I have already shown, that meant Anglican ascendancy in which Presbyterianism did not participate; hence, when the agitation for Disestablishment arose, though some few Presbyterians greatly disliked it, their opposition as a whole was lukewarm. But when in 1886 Home Rule became a question of practical politics, they rose up against it as one man; in 1893, when the second Home Rule Bill was introduced and actually passed the House of Commons, they commenced organising their Volunteer army to resist it, if necessary, by force of arms; and they are just as keen to-day as they were twenty years ago. They are certainly not disloyal; the republican spirit which permeated their ancestors in the eighteenth century has long since died out completely. Sir Walter Scott said that if he had lived at the time of the Union between Scotland and England, he would have fought against it; but, living a century later and seeing the benefit that it had been to his country, his feelings were all on the other side. That is what the Presbyterians of Ulster say to-day. They point to the way in which Ulster has, under the Union, been able to develop itself; with no richer soil, no better climate, and no greater natural advantages than other parts of Ireland, the energy, ability, and true patriotism of the people have enabled them to establish and encourage commerce and manufactures which have brought wealth and prosperity to Ulster whilst the other Provinces have been stationary or retrograde. There cannot be a better instance of the different spirit which animates the two communities than the history of the linen industry. Michael Davitt bitterly described it as “Not an Irish, but an Orange industry.” And from his point of view, he was quite right; for it is practically confined to Ulster. In that Province it has during the nineteenth century developed so steadily that the annual export now exceeds L15,000,000 in value and more than 70,000 hands are employed in the mills. Not long ago, a Royal Commission was appointed to enquire whether it was not possible to grow flax in the south and west, and if so why it was not done. The Commission made careful enquiries, and reported that in both Munster and Connaught efforts had been made to establish the industry (notably by the late Lord Bandon, one of the much-abused landlord class, who had let land for the purpose at a nominal charge, obtained seed and brought experts from the north to instruct the people); that it had been proved that both soil and climate were quite as well adapted for it as in Ulster; but that after a few years the buyers refused any longer to purchase the flax as it was so carelessly and badly prepared that it was valueless; and so the industry had died out. In both south and west the people expressed their readiness to revive it if a large grant were made to them by the Government, but not otherwise.
Then again we may take the growth of the cities. It seems hard now to realise that one reason why the people of Dublin opposed the Union was because they feared lest, when their city ceased to be the capital, Cork might grow into a great industrial centre and surpass it. Cork has remained stationary ever since; Belfast, then an insignificant country town, has become a city of 400,000 inhabitants, and the customs from it alone are more than double those from all the rest of Ireland put together. And what is true of Belfast is true also on a smaller scale of all the other towns north of the Boyne.
This remarkable contrast between the progress of the north-east and the stagnation of the rest of the country is no new thing. It has been observed ever since the Union. So long ago as 1832 the Report of the Commission on the linen manufacture of Ireland contained the following words:–
“Political and religious animosities and dissensions, and increasing agitation first for one object and then for another have so destroyed confidence and shaken the bonds of society–undermined men’s principles and estranged neighbour from neighbour, friend from friend, and class from class–that, in lieu of observing any common effort to ameliorate the condition of the people, we find every proposition for this object, emanate from which party it may, received with distrust by the other; maligned, perverted and destroyed, to gratify the political purposes of a faction…. The comparative prosperity enjoyed by that portion of Ireland where tranquillity ordinarily prevails, such as the Counties Down, Antrim, and Derry, testify the capabilities of Ireland to work out her own regeneration, when freed of the disturbing causes which have so long impeded her progress in civilization and improvement. We find there a population hardy, healthy and employed; capital fast flowing into the district; new sources of employment daily developing themselves; a people well disposed alike to the government and institutions of their country; and not distrustful and jealous of their superiors. Contrast the social condition of these people with such pictures as we have presented to us from other districts.”
This energetic, self-reliant and prosperous community now see before their eyes what the practical working of government by the League is. They see it generally in the condition of the country, and especially in the Dublin Convention of 1909, the narrow-minded administration of the Local Government Act wherever the power of the League prevails, and the insecurity for life and property in the west; they know also that a Home Rule Government must mean increased taxation (as the Nationalists themselves confess) which will probably–in fact, one may almost say must certainly, as no other source is available–be thrown on the Ulster manufactures; is it not therefore a matter of life and death to them to resist it to the uttermost?
But as I have said, the great line of cleavage is religion. Here I know that I shall be accused of “Orange bigotry.” But I am not afraid of the charge; first because I do not happen to be an Orangeman; and secondly because I regard bigotry as the outcome of ignorance and prejudice, and consider therefore that a calm examination of the evidence is the very antithesis of bigotry. In order to make this examination I desire in the first place to avoid the mistake that Grattan made in judging the probabilities of the future from the opinions of personal friends whom I like and respect, but who, as I know (and regret to think), possess no influence whatever. I consider that there are other data–such as works of authority, the action of the public bodies, statements by men in prominent positions, and articles in leading journals–from which it is safer to form an estimate. The Ulstermen are content that the country should be governed, as far as religion is concerned, on modern principles–that is to say, in much the same way that England, Australia and New Zealand are governed to-day. The Nationalists, whatever they may say in England or the Colonies, have never in Ireland from the commencement of the movement attempted to deny that their object is to see Ireland governed on principles which are totally different and which the Ulstermen detest. As long ago as 1886, the _Freeman’s Journal_, the leading Nationalist organ, said:–
“We contend that the good government of Ireland by England is impossible … the one people has not only accepted but retained with inviolable constancy the Christian faith; the other has not only rejected it, but has been for three centuries the leader of the great apostasy, and is at this day the principal obstacle to the conversion of the world.”
And as recently as December 1912, Professor Nolan of Maynooth, addressing the Roman Catholic students at the Belfast University, said:–
“Humanly speaking, we are on the eve of Home Rule. We shall have a free hand in the future. Let us use it well. This is a Catholic country, and if we do not govern it on Catholic lines, according to Catholic ideals, and to safe-guard Catholic interests, it will be all the worse for the country and all the worse for us. We have now a momentous opportunity of changing the whole course of Irish history.”
Then another of their papers, the _Rosary_, has said: “We have played the game of tolerance until the game is played out”; and has prophesied that under Home Rule the Church will become an irresistible engine before whom all opposition must go down. And whatever the educated laity may desire, no one who knows Ireland can doubt that it is the clerical faction that will be all-powerful. The leading ecclesiastics are trained at the Gregorian University at Rome; and one of the Professors at that institution, in a work published in 1901 with the special approval of Pope Leo XIII, enunciated the doctrine that it is the duty of a Christian State to put to death heretics who have been condemned by the Ecclesiastical Court. Of course no one supposes that such a thing will ever take place in Ireland; but what the Ulstermen object to is putting themselves under the rule of men who have been trained in such principles and believe them to be approved by an infallible authority.
In 1904 some foreign merchants at Barcelona wished to build a church for themselves. Republican feeling is so strong in the municipality that permission was obtained without difficulty. But the bishop at once protested and appealed to the King. The King wrote back a sympathetic letter expressing his deep regret that he was unable to prevent this fresh attack on the Catholic faith.
We are constantly being told that the tolerance and liberality shown by the majority in Quebec is sufficient of itself to prove how foolish are the apprehensions felt by the minority in Ireland. Well, I will quote from a journal which cannot be accused of Protestant bias, the _Irish Independent_, one of the leading organs of the Nationalist-clerical party in Ireland:–
“(From our own Correspondent.)
“Montreal, Thursday.
“In connection with the celebration of the anniversary of Wolfe’s victory and death, which takes place in September, prominent members of the Anglican Church have inaugurated a movement for the erection of a Wolfe Memorial Chapel on the Plains of Abraham. The organisers of the movement hope ultimately to secure the transfer of the General’s remains to the chapel for interment on the scene of his victory.
“The population being largely French-Canadian Catholics, the Catholic Church organ of Quebec strongly protests against the erection of an Anglican chapel in the heart of a Catholic district.”
Now if this conduct on the part of the Roman Catholic authorities is quite right at Barcelona and Quebec, why is it “Orange bigotry” to suggest that the same people may act in the same way at Cork or Galway?
Again, in 1910, a remarkable volume was published, written by Mrs. Hugh Fraser, the sister of the novelist, Marion Crawford, entitled “A Diplomat’s Wife in Many Lands.” The authoress was a very able woman, who had travelled much and mixed in cultured society wherever she had been; her book was highly reviewed by various English Magazines. She tells the story of a child of Jewish parents living at Rome in the days of Pope Pius IX, who was secretly baptized in infancy by a nurse, and at the age of seven was forcibly taken from his parents and placed in a Convent School. She explains that not only was this quite right, but that such a course is inevitable in every country in which the Church has power; and that the feelings of the heretic mother whose child is taken from her are a fair subject of ridicule on the part of good Catholics. Can Irish Protestants be accused of bigotry when they contend that these writers mean what they say? English Nonconformists argue that they ought to wait until the time comes and then either fight or leave the country; but the Irish Protestants reply that it is more sensible to take steps beforehand to ward off the danger. And whether they are right or wrong, the fact remains that those are their ideas, and that is their determination; and this is the situation which must be faced if Home Rule is forced upon the people of Ulster.
By a striking coincidence, two meetings have recently been held on the same day–the 16th of May 1913–which form an apt illustration of the position adopted by the two parties. The first was a great demonstration of Unionists at Belfast, organised in order to make a further protest against the Bill and to perfect the organisation for opposing it by force, if the necessity arises; the second was a large meeting of the United Irish League at Mullingar. The Chairman, Mr. Ginnell, M.P. (who has gained prominence and popularity by his skill in arranging cattle-drives), said that the chief cause of the pressure last session was to get the Home Rule Bill through its first stage. It was still called a Home Rule Bill, though differing widely from what most of them always understood by Home Rule. Deeply though he regretted the Bill’s defects and limitations, still he thought almost any Parliament in Ireland was worth accepting–first, because it was in some sense a recognition of the right to govern themselves; and secondly, because even a crippled Parliament would give them fresh leverage for complete freedom. No one could be silly enough to suppose that an intelligent Ireland, having any sort of a Parliament of its own, would be prevented by any promise given now by place-hunters, from using that Parliament for true national purposes.
That no army which the Ulstermen can form will be able to stand against British troops supported by cavalry and artillery is evident; but it seems almost past belief that England should be ready to plunge the country into civil war; or that British troops should march out–with bands playing “Bloody England, we hate you still,” or some other inspiring Nationalist air–to shoot down Ulstermen who will come to meet them waving the Union Jack and shouting “God save the King.” And if they do–what then? Lord Wolseley, when Commander-in-Chief in Ireland in 1893, pointed out the probable effect on the British Army in a letter to the Duke of Cambridge:–
“If ever our troops are brought into collision with the loyalists of Ulster, and blood is shed, it will shake the whole foundations upon which our army rests to such an extent that I feel that our Army will never be the same again. Many officers will resign to join Ulster, and there will be such a host of retired officers in the Ulster ranks that men who would stand by the Government no matter what it did, will be worse than half-hearted in all they do. No army could stand such a strain upon it.”
And then England, having crushed her natural allies in Ulster, will hand over the Government of Ireland to a party whose avowed object is to break up the Empire and form a separate Republic. Dangers and difficulties arose even when the independent legislature of Ireland was in the hands of men who were loyal and patriotic in the noblest sense of the term, and when there were in every district a certain number of educated gentlemen of position who (as we have seen) were always ready to risk their lives and fortunes for the defence of the realm; what will happen when the loyal minority have been shot down, driven out of the country, or forced into bitter hostility to the Government who have betrayed and deserted them? As Lecky wrote years ago:–
“It is scarcely possible to over-estimate the danger that would arise if the vast moral legislative, and even administrative powers which every separate legislature must necessarily possess, were exercised in any near and vital part of the British Empire, by men who were disloyal to its interests. To place the government of a country by a voluntary and deliberate act in the hands of dishonest and disloyal men, is perhaps the greatest crime that a public man can commit: a crime which, in proportion to the strength and soundness of national morality, must consign those who are guilty of it to undying infamy.”
If English people are so blind that they cannot perceive this, foreigners, whose vision is clearer, have warned them. Bismarck said that England, by granting Home Rule to Ireland, would dig its own grave; and Admiral Mahan has recently written:–
“It is impossible for a military man or a statesman to look at the map and not perceive that the ambition of the Irish separatists, if realised, would be even more threatening to the national life of Great Britain than the secession of the South was to the American Union.
“The legislative supremacy of the British Parliament against the assertion of which the American Colonists revolted and which to-day would be found intolerable in Canada and Australia cannot be yielded in the case of an island, where independent action might very well be attended with fatal consequences to its partner. The instrument for such action, in the shape of an independent Parliament, could not be safely trusted even to avowed friends.”
So then, having reviewed the evidence as calmly and dispassionately as I can, I answer the two questions which I propounded at the outset of the enquiry–That the real objects of the Nationalists are the total separation of Ireland from England and the establishment of an Independent Republic; and that the men of Ulster in resisting them to the uttermost are not merely justified on the ground of self-preservation, but are in reality fighting for the cause of the Empire.
NOTE.
The following Report of the Annual Pilgrimage in memory of Wolfe Tone, which took place on the 22nd of June last, and the article in the _Leinster Leader_ (a prominent Nationalist journal) will show how closely the Nationalists of to-day follow in the footsteps of Wolfe Tone.
THE MEMORY OF WOLFE TONE.
ANNUAL PILGRIMAGE TO BODENSTOWN.
(_From our Reporter_.)
On Sunday last the annual pilgrimage to the grave of Theobald Wolfe Tone took place to Bodenstown churchyard. This year the numbers who attended exceeded those of last year, about a thousand coming from Dublin and another contingent from Tullamore, Clare, and Athlone. The procession formed outside Sallins station was a most imposing one, being made up of St. James’ Brass Band and the Lorcan O’Toole Pipers’ Band and the Athlone Pipers’ Band, the National Boy Scouts, the Daughters of Erin, and members of the Wolfe Tone Memorial Clubs.
At the graveside demonstration, Mr. Thos. J. Clarke presided and said it was a gratifying thing that numbers of their fellow-countrymen were to-day swinging back to the old fighting line and taking pride in the old Fenian principles. He introduced Mr. P.H. Pearse, B.A.
Mr. Pearse then came forward and delivered an eloquent and impressive oration, first speaking in Irish. Speaking in English, he said they had come to the holiest place in Ireland, holier to them than that sacred spot where Patrick sleeps in Down. Patrick brought them life, but Wolfe Tone died for them. Though many had testified in death to the truth of Ireland’s claim to Nationhood, Wolfe Tone was the greatest of all that had made that testimony; he was the greatest of Ireland’s dead. They stood in the holiest place in Ireland, for what spot of the Nation’s soil could be holier than the spot in which the greatest of her dead lay buried. He found it difficult to speak in that place, and he knew they all partook of his emotion. There were no strangers there for they were all in a sense own brothers to Tone (hear, hear). They shared his faith, his hope still unrealised and his great love. They had come there that day not merely to salute this noble dust and to pay their homage to the noble spirit of Tone, but to renew their adhesion to the faith of Tone and to express their full acceptance of the gospel of which Tone had given such a clear definition. That gospel had been taught before him by English-speaking men, uttered half-articulately by Shan O’Neill, expressed in some passionate metaphor by Geoffrey Keating, and hinted at by Swift in some bitter jibe, but it was stated definitely and emphatically by Wolfe Tone and it did not need to be ever again stated anew for any new generation. Tone was great in mind, but he was still greater in spirit. He had the clear vision of the prophet; he saw things as they were and saw things as they would be. They owed more to this dead man than they should be ever able to repay him by making pilgrimages to his grave or building the stateliest monuments in the streets of his city. They owed it to him that there was such a thing as Irish Nationalism; to his memory and the memory of ’98 they owed it that there was any manhood left in Ireland (hear, hear). The soul of Wolfe Tone was like a burning flame, a flame so pure, so ardent, so generous, that to come into communion with it was as a new optimism and regeneration. Let them try in some way to get into contact with the spirit of Tone and possess themselves of its ardour. If they could do that it would be a good thing for them and their country, because they would carry away with them a new life from that place of death and there would be a new resurrection of patriotic grace in their souls (hear, hear). Let them think of Tone; think of his boyhood and young manhood in Dublin and in Kildare; think of his adventurous spirit and plans, think of his glorious failure at the bar, and his healthy contempt for what he called a foolish wig and gown, think how the call of Ireland came to him; think how he obeyed that call; think how he put virility into the Catholic movement; think how this heretic toiled to make freemen of Catholic helots (applause). Think how he grew to love the real and historic Irish nation, and then there came to him that clear conception that there must be in Ireland not three nations but one; that Protestant and Dissenter must close in amity with Catholic, and Catholic, Protestant and Dissenter must unite to achieve freedom for all (applause). Let them consider the sacrifices Tone had made; he had to leave so much. Never was there a man who was so richly endowed as he was, he had so much love in his warm heart. He (speaker) would rather have known Tone than any other man of whom he ever read or heard. He never read of any one man who had more in him of the heroic stuff than Tone had; how gaily and gallantly he had set about the doing of a mighty thing. He (speaker) had always loved the very name of Thomas Russell because Tone so loved him. To be Tone’s friend! What a privilege! for Tone had for his friends an immense love, an immense charity. He had such love for his wife and children! But such was the destiny of the heroes of their nation; they had to stifle in their hearts all that love and that sweet music and to follow only the faint voice that called them to the battlefield or to the harder death at the foot of the gibbet. Tone heard that voice and obeyed it and from his grave to-day he was calling on them and they were there to answer his voice; and they pledged themselves to carry out his programme to abolish the connection with England, the never-failing source of political evils and to establish the independence of their country, to abolish the memory of past dissensions, and to replace for the denominations of Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter, the common name of Irishman (applause). In that programme was to be found the whole philosophy of Irish Nationality; that programme included the philosophy of the Gaelic League and of later prophets, and it was to that programme they pledged their adhesion; they pledged it now at the graveside of Tone; they pledged themselves to follow in the steps of Tone, never to rest by day or night until this be accomplished, until Ireland be free (applause); fighting on, not in despondency, but in great joy as Tone fought; prizing it above all privileges, and hoping for the victory in their own day. And if it should be granted to them in this generation to complete the work that Tone’s generation left unaccomplished! But if that was not their destiny, they should fight on still, hoping still, self-sacrificing still, knowing as they must know that causes like this did not lose for ever, and that men like Tone did not die in vain (applause).
The address having concluded, wreaths were placed on the grave by the National Boy Scouts and the Inghanite Na h-Eireann.
During the afternoon an aeridheacht was held in an adjoining field at which music, songs and recitations were contributed, and a thoroughly enjoyable Irish-Ireland evening was spent.
AT THE GRAVE OF WOLFE TONE.
The lifework of Theobald Wolfe Tone, for the subversion of English Government in Ireland, and the supreme sacrifice he made in the mighty effort to erect in its stead an independent Ireland free from all foreign denomination and control, was fittingly commemorated on Sunday last, when the annual pilgrimage took place to Bodenstown Churchyard, where all that is mortal of the great patriot lie buried. The pilgrimage this year was worthy of the cause and the man, and afforded some object lessons in what might be accomplished by a cultivation of those principles of discipline and devotion to duty, in the pursuit of a glorious ideal, which Tone taught and adhered to throughout his adventurous and brilliant career. The well-ordered procession, the ready obedience to the commands of the marshals, the intense earnestness of the multitude, and the display made by the youths–the national boy scouts–their military bearing, and the bands and banners which interspersed the procession as it marched from Sallins to Bodenstown was a spectacle which pleased the eye and stirred the emotions. Everything in connection with the pilgrimage was carried out with a close attention to detail, and military-like precision which must have been very acceptable to the great patriot in whose honour it was organised, were he but permitted to gaze from the great Unknown upon this practical demonstration of the perpetuation of the spirit which animated him and his time, in the struggle against English misrule, and the love and veneration in which he is still held, after the lapse of the century and more that has passed since he made the final sacrifice of his life in the cause of freedom. Tone done to death did not die in vain. The truth of this was evident in the character of the pilgrimage on Sunday last, when all that is best and purest in patriotism in the land assembled at his graveside, to renew fealty to the aims and ideals for which he suffered and died, and to hear the gospel of Irish nationality preached and expounded as he knew and inculcated it in his day. A fusion of forces, and the cultivation of a spirit and bond of brotherhood and friendship amongst Irishmen in the common cause, were his methods to attain the great ideal of a separate and distinct nationality, for then, as to-day, the chief obstacle to freedom and nationhood was not so much English domination in itself, as want of cohesion, faction, and the disruption caused by alien traditions and teachings. This was the prevailing spirit of Sunday’s commemoration, and as the great mass of people filed past in orderly array and knelt, prayed, and laid wreaths on the lonely grave, the solemnity and impressiveness of the occasion was intensified. In the suppressed murmurs, and silent gaze on the tomb of the mighty dead, one could recognise the eagerness and the hope for another Tone to arise to complete the work which he promoted, and vindicate the purity of the motives which moved men like the leaders of ’98 to do and dare for all, and to “substitute the common name of Irishman for Catholic, Protestant, and Dissenter.” The promoters, too, were fortunate in their choice of orator for the occasion. Mr. P.H. Pearse did full justice to the occasion, and in language, beautiful and impressive, pictured the man and his movements and the lessons to be drawn by us to-day from the lifework of leaders in thought and action like Tone. Close and consistent adhesion to principles of patriotism and a readiness of self-sacrifice in the pursuit of those principles, were his distinguishing characteristics all through life, and if we in our time would emulate the example of Tone and his times, we must also be ready when the call came to meet any demand made upon us for the promotion of our national welfare. The orator of the day rightly, in our opinion, described that hallowed spot in Bodenstown as one of the holiest places in Ireland to-day, from the nationalist standpoint, holding as it does the ashes of the man who, without friends, money or influence to help him, and by sheer force of character, intensity of purpose and earnestness, prevailed upon the greatest emperor-general the world has ever seen Napoleon Bonaparte, to make a descent on Ireland, in order to aid our starved, tortured, and persecuted people to shake off the shackles that kept them in slavery, and elevate Ireland once more to the dignity of full, free, and untrammelled nationhood. We are all familiar with the events following this great effort of Tone’s, and the dark chapters that closed a glorious career. All that is mortal of Tone is in the keeping of Kildare, and it is a trust that we feel sure is not alone felt to be a high honour, but which cannot fail to keep the cultivation of a high standard of nationality before the people in whose midst repose the remains of one of Ireland’s greatest sons. Ireland, from the centre to the sea, was represented in Sunday’s great gathering to commemorate the achievements of Wolfe Tone, and the occasion was honoured first by the large and representative character of the throng, secondly by the decorum observed all through the day’s proceedings, and thirdly, by the regularity and precision which attended the entire arrangements. There was just one other feature which must have been very gratifying to those identified with the organisation of the pilgrimage, namely: the large proportion of ladies and young people, coming long distances, who made up the gathering. And they were by no means the least enthusiastic of the throng. This enthusiasm amongst our young people is one of the most encouraging and promising signs of the times, serving as it does to demonstrate the undying spirit of Irish nationality, and the perpetuation of those principles to which Tone devoted his time, talents, and eventually made the supreme sacrifice of his life in having inculcated amongst his people. It is a glorious legacy, and one that has ever been cherished with veneration for the men who left it. He died a martyr to the cause he espoused, but his memory and the cause live. The living blaze he and his co-workers, in the cause of Irish freedom, kindled has never been completely stamped out, and it still smoulders, and has occasionally burst into flame only to be temporarily extinguished in the blood and tears of our bravest and best who never forgot the teachings of Tone. And now, when the sky is bright once more, and every circumstance portends the dawn of a new era, full of hope and promise for the ultimate realisation of those ideals for which thousands of our race have sacrificed their lives, the spark of nationality which, even since Tone’s death, has repeatedly leaped into flame, still glows fitfully to remind us that come what may it remains undying and unquenchable, a beacon to light us on the path to freedom should disappointment and dashed hopes again darken the outlook.
INDEX
Abjuration, oath of, 51.
Absentees, 65, 138, 139.
Acton, Lord, 37.
Adrian, Pope, 13.
Agrarian outrages, 152, 196-202, 210-215. Agriculture, Department of, 161, 163.
Alexander, Pope, 14.
Alfred the Great, 9.
American War of Independence, 63, 72, 73, 83. Anglican Church in Ireland, 27, 28, 60, 143, 144, 236. Anne, Queen, 63.
Arkins, P., 210, 211.
Arklow, battle of, 109.
Armagh, Bishop of, 7.
Ashbourne Act, 159.
Ashtown, Lord, 203, 204.
Asquith, Rt. Hon. H.H., 129, 207.
Athenry founded by Normans, 17.
Balfour, Rt. Hon. Arthur J., 156, 160, 164. Balfour, Rt. Hon. Gerald, 168.
Baltimore, Lord, 38.
Bandon, Lord, 238.
Bannatyne, Mr., 214.
Barcelona, Church at, 243, 244.
Belfast, growth of, 239;
meeting at, 245;
persons employed by Corporation of, 174, 175; University, 176, 193, 205.
Berkeley, Bishop, 120.
Biggar, J.G., 145.
Birrell, Rt. Hon. Augustine, Chief Secretary, 160, 167, 173, 174, 197, 198, 200-205, 211, 216, 236. Bismarck, Prince, 248.
Blake, W., 198.
“Board of Erin,” 184.
Boers, Nationalist sympathy with, 170. Borromeo, San Carlo, 54.
Bossuet, 54.
Bounties granted by Irish Parliament, 80. Boy Scouts, 193.
Boycotting, 86, 148, 149, 153.
Boyne, battle of the, 48.
Brady, J., 145, 146.
Brian Boroo, 8, 9, 19.
Bright, John, 154, 159.
Brook, 57.
Browne estate, 168.
Bruce, Edward, invasion by, 19, 26, 91. Bruce, King Robert, 17, 19, 26.
Bryce, Rt. Hon. James, Chief Secretary, 194, 195, 197. Bulls, Papal, 13-15.
Burke, Mr., Under Secretary, murder of, 146, 153. Busby, Mr., 157.
Butt, Isaac, advocates Home Rule, 145.
Carey, James, 145.
Carlow, rebellion in, 109.
“Carrion Crows,” 202.
Castlebar, capture of by the French, 112. Castledawson outrage, 216, 217.
Castlereagh, Lord, 126, 128.
Catholic University Medical School, 176. Cattle driving, 167, 195-202.
Cavan, raid by septs of, 7.
Cavendish, murder of Lord F., 146, 153. Celts, 5-14, 20, 23, 24, 31.
Charlemont, Lord, 93.
Charles I, 40-42.
Charles II, 44.
Chicago Convention, 155.
Childers, Erskine, 222.
Church, Celtic. See Celts of Ireland. See Anglican Church.
Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston, 209.
Clan-na-gael, 147, 185.
Clare, state of, in 1912, 210-214. Clare, Lord, 81, 84, 85, 111.
Clerkenwell explosion, 143.
Clontarf, battle of, 9.
“Coalition Ministry,” 208.
“Coigne and livery,” 11.
College of Surgeons, Dublin, 176.
Condon, O’Meagher, 96, 184, 185.
Confiscations, 30, 42, 43, 57, 150. Congested Districts Board, 164-168.
Connaught, Celtic raids into, 7;
lands in, given to rebels, 42;
rebellion in, 112.
Conolly, Mr., 215.
Convention in Dublin in 1909, 206, 207, 240. Cooke, Mr., Under Secretary, 111.
Co-operative Credit Banks, 162, 163. Co-operative Farming Societies, 161-163. Cork, Medical School at, 176;
persons employed by County Council of, 175. Corn Laws, repeal of the, 136.
Cornwallis, Lord, 123, 129.
County Councils, 168-178, 191, 193. Covenant, Ulster. See Ulster Covenant.
Cowper Commission, 149.
Crewe, Lord, 201.
Crimes Act of 1887, 157, 158, 194. Crimes Prevention Act, 153, 157.
Croke, Archbishop, 144, 156.
Cromwell and Cromwellians, 38, 42, 44, 57, 66, 67, 106. Crosbie, Mr., 216.
Curley, D., 145, 146.
_Daily News_, 200.
Daly, J., 195.
Danes, 8, 9, 13.
Davies, Sir, J., 5.
Davitt, Michael, 145, 167, 238.
Declaratory Act of George I, 74, 229. Defenders, 87.
Department of Agriculture, 161, 163. Derry, siege of, 47.
Desmond rebellion, 34.
Devlin, J., 96, 146, 182.
Devoy, J., 94, 146.
Dicey, Professor A.V., 228.
Dillon, John, 97, 156, 184, 234.
Dillon estate, 165.
Disestablishment of the Irish Church, 143, 144, 236. Dispensary doctors, appointment of, 176, 177. District Councils, 161, 168, 178.
Down, Celtic raid into, 7.
Dublin, founded by Danes, 8, 9;
Bishopric of, 8, 9;
Henry II at, 16;
Simnel crowned at, 22;
rebellion in neighbourhood of, 104, 109; Convention at, in 1909, 206, 207, 240. Dudley, Lord, 166.
“Dynamite Party,” 147.
Edward III, 20.
Edward VI, 29, 31.
Eighty Club, 162.
Elizabeth, Queen, 4, 27, 28, 33, 48, 91. Emancipation, Roman Catholic, 134.
Emigration, 139, 140.
Emmett, R., 95, 132, 182.
Endowment of R.C. Church proposed, 134. Ersefied Normans, 18, 20.
Esmonde, Dr., 105.
Exchequers, amalgamation of, 135.
“Fair rents,” 150.
Famine. See Potato famine.
Fenianism, 142, 144, 145, 147.
Feudal system, 14, 26.
Firbolgs, 5.
FitzGerald rebellion, 25, 27, 31.
FitzGibbon, J., 167, 171.
Fitzpatrick, case of Mrs., 210, 211. Fiudir, 11.
Flax. See Linen.
“Flight of the Earls,” 36.
Ford, Patrick, 146, 152, 154, 155. Forster, Rt. Hon. W.E., Chief Secretary, 148. Foster, Speaker, 126.
France, persecution in, 30, 37, 38, 45-48; war with, 72, 73;
religious thought in, 76;
revolution in, 87, 101, 236;
invasions by, 91, 92, 111, 112.
Franklin, Benjamin, 73.
Fraser, Mrs. Hugh, 244.
_Freeman’s Journal_, 170, 241.
_Frontier Sentinel_, 2.
Gaelic League, 186-193.
Galway, founded by Normans, 17;
Medical School at, 176;
persons employed by County Council of, 175; state of, in 1912, 215.
Games, English, forbidden, 193.
Gaughran, Bishop, 4.
Gavelkind, 11, 12.
General Council of County Councils, 172, 173, 186. George III, 68.
Germany, persecution in, 37, 38;
Nationalist hopes of aid from, 93, 98, 99. Ginnell, L., 196, 245.
Gladstone, Rt. Hon. W.E., 6, 95, 143, 148, 150, 152-155, 179.
Grand juries, 178.
Grattan, 74-77, 93, 100, 120, 126. “Grievances from Ireland,” 203.
Gwynn, Stephen, 174.
Habeus Corpus, suppression of, 69.
Henry II, 14, 15, 20, 36.
Henry VII, 22.
Henry VIII, 24, 26, 28, 29.
Hibernians, Ancient Order of, 184, 216. Hobhouse, Rt. Hon. C.E., 208.
Hobson, B., 98.
Holland, intended invasion from, 101, 102. Home Rule, 145, 155.
Home Rule Bill, of 1886, 154;
of 1893, 179, 221;
of 1912, 208, 218-231, 245.
Huguenots, 30, 45, 47, 55.
Hyde, Dr. Douglas, 97.
Incumbered Estates Act, 138, 150.
Independence of Ireland real object of Nationalists, 173,181, 182, 185, 186, 241, 242, 246-248.
And see Republic.
Ingram, Dr. Dunbar on the Union, 118-129. Insurance Act, 1911, 185.
“Invincibles,” the, 147.
Irish Agricultural Organization Society, 161, 162. Irish brigade in France, 92.
_Irish Freedom_, 94.
_Irish Independent_, 243.
Irish language, 186-193.
_Irish Review_, 188.
Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood, 145, 147. “Irish services,” 227.
Jacobinism, 87, 89, 101, 236.
James I, 38, 40.
James II, 43, 44, 47, 49-51.
Jews, persecution of the, 58.
Kabyles, 55.
Kenny, Mr. Justice, 197.
Kettle, A.J., 183.
Kettle, T.M., 97.
Kickham, 95.
Kildare, church burnt at, 7;
rebellion in, 105.
Kilkenny, founded by Normans, 17;
statutes of, 20;
rebellion in, 109.
Killala, French landing at, 111.
Killaloe, R.C. Bishop of, 212-214. Kiltimagh case, 177.
King, title of, taken by Henry VIII, 27. Kings, Celtic, of Ireland, 10.
King’s County, plantation of, 29, 30; persons employed by County Council of, 175.
Labourer’s Cottages Act, 160, 161.
Lalor, J.F., 141, 142, 153, 172.
Land Acts from 1870 to 1887, 140, 150-152, 159. Land Court, 150, 197.
Land League, 147, 148, 152, 181, 182. Land Purchase Acts, 158, 159.
Land tenure, tribal, 6;
primogeniture, 11, 12;
gavelkind, 11, 12;
in the 18th century, 65, 66.
Laws of England, attempted introduction of, 18; made binding in Ireland, 22.
Lecky, Dr. W.E.H., 41, 44, 110, 117, 130, 247. _Leinster Leader_, 95, 249.
Leitrim, raid by septs of, 7.
Leo XIII, Pope, 242.
Light Railways Act, 160.
Limerick, founded by Danes, 8;
Scotch invasion of, 19;
church windows broken at, 216.
Linen industry, 62, 63, 238, 239.
Local Government Act, 1898, 168-178, 180, 240. Loise, persecution in the, 28.
Louis XIV, 43, 45-48, 53.
Louis XVI, 101, 102.
MacAlpine, Kennett, 9.
McBride, Major, 98, 99.
MacDonnell, Lord, 166.
McKenna, Thomas, 79, 126.
McNicholas, Rev. J.T., 85.
MacSeamus, T., 188.
Magdeburg, sacking of, 42.
Magistrates, appointment of, 179, 180. Magnus, Sir P., 205.
Mahan, Admiral, 248.
“Manchester Martyrs,” 96-98, 144, 145, 192. Maori customary claims, 39.
Marriage, law of R.C. Church as to, 85. Maryborough, 30.
Maryland, 38.
Mayo County Council, 170.
Maunsell, R., 214.
Maynooth, foundation of, 88, 204.
Metropolitan Police Act, 157.
“Middlemen,” 65.
_Midland Tribune_, 234.
Mitchell, J., 95, 97, 142.
“Molly Maguires,” 184.
Morley, Rt. Hon. John, Chief Secretary, 165, 179. Mountcashel, Lord, 53.
Munster, raid by men of, 7.
Murphy, Father Michael, 109.
Mutiny Act, 74.
Nantes, revocation of Edict of, 30, 38, 45-48. Napoleon, 91.
“Nation,” meaning of word, 222.
National University, 191, 192, 205, 206. Nationalists, real objects of, 3, 93-99, 248. And see Independence; Republic.
Netherlands, persecution in the, 4, 33, 34. New Zealand, 39, 157, 218-220, 241.
Nolan, Professor, 242.
“No Rent” proclamation, 153, 156.
Normans, character of, 17;
adoption of Celtic customs by, 18; rebellions by, 23-25, 33, 34, 36.
Oakboys, 69.
O’Brien, Smith, 96, 140.
O’Brien, William, 95.
O’Connell, Daniel, misstatements by, as to the Union, 116; leads agitation for emancipation, 134; and for repeal, 140.
O’Connor, T.P., 146.
O’Donnell, Bishop, 165.
O’Hara, Rev. D., 165.
O’Mahony, Mr., 41.
O’Mara, Mrs., 213.
O’Neill, Shan, 33, 34, 39.
Orange Society, foundation of, 90, 91. Outrages, Agrarian. See Agrarian outrages.
Pale, the English, 20-22, 24, 25, 31. Parliament, Irish, 21-24, 35, 63-65, 69-71; becomes independent, 74, 77-79;
disqualification of votes for, abolished, 84; religious test for, not abolished, 84, 87; proposed reform of, 87, 88;
criticized, 130, 131.
See also Regency question.
Parnell, C.S., 95, 96, 145, 156, 232. Parnell Commission, 147.
Paul III, Pope, 26.
Peel, Sir Robert, 122, 205.
“Peep of Day Boys,” 87, 90.
Penal Laws, the, 49-58, 63, 70, 72, 79, 82, 83. Persecution, 4, 23, 32, 37, 38, 40, 43, 45-48, 52-54, 242.
Philip and Mary, 29, 39.
Philip II of Spain, 28, 32, 33, 91. Philipstown, 30.
“Physical Force Party,” the, 147.
Pitt, William, commercial treaty proposed by, 78; views of, on the Union, 122.
Pius V, Pope, 37.
“Plan of Campaign,” the, 155.
“Plantations,” 30, 31, 33, 38.
Plowden, F., 126.
Plunket, Lord, 132.
Plunkett, Rt. Hon. Sir Horace, 161. Portugal, persecution in, 37, 48, 53.
Potato famine, 136, 137, 139.
Poyning’s Act, 22, 74, 229.
Pretender, the, 50, 51.
Primogeniture, 11, 12.
Prosperous, attack on the, 105.
“Protestant ascendancy,” 59, 101.
Protestant Home Rulers, 233, 234.
Puritans, 40, 42.
Queen’s County, plantation of, 29, 30. Queen’s University, 205.
Quakers, emigration aided by, 139.
Raffeisen system, 162.
Rebellion of 1641, 40-42.
Rebellions of 1715 and 1745, 52.
Rebellion of 1798, rise of, in Ulster, 86, 102; becomes religious, 103, 105;
in Leinster, 104, 105;
in Wexford, 105-108, 110;
in Kilkenny, Carlow and Wicklow, 109; in Connaught, 112;
amnesty after, 109;
effects of, 114.
Rebellion of 1805, 132.
Redmond, John, 95, 146, 162, 169, 171, 174, 175, 199, 201, 207-209, 215.
Redmond, William, 107, 108.
Reformation, 26-28.
Regency question, 80-82.
Registration of Titles Act, 1891, 160. Rent, agitation against, 148, 153, 154. Repeal Association, statement by, as to Rebellion, 108. “Reserved Services,” 227.
Republic, rebels of 1798 sought to establish, 93; object of Nationalists, 94-99, 147, 248. And see Independence.
Richard II, 20.
Richey, Professor, 12, 13, 21, 24. _Rosary, The_, 242.
Rosen, Conrade de, 47.
Ross, Mr. Justice, 168, 197.
Rossa, O’Donovan, 146.
Royal University, 205.
Russell, Rt. Hon. T.W., 163.
Saffron dress, 19, 192.
St. Vincent, Cape, 102.
Savoy, persecution in, 37, 45, 48, 54. Salisbury, Lord, 154.
Scholarships, 191, 192.
Scotland, Norman kingdom of, 17;
invasion of Ireland from, 19, 33; Union of, with England, 63, 119, 120.
Scott, Sir Walter, 237.
Scullabogue barn, massacre at, 110. Scully, Mr., 204.
Settlement, Act of, 43-45.
Separation. See Independence;
Republic.
Sevigne, Madame de, 46, 47.
Simnel, Lambert, 22, 82.
Sinn Fein, 185, 186.
Slave trade, 58.
Smith, Adam, 120.
Societies, secret, 68, 69, 181.
Spain, 27, 28, 30, 32, 34, 37, 40, 48, 53, 55, 72, 76, 101.
Spenser, Edmund, 35.
“Steelboys,” 69.
Sullivan, A.M., 136, 137, 140.
Swayne, Captain, 105.
Sweetman, J., 186.
Tithes, 68, 69, 134, 135.
Tone, Wolfe, 89, 91-97, 101, 102, 111, 112, 121, 182, 193, 218, 249-258.
Trade, restrictions on Irish, 63, 64; abolition of, 74,
Tribal tenure of land, 6.
Trinity College, Dublin, 70, 176.
Tyrconnell, flight of Earl of, 36. Tyrone, raid by men of, 7.
Tyrone, flight of Earl of, 36.
Tyrrell, Father, 5.
Ulster Covenant, 1, 235.
Ulster, Scotch invasion of, 19, 33; plantation of, 39;
rebellion of 1641 in, 41;
volunteer movement in, 72, 102, 237; rebellion of 1798 in, 86, 102.
Union, suggested in time of Queen Anne, 63; necessity of, seen by Pitt, 78;
became probable in 1797, 100;
rebellion made inevitable, 115;
mis-statements as to, 116;
feelings of people as to, 117, 118; previous efforts towards, 119;
really caused by Parliament becoming independent, 120-123; proposed, 123;
discussed, 124;
approved by R.C. Church, 125;
carried, 126;
charges of bribery concerning, 127-129; cannot now be reversed, 130;
prosperity of Ireland after, 133. United Irish League, 163, 166, 167, 171, 180-183, 203, 235, 245.
United Irish Society, 87, 88, 91.
Universities. See Trinity College, Dublin; Queen’s University;
Royal University;
Belfast University;
National University.
University College, Cork, 205;
Galway, 205.
Victoria, Queen, 39.
Vinegar Hill, massacre at, 105-107. Volunteer movement, 72, 102, 237.
Waitangi, Treaty of, 39.
Waldenses, persecution of, 43, 53. Walsh, T., 195.
Waterford, founded by Danes, 8;
Henry II lands at, 16.
Waterford Corporation and Mr. Scully, 204. Westmeath, persons employed by County Council of, 175. Wexford, raid by men of, 7;
landing of Spaniards at, 34;
rebellion in, 105-107, 110;
monuments of rebels in, 108.
White, P., 195.
Whiteboys, 69.
William III, 47.
Wolfe, memorial to General, 243, 244. Wolseley, letter from Lord, 246.
Wright, Mr. Justice, 182.
Wyndham Act, 159.
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