawrence. With the walls, bastion and heavy city guns; with artillery in position on the _Cap Rouge_ promontory; cavalry patrolling the Sillery heights; a numerous army on the only accessible portion of the coast– Beauport, Quebec, if succoured in time, was tolerably safe; so thought some of the French engineers, though not Montcalm.
“The two engagements,” says Chauveau, “that of the 15th September, 1759, and that of the 28th of April, 1760, occupied nearly all the plateau hereinbefore described. The first, however, it would seem, was fought chiefly on the St. Louis road, whilst the second took place on the Ste. Foye road. Each locality has its monument, one erected in the honour of Wolfe, on the identical spot where he fell; the other in 1855, to commemorate the glorious fate of the combatants of 1760, where the carnage was the thickest, viz: on the site where stood Dumont’s mill (a few yards to the east of the dwelling of J. W. Dunscomb, Esq.)
“The victory of 1759 was a fitting reward of Wolfe’s valour, punished the infamies of the Bigot _régime_ and withdrew Canada from the focus of the terrible chastisement which awaited France soon after–in the Reign of Terror–for her impiety and immorality. The victory of April, 1760, was a comforting incident–a species of compensation to a handful of brave and faithful colonists, for the crushing disaster which had befallen their cause, the preceding September. It was the crowning–though bootless victory–to the recent brilliant, but useless success of the French arms at Carillon, Monongahela, Fort George, Ticonderoga, Beauport Flats. It was, moreover, the last title, added to numerous others, to the esteem and respect of their conquerors.”
Of the second battle of the Plains, that of 28th April 1760, called by some writers “The battle of Ste. Foye,” by others “The battle of Sillery Wood,” so bloody in its results, so protracted in its duration, we have in _Garneau’s History_ the first complete account, the historian Smith having glossed over with striking levity this “French victory.” The loss of the rival Generals, at the battle of the Plains, of September, 1759, though an unusual incident in warfare, was not without precedent Generals Braddock and DeBeaujeu in 1755, had both sealed on the battlefield their devotion to their country with their blood on the shores of the Monongahela, in Ohio; in this case as in that of Wolfe and Montcalm, he whose arms were to prevail, falling first.
In 1759, everything conspired to transform this conflict into an important historical event. Even after the lapse of a century, one sometimes is fain to believe, it sums up all which Europe recollects of primitive Canada. The fall of Quebec did not merely bring to a close the fierce rivalry of France and England in America. It lent an immense prestige to Great Britain, by consolidating her maritime supremacy over France–a supremacy she then so highly prized. The event, after the discouraging news which had prevailed, was heralded all over England by the ringing of the bells, and public thanksgiving. Bonfires blazed through the length and breadth of the land, it was a national victory which King, Peers and Commons could not sufficiently extol, and still what has been the ultimate result? By removing the French power from Canada–the only counterpoise to keep down the restless and thriving New England colonies, New England, from being strong got to be defiant. The surrender of Canada hastened the American Revolution. The rule of Britain soon ceased to exist in the New England Provinces; and later on, in 1810, by the abrogation of the right of search on the high seas, her maritime supremacy became a dead letter. As Mr. Chauveau has remarked, “if the independence of America meant the lessening of the British prestige, it remains yet to be proved that France has benefitted thereby.”
How much of these momentous changes can be traced to the incidents (perhaps the treason of Bigot), [203] which made the scale of victory incline to British valour on the 13th of September, 1759!
Those desirous of obtaining a full account of the two battles of the Plains are referred among other works, to “Quebec Past and Present.” I shall merely borrow from Col. Beatson’s very rare volume details not to be found in the ordinary histories.
“It has,” says Col Beatson, “been alleged that Montcalm in hastening to meet the British on an open plain, and thereby to decide in a single battle, the fate of a fertile Province nearly equal in extent to one-half of Europe, was not only forgetful of his usual caution, but acted with culpable temerity.”
Such action, however, proceeded from no sudden impulse, but from a noble resolve deliberately formed after the most mature consideration and recorded some time previously.
Painfully convinced how little security the weak defences of the city could afford against the determined assault of well disciplined and ably led troops, he believed that however great the risk of meeting his daring adversary in the open field, this course was the only one that seemed to promise him any chance of success. Besides, he had a force numerically [204] superior to that of the English General, could he have concentrated them at one spot. Bougainville with the flower of the French army, the grenadiers and volunteers, 3,000 strong, according to professor Dussieux, was at Cap Rouge, six miles from the battlefield and took no part in the fight, having arrived there more than one hour after the fate of Canada was decided. 1,500 men had been left at the Beauport camp to repel the feint by Admiral Saunders’ ships, on the morning of the 13 Sept., 1759. The Charlesbourg, Lorette and Beauport militia had been granted leave to return home that week, to look after their harvest: a curious coincidence.
The French army was as follows, viz: Left | The Royal Roussillon Regiment, a battalion Regulars. Militia. Wing | of the marines, or colony troops, and | Canadian militia……………………… 1,300 2,300 Centre.–The Regiments of Béarn and militia. …… 720 1,200 Right | The Regiments of La Sarre and Languedoc, Wing | a battalion of the marine, and militia….. 1,600 400 —– —– 3,620 3,900
Wolfe’s _field-state_ on the morning of the 13th September, showed only 4,828 men of all ranks, from the General downwards; but of these every man was a trained soldier.
And within little more than an hour’s march from the Plains, he could not honourably have remained inactive while believing that only a part of the enemy’s force was in possession of such vantage ground; and neither the dictates of prudence [205] nor his own chivalrous spirit and loyal regard for the national honour, would permit him to betray a consciousness of weakness by declining the combat, on finding himself unexpectedly confronted by the whole of Wolfe’s army. Relying, doubtless, on the prestige of his victories during the campaign of the proceeding year (1758) in which he had been uniformly successful, and in which at Ticonderoga, with four thousand men he had defeated General Abercromby at the head of nearly four times that number–he endeavoured by a confident bearing and encouraging expressions [206] to animate his troops with hopes which he himself could scarcely entertain; and though almost despairing of success, boldly resolved to attempt, by a sudden and vigorous onset, to dislodge his rival before the latter could intrench himself in his commanding position, and it is surely no blot on his fame that the superior discipline and unflinching steadiness of his opponents, the close and destructive volley [207] by which the spirited but disorderly advance of his battalions was checked, and the irresistible [208] charge which completed their confusion, rendered unavailing his gallant effort to save the colony; for (to borrow the words of the eloquent historian of the _Peninsular War_), “the vicissitudes of war are so many that disappointment will sometimes attend the wisest combinations; and a ruinous defeat, the work of chance close the career of the boldest and most sagacious of Generals, so that to judge a commander’s conduct by the event alone is equally unjust and unphilosophical.”
In the remarkable letter said to have been addressed to his cousin, M. de Molé, _Président au Parlement de Paris_, and dated _from the camp before Quebec, 22nd August_, 1759,”–a fortnight before the battle– MONTCALM thus pathetically describes how hopeless would be the situation in the event of WOLFE effecting a landing near the city; and, with a firm heart, foretold his own fate,
“Here I am, my dear cousin, after the lapse of more than three months still contending with Mr. WOLFE, who has incessantly bombarded Quebec with a fury unexampled in the attack of any place, which the besieger has wished to retain after his capture.
“Nearly all the whole of Lower Town has been destroyed by his batteries and of the Upper Town a great part is likewise in ruins. But even if he leaves not one stone upon another, he will never obtain possession of the capital of the colony whilst his operations continue to be confined to the opposite side of the river.
“Notwithstanding all his efforts during these three months, be has hitherto made no progress towards the accomplishment of his object. He is ruining us, but without advantage to himself. The campaign can scarcely last another month, in consequence of the approach of the autumnal gales, which are so severe and so disastrous to shipping.
“It may seem that, after so favourable a prelude, the safety of the colony can scarcely be doubtful. Such, however, is not the case, as the capture of Quebec depends on a _coup-de-main_. The English have entire command of the river, and have only to effect a landing on this side, where the city without defences is situated. Imagine them in a position to offer me battle! _which I could no longer decline, and which I ought not to gain_.
“Indeed, if M. WOLFE understands his business he has only to receive my first fire, give a volley in return, and then charge; when my Canadians–undisciplined, deaf to the sound of the drum, and thrown into confusion by his onset–would be incapable of resuming their ranks. Moreover, as they have no bayonets with which to oppose those of the enemy, nothing would remain for them but flight; and then– behold me beaten without resource.
“Conceive my situation! a most painful one for a General-in-Chief, and which causes me many distressing moments.
“Hitherto, I have been enabled to act successfully on the defensive; but will a continuance in that course prove ultimately successful? that is the question which events must decide! Of this, however, you may rest assured, that I shall probably not survive the loss of the colony. There are circumstances which leave to a General no choice but that of dying with honour; such may soon be my fate; and I trust that in this respect posterity will have no cause to reproach my memory.” [209]
MONTCALM, conspicuous in front of the left wing of his line, and WOLFE, at the head of the 28th Regiment, and the Louisbourg Grenadiers, towards the right of the British line, must have been nearly opposite to each other at the commencement of the battle, which was most severe in that part of the field; and, by a singular coincidence each of these heroic leaders had been twice wounded during the brief conflict before he received his last and fatal wound.
But the valiant Frenchman, regardless of pain, relaxed not his efforts to rally his broken battalions in their hurried retreat towards the city, until he was shot through the loins, when within a few yards of the St. Louis Gate. And so invincible was his fortitude that not even the severity of this mortal stroke could abate his gallant spirit or alter his intrepid bearing. Supported by two grenadiers–one at each side of his horse–he re-entered the city; and in reply to some woman who, on seeing blood flow from his wounds as he rode down St. Louis street, on his way to the château, [210] exclaimed, _Oh, mon Dieu! mon Dieu! le marquis est tué!_ courteously assured them that he was not seriously hurt, and beg them not to distress themselves on his account. _Ce n’est rien! Ce n’est rien! Ne vous affligez pas pour moi, mes bonnes amies._ The last words of WOLFE–imperishably enshrined in history–excite, after the lapse of a century, the liveliest admiration and sympathy, and similar interest may, perhaps be awakened by the narrative of the closing scene in the eventful career of his great opponent.
On the 24th of March, 1761, the French troops who had served in Canada under Montcalm, through M de Bougainville, applied to the British Government for leave to raise a monument to the illustrious dead hero. The British Government, through Mr. Pitt, sent back to Paris on the 10th April, 1761, a graceful letter of acquiescence. The inscription had been prepared by the _Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres_. Unfortunately the marble on which the inscription was engraved by some cause or other never reached Canada. However, in 1831, Lord Aylmer erected over the tomb of the marquis, in the Ursuline Convent, a simple mural tablet of white marble, having the following concise and beautiful epitaph from his Excellency’s own pen–
HONNEUR
à
MONTCALM
Le Destin en lui dérobant la Victoire L’a récompensé par une mort glorieuse.
In the course of the following year (1832), there was also erected by his Lordship a small monument on the battle-field to indicate the spot where WOLFE expired, which structure, having become injured, has since given place to a pedestal and column about thirty-five feet high, surmounted by a Roman helmet wreathed with a laurel, and sword; both in bronze.
On two sides of the pedestal are inserted bronze panels, with inscriptions cast in bold relief; one of which thus briefly records the place, circumstances, and date of the conquering hero’s death:
Here Died
WOLFE
Victorious
September the 13th, 1759.
The other is as follows:
“This pillar was erected
By the British Army in Canada, A.D. 1849; His Excellency Lieut.-General Sir Benjamin d’Urban,
G.C.B.; K.C.H.; K.C.T.S., &c., Commander of the Forces,
To replace that erected by Governor-General Lord Aylmer, G.C.B.,
Which was broken and defaced, and is deposited underneath.
From the foregoing, all admit that the Plains of Abraham must recall memories equally sacred to both nationalities inhabiting Quebec.
The 13th September, 1759, and the 28th April, 1760, are two red-letter days in our annals; the undying names of Wolfe and Montcalm claim the first, the illustrious names of Levis and Murray, the second.
In the September engagement Montcalm’s right wing rested on the Ste. Foye road; his left on the St. Louis road, near the Buttes-à-Nepveu (Perrault’s Hill.)
In the April encounter, Murray’s hardy warriors occupied the greatest portion of the north-western section of the plateau. His right wing rested on Coteau Ste. Genevieve, St. John Suburbs, and his left reached to the edge of the cliff, overhanging the St Lawrence, near Marchmont. On the 13th September, the French began the fight; on the 28th April it was the British who fired first. Fifteen years later, in 1775, the Heights of Abraham became the camping ground of other foes. This time the British of New England were pitted against the British of New France; we all know with what result.
_BATTLEFIELD PARK._
The departure from our shores of England’s red coated legions, in 1871, amongst other voids, left waste, untenanted, and unoccupied, the historic area, for close on one century reserved as their parade and exercising grounds on review days–The Plains of Abraham. This famous battle-field does not, we opine, belong to Quebec alone; it is the common property of all Canada. The military authorities always so careful in keeping its fences in repair handed it over to the Dominion, which made no provision for this purpose. On the 9th March, 1875, the Dominion Government leased it to the Corporation of the city of Quebec, for ten years of the lease under which it was held from the Religious Ladies of the Ursulines of Quebec, provided the Corporation assumed the conditions of the lease, involving an annual rental of two hundred dollars.
The extensive conflagration of June 1876, which laid waste one-half of St. Louis Suburbs, and the consequent impoverished state of the municipal finances prevented the City authorities from voting any money to maintain in proper order the fences of the Plains. Decay, ruin and disorder were fast settling on this sacred ground, once moistened by the blood of heroes, when the citizens of Quebec spontaneously came to the rescue. No plan suggested to raise the necessary funds obtained more favour than that of planting it with some shade-trees, and converting it into a Driving Park. This idea well carried out would, in a measure, associate it with the everyday life of all citizens of all denominations. Its souvenir, its wondrous river-views alone would attract thousands. It would be open _gratis_ to all well-behaved pedestrians. The fatigued tradesman, the weary labourer, may at any time saunter round and walk to the brink of the giddy heights facing Levi; feast their eyes on the striking panorama unrolled at their feet; watch the white winged argosies of commerce float swan-like on the bosom of the mighty flood, whilst the wealthy citizen, in his panelled carriage, would take his afternoon drive round the Park _en payant_. The student, the scholar, the traveller might each in turn find here amusement, and fresh air and shade, and with sketch book and map in hand, come and study or copy the formation of the battle-field and its monument; whilst the city _belle_ on her palfrey, or the youthful equestrian, fresh from college, might enjoy a canter round the undulating course in September on all days, except that Autumn week sacred to the turf, ever since 1789, selected by the sporting fraternity.
In November, 1876, an association was formed, composed as follows: His Honour the Lieut.-Governor, His Worship the Mayor, Chief Justice Meredith, Hon. Judge Tessier, Hon. E. Chinic, Hon. D. E. Price, Chs. E. Levey, Hon. P. Garneau, Col. Rhodes, John Gilmour, John Burstall, Hon. C. C. DeLéry, J. Bte. Renaud, Jos. Hamel, J. M. LeMoine, Hon. Thos. McGreevy, Hon. C. Alleyn, C. F. Smith, A. P. Caron, Thos. Beckett, James Gibb, R. R. Dobell, with E. J. Meredith, Secretary. Hon. E. Chinic, and Messrs. C. F. Smith, and R. R. Dobell were named Trustees to accept for the nominal sum of $1, the lease held by the City Corporation, the Corporation continuing liable for the annual rent of $200. Though the late period of the season prevented the association from doing anything, beyond having the future Park suitably fenced in, the praiseworthy object in contemplation has not been lost sight of, and active measures in furtherance of the same will yet be taken.
It would be unjust to close this hasty sketch without awarding a word of praise and encouragement to one of the most active promoters of the scheme, R. R. Dobell, Esq., of Beauvoir, Sillery. (These lines penned in 1876, we recall this day, with regret, the excellent idea of Battlefield Park having fallen through, on the promoters discovery that the 99 years lease, granted by the Ursuline Nuns would expire in a very few years, when the Nuns would resume the site).
_THE DUKE OF KENT’S LODGE,–MONTMORENCI._
“Oh! give me a home where the cataract’s foam Is admired by the poor and the rich, as they roam By thy banks, Montmorenci, so placid and fair, Oh! what would I give, could I find a home there.”
The Montmorenci heights and beaches have become famous on account of the successful defence made there during the whole summer of 1759, by Montcalm, against the attacks of Wolfe’s veterans. Finally, the French lines having been deemed impregnable on the Beauport side, a fort and barracks [211] were repeatedly talked of at Isle aux Coudres, to winter the troops. Wolfe was, however, overruled in his councils, and a spot near Sillery pointed out for a descent, possibly by a French renegade, Denis de Vitré, [212] probably by Major Stobo, who, being allowed a good deal of freedom during his captivity, knew the locality well. Stobo had been all winter a prisoner of war in the city, having been sent down from Fort Necessity, on its surrender, to Quebec, in 1754, by the French, from whom he escaped in the beginning of May, 1759, and joined Durell and Saunders’ fleet long before it reached Point Levi. These same heights, celebrated for their scenery, were destined, later on, to acquire additional interest from the sojourn thereat of a personage of no mean rank–the future father of our august Sovereign.
Facing the roaring cataract of Montmorenci stands the “Mansion House,” built by Sir Frederic Haldimand, C.B., [213] when Governor of the Province–here Sir Frederic entertained, in 1782, the Baronness Redesdale, the wife of the Brunswick General, who had come over with Burgoyne to fight the continentals in 1775,–a plain-looking lodge, still existing, to which, some years back, wings have been added, making it considerably larger. This was the favourite summer abode of an English Prince. His Royal Highness Edward Augustus, Colonel of the Royal Fusileers, subsequently Field Marshal the Duke of Kent, “had landed here,” says the _Quebec Gazette_ of the 18th August, 1791, from H. M. ships _Ulysses_ and _Resistance_, [214] in seven weeks from Gibraltar, with the 7th or Royal Regiment of Fusileers.” The Prince had evidently a strong fancy for country life, as may be inferred by the fact that, during his prolonged stay in Halifax, as Commander-in-Chief of the Forces, he owned also, seven miles out of the city, a similar rustic lodge, of which Haliburton has given a charming description. ‘Twas on the 11th of August the youthful colonel, with his fine regiment, landed in the Lower Town; on the 12th was held in his honour, at the Château St. Louis, a levée, whereat attended the authorities, civil, military and clerical, together with the gentry. In the afternoon “the ladies were presented to the Prince in the Château.” Who, then, attended this levée? Did he dance? If so, who were his partners? No register of names; no list of Edward’s partners, such as we have of the Prince of Wales. [215] No _Court Journal_! Merely an entry of the names of the signers of the address in the _Quebec Gazette_ of the 18th August, 1791. Can we not, then, re-people the little world of Quebec of 1791?–bring back some of the principal actors of those stormy political, but frolicsome times? Let us walk in with the “nobility and gentry,” and make our best bow to the scion of royalty. There, in fall uniform, you will recognize His Excellency Lord Dorchester, the Governor- General, one of our most popular administrators; next to him, that tall, athletic military man, is the Deputy Governor-General, Sir Alured Clark. He looks eager to grasp the reins of office from his superior, who will set sail for _home_ in a few days. See how thoughtful the Deputy Governor appears; in order to stand higher with his royal English master he chuckles before-hand over the policy which gives to many old French territorial divisions, right English names–Durham, Suffolk, Prince Edward, York, Granville, Buckinghamshire, Herefordshire, Kent. The western section of Canada will rejoice in the new names of Hesse, Luneberg, Nassau, Mecklenburg. That Deputy Governor will yet live to win a _baton_ [216] of Field Marshal under a Hanoverian sovereign. He is now in close conversation with Chief Justice William Smith, senior. Round there are a bevy of Judges, Legislative Councillors, Members of Parliament, all done up to kill, _à l’ancienne mode_, by Monsigneur Jean Laforme, [217] court hair-dresser, with powdered periwigs, ruffles and formidable pigtails. Here is Judge Mabane, Secretary Pownall, Honorable Messrs. Finlay, [218] Dunn, Harrison, Holland, Collins, Caldwell, Fraser, Lymburner; Messrs. Lester, Young, Smith junior. Mingled with them you also recognize the bearers of old historic names–Messrs. de Longueuil, Baby, de Bonne, Duchesnay, Dunière, Guéroult, de Lotbinière, Roc de St. Ours, Dambourgès, de Rocheblave, de Rouville, de Boucherville, Le Compte, Dupré, Bellestre, Taschereau, de Tonnancour, Panet, de Salaberry, and a host of others. Were these gentlemen all present? Probably not, they were likely to be. Dear reader, you want to know also what royal Edward did–said–was thought of –amongst the Belgravians of old Stadacona, during the three summers he spent in Quebec.
“How he looked when he danced, when he sat at his ease, When his Highness had sneezed, or was going to sneeze.”
Bear in mind then, that we have to deal with a dashing Colonel of Fusileers–age twenty-five–status, a prince of the blood; add that he was ardent, generous, impulsive, gallant; a tall, athletic fellow; in fact, one of George III.’s big, burly boys–dignified in manner–a bit of a statesman; witness his happy and successful speech [219] at the hustings of the Charlesbourg election, and the biting rebuke it contained in anticipation–for Sir Edmund Head’s unlucky post-prandial joke about the _superior_ race. Would you prefer to know him after he had left our shores and become Field Marshal the Duke of Kent? Take up his biography by the Rev. Erskine Neale, and read therein that royal Edward was a truthful, Christian gentleman–a chivalrous soldier, though a stern disciplinarian– an excellent husband–a persecuted and injured brother–a neglected son– the munificent patron of literary, educational and charitable institutions–a patriotic Prince–in short, a model of a man and a paragon of every virtue. But was he all that? we hear you say. No doubt of it. Have you not a clergyman’s word for it–his biographer’s? The Rev. Erskine Neale will tell you what His Royal Highness did at Kensington Palace, or Castlebar Hill. Such his task; ours, merely to show you the gallant young colonel, emerging bright and early from his Montmorenci Lodge, thundering with his spirited pair of Norman horses over the Beauport and Canardière road; one day, “sitting down to whist and partridges for supper,” at the hospitable board of a fine old scholar and gentleman, M. de Salaberry, then M.P.P. for the county of Quebec, the father of the hero of Châteauguay, and who resided near the Beauport church. The old de Salaberry mansion has since been united by purchase to Savnoc, Col. B. C. A. Gugy’s estate. Another day you may see him dash past Belmont or Holland House or Powell Place, occasionally dropping in with the _bonhommie_ of a good, kind Prince, as he was–especially when the ladies were young and pretty. You surely did not expect to find an anchorite in a slashing Colonel of Fusileers–in perfect health, age, twenty-five. Not a grain of asceticism ever entered, you know, in the composition of “Farmer George’s” big sons; York and Clarence, they were no saints; neither were they suspected of asceticism; not they, they knew better. And should royal Edward, within your sight, ever kiss his hand to any fair daughter of Eve, inside or outside of the city, do not, my Christian friend, upturn to heaven the whites of your eyes in pious horror; princes are men, nay, they require at times to be more than men to escape the snares, smiles, seductions, which beset them at every step in this wicked, wicked, world. How was Montmorenci Lodge furnished? Is it true that the Prince’s remittances, from Carlton House never exceeded £5,000 per annum during his stay here?–Had he really as many bells to summon his attendants in his Beauport Lodge as his Halifax residence contained–as he had at Kensington or Castlebar Hill? Is it a fact that he was such a punctual and early riser, that to ensure punctuality on this point, on of his servants was commanded to sleep during the day in order to be sure to be awake at day- break to ring the bell?–Did he really threaten to court-martial the 7th Fusileers, majors, captains, subs and privates, who might refuse to sport their pig-tails in the streets of Quebec, as well as at Gibraltar?
Really, dear reader, your inquisitiveness has got beyond all bounds; and were Prince Edward to revisit those shores, we venture to say, that you would in a frenzy of curiosity or loyalty even do what was charged by De Cordova, when Edward’s grandson, Albert of Wales, visited, in 1860, Canada and the American Union:–
“They have stolen his gloves and purloined his cravat Even scraped a souvenir from the nap of his hat.”
Be thankful if we satisfy even one or two of your queries. He had indeed to live here on the niggardly allowance of £5,000 per annum. The story [220] about censuring an officer for cutting off his pig-tail refers not to his stay in Canada, but to another period of his life. He lived rather retired; a select few only were admitted to his intimacy; his habits were here, as elsewhere, regular; his punctuality, proverbial; his stay amongst us, marked by several acts of kindness, of which we find traces in the addresses presented on several occasions, thanking him for his own personal exertions and the assistance rendered by his gallant men at several fires which had occurred. [221] He left behind some warm admirers, with whom he corresponded regularly. We have now before us a package of his letters dated “Kensington Palace.” Here is one out of twenty; but no,