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“Mature facto” seems to include the notions both of promptitude and vigor, of force as well as speed; for what would be the use of acting expeditiously, unless expedition be attended with power and effect?

[13] Each–_Utrumque_. The corporeal and mental faculties.

[14] The one requires the assistance of the other–_Alterum alterius auxilio eget_. “_Eget_,” says Cortius, “is the reading of all the MSS.” _Veget_, which Havercamp and some others have adopted, was the conjecture of Palmerius, on account of _indigens_ occurring in the same sentence. But _eget_ agrees far better with _consulto et–mature facto opus est_, in the preceding sentence.

[15] II. Applied themselves in different ways–_Diversi_. “Modo et instituto diverso, diversa sequentes.” _Cortius_.

[16] At that period, however–_Et jam tum_. “Tunc temporis _praecise_, at that time _precisely_, which is the force of the particle _jam_. as donatus shows. I have therefore written _et jam_ separately. Virg. Aen. vii. 737. Late _jam tum_ ditione premebat Sarrastes populos.” _Cortius_.

[17] Without covetousness–Sine cupiditate_. “As in the famous golden age. See Tacit. Ann. iii. 28.” _Cortius_. See also Ovid. Met. i. 80, _seq_. But “such times were never,” as Cowper says.

[18] But after Cyrus in Asia, etc.–_Postea vero quam in, Asia Cyrus_, etc. Sallust writes as if he had supposed that kings were more moderate before the time of Cyrus. But this can hardly have been the case. “The Romans,” says De Brosses, whose words I abridge, “though not learned in antiquity, could not have been ignorant that there were great conquerors before Cyrus; as Ninus and Sesostris. But as their reigns belonged rather to the fabulous ages, Sallust, in entering upon a serious history, wished to confine himself to what was certain, and went no further back than the records of Herodotus and Thucydides.” Ninus, says Justin. i. 1, was the first to change, through inordinate ambition, the _veterem et quasi avitum gentibus morem_, that is, to break through the settled restraints of law and order. Gerlach agrees in opinion with De Brosses.

[19] Proof and experience–_Periculo atque negotiis_. Gronovius rightly interprets _periculo_ “experiundo, experimentis,” by experiment or trial. Cortius takes _periculo atque negotiis_ for _periculosis negotiis_, by hendyadys; but to this figure, as Kritzius remarks, we ought but sparingly to have recourse. It is better, he adds, to take the words in their ordinary signification, understanding by _negotia_ “res graviores.” Bernouf judiciously explains _negotiis_ by “ipsa negotiorum tractatione,” _i. e._ by the management of affairs, or by experience in affairs. Dureau Delamalle, the French translator, has “l’experience et la pratique.” Mair has “trial and experience.” which, I believe, faithfully expresses Sallust’s meaning. Rose gives only “experience” for both words.

[20] And, indeed, if the intellectual ability, etc.–_Quod si–animi virtus_, etc. “Quod si” can not here be rendered _but if;_ it is rather equivalent to _quapropter si_, and might be expressed by _wherefore if, if therefore, if then, so that if_.

[21] Intellectual ability–_Animi virtus_. See the remarks on _virtus_, above noted.

[22] Magistrates–_Imperatorum_. “Understand all who govern states, whether in war or in peace.” _Bernouf_. Sallust calls the consuls _imperatores_, c. 6.

[23] Governments shifted from hand to hand–_aliud alio ferri_. Evidently alluding to changes in government.

[24] Less to the more deserving–_Ad optimum quemque a minus bono_. “From the less good to the best.”

[25] Even in agriculture, etc.–_Quae homines arant, navigant, aedificant, virtuti omnia parent_. Literally, _what men plow, sail_, etc. Sallust’s meaning is, that agriculture, navigation, and architecture, though they may seem to be effected by mere bodily exertion, are as much the result of mental power as the highest of human pursuits.

[26] Like travelers in a strange country–_Sicuti peregrinantes_. “Vivere nesciunt; igitur in vita quasi hospites sunt:” they know not how to use life, and are therefore, as it were, strangers in it. _Dietsch_. “_Peregrinantes_, qui, qua transeunt, nullum sui vestigium relinquunt;” they are as travelers who do nothing to leave any trace of their course. Pappaur.

[27] Of these I hold the life and death in equal estimation–_Eorum ego vitam mortemque juxta aestimo_. I count them of the same value dead as alive, for they are honored in the one state as much as in the other. “Those who are devoted to the gratification of their appetites,” as Sallust says, “let us regard as inferior animals, not as men; and some, indeed, not as living, but as dead animals.” Seneca, Ep. lx.

[28] III. Not without merit–_Haud absurdum_. I have borrowed this expression from Rose, to whom Muretus furnished “sua laude non caret.” “The word _absurdus_ is often used by the Latins as an epithet for sounds disagreeable to the ear; but at length it came to be applied to any action unbecoming a rational being.” _Kunhardt_.

[29] Deeds must be adequately represented, etc.–_Facta dictis sunt exaequanda_. Most translators have regarded these words as signifying _that the subject must be equaled by the style_. But it is not of mere style that Sallust is speaking. “He means that the matter must be so represented by the words, that honorable actions may not be too much praised, and that dishonorable actions may not be too much blamed; and that the reader may at once understand what was done and how it was done.” _Kunhardt_.

[30] Every one hears with acquiescence, etc.–_Quae sibi–aequo animo accipit_, etc. This is taken from Thucydides, ii. 35. “For praises spoken of others are only endured so far as each one thinks that he is himself also capable of doing any of the things he hears; but that which exceeds their own capacity, men at once envy and disbelieve.” Dale’s Translation: Bohn’s Classical Library.

[31] Regards as fictitious and incredible–_Veluti ficta, pro falsis ducit. Ducit pro falsis_, he considers as false or incredible, _veluti ficta_, as if invented.

[32] When a young man–_Adolescentulus_. “It is generally admitted that all were called _adolescentes_ by the Romans, who were between the fifteenth or seventeenth year of their age and the fortieth. The diminutive is used in the same sense, but with a view to contrast more strongly the ardor and spirit of youth with the moderation, prudence, and experience of age. So Caesar is called _adolescentulus_, in c. 49, at a time when he was in his thirty-third year.” _Dietsch_. And Cicero, referring to the time of his consulship, says, _Defendi rempublicam adolescens_, Philipp. ii. 46.

[33] To engage in political affairs–_Ad rempublicam_. “In the phrase of Cornelius Nepos, _honoribus operam dedi_, I sought to obtain some share in the management of the Republic. All public matters were comprehended under the term _Respublica_.” _Cortius_.

[34] Integrity–_Virtute_. Cortius rightly explains this word as meaning_justice, equity_, and all other virtues necessary in those who manage the affairs of a state. Observe that it is here opposed to _avaritia_, not, as some critics would have it, to _largitio_.

[35] Was ensnared and infected–_Corrupta, tenebatur_. As _obsessus tenetur_, Jug., c. 24.

[36] The same eagerness for honors, the same obloquy and jealousy, etc.–_Honoris cupido eadem quae caeteros, fama atque invidia vexabat_. I follow the interpretation of Cortius: “Me vexabat honoris cupido, et vexabat _propterea_ etiam eadem, quae caeteros, fama atqua invidia.” He adds, from a gloss in the Guelferbytan MS., that it is a _zeugma_. “_Fama atque invidia_,” says Gronovius, “is [Greek: _en dia duoin_], for _invidiosa et maligna fama_.” Bernouf, with Zanchius and others, read _fama atque invidia_ in the ablative case; and the Bipont edition has _eadem qua–fama, etc._; but the method of Cortius is, to me, by far the most straightforward and satisfactory. Sallust, observes De Brosses, in his note on this passage, wrote the account of Catiline’s conspiracy shortly after his expulsion from the Senate, and wishes to make it appear that he suffered from calumny on the occasion; though he took no trouble, in the subsequent part of his life, to put such calumny to silence.

[37] IV. Servile occupations–agriculture or hunting–_Agrum colendo, aut venando, servilibus officiis intentum_. By calling agriculture and hunting _servilia officia_, Sallust intends, as is remarked by Graswinckelius, little more than was expressed in the saying of Julian the emperor, _Turpe est sapienti, cum habeat animum, captare laudes ex corpore_. “Ita ergo,” adds the commentator, “agricultura et venatio servilio officia sunt, quum in solo consistant corporis usu, animum, vero nec meliorem nec prudentiorem reddant. Quia labor in se certe est illiberalis, ei praesertim cui facultas sit ad meliora.” Symmachus (1 v. Ep. 66) and some others, whose remarks the reader may see in Havercamp, think that Sallust might have spoken of hunting and agriculture with more respect, and accuse him of not remembering, with sufficient veneration, the kings and princes that have amused themselves in hunting, and such illustrious plowmen as Curius and Cincinnatus. Sallust, however, is sufficiently defended from censure by the Abbe Thyvon, in a dissertation much longer than the subject deserves, and much longer than most readers are willing to peruse.

[38] Returning to those studies, etc.–_A quo incepto studio me ambitio mala detinuerat, eodem regressus_. “The study, namely, of writing history, to which he signifies that he was attached in c. 3.” _Cortius_.

[39] In detached portions–_Carptim_. “Plin. Ep. viii., 47: Respondebis non posse perinde _carptim_, ut _contexta_ placere: et vi. 22: Egit _carptim_ et [Greek: _kata kephulaia_],” _Dietsch_.

[40] V. Of noble birth–_Nobili genere natus_. His three names were Lucius _Sergius_ Catilina, he being of the family of the Sergii, for whose antiquity Virgil is responsible, Aen. v. 121: _Sergestusque, domus tenet a quo Sergia nomen_. And Juvenal says, Sat. viii. 321: _Quid, Catilino, tuis natalibus atque Cethegi Inveniet quisquam sublimius?_ His great grandfather, L. Sergius Silus, had eminently distinguished himself by his services in the second Punic war. See Plin. Hist. Nat. vii. 29. “Catiline was born A.U.C. 647, A.C. 107.” _Dietsch_. Ammianus Marcellinus (lib. xxv.) says that he was the last of the Sergii.

[41] _Sedition–Discordia civilis_.

[42] And in such scenes he had spent his early years–_Ibique juventutem suam exercuit_. “It is to be observed that the Roman writers often used an adverb, where we, of modern times, should express ourselves more specifically by using a noun.” _Dietsch_ on c. 3, _ibique multa mihi advorsa fuere_. _Juventus_ properly signified the time between thirty and forty-five years of age; _adolescentia_ that between fifteen and thirty. But this distinction was not always accurately observed. Catiline had taken an active part in supporting Sylla, and in carrying into execution his cruel proscriptions and mandates. “Quis erat hujus (Syllae) imperii minister? Quis nisi Catilina jam in omne facinus manus exercens?” Sen. de Ira, iii. 18.

[43] Capable of pretending or dissembling whatever he wished –_Cujuslibet, rei simulator ac dissimulator_. “Dissimulation is the negative, when a man lets fall signs and arguments, that he is not that he is; simulation is the affirmative, when a man industriously and expressly feigns and pretends to be that he is not.” Bacon, Essay vi.

[44] Abundance of eloquence–_Satis eloquentiae_. Cortius reads _loquentiae_ “_Loquentia_ is a certain facility of speech not necessarily attended with sound sense; called by the Greeks [Greek: _lalia_].” _Bernouf_. “Julius Candidus used excellently to observe that _eloquentia_ was one thing, and _loquentia_ another; for eloquence is given to few, but what Candidus called _loquentia_, or fluency of speech, is the talent of many, and especially of the most impudent.” Plin. Ep. v. 20. But _eloquentiae_ is the reading of most of the MSS., and _loquentiae_, if Aulus Gellius (i. 15) was rightly informed, was a correction of Valerius Probus, the grammarian, who said that Sallust _must_ have written so, as _eloquentiae_ could not agree with _sapientiae parum_. This opinion of Probus, the grammarian, who said that Sallust _must_ have written so, as _eloquentiae_ could not agree with _sapientiae parum_. This opinion of Probus, however, may be questioned. May not Sallust have written _eloquentiae_, with the intention of signifying that Catiline had abundance of eloquence to work on the minds of others, though he wanted prudence to regulate his own conduct? Have there not been other men of whom the same may be said, as Mirabeau, for example? The speeches that Sallust puts into Catiline’s mouth (c. 20, 58) are surely to be characterized rather as _eloquentia_, than _loquentia_. On the whole, and especially from the concurrence of MSS., I prefer to read _eloquentiae_, with the more recent editors, Gerlach, Kritz and Dietsch.

[45] Since the time of Sylla’s dictatorship–_Post dominationem Lucii Syllae_. “The meaning is not the same as if it were _finita dominatione_ but is the same as _ab eo tempore quo dominari caeperat_. In French, therefore, _post_ should be rendered by _depuis_, not, as it is commonly translated, _apres_.” _Bernouf_. As _dictator_ was the title that Sylla assumed, I have translated _dominatio_, “dictatorship”. Rose, Gordon, and others, render it “usurpation”.

[46] Power–_Regnum_. Chief authority, rule, dominion.

[47] Rendered thoroughly depraved–_Vexabant_. “Corrumpere et pessundare studebant.” _Bernouf_. _Quos vexabant_, be it observed, refers to _mores_, as Gerlach and Kritz interpret, not to _cives_ understood in _civitatis_, which is the evidently erroneous method of Cortius.

[48] Conduct of our ancestors–_Instituta majorum_. The principles adopted by our ancestors, with regard both to their own conduct, and to the management of the state. That this is the meaning, is evident from the following account.

[49] VI. As I understand–_Sicuti ego accepi_. “By these words he plainly shows that nothing certain was known about the origin of Rome. The reader may consult Livy, lib. i.; Justin, lib. xliii.; and Dionys. Halicar., lib.i.; all of whom attribute its rise to the Trojans.” _Bernouf_.

[50] Aborigines–_Aborigines_. The original inhabitants of Italy; the same as _indigenae_, or the [Greek: _Autochthones_].

[51]: Almost incredible–_Incredibile memoratu_. “Non credi potest, si memoratur; superat omnem fidem.” _Pappaur_. Yet that which actually happened, can not be absolutely incredible; and I have, therefore, inserted _almost_.

[52] Prepared with alacrity for there defense–_Festinare, parare_. “Made haste, prepared.” “_Intenti ut festinanter pararent_ ea, quae defensioni aut bello usui essent.” _Pappaur_.

[53] Procured friendships rather by bestowing, etc;–_Magisque dandis, quam accipiundis beneficiis amicitias parabant_. Thucyd. ii., 40: [Greek: _Ou paschontes eu, alla drontes, ktometha tous philous_]

[54] FATHERS–PATRES. “(Romulus) appointed that the direction of the state should be in the hands of the old men, who, from their authority, were called _Fathers_; from their age, _Senatus_.” Florus, i. 1. _Senatus_ from _senex_. “_Patres_ ab honore–appellati.” _Livy_.

[55] Two magistrates–_Binos imperatores_. The two consuls. They were more properly called _imperatores_ at first, when the law, which settled their power, said “_Regio imperio_ duo sunto” (Cic. de Legg. iii. 4), than afterward, when the people and tribunes had made encroachments on their authority.

[56] VII. Almost incredible–_Incredibile memoratu_. See above, c. 6.

[57] Able to bear the toils of war–_Laboris ac belli patiens_. As by _laboris_ the labor of war is evidently intended, I have thought it better to render the words in this manner. The reading is Cortius’. Havercamp and others have “simul _ac belli_ patiens erat, in castris _per laborem usu_ militiam discebat;” but _per laborem usu_ is assuredly not the hand of Sallust.

[58] Honor and true nobility–_Bonam famam magnamque nobilitatem_.

[59] VIII. Very great and glorious–_Satis amplae magnificaeque_. In speaking of this amplification of the Athenian exploits, he alludes, as Colerus observes, to the histories of Thucydides, Xenophen, and perhaps Herodotus; not, as Wasse seems to imagine, to the representations of the poets.

[60] There was never any such abundance of writers–_Nunquam ea copia fuit_. I follow Kuhnhardt, who thinks _copia_ equivalent to _multitudo_. Others render it _advantage_, or something similar; which seems less applicable to the passage. Compare c.28: _Latrones_–_quorum_–magna copia _erat_.

[61] Chose to act rather than narrate–“For,” as Cicero says, “neither among those who are engaged in establishing a state, nor among those carrying on wars, nor among those who are curbed and restrained under the rule of kings, is the desire of distinction in eloquence wont to arise.” _Graswinckelius_.

[62] IX. Pressed by the enemy–_Pulsi_. In the words _pulsi loco cedere ausi erant_, _loco_ is to be joined, as Dietsch observes, with cedere_, not, as Kritzius puts it, with _pulsi_. “To retreat,” adds Dietsch, “is disgraceful only to those _qui ab hostibus se pelli patiantur_, who suffer themselves to be _repulsed by the enemy_.”

[63] X. When mighty princes had been vanquished in war–Perses, Antiochus, Mithridates, Tigranes, and others.

[64] To keep one thing concealed in the breast, and another ready on the tongue–_Aliud clausum in pectore, aliud in lingua promptum,

[Greek: Echthros gar moi keinos homos Aidao pulaesin. Os ch’ eteron men keuthei eni phresin, allo de Bazei.]

Who dares think one thing, and another tell, My heart detests him as the gates of hell. _Pope_.

[65] XI. At first, however, it was ambition, rather than avarice, etc.–_Sed primo magis ambitio quam avaritia animos hominum exercebat_. Sallust has been accused of having made, in this passage, an assertion at variance with what he had said before (c.10), _Igitur primo pecuniae, deinde imperii cupido, crevit_, and it will be hard to prove that the accusation is not just. Sir H. Steuart, indeed, endeavors to reconcile the passages by giving them the following “meaning”, which, he says, “seems perfectly evident”: “Although avarice was the first to make its appearance at Rome, yet, after both had had existence, it was ambition that, of the two vices, laid the stronger hold on the minds of men, and more speedily grew to an inordinate height”. To me, however, it “seems perfectly evident” that the Latin can be made to yield no such “meaning”. “How these passages agree,” says Rupertus, “I do not understand: unless we suppose that Sallust, by the word _primo_, does not always signify order”.

[66] Enervates whatever is manly in body or mind–_Corpus virilemque animum effaeminat_. That avarice weakens the mind, is generally admitted. But how does it weaken the body? The most satisfactory answer to this question is, in the opinion of Aulus Gellius (iii. 1), that those who are intent on getting riches devote themselves to sedentary pursuits, as those of usurers and money-changers, neglecting all such exercises and employments as strengthen the body. There is, however, another explanation by Valerius Probus, given in the same chapter of Aulus Gellius, which perhaps is the true one; namely, that Sallust, by _body and mind_, intended merely to signify _the whole man_.

[67] Having recovered the government–_Recepta republica_. Having wrested it from the hands of Marius and his party.

[68] All became robbers and plunderers–_Rapere omnes, trahere_. He means that there was a general indulgence in plunder among Sylla’s party, and among all who, in whatever character, could profit by supporting it. Thus he says immediately afterward, “neque modum neque modestiam _victores_ habere.”

[69] which he had commanded in Asia–_Quem in Asia dustaverat_. I have here deserted Cortius, who gives _in Asiam_, “into Asia,” but this, as Bernouf justly observes, is incompatible with the frequentative verb _ductaverat_.

[70] in public edifices and private dwellings–_Privatim ac publice_. I have translated this according to the notion of Burnouf. Others, as Dietsch and Pappaur, consider _privatim_ as signifying _each on his own account_, and _publice_, _in the name of the Republic_.

[71] XII. A life of innocence was regarded as a life of ill-nature –_Innocentia pro malivolentia duci caepit_. “Whoever continued honest and upright, was considered by the unprincipled around him as their enemy; for a good man among the bad can never be regarded as of their party.” _Bernouf_.

[72] It furnishes much matter for reflection–_Operae pretium est_.

[73] Basest of mankind–_Ignavissumi mortales_. It is opposed to _fortissumi viri_, which follows, “Qui nec fortiter nec bene quidquam fecere.” _Cortius_.

[74] XIII. Seas covered with edifices–_Maria constructa esse_.

Contracta pisces aequora sentiunt,
_Jactis in altum molibus_, etc. Hor. Od., iii. 1.

–The haughty lord, who lays
His deep foundations in the seas,
And scorns earth’s narrow bound;
The fish affrighted feel their waves Contracted by his numerous slaves,
Even in the vast profound. _Francis_.

[75] To have made a sport of their wealth–_Quibus mihi videntur ledibrio fuisse divitiae_. “They spent their riches on objects which, in the judgment of men of sense, are ridiculous and contemptible.” _Cortius_.

[76] Luxury–_Cultus_. “Deliciarum in victu_, luxuries of the table; for we must be careful not to suppose that apparel is meant.” _Cortius_.

[77] Cold–_Frigus_. It is mentioned by Cortius that this word is wanting in one MS.; and the English reader may possibly wish that it were away altogether. Cortius refers it to cool places built of stone, sometimes underground, to which the luxurious retired in the hot weather; and he cites Pliny, Ep., v. 6, who speaks of _crytoporticus_, a gallery from which the sun was excluded, almost as if it were underground, and which, even in summer was cold nearly to freezing. He also refers to Ambros., Epist. xii., and Casaubon. Ad Spartian. Adrian., c. x., p. 87.

[78] XIV. Gaming–_Manu_. Gerlach, Dietsch, Kritzius, and all the recent editors, agree to interpret _manu_ by _gaming_.

[79] Assassins–_Parricidae_. “Not only he who had killed his father was called a _parricide_, but he who had killed any man; as is evident from a law of Numa Pompilius: If any one unlawfully and knowingly bring a free man to death, let him be _a parricide_.” _Festus_ sub voce _Parrici_.

[80] Than from any evidence of the fact–_Quam quod cuiquam id compertum foret_.

[81] XV. With a virgin of noble birth–_Cum virgine nobili_. Who this was is not known. The name may have been suppressed from respect to her family. If what is found in a fragment of Cicero be true, Catiline had an illicit connection with some female, and afterward married the daughter who was the fruit of the connection: _Ex eodem stupro et uxorem et filiam invenisti_; Orat. in Tog. Cand. (Oration xvi., Ernesti’s edit.) On which words Asconius Pedianus makes this comment: “Dicitur Catilinam adulterium commisisse cum ea quae ci postea socrus fuit, et ex eo stupro duxisse uxorem, cum filia ejus esset. Haec Lucceius quoque Catilinae objecit in orationibus, quas in eum scripsit. Nomina harum mulierum nondum inveni.” Plutarch, too (Life of Cicero, c. 10), says that Catiline was accused of having corrupted his own daughter.

[82] With a priestess of Vesta–_Cum sacerdote Vestae_. This priestess of Vesta was Fabia Terentia, sister to Terentia, Cicero’s wife, whom Sallust, after she was divorced by Cicero, married. Clodius accused her, but she was acquitted, either because she was thought innocent, or because the interest of Catulus and others, who exerted themselves in her favor, procured her acquittal. See Orosius, vi. 3; the Oration of Cicero, quoted in the preceding note; and Asconius’s commentary on it.

[83] Aurelia Orestilla–See c. 35. She was the sister or daughter, as De Brosses thinks, of Cneius Aurelius Orestis, who had been praetor, A.U.C. 677.

[84] A grown-up step-son–_Privignum adulta aetate_. A son of Catiline’s by a former marriage.

[85] Desolate his tortured spirit–_Mentem exciteam vastabat_. “Conscience desolates the mind, when it deprives it of its proper power and tranquillity, and introduces into it perpetual disquietude.” _Cortius_. Many editions have _vexabat_.

[86] XVI. He furnished false witnesses, etc. _Testis signatoresque falsos commodare_. “If any one wanted any such character, Catiline was ready to supply him from among his troop.”_Bernouf_.

[87] Inoffensive persons, etc.–_Insontes, sicuti sontes._ Most translators have rendered these words “innocent” and “guilty,” terms which suggest nothing satisfactory to the English reader. The _insontes_ are those who had given Catiline no cause of offens; the _sontes_ those who had in some way incurred his displeasure, or become objects of his rapacity.

[88] Veterans of Sylla, etc.–Elsewhere called the colonists of Sylla; men to whom Sylla had given large tracts of land as rewards for their services, but who, having lived extravagantly, had fallen into such debt and distress, that, as Cicero said, nothing could relieve them but the resurrection of Sylla from the dead. Cic. ii. Orat. in Cat.

[89] Pompey was fighting in a distant part of the world–_In extremis terris_. Pompey was then conducting the war against Mithridates and Tigranes, in Pontus and Armenia.

[90] The senate was wholly off its guard–_Senatus nihil sane intentus_. The senate was _regardless_, and unsuspicious of any danger.

[91] XVII. Lucius Caesar–He was a relation of Julius Caesar; and his sister was the wife of M. Antonius, the orator, and mother of Mark Antony, the triumvir.

[92] Publius Lentulus Sura–He was of the same family with Sylla, that of the Cornelii. He had filled the office of consul, but his conduct had been afterward so profligate, that the censors expelled him from the senate. To enable him to resume his seat, he had obtained, as a qualification, the office of praetor, which he held at the time of the conspiracy. He was called Sura, because, when he had squandered the public money in his quaestorship, and was called to account by Sylla for his dishonesty, he declined to make any defense, but said, “I present you the calf of my leg (_sura_);” alluding to a custom among boys playing at ball, of inflicting a certain number of strokes on the leg of an unsuccessful player. Plutarch, Life of Cicero, c.17.

[93] Publius Autronius–He had been a companion of Cicero in his boyhood, and his colleague in the quaestorship. He was banished in the year after the conspiracy, together with Cassius, Laeca, Vargunteius, Servius Sylla, and Caius Cornelius, under the Plautian law. _De Brosses_.

[94] Lucius Cassius Longinus.–He had been a competitor with Cicero for the consulship. Ascon. Ped., in Cic. Orat. in Tog. Cand. His corpulence was such that Cassius’s fat (_Cassii adeps_) became proverbial. Cic. Orat. in Catil., iii. 7.

[95] Caius Cethegus–He also was one of the Cornelian family. In the civil wars, says De Brosses, he had first taken the side of Marius, and afterward that of Sylla. Both Cicero (Orat. in Catil., ii.7) and Sallust describe him as fiery and rash.

[96] Publius and Servius Sylla–These were nephews of Sylla the dictator. Publius, though present on this occasion, seems not to have joined in the plot, since, when he was afterward accused of having been a conspirator, he was defended by Cicero and acquitted. See Cic. Orat. pro P. Sylla. He was afterward with Caesar in the battle of Pharsalia. Caes. de B.C., iii. 89.

[97] Lucius Vargunteius–“Of him or his family little is known. He had been, before this period, accused of bribery, and defended by Hortensius. Cic. pro P. Sylla, c. 2.” _Bernouf_.

[98] Quintus Annius–He is thought by De Brosses to have been the same Annius that cut off the head of M. Antonius the orator, and carried it to Marius. Plutarch, Vit. Marii, c. 44.

[99] Marcus Porcius Laeca–He was one of the same _gens_ with the Catones, but of a different family.

[100] Lucius Bestia–Of the Calpurnian _gens_. He escaped death on the discovery of the conspiracy, and was afterward aedile, and candidate for the praetorship, but was driven into exile for bribery. Being recalled by Caesar, he became candidate for the consulship, but was unsuccessful. _De Brosses_.

[101] Quintus Curius–He was a descendant of M. Curius Dentatus, the opponent of Pyrrhus. He was so notorious as a gamester and a profligate, that he was removed from the senate, A.U.C. 683. See c. 23. As he had been the first to give information of the conspiracy to Cicero, public honors were decreed him, but he was deprived of them by the influence of Caesar, whom he had named as one of the conspirators. Sueton. Caes. 17; Appian. De Bell. Civ., lib. ii.

[102] M. Fulvius Nobilior–“He was not put to death, but exiled, A.U.C. 699. Cic. ad Att. iv., 16.” _Bernouf_.

[103] Lucius Statilius–of him nothing more is known than is told by Sallust.

[104] Publius Gabinius Capito–Cicero, instead of Capito, calls him Cimber. Orat. in Cat., iii. 3. The family was originally from Gabii.

[105] Caius Cornelius–There were two branches of the _gens Cornelia_, one patrician, the other plebeian, from which sprung this conspirator.

[106] Municipal towns–_Municipiis_. “The _municipia_ were towns of which the inhabitants were admitted to the rights of Roman citizens, but which were allowed to govern themselves by their own laws, and to choose their own magistrates. See Aul. Gell, xvi. 13; Beaufort, Rep. Rom., vol. v.” _Bernouf_.

[107] Marcus Licinius Crassus–The same who, with Pompey and Caesar, formed the first triumvirate, and who was afterward killed in his expedition against the Parthians. He had, before the time of the conspiracy, held the offices of praetor and consul.

[108] XVIII. But previously, etc.–Sallust here makes a digression, to give an account of a conspiracy that was formed three years before that of Catiline.

[109] Publius Autronius and Publius Sylla–The same who are mentioned in the preceding chapter. They were consuls elect, and some editions have the words _designati consules_, immediately following their names.

[110] Having been tried for bribery under the laws against it –_Legibus ambitus interrogati_. _Bribery at their election_, is the meaning of the word _ambitus_, for _ambire_, as Cortius observes, is _circumeundo favorem et suffragia quaerere_. De Brosses translates the passage thus: “Autrone et Sylla, convaincus d’avoir obtenu le consulat par corruption des suffrages, avaient ete punis selon la rigueur de la loi”. There were several very severe Roman laws against bribery. Autronius and Sylla were both excluded from the consulship.

[111] For extortion–_Pecuniarum repetundarum_. Catiline had been praetor in Africa, and, at the expiration of his office, was accused of extortion by Publius Clodius, on the part of the Africans. He escaped by bribing the prosecutor and judges.

[112] To declare himself a candidate within the legitimate number of days–_Prohibitus erat consulatum petere, quod intra legitimos dies profiteri_ (se candidatum, says Cortius, citing Suet. Aug. 4) _nequiverit_. A person could not be a candidate for the consulship, unless he could declare himself free from accusation within a certain number of days before the time of holding the _comitia centuriata_. That number of days was _trinundinum spatium_, that is, the time occupied by three market-days, _tres nundinae_, with seven days intervening between the first and second, and between the second and third; or _seventeen days_. The _nundinae_ (from _novem_ and _dies_) were held, as it is commonly expressed, every ninth day; whence Cortius and others considered _trinundinum spatium_ to be twenty-seven, or even thirty days; but this way of reckoning was not that of the Romans, who made the last day of _the first ennead_ to be also the first day _of the second_. Concerning the _nundinae_ see Macrob., Sat. i. 16. “Muller and Longius most erroneously supposed the _trinundinum_ to be about thirty days; for that it embraced only seventeen days has been fully shown by Ernesti. Clav. Cic., sub voce; by Scheller in Lex. Ampl., p. 11, 669; by Nitschius Antiquitt. Romm. i. p. 623: and by Drachenborch (cited by Gerlach) ad Liv. iii. 35.” _Kritzius_.

[113] Cneius Piso–Of the Calpurnian gens. Suetonius (Vit. Caes., c. 9) mentions three authors who related that Crassus and Caesar were both concerned in this plot; and that, if it had succeeded, Crassus was to have assumed the dictatorship, and made Caesar his master of the horse. The conspiracy, as these writers state, failed through the remorse or irresolution of Crassus.

[114] Catiline and Autronius–After these two names, in Havercamp’s and many other editions, follow the words _circiter nonas Decembres_, _i.e._, about the fifth of December.

[115] On the first of January–_Kalendis Januariis_. On this day the consuls were accustomed to enter on their office. The consuls whom they were going to kill, Cotta and Torquatus, were those who had been chosen in the place of Antronius and Sylla.

[116] The two Spains–Hither and Thither Spain. _Hispania Citerior_ and _Ulterior_, as they were called by the Romans.

[117] XIX. Nor were the senate, indeed, unwilling, etc.–See Dio Cass. xxxvi. 27.

[118] XX. Just above mentioned–In c. 17.

[119] Favorable opportunity–_Opportuna res_. See the latter part of c. 16.

[120] Assert our claims to liberty–_Nosmet ipsi vindicamus in libertatem_.Unless we vindicate ourselves into liberty. See below, “En illa, illa, quam saepe optastis, libertas,” etc.

[121] Kings and princes–_Reges tetrarchae_. _Tetrarchs_ were properly those who had the government of the fourth part of the country; but at length, the signification of the word being extended, it was applied to any governors of any country who were possessed of supreme authority, and yet were not acknowledged as kings by the Romans. See Hirt. Bell. Alex. c. 67: “Deiotarus, at that time _tetrarch_ of almost all Gallograecia, a supremacy which the other _tetrarchs_ would not allow to be granted him either by the laws or by custom, but indisputably acknowledged as king of Armenia Minor by the senate,” etc. _Dietsch._ “Hesychius has, [Greek: _Tetrarchas, basileis_]. See Isidor., ix. 8; Alex. ab. Alex., ii. 17.” _Colerus_. “Cicero, Phil. II., speaks of Reges Tetrarchas Dynastasque. And Lucan has (vii. 46) Tetrarchae regesque tenent, magnique tyranni.” _Wasse._ Horace also says,

–Modo reges atque tetrarchas,
Omnia magna loquens.

I have, with Rose, rendered the word _princes_, as being the most eligible term.

[122] Insults–_Repulsas_. Repulses in standing for office.

[123] The course of events, etc.–_Caetera res expediet_.–“Of. Cic. Ep. Div. xiii. 26: _explicare et expedire negotia_.” Gerlach.

[124] Building over seas–See c. 13.

[125] Embossed plate–_Toreumata_. The same as _vasa coelata_, sculptured vases, c. 11. Vessels ornamented in bas-relief; from [Greek: _toreuein_], _sculpere_; see Bentley ad Hor. A. P., 441. “Perbona toreumata, in his pecula duo,” etc. Cic. in Verr. iv. 18.

[126] XXI. What support or encouragement they had, and in what quarters.–_Quid ubique opis aut spei haberent; i.e._ quid opis aut So c. 27, _init._ Quem ubique opportunum credebat, _i.e._, says Cortius, “quem, et ubi _illum_, opportunum credebat”.

[127] Abolition of their debts–_Tabulas novas._ Debts were registered on tablets; and, when the debts were paid, the score was effaced, and the tablets were ready to be used _as new._ See Ernesti’s Clav. in Cio._sub voce_.

[128] Proscription of the wealthy citizens–_Proscriptionem locupletium._ The practice of proscription was commenced by Sylla, who posted up, in public places of the city, the names of those whom he doomed to death, offering rewards to such as should bring him their heads. Their money and estates he divided among his adherents, and Catiline excited his adherents with hopes of similar plunder.

[129] Another of his ruling passion–_Admonebat–alium cupiditatis suae_. Rose renders this passage, “Some he put in mind of their poverty, others of their amours.” De Brosses renders it, “Il remontre a l’un sa pauvrete, a l’autre son ambition.” _Ruling passion_, however, seems to be the proper sense of _cupiditatis_; as it is said, in c. 14, “As the passions of each, according to his years, appeared excited, he furnished mistresses to some, bought horses and dogs for others”, etc.

[130] XXII. They asserted–_Dictitare_. In referring this word to the circulators of the report, I follow Cortius, Gerlach, Kritzius, and Bernouf. Wasse, with less discrimination, refers it to Catiline. This story of the drinking of human blood is copied by Florus, iv 1, and by Plutarch in his Life of Cicero. Dio Cassius (lib. xxxvii.) says that the conspirators were reported to have killed a child on the occasion.

[131] XXIII. Quintus Curius–the same that is mentioned in c. 17.

[132] To promise her seas and mountains–_Maria montesque polliceri_. A proverbial expression. Ter. Phorm., i. 2, 18: _Modo non montes auri pollicens_. Perc., iii. 65: _Et quid opus Cratero magnos promittere emontes._

[133] With greater arrogance than ever–_Ferocius quam solitus erat._

[134] To Marcus Tullius Cicero–Cicero was now in his forty-third year, and had filled the office of quaestor, aedile, and praetor.

[135] A man of no family–_Novus homo._ A term applied to such as could not boast of any ancestor that had held any curule magistracy, that is, had been consul, praetor, censor, or chief aedile.

[136] XXIV. Manlius–He had been an officer in the army of Sylla, and, having been distinguished for his services, had been placed at the head of a colony of veterans settled about Faesulae: but he had squandered his property in extravagance. See Plutarch, Vit. Cic., Dio Cassius, and Appian.

[137] Faesulae–A town of Etruria, at the foot of the Appennines,

At evening from the top of Fesole,
Or in Valdarno to descry new lands, etc. Par. L. i. 28.

[138] XXV. Sempronia–Of the same _gens_ as the two Gracchi. She was the wife of Decimus Brutus.

[139] Sing, play, and dance–_Psallere, saltare._ As _psallo_ signifies both to play on a musical instrument, and to sing to it while playing, I have thought it necessary to give both senses in the translation.

[140] By no means despicable–_Haud absurdum._ Compare, _Bene dicere haud absurdum est,_ c. 8.

[141] She was distinguished, etc.–_Multae facetiae, multusque lepos inerat._ Both _facetiae_ and _lepos_ mean “agreeableness, humor, pleasantry,” but _lepos_ here seems to refer to diction, as in Cic. Orat. i. 7: _Magnus in jocando lepos._

[142] XXVI. By an arrangement respecting their provinces–_Pactione provinciae_. This passage has been absurdly misrepresented by most translators, except De Brosses. Even Rose, who was a scholar, translated _pactione provinciae_, “by promising a province to his colleague.” Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says that the two provinces, which Cicero and his colleague Antonius shared between them, were Gaul and Macedonia, and that Cicero, in order to retain Antonius in the interest of the senate, exchanged with him Macedonia, which had fallen to himself, for the inferior province of Gaul. See Jug., c. 27.

[143] Plots which he had laid for the consuls in the Campus Martius –_Insidiae quas consuli in campo fecerat_. I have here departed from the text of Cortius, who reads _consulibus_, thinking that Catiline, in his rage, might have extended his plots even to the consuls-elect. But _consuli_, there is little doubt, is the right reading, as it is favored by what is said at the beginning of the, chapter, _insidias parabat Ciceroni_, by what follows in the next chapter, _consuli insidias tendere_, and by the words, _sperans, si designatus foret, facile se ex voluntate Antonio usurum_; for if Catiline trusted that he should be able to use his pleasure with Antonius, he could hardly think it necessary to form plots against his life. I have De Brosses on my side, who translates the phrase, _les pieges ou il comptait faire perir le consul_. The words _in campo_, which look extremely like an intruded gloss, I wonder that Cortius should have retained. “_Consuli_,” says Gerlach, “appears the more eligible, not only on account of _consuli insidias tendere_, c. 27, but because nothing but the death of Cicero was necessary to make everything favorable for Catiline.” Kritzius, Bernouf, Dietsch, Pappaur, Allen, and all the modern editors, read _Consuli_. See also the end of c. 27: _Si prius Ciceronem oppressisset_.] [note 144: Had ended in confusion and disgrace–_Aspera faedaque evenerant_. I have borrowed from Murphy.

[145] XXVII. Of Camerinum–Camertem. “That is, a native of Camerinum, a town on the confines of Umbria and Picenum. Hence the noun _Camers_, as Cic. Pro. Syll., c. 19, _in agro Camerti_.” Cortius.

[146] Wherever he thought each would be most serviceable–_Ubi quemque opportunum credebat. “Proprie reddas: quam, _et ubi_ illum, _opportunum credebat_,” Cortius. See c. 23.

[147] When none of his numerous projects succeeded–_Ubi multa agilanti nihil procedit_.

[148] XXVIII. On that very night, and with but little delay–_Ea nocte, paulo post_. They resolved on going soon after the meeting broke up, so that they might reach Cicero’s house early in the morning, which was the usual time for waiting on great men. _Ingentem foribus domus alla superbis_ Mane _salutantum totis vomit aedibus undam_. Virg. Georg., ii. 461.

[149] XXIX. This is the greatest power which–is granted, etc. –_Ea potestas per senatum, more Romano, magistratui maxima permittitur_. Cortius, _mira judicii peversitate_, as Kritzius observes, makes _ea_ the ablative case, understanding “decretione,” “formula,” or some such word; but, happily, no one has followed him.

[150] XXX. By the 27th of October–_Ante diem VI. Kalendas Novembres_. He means that they were in arms on or before that day.

[151] Quintus Marcius Rex–He had been proconsul in Cilicia, and was expecting a triumph for his successes.

[152] Quintus Metellus Creticus–He had obtained the surname of Creticus from having reduced the island of Crete.

[153] Both which officers, with the title of commanders, etc. –_hi utrique ad urbem imperatores erant; impediti ne triumpharent calumnia paucorum quibus omnia honesta atque inhonesta vendere mos erat_. “Imperator” was a title given by the army, and confirmed by the senate, to a victorious general, who had slain a certain number of the enemy. What the number was is not known. The general bore this title as an addition to his name, until he obtained (if it were granted him) a triumph, for which he was obliged to wait _ad urbem_, near the city, since he was not allowed to enter the gates as long as he held any military command. These _imperatores_ had been debarred from their expected honor by a party who would sell _any thing honorable_, as a triumph, or _any thing dishonorable_, as a license to violate the laws.

[154] A hundred sestertia–two hundred sestertia–A hundred sestertia were about 807L. 5s. lOd. of our money.

[155] Schools of gladiators–_Gladiatoriae familiae_. Any number of gladiators under one teacher, or trainer (_lanista_), was called _familia_. They were to be distributed in different parts, and to be strictly watched, that they might not run off to join Catiline. See Graswinckelius, Rupertus, and Gerlach.

[156] The inferior magistrates–The aediles, tribunes, quaestors, and all others below the consuls, censors, and praetors. Aul. Cell., xiii. 15.

[157] XXXI. Dissipation–Lascivia. “Devotion to public amusements and gayety. The word is used in the same sense as in Lucretius, v.

Tum caput atque humeros planis redimire coronis. Floribus et foliis, lascivia laeta monebat.

_”Then sportive gayety prompted them to deck their heads and shoulders with garlands of flowers and leaves.” Bernouf_.

[158] Long tranquillity–_Diuturna quies_. “Since the victory of Sylla to the time of which Sallust is speaking, that is, for about twenty years, there had been a complete cessation from civil discord and disturbance” _Bernouf_.

[159] The Plautian law–_Lege Plautia_. “This law was that of M. Plautius Silanus, a tribune of the people, which was directed against such as excited a sedition in the state, or formed plots against the life of any individual.” _Cyprianus Popma_. See Dr. Smith’s Dict. of Gr. and Rom. Antiquities, sub Vis.

[160] Which he afterward wrote and published–_Quam postea scriptam edidit_. This was the first of Cicero’s four Orations against Catiline. The epithet applied to it by Sallust, which I have rendered “splendid,” is _luculentam_; that is, says Gerlach, “luminibus verborum et sententiarum ornatam,” distinguished by much brilliancy of words and thoughts. And so say Kritzius, Bernouf, and Dietsch. Cortius, who is followed by Dahl, Langius, and Muller, makes the word equivalent merely to _lucid_, in the supposition that Sallust intended to bestow on the speech, as on other performances of Cicero, only very cool praise. _Luculentus_, however, seems certainly to mean something more than _lucidus_.

[161] A mere adopted citizen of Rome–_Inquilinus civis urbis Romae_. “Inquilinus” means properly a lodger, or tenant in the house of another. Cicero was born at Arpinum, and is therefore called by Catiline a citizen of Rome merely by adoption or by sufferance. Appian, in repeating this account (Bell. Civ., ii. 104), says, [Greek: _Ingkouilinon, phi raemati kalousi tous enoikountas en allotriais oikiais_.]

[162] Traitor–_Parricidam_. See c. 14. “An oppressor or betrayer of his country is justly called a parricide; for our country is the common parent of all. Cic. ad Attic.” _Wasse_.

[163] Since I am encompassed, by enemies, he exclaimed, etc.–“It was not on this day, nor indeed to Cicero, that this answer was made by Catiline. It was a reply to Cato, uttered a few days before the comitia for electing consuls, which were held on the 22d day of October. See Cic. pro Muraeno, c. 25. Cicero’s speech was delivered on the 8th of November. Sallust is, therefore, in error on this point, as well as Florus and Valerius Maximus, who have followed him.” _Bernouf_. From other accounts we may infer that no reply was made to Cicero by Catiline on this occasion. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says that Catiline, before Cicero rose, seemed desirous to address the senate in defense of his proceedings, but that the senators refused to listen to him. Of any answer to Cicero’s speech, on the part of Catiline, he makes no mention. Cicero himself, in his second Oration against Catiline, says that Catiline _could not endure his voice_, but, when he was ordered to go into exile, “paruit, quievit,” _obeyed and submitted in silence_. And in his Oration, c. 37, he says, “That most audacious of men, Catiline, when he was accused by me in the senate, was dumb.”

[164] XXXII. With directions to address him, etc.–_Cum mandatis hujuscemodi_. The communication, as Cortius observes, was not an epistle, but a verbal message.

[165] XXXIII. To have the benefit of the law–_Lege uti_. The law here meant was the Papirian law, by which it was provided, contrary to the old law of the Twelve Tables, that no one should be confined in prison for debt, and that the property of the debtor only, not his person, should be liable for what he owed. Livy (viii. 28) relates the occurrence which gave rise to this law, and says that it ruptured one of the strongest bonds of credit.

[166] The praetor–The _praetor urbanus_, or city praetor, who decided all causes between citizens, and passed sentence on debtors.

[167] Relieved their distress by decrees–_Decretis suis inopiae opitulati sunt_. In allusion to the laws passed at various times for diminishing the rate of interest.

[168] Silver–was paid with brass–_Agentum aere solutum est_. Thus a _sestertius_, which was of silver, and was worth four _asses_, was paid with one _as_, which was of brass; or _the fourth part only of the debt was paid_. See Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 3; and Velleius Paterculus, ii. 23; who says, _quadrantem solvi_, that _a quarter_ of their debts were paid by the debtors, by a law of Valerius Flaccus, when he became consul on the death of Marius.

[169] Often–have the commonalty–seceded, etc.–“This happened three times: 1. To the Mons Sacer, on account of debt; Liv. ii. 32. 2. To the Aventine, and thence to the Mons Sacer, through the tyranny of Appius Claudius, the decemvir; Liv. iii. 50. 3. To the Janiculum, on account of debt; Liv. Epist. xi.” _Bernouf_.

[170] XXXIV. That such had always been the kindness, etc.–_Ea, mansuetudine atque misericordia senatum populumque Romanum, semper fuisse._ “That the senate, etc., had always been of such kindness.” I have deserted the Latin for the English idiom.

[171] XXXV. The commencement of this letter is different in different editions. In Havercamp it stands thus: _Egregiatua fides, re cognita, grata mihi, magnis in meis periculis, fiduciam commendationi meae tribuit._ Cortius corrected it as follows: _Egregia tua fides, re cognita, gratam in magnis periculis fiduciam commendationi meae tribuit._ Cortius’s reading has been adopted by Kritzius, Bernouf, and most other editors. Gerlach and Dietsch have recalled the old text. That Cortius’s is the better; few will deny; for it can hardly be supposed that Sallust used _mihi, meis_, and _meae_ in such close succession. Some, however, as Rupertus and Gerlach, defend Havercamp’s text, by asserting, from the phrase _earum exemplam infra scriptum,_ that this is a true copy of the letter, and that the style is, therefore, not Sallust’s, but Catiline’s. But such an opinion is sufficiently refuted by Cortius, whose remarks I will transcribe: “Rupertus,” says he, “quod in promptu erat, Catilinae culpam tribuit, qui non eo, quo Crispus, stilo scripserit. Sed cur oratio ejus tam apta et composita supra, c. 20 refertur? At, inquis, hic ipsum litterarum exemplum exhibetur. At vide mihi exemplum litterarum Lentuli, c. 44; et lege Ciceronem, qui idem exhibet, et senties sensum magis quam verba referri. Quare inanis haec quidem excusatio.” Yet it is not to be denied that _grata mihi_ is the reading of all the manuscripts.

[172] Known–by experience.–_Re cognita._ “Cognita” be it observed, _tironum gratia,_ is the nominative case. “Catiline had experienced the friendship of Catulus in his affair with Fabia Terentia; for it was by his means that he escaped when he was brought to trial, as is related by Orosius.” _Bernouf._

[173] Recommendation–_Commendationi._ His recommendation of his affairs, and of Orestilla, to the care of Catulus.

[174] Formal defense–_Defensionem._ Opposed to _satisfactionem_, which follows, and which means a private apology or explanation. “_Defensio_, a defense, was properly a statement or speech to be made against an adversary, or before judges; _satisfactio_ was rather an excuse or apology made to a friend, or any other person, in a private communication.” _Cortius._

[175] Though conscious of no guilt–_Ex nulla conscientia de culpa_. This phrase is explained by Cortius as equivalent to “Propter conscientam denulla culpa,” or “inasmuch as I am conscious of no fault.” “_De culpa_, he adds, is the same as _culpae_; so in the ii. Epist. to Caesar, c. 1: Neque _de futuro_ quisquam satix callidus; and c. 9: _de illis_ potissimum jactura fit.”

[176] To make no formal defense–to offer you some explanation –_Defensionem–parare; satisfactionem–proponere_. “Parare,” says Cortius, “is applied to a defense which might require some study and premeditation; _proponere_ to such a statement as it was easy to make at once”.

[177] On my word of honor–_Me dius fidius_, sc. juvet. So may the god of faith help me, as I speak truth. But who is the god of faith? _Dius_, say some, is the same as _Deus_ (Plautus has _Deus_ fidius, Asin i. 1, 18); and the god here meant is probably Jupiter (_sub dio_ being equivalent to _sub Jove_); so that _Dius fidius_ (_fidius_ being an adjective from _fides_) will be the [Greek: _Zeus pistios_] of the Greeks. “_Me dius fidius_” will therefore be, “May Jupiter help me!” This is the mode of explication adopted by Gerlach, Bernouf, and Dietsch. Others, with Festus (sub voce _Medius fidius_) make _fidius_ equivalent to _filius_, because the ancients, according to Festus, often used D for L, and _dius fidius_ will then be the same as [Greek: _Dios_] or Jovis filius, or Hercules, and _medius fidius_ will be the same as _mehercules_ or _mehercule_. Varro de L. L. (v. 10, ed. Sprengel) mentions a certain Aelius who was of this opinion. Against this derivation there is the quantity of _fidius_, of which the first syllable is short: _Quaerebam Nonas Sanco fidone referrem_, Ov. Fast. vi. 213. But if we consider _dius_ the same as _deus_, we may as well consider _dius fidius_ to be the god Hercules as the god Jupiter, and may thus make _medius fidius_ identical with _mehercules_, as it probably is. “Tertullian, de Idol. 20, says that _medius fidius_ is a form of swearing by Hercules.” Schiller’s Lex. sub _Fidius_. This point will be made tolerably clear if we consider (with Varro, v. 10, and Ovid, _loc. cit._) Dius Fidius to be the same with the Sabine Sancus, or Semo Sancus, and Semo Sancus to be the same with Hercules.

[178] You may receive as true–_Veram licet cognoscas_. Some editions, before that of Cortius, have _quae–licet vera mecum recognoscas_; which was adopted from a quotation of Servius ad Aen. iv. 204. But twenty of the best MSS., according to Certius, have _veram licet cognoscas_.

[179] Robbed of the fruit of my labor and exertion–_Fructu laboris industriaeque meae privatus_. “The honors which he sought he elegantly calls the _fruit_ of his labor, because the one is obtained by the other.” _Cortius_.

[180] Post of honor due to me–_Statum dignitatis_. The consulship.

[181] On my own security–_Meis nominibus_. “He uses the plural,” says Herzogius, “because he had not borrowed once only, or from one person, but oftentimes, and from many.” No other critic attempts to explain this point. For _alienis nominibus_, which follows, being in the plural, there is very good reason. My translation is in conformity with Bernouf’s comment.

[182] Proscribed–_Alienatum_. “Repulsed from all hope of the consulship.” _Bernouf_.

[183] Adopted a course–_Spes–secutus sum_. “_Spem sequi_ is a phrase often used when the direction of the mind to any thing, action, or course of conduct, and the subsequent election and adoption of what appears advantageous, is signified.” _Cortius_.

[184] Protection–_Fidei_.

[185] Intreating you, by your love for your own children, to defend her from injury–_Eam ab injuria defendas, per liberos tuos rogatus_. “Defend her from injury, being intreated [to do so] by [or for the sake of] your own children.”

[186] XXXVI. In the neighborhood of Arretium–_In agro Arretino_. Havercamp, and many of the old editions, have _Reatino_; “but,” says Cortius, “if Catiline went the direct road to Faesulae, as is rendered extremely probable by his pretense that he was going to Marseilles, and by the assertion of Cicero, made the day after his departure, that he was on his way to join Manlius, we must certainly read _Arretino_.” Arretium (now _Arezzo_) lay in his road to Faesulae; Reate was many miles out of it.

[187] In an extremely deplorable condition–_Multo maxime miserabile_. _Multe_ is added to superlatives, like _longe_. So c. 52, _multo pulcherrimam_ eam nos haberemus. Cortius gives several other instances.

[188] Notwithstanding the two decrees of the senate–_Duobus senati decretis._ I have translated it “_the_ two decrees,” with Rose. One of the two was that respecting the rewards mentioned in c. 30; the other was that spoken of in c. 36., allowing the followers of Catiline to lay down their arms before a certain day.

[189] XXXVII. Endeavor to exalt the factious–_Malos extollunt_. They strive to elevate into office those who resemble themselves.

[190] Poverty does not easily suffer loss–_Egestas facile habetur sine damna_ He that has nothing, has nothing to lose. Petron. Sat., c. 119: _Inops audacia tuta est_.

[191] Had become disaffected–Praeceps abierat. Had grown demoralized, sunk in corruption, and ready to join in any plots against the state. So Sallust says of Sempronia, _praeceps abierat_, c. 25.

[192] In the first place–Primum omnium. “These words refer, not to _item_ and _postremo in the same sentence, but to _deinde_ at the commencement of the next.” _Bernouf_.

[193] Civil rights had been curtailed–_Jus libertatis imminutum erat_. “Sylla, by one of his laws, had rendered the children of proscribed persons incapable of holding any public office; a law unjust, indeed, but which, having been established and acted upon for more than twenty years, could not be rescinded without inconvenience to the government. Cicero, accordingly, opposed the attempts which were made, in his consulship, to remove this restriction, as he himself states in his Oration against Piso, c. 2.” _Bernouf_. See Vell. Patere., ii., 28; Plutarch, Vit. Syll.; Quintil., xi. 1, where a fragment of Cicero’s speech, _De Proscriptorum Liberis_, is preserved. This law of Sylla was at length abrogated by Julius Caesar, Suet. J. Caes. 41; Plutarch Vit. Caes.; Dio Cass., xli. 18.

[194] This was an evil–to the extent to which it now prevailed–_Id adeo malum multos post annos in civitatem reverterat_. “_Adeo_, says Cortius, “_in particula elegantissima_” Allen makes it equivalent to _eo usque_.

[195] XXXVIII. The powers of the tribunes–had been fully restored –_Tribunicia potestas restituta_. Before the time of Sylla, the power of the tribunes had grown immoderate, but Sylla diminished and almost annihilated it, by taking from them the privileges of holding any other magistracy after the tribunate, of publicly addressing the people, of proposing laws, and of listening to appeals. But in the consulship of Cotta, A.U.C. 679, the first of these privileges had been restored; and in that of Pompey and Crassus, A.U.C. 683, the tribunes were reinstated in all their former powers.

[196] Having obtained that high office–_Summam potestatem nacti_. Cortius thinks these words spurious.

[197] XXXIX. Free from harm–_Innoxii_. In a passive sense.

[198] Overawing others–with threats of impeachment–_Caeteros judiciis terrere_. “Accusationibus et judiciorum periculis.” _Bernouf_.

[199] His father ordered to be put to death–_Parens necari jussit_. “His father put him to death, not by order of the consuls, but by his own private authority; nor was he the only one who, at the same period, exercised similar power.” Dion. Cass., lib. xxxvii. The father observed on the occasion, that, “he had begotten him, not for Catiline against his country, but for his country against Catiline”. Val. Max., v.8. The Roman laws allowed fathers absolute control over the lives of their children.

[200] XL. Certain deputies of the Allobroges–_Legatos Allobrogum_. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says that there were then at Rome _two deputies_ from this Gallic nation, sent to complain of oppression on the part of the Roman governors.

[201] As Brutus was then absent from Borne–_Nam tum Brutus ab Roma, aberat_. From this remark, say Zanchius and Omnibonus, it is evident that Brutus was not privy to the conspiracy. “What sort of woman _Sempronia_ was, has been told in c. 25. Some have thought that she was the wife of Decimus Brutus; but since Sallust speaks of her as being in the decay of her beauty at the time of the conspiracy, and since Brutus, as may be seen in Caesar (B. G. vii., sub fin.), was then very young, it is probable that she had only an illicit connection with him, but had gained such an ascendency over his affections, by her arts of seduction, as to induce him to make her his mistress, and to allow her to reside in his house.” _Beauzee_. I have, however, followed those who think that Brutus was the husband of Sempronia. Sallust (c. 24), speaking of the woman, of whom Sempronia was one, says that Catiline _credebat posse–viros earum vel adjungere sibi, vel interficere_. The truth, on such a point, is of little importance.

[202] XLI. To be expected from victory–_In spe victoriae_.

[203] Certain rewards–_Certa praemia_. “Offered by the senate to those who should give information of the conspiracy. See c. 30.” _Kuhnhardt_.

[204] Quintus Fabius Sanga–“A descendent of that Fabius who, for having subdued the Allobroges, was surnamed Allobrogicus.” _Bernouf_. Whole states often chose patrons as well as individuals.

[205] XLII. There were commotions–_Motus erat_. “_Motus_ is also used by Cicero and Livy in the singular number for _seditiones_ and _tumultus_. No change is therefore to be made in the text.” _Gerlach_. “Motus bellicos intelligit, _tumultus_; ut Flor., iii. 13.” _Cortius_.

[206] Having brought several to trial–_Complures–caussa cognita. “Caussum cognoscere_ is the legal phrase for examining as to the authors and causes of any crime.” _Dietsch_.

[207] Caius Muraena in Further Gaul–_In Ulteriore Gallia C. Muraena_. All the editions, previous to that of Cortius, have _in citeriore Gallia_. “But C. Muraena,” says the critic, “commanded in Gallia Transalpina, or Ulterior Gaul, as appears from Cic. pro Muraena, c. 41. To attribute such an error to a lapse or memory in Sallust, would be absurd. I have, therefore, confidently altered _citeriore_ into _ulteriore_.” The praise of having first discovered the error, however, is due, not to Cortius, but to Felicius Durantinus, a friend of Rivius, in whose note on the passage his discovery is recorded.

[208] XLIII. The excellent consul–_Optimo consuli_. With the exception of the slight commendation bestowed on his speech, _luculentam_ atque _utilem reipublicae_, c. 31, this is the only epithet of praise that Sallust bestows on the consul throughout his narrative. That it could be regarded only as frigid eulogy, is apparent from a passage in one of Cicero’s letters to Atticus (xii. 21), in which he speaks of the same epithet having been applied to him by Brutus: “Brutus thinks that he pays me a great compliment when he calls me an excellent consul (optimum consulem); but what enemy could speak more coldly of me?”

[209] Twelve places of the city, convenient for their purpose–_ Duodecim–opportuna loca_. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says a hundred places. Few narratives lose by repetition.

[210] In order that, during the consequent tumult–_Quo tumultu_. “It is best,” says Dietsch, “to take _quo_ as the _particula finalis_ (to the end that), and _tumultu_ as the ablative of the instrument”.

[211] Delay–_Dies prolatando_. By putting off from day to day.

[212] XLIV. Soon to visit their country–_Semet eo brevi venturum_. “It is plain that the adverb relates to what precedes (_ad cives_); and that Cassius expresses an intention to set out for Gaul.” _Dietsch_.

[213] Remember that you are a man–_Memineris te virum_. Remember that you are a man, and ought to act as one. Cicero, in repeating this letter from memory (Orat. in Cat., iii. 5), gives the phrase, _Cura ut vir sis_.

[214] XLV. The praetors–_Praetoribus_ urbanis, the praetors of the city.

[215] The Milvian Bridge–_Ponte Mulvio_. Now _Ponte Molle_.

[216] Of the object with which they were sent–_Rem–cujus gratia mittebantur_.

[217] From each side of the bridge–_Utrinque_. “Utrinque,” observes Cortius, “glossae MSS. exponunt _ex utraque parte pontis,” and there is little doubt that the exposition is correct. No translator, however, before myself, has availed himself of it.

[218] XLVI. The box with the letters–_Scrinium cum literis. Litterae_ may be rendered either _letter_ or _letters_. There is no mention made previously of more letters than that of Lentulus to Catiline, c. 44. But as it is not likely that the deputies carried a box to convey only one letter, I have followed other translators by putting the word in the plural. The oath of the conspirators, too, which was a written document, was probably in the box.

[219] XLVII. His letter–_Litteris._ His own letter to Catiline, c. 44. So _praeter litteras_ a little below.

[220] What object he had had in view, etc.–_Quid, aut qua de causa, consilli habuisset_. What design he had entertained, and from what motive _he had entertained it_.

[221] To prevaricate.–_Fingere alia._ “To pretend other things than what had reference to the conspiracy.” _Bernouf._

[222] On the security of the public faith–_Fide publica._ “Cicero pledged to him the public faith, with the consent of the senate; or engaged, in the name of the republic, that his life should be spared, if he would but speak the truth.” _Bernouf._

[223] That Cinna and Sylla had ruled already–_Cinnam atque Syllam antea._ “Had ruled,” or something similar, must be supplied. Cinna had been the means of recalling Marius from Africa, in conjunction with whom he domineered over the city, and made it a scene of bloodshed and desolation.

[224] Their seals–_Signa sua_. “Leurs cachets, leurs sceaux.” Bernouf. The Romans tied their letters round with a string, the knot of which they covered with wax, and impressed with a seal. To open the letter it was necessary to cut the string: “_nos linum incidimus_.” Cic. Or. in Cat. iii. 5. See also C. Nep. Panc. 4, and Adam’s _Roman Antiquities_. The seal of Lentulus had on it a likeness of one of his ancestors; see Cicero, _loc. cit._

[225] In private custody–_In liberis custodiis._ Literally, in “free custody,” but “private custody” conveys a better notion of the arrangement to the mind of the English reader. It was called _free_ because the persons in custody were not confined in prison. Plutarch calls it [Greek: _adeomon phylakin_] as also Dion., cap. lviii. 3. See Tacit. Ann. vi. 8. It was adopted in the case of persons of rank and consideration.

[226] XLVIII. If the public faith were pledged to him–_Si fides publica data, esset_. See c. 47.

[227] And to facilitate the escape of those in custody–_Et illi facilius e periculo eriperentur_.

[228] A man of such power–_Tanta vis hominis_. So great power of the man.

[229] Liberty of speaking–_Potestatem_. “Potestatem loquendi.” _Cyprianus Popma_. As it did not appear that he spoke the truth, the pledge which the senate had given him, _on condition that he spoke the truth_, went for nothing; he was not allowed to continue his evidence, and was sent to prison.

[230] As was his custom–_More suo_. Plutarch, in his Life of Crassus, relates that frequently when Pompey, Caesar, and Cicero, had refused to undertake the defense of certain persons, as being unworthy of their support, Crassus would plead in their behalf; and that he thus gained great popularity among the common people.

[231] XLIX. Piso, as having been attacked by him, when he was on, etc.–_Piso oppugnatus in judicio repetundarum propter cujusdam Transpadani supplicium injustum_. Such is the reading and punctuation of Cortius. Some editions insert _pecuniarum_ before _repetundarum_, and some a comma after it. I have interpreted the passage in conformity with the explanation of Kritzius, which seems to me the most judicious that has been offered. _Oppugnatus_, says he, is equivalent to _gravitur vexatus_, or violently assailed; and Piso was thus assailed by Caesar on account of his unjust execution of the Gaul; the words _in judicio repetundarum_ merely mark the time when Caesar’s attack was made. While he was on his trial for one thing, he was attacked by Caesar for another. Gerlach, observing that the words _in judicio_ are wanting in one MS., would emit them, and make _oppugnatus_ govern _pecuniarum repetundarum_, as if it were _accusatus_; a change which would certainly not improve the passage. The Galli Transpadani seem to have been much attached to Caesar; see Cic. Ep. ad Att., v. 2; ad Fam. xvi. 12.

[232] Comparatively a youth–_Adolescentalo_. Caesar was then in the thirty-third, or, as some say, the thirty-seventh year of his age. See the note on this word, c. 3.

[233] By magnificent exhibitions in public–_Publice maximis muneribus_. Shows of gladiators.

[234] L. In various directions throughout the city–_Variis itineribus –in vicis_. Going hither and thither through the streets.

[235] Slaves–_Familiam_. “Servos suos, qui proprie _familia_,” Cortius. _Familia_ is a number of _famuli_.

[236] A full senate, however, had but a short time before, etc.–The senate had already decreed that they were enemies to their country; Cicero now calls a meeting to ascertain what sentence should be passed on them.

[237] On this occasion–moved–_Tunc–decreverat_. The _tunc_ (or, as most editors have it, _tum_) must be referred to the second meeting or the senate, for it does not appear that any proposal concerning the punishment of the prisoners was made at the first meeting. There would be no doubt on this point, were it not for the pluperfect tense, _decreverat_. I have translated it as the perfect. We must suppose that Sallust had his thoughts on Caesar’s speech, which was to follow, and signifies that all this business _had been done_ before Caesar addressed the house. Kritzius thinks that the pluperfect was referred by Sallust, not to Caesar’s speech, but to the decree of the senate which was finally made; but this is surely a less satisfactory method of settling the matter. Sallust often uses the pluperfect, where his reader would expect the perfect; see, for instance, _concusserat_, at the beginning of c. 24.

[238] That he would go over to the opinion of Tiberius Nero–_Pedibus in sententian Tib. Neronis–iturum_. Any question submitted to the senate was decided by the majority of votes, which was ascertained either by _numeratio_, a counting of the votes, or by _discessio_, when those who were of one opinion, at the direction of the presiding magistrate, passed over to one side of the house, and those who were of the contrary opinion, to the other. See Aul. Gell. xiv. 7; Suet. Tib. 31; Adam’s Rom. Ant.; Dr. Smith’s Dictionary, Art. _Senatus_.

[239] LI. It becomes all men, etc.–The beginning of this speech, attributed to Caesar, is imitated from Demosthenes, [Greek: _Peri ton hen Chersonaeso pragmaton: Edei men, o andres Athaenaioi, tous legontas apantas en umin maete pros echthran poieisthai logon maedena, maete pros charin_]. “It should be incumbent on all who speak before you, O Athenians, to advance no sentiment with any view either to enmity or to favor.”

[240] I consent to extraordinary measures–_Novum consilium adprobo_. “That is, I consent that you depart from the usage of your ancestors, by which Roman citizens were protected from death.” _Bernouf_.

[241] Whatever can be devised–_Omnium ingenia_.

[242] Studied and impressive language–_Composite atque magnifice. Composite_, in language nicely put together; elegantly. _Magnifice_, in striking or imposing terms. _Composite_ is applied to the speech of Caesar, by Cato, in the following chapter.

[243] Such I know to be his character, such his discretion–_Eos mores, eam modestiam viri cognovi_. I have translated _modestiam, discretion_, which seems to be the proper meaning of the word. Beauzee renders it _prudence_, and adds a note upon it, which may be worth transcription. “I translate _modestia_,” says he, “by _prudence_, and think myself authorized to do so. _Sic definitur a Stoicis_, says Cicero (De Off. i. 40), _ut modestia sit sicentia earum rerum, quae agentur, aut dicentur, loco suo collocandarum_; and shortly afterward, _Sic fit ut modestia scientia sit opportunitatis idoneorum ad agendum temporum_. And what is understood in French by prudence? It is, according to the Dictionary of the Academy, ‘a virtue by which we discern and practice what is proper in the conduct of life.’ This is almost a translation of the words of Cicero”.

[244] That–death is a relief from suffering, not a torment, etc. –This Epicurean doctrine prevailed very much at Rome in Caesar’s, and afterward. We may very well suppose Caesar to have been a sincere convert to it. Cato alludes to this passage in the speech which follows; as also Cicero, in his fourth Oration against Catiline, c. 4. See, for opinions on this point, the first book of Cicero’s Tusculan Questions.

[245] The Porcian Law–_Lex Porcia_. A law proposed by P. Porcius Loeca, one of the tribunes, A.U.O. 454, which enacted that no one should bind, scourge or kill a Roman citizen. See Liv., x. 9; Cic. pro. Rabir., 3, 4: Verr., v 63; de Rep., ii, 31.

[246] Other laws–_Aliae leges_. So Caesar says below, “Tum lex Porcia aliaeque paratae, quibus legibus auxilium damnatis permissum;” what other laws these were is uncertain. One of them, however, was the Sempronian law, proposed by Caius Gracchus, which ordained that sentence should not be passed on the life of a Roman citizen without the order of the people. See Cic. pro Rabir. 4. So “O lex Porcia legesque Semproniae!” Cic. in. Verr., v. 63.

[247] Parricides–See c. 14, 32.

[248] The course of events–_Dies_. “Id est, temporis momentum (_der veranderte Zeitpunkt_).” _Dietsch_. Things change, and that which is approved at one period, is blamed at another. _Tempus_ and _dies_ are sometimes joined (Liv., xxii. 39, ii. 45), as if not only time in general, but particular periods, as _from day to day_, were intended.

[249] All precedents productive of evil effects–_Omnia mala exempla_. Examples of severe punishments are meant.

[250] Any new example of severity, etc.–_Novum illud exemplum ab dignis et idoneis ad indignos et non idoneos transferetur_. Gerlach, Kritzius, Dietsch, and Bernouf, agree to giving to this passage the sense which is given in the translation. _Digni_ and _idonei_ are here used in a bad sense, for _digni et idonei qui poena afficiantur_, deserving and fit objects for punishment.

[251] When they had conquered the Athenians–At the conclusion of the Peloponnesian war.

[252] Damasippus–“He, in the consulship of Caius Marius, the younger, and Cneius Carbo, was city praetor, and put to death some of the most eminent senators, a short time before the victory of Sylla. See Vell. Paterc. ii. 26.” _Bernouf_.

[253] Ensigns of authority–_Insignia magistratum_. “The fasces and axes of the twelve lictors, the robe adorned with purple, the curule chair, and the ivory scepter. For the Etrurians, as Dionysius Halicarnassensis relates, having been subdued, in a nine years’ war, by Tarquinius Priscus, and having obtained peace on condition of submitting to him as their sovereign, presented him with the _insignia_ of their own monarchs. See Strabo, lib. V.; Florus, i. 5,” _Kuhnhardt_.

[254] Best able to bear the expense–_Maxime opibus valent_. Are possessed of most resources.

[255] LII. The rest briefly expressed their assent, etc.–_Caeteri verbo, alius alii, varie assentiebantur. Verbo assentiebantur_ signifies that they expressed their assent merely by a word or two, as _assentior Silano, assentior Tiberio Neroni, aut Caesari_, the three who had already spoken. _Varie_, “in support of their different proposals.”

[256] My feelings, Conscript Fathers, are extremely different, etc.–_Longe mihi alia mens est, P. C._, etc. The commencement of Cato’s speech is evidently copied from the beginning of the third Olynthiac of Demosthenes: [Greek: _Ouchi tauta paristatai moi ginoskein, o andres Athaenaioi, otan te eis ta pragmata apoblepso kai otan pros tous logous ous akouo tous men gar logous peri tou timoraesasthai Philippon oro gignomenous, ta de pragmata eis touto proaekonta oste opos mae peisometha autoi proteron kakos skepsasthai deon_.] “I am by no means affected in the same manner. Athenians, when I review the state of our affairs, and when I attend to those speakers who have now declared their sentiments. They insist that we should punish Philip; but our affairs, situated as they now appear, warn us to guard against the dangers with which we ourselves are threatened.” _Leland_.

[257] Their altars and their homes–_Aris atque focis suis._ “When _arae_ and _foci_ are joined, beware of supposing that they are to be distinguished as referring the one (_arae) to the public temples, and the other (_foci_) to private dwellings. Both are to be understood of private houses, in which the _ara_ belonged to the _Dii Penates_, and was placed in the _impluvium_ in the inner part of the house; the _focus_ was dedicated to the _lares_, and was in the hall.” Ernesti, Clav. Cic., sub. v. _Ara_. Of the commentators on Sallust, Kritzius is, I believe, the only one who has concurred in this notion of Ernesti; Langins and Dietsch (with Cortius) adhere to the common opinion that _arae_ are the public altars. Dietsch refers, for a complete refutation of Ernesti, to G. A. B. Hertzberg _de Diis Romanorum Penatibus_, Halae, 1840, p. 64; a book which I have not seen. Certainly, in the observation of Cicero ad Att., vii. 11, “Non est respublica in parietibus, sed in aris et focis,” _arae_ must be considered (as Schiller observes) to denote the public altars and national religion. See Schiller’s Lex. v. _Ara_.

[258] In vain appeal to justice–_Frusta judicia implores. Judicia_, trials, to procure the inflictions of legal penalties.

[259] Could not easily pardon the misconduct, etc.–_Haud facile alterius lubidini malefacta condonabam_. “Could not easily forgive the licentiousness of another its evil deeds.”

[260] Yet the republic remained secure; its own strength, etc. –_Tamen respublica firma, opulentia neglegentiam tolerabat_. This is Cortius’s reading; some editors, as Havercamp, Kritzius, and Dietsch, insert _erat_ after _firma_. Whether _opulentia_ is the nominative or ablative, is disputed. “_Opulentia_,” says Allen, “casum sextum intellige, et repete _respublica_ (ad _tolerabat_).” “_Opulentia_,” says Kritzius, “melius nominativo capiendum videtur; nam quae sequuntur verba novam enunciationem efficiunt.” I have preferred to take it as a nominative.

[261] We have lost the real names of things, etc.–Imitated from Thucydides, iii. 32: [Greek: _Kai taen eiothuian axiosin ton onomaton es ta erga antaellaxan tae dikaiosei. Tolma men gar alogistos, andria philetairos enomisthae, mellasis te promaethaes, deilia euprepaes to de sophron. Tou anandrou proschaema, kai to pros apan syneton, epi pan argon_.] “The ordinary meaning of words was changed by them as they thought proper. For reckless daring was regarded as courage that was true to its friends; prudent delay, as specious cowardice; moderation, as a cloak for unmanliness; being intelligent in every thing, as being useful for nothing.” _Dale’s_ translation; Bohn’s Classical Library.

[262] Elegant language–_Composite_. See above, c. 51.

[263] In a most excellent condition–_Multo pulcherrumam._ See c. 36.

[264] For of allies and citizens, etc.–Imitated from Demosthenes, Philipp. III.4.

[265] I advise you to have mercy upon them–_Misereamini censeo, i.e._, censeo _ut_ misereanum, spoken ironically. Most translators have taken the words in the sense of “You would take pity on them, I suppose,” or something similar.

[266] Unless this be the second time that he has made war upon his country–“Cethegus first made war on his country in conjunction with Marius.” _Bernouf_. Whether Sallust alludes to this, or intimates (as Gerlach thinks) that he was engaged in the first conspiracy, is doubtful.

[267] Is ready to devour us–_Faucibus urget_. Cortius, Kritzius, Gerlach, Burnouf, Allen, and Dietsch, are unanimous in interpreting this as a metaphorical expression, alluding to a wild beast with open jaws ready to spring upon its prey. They support this interpretation by Val. Max., v. 3: “Faucibus apprehensam rempublicam;” Cic. pro. Cluent., 31: “Quum faucibus premetur;” and Plaut. Casin. v. 3,4, “Manifesto faucibus teneor.” Some, editors have read _in faucibus_, and understood the words as referring to the jaws or narrow passes of Etruria, where Catiline was with his army.

[268] LIII. All the senators of consular dignity, and a great part of the rest–_Consulares omnes, itemque senatus magna pars_. “As the consulars were senators, the reader would perhaps expect Sallust to have said _reliqui senatus_ but _itemque_ is equivalent to _et praeter eos_.” _Dietsch_.

[269] That they had carried on wars–_Bella gesta_. That wars had been carried on _by them_.

[270] As if the parent stock were exhausted–_Sicuti effoeta parentum_. This is the reading of Cortius, which he endeavors to explain thus: “Ac sicuti _effoeta parens_, inter parentes, _sese habere solet_, ut nullos amplius liberas proferat, sic Roma sese habuit, ubi multis tempestatibus nemo virtute magnus fuit.” “_Est_,” he adds, “or _solet esse_, or _sese habere solet_, may very well be understood from the _fuit_ which follows.” But all this only serves to show what a critic may find to say in defense of a reading to which he is determined to adhere. All the MSS., indeed, have _parentum_, except one, which has _parente_. Dietsch thinks that some word has been lost between _effoeta_ and _parentum_, and proposes to read _sicuti effoeta aetate parentum, with the sense, _as if the age of the parents were too much exhausted to produce strong children_. Kritzius, from a suggestion of Cortius (or rather of his predecessor, Rupertus), reads _effoetae parentum_ (the effoetae agreeing with Romae which follows), considering the sense to be the same as as _effoetae parentis_–as _divina dearum_ for _divina dea_, etc. Gerlach retains the rending of Cortius, and adopts his explanation (4to. ed., 1827), but says that the _explicatio_ may seem _durior_, and that it is doubtful whether we ought not to have recourse to the _effoeta parente_ of the old critics. Assuredly if we retain _parentum_, _effoetae_ is the only reading that we can well put with it. We may compare with it _loca nuda gignentium_, (Jug. c. 79), i.e. “places bare of objects producing any thing.” Gronovius know not what to do with the passage, called it _locus intellectus nemini_, and at last decided on understanding _virtute_ with _effoetae parentum_, which, _pace tarti viri_, and although Allen has followed him, is little better than folly. The concurrence of the majority of manuscripts in giving _parentum_ makes the scholar unwilling to set it aside. However, as no one has explained it satisfactorily even to himself, I have thought it better, with Dietsch, to regard it a _scriptura non ferenda_, and to acquiesce, with Glareanus, Rivius, Burnouf, and the Bipont edition, in the reading _effoeta parente_.

[271] LIV. Though attained by different means–_Sed alia alii_. “Alii alia _gloria_,” for _altera alteri_. So Livy, i. 21: _Duo reges_, alius alia via.

[272] Simplicity–_Pudore_. The word here seems to mean the absence of display and ostentation.

[273] With the temperate–_Cum innocente_. “That is _cum integro et abstinente_. For _innocentia_ is used for _abstinentia_, and opposed to _avaritia_. See Cic. pro Lego Manil., c. 13.” _Burnouf_.

[274] LV. The triumvirs–_Triumviros_. The _triumviri capitales_, who had the charge of the prison and of the punishment of the condemned. They performed their office by deputy, Val. Max., v. 4. 7.

[275] The Tullian dungeon–_Tullianum_. “Tullianum” is an adjective, with which _robur_ must be understood, as it was originally constructed, wholly or partially, with oak. See Festus, sub voce _Robum_ or _Robur_: his words are _arcis robustis includebatur_, of which the sense is not very clear. The prison at Rome was built by Ancus Marcius, and enlarged by Servius Tullius, from whom this part of it had its name; Varro de L. L., iv. 33. It is now transformed into a subterranean chapel, beneath a small church erected over it, called _San Pietro in Carcere_. De Brosses and Eustace both visited it; See Eustace’s Classical Tour, vol. i. p. 260, in the _Family Library_. See also Wasse’s note on this passage.

[276] A vaulted roof connected with stone arches–_Camera lapideis fornicibus vincta_. “That _camera_ was a roof curved in the form of a _testudo_, is generally admitted; see Vitruv. vii. 3; Varr., R. R. iii. 7, init.” _Dietsch_. The roof is now arched in the usual way.

[277] Certain men, to whom orders had been given–_Quibus praeceptum erat_. The editions of Havercamp, Gerlach, Kritzius, and Dietsch, have _vindices rerum capitalium, quibus_, etc. Cortius ejected the first three words from his text, as an intruded gloss. If the words be genuine, we must consider these _vindices_ to have been the deputies, or lictors, of the “triumvirs” mentioned above.

[278] LVI. As far as his numbers would allow–_Pro numero militum_. He formed his men into two bodies, which he called legions, and divided each legion, as was usual, into ten cohorts, putting into each cohort as many men as he could. The cohort of a full legion consisted of three maniples, or six hundred men; the legion would then be six thousand men. But the legions were seldom so large as this; they varied at different periods, from six thousand to three thousand; in the time of Polybius they were usually four thousand two hundred. See Adam’s Rom. Ant., and Lipsius de Mil. Rom Dial. iv.

[279] From his confederates–_Ex sociis_. “Understand, not only the leaders in the conspiracy, but those who, in c. 35, are said to have set out to join Catiline, though not at that time exactly implicated in the plot.” _Kritzius_. It is necessary to notice this, because Cortius erroneously supposes “sociis” to mean the _allies of Rome_. Dahl, Longius, Muller, Burnouf, Gerlach, and Dietsch, all interpret in the same manner as Kritzius.

[280] Hoped himself shortly to find one–_Sperabat propediem sese habiturum_. Other editions, as those of Havercamp, Gerlach, Kritzius, Dietsch, and Burnouf, have the words _magnas copias_ before _sese_. Cortius struck them out, observing that _copiae_ occurred too often in this chapter, and that in one MS. they were wanting. One manuscript, however, was insufficient authority for discarding them; and the phrase suits much better with what follows, _si Romae socii incepta patravissent_, if they are retained.

[281] Slaves–of whom vast numbers, etc.–_Servitia–cujus magnae copiae_. “_Cujus_,” says Priscian (xvii. 20, vol. ii., p. 81, cd. Krehl), “is referred _ad rem_, that is _cujus rei servitiorum_.” _Servorum_ or _hominum genus_, is, perhaps, rather what Sallust had in his mind, as the subject of his relation. Gerlach adduces as an expression most nearly approaching to Sallust’s, Thucyd., iii. 92; [Greek: _Kai dorieis, hae maetropolis ton Lakedaimonion_].

[282] Impolitic–_Alienum suis rationibus_. Foreign to his views; inconsistent with his policy.

[283] LVII. In his hurried march into Gaul–_In Galliam properanti_. These words Cortius inclosed in brackets, pronouncing them as a useless gloss. But all editors have retained them as genuine, except the Bipont and Burnouf, who wholly omitted them.

[284] As he was pursuing, though with a large army, yet through plainer ground, and with fewer hinderances; the enemy in retreat–_Utpote qui magna exercitu, locis aequioribus, expeditus, in fuga sequeretur_. It would be tedious to notice all that has been written upon this passage of Sallust. All the editions, before that of Cortius, had _expeditos, in fugam_, some joining _expeditos_ with _locis aequioribus_, and some with _in fugam_. _Expeditos in fugam_ was first condemned by Wasse, no negligent observer of phrases, who said that no expression parallel to it could be found in any Latin writer. Cortius, seeing that the _expedition_, of which Sallust is speaking, is on the part of Antonius, not of Catiline, altered _expeditos_, though found in all the manuscripts, into _expeditus_; and _in fugam_, at the same time, into _in fuga_; and in both these emendations he has been cordially followed by the subsequent editors, Gerlach, Kritzius, and Dietsch. I have translated _magno exercitu_, “_though_ with a large army,” although, according to Dietsch and some others, we need not consider a large army as a cause of slowness, but may rather regard it as a cause of speed; since the more numerous were Metellus’s forces, the less he would care how many he might leave behind through fatigue, or to guard the baggage; so that he might be the more _expeditus_, unincumbered. With _sequeretur_ we must understand _hostes_. The Bipont, Burnouf’s, which often follows it, and Havercamp’s, are now the only editions of any note that retain _expeditos in fugam_.

[285] LVIII. That a spiritless army can not be rendered active, etc.–_Neque ex ignavo strenuum, neque fortem ex timido exercitum oratione imperatoris fieri_. I have departed a little from the literal reading, for the sake of ease.

[286] That on your own right hands depend, etc.–_In dextris portare_. “That you carry in your right hands.”

[287] Those same places–_Eadem illa_. “Coloniae atque municipia portas claudent.” _Burnouf_.

[288] They contend for what but little concerns them–_Illis supervacaneum est pugnare_. It is but of little concern to the great body of them personally: they may fight, but others will have the advantages of their efforts.

[289] We might, etc.–_Licuit nobis_. The editions vary between _nobis_ and _robis_; but most, with Cortius, have _nobis_.

[290] LIX. In the rear–_In subsidio_. Most translators have rendered this, “as a body of reserve;” but such can not well be the signification. It seems only to mean the part behind the front: Catiline places the eight cohorts _in front_, and the rest of his force _in subsidio_, to support the front. _Subsidia_, according to Varro (de L. L., iv. 16) and Festus (v. _Subsidium_), was a term applied to the Triarii, because they _subsidebant_, or sunk down on one knee, until it was their turn to act. See Sheller’s Lex. v. _Subsidium_. “Novissimi ordines ita dicuntur.” _Gerlach_. _In subsidiis_, which occurs a few lines below, seems to signify _in lines in the rear_; as in Jug. 49, _triplicibus subsidiis aciem intruxit, i.e. with three lines behind the front_. “Subsidium ea pars aciei vocabatur quae reliquis submitti posset; Caes. B. G., ii. 25.” _Dietsch_.

[291] All the ablest centurions–_Centuriones omnes lectos_. “_Lectos_ you may consider to be the same as _eximios, praestantes_, centurionum praestantissimum quemque.” _Kritzius_. Cortius and others take it for a participle, _chosen_.

[292] Veterans–_Evocatos_. Some would make this also a participle, because, say they, it can not signify _evocati_, or _called-out veterans_, since, though there were such soldiers in a regular Roman army, there could be none so called in the tumultuary forces of Catiline. But to this it is answered that Catiline had imitated the regular disposition of a Roman army, and that his veterans might consequently be called _evocati_, just as if they had been in one; and, also that _evocatus_ as a participle would be useless; for if Catiline removed (_subducit_) the centurions, it is unnecessary to add that he called them out, “_Evocati_ erant, qui expletis stipendiis non poterant in delectu scribi, sed precibus imperatoris permoti, aut in gratiam ejus, militiam resumebant, homines longo uso militiae peritissimi. Dio., xiv. p. 276. [Greek: _Ek touton de ton anoron kai to ton Haeouokaton hae Ouokaton systaema (ous Anaklaetous an tis Ellaenisas, hoti pepaumenoi taes strateias, ep’ autein authis aneklaethmsan, ouomaseien) enomisthae_.] Intelligit itaque ejusmodi homines veteranos, etsi non proprie erant tales evocati, sed sponte castra Catilinae essent secuti.” _Cortius_.

[293] Into the foremost ranks–_In primam aciem_. Whether Sallust means that he ranged them with the eight cohorts, or only in the first line of the _subsidia_, is not clear.

[294] A certain officer of Faesulae–_Faesulanum quemdam_. “He is thought to have been that P. Furius, whom Cicero (Cat., iii. 6, 14) mentions as having been one of the colonists that Sylla settled at Faesulae, and who was to have been executed, if he had been apprehended, for having been concerned in corrupting the Allobrogian deputies.” _Dietsch_. Plutarch calls this officer Furius.

[295] His freedmen–_Libertis_. “His own freedmen, whom he probably had about him as a body-guard, deeming them the most attached of his adherents. Among them was, possibly, that Sergius, whom we find from Cic. pro Domo, 5, 6, to have been Catiline’s armor bearer.” _Dietsch_.

[296] The colonists–_Colonis_. “Veterans of Sylla, who had been settled by him as colonists in Etruria, and who had now been induced to join Catiline.” _Gerlach_. See c. 28.

[297] By the eagle–_Propter aquilam_. See Cic. in Cat., i. 9.

[298] Being lame–_Pedibus aeger_. It has been common among translators to render _pedibus aeger_ afflicted with the gout, though a Roman might surely be lame without having the gout. As the lameness of Antonius, however, according to Dion Cassius (xxxvii. 39), was only pretended, it may be thought more probable that he counterfeited the gout than any other malady. It was with this belief, I suppose, that the writer of a gloss on one of the manuscripts consulted by Cortius, interpreted the words, _ultroneam passus est podogram_, “he was affected with a voluntary gout.” Dion Cassius says that he preferred engaging with Antonius, who had the larger army, rather than with Metellus, who had the smaller, because he hoped that Antonius would designedly act in such a way as to lose the victory.

[299] To meet the present insurrection–_Tumulti causa_. Any sudden war or insurrection in Italy or Gaul was called _tumultus_. See Cic. Philipp. v. 12.

[300] Their temples and their homes–_Aris atque focis suis_. See c. 52.

[301] LX. In a furious charge–_Infestis siqnis_.

[302] Offering but partial resistance–_Alios alibi resistentes_. Not making a stand in a body, but only some in one place, and some in another.

[303] Among the first, etc.–_In primis pugnantes cadunt_. Cortius very properly refers _in primis_ to _cadunt_.



A.U.C 685.–COSS. L. CAECILIUS METELLUS, Q. MARCIIS REX.–Catiline is Praetor.

686.–C. CALPURNIUS PISO, M. ACILIUS GLABRIO.–Catiline Governor of Africa.

687.–L. VOLCATIUS TULLUS, M. AEMILIUS LEPIDUS.–Deputies from Africa accuse Catiline of extortion, through the agency of Clodius. He is obliged to desist from standing for the consulship, and forms the project of the first conspiracy. See Sall. Cat., c. 18.

688.–L. MANLIUS TORQUATUS, L. AURELIUS COTTA.–_Jan_. 1: Catiline’s project of the first conspiracy becomes known, and he defers the execution of it to the 5th of February, when he makes an unsuccessful attempt to execute it. _July_ 17: He is acquitted of extortion, and begins to canvass for the consulship for the year 690.

689.–L. JULIUS CAESAR, C. MARCIUS FIGULUS THERMUS.–_June_ 1: Catiline convokes the chiefs of the second conspiracy. He is disappointed in his views on the consulship.

690–M. TULLIUS CICERO, C. ANTONIUS HYBRIDA.–_Oct_. 19: Cicero lays the affair of the conspiracy before the senate, who decree plenary powers to the consuls for defending the state. _Oct_. 21: Silanus and Muraena are elected consuls for the next year, Catiline, who was a candidate, being rejected. _Oct_. 22: Catiline is accused under the Plautian Law _de vi_. Sall. Cat., c. 31. _Oct_. 24: Manlius takes up arms in Etruria. _Nov_. 6: Catiline assembles the chief conspirators, by the agency of Porcius Laeca Sall. Cat., c. 27. _Nov_. 7: Vargunteius and Cornelius undertake to assassinate Cicero. Sall. Cat., c. 28. _Nov_. 8: Catiline appears in the senate; Cicero delivers his first Oration against him; he threatens to extinguish the flame raised around him in a general destruction, and quits Rome. Sall. Cat., c. 31. _Nov_. 9: Cicero delivers his second Oration against Catiline, before an assembly of the people, convoked by order of the senate. _Nov_. 20, _or thereabouts_: Catiline and Manlius are declared public enemies. Soon after this the conspirators attempt to secure the support of the Allobrogian deputies. _Dec_. 3: About two o’clock in the morning the Allobroges are apprehended. Toward evening Cicero delivers his third Oration against Catiline, before the people. _Dec_. 5. Cicero’s fourth Oration against Catiline, before the senate. Soon after, the conspirators are condemned to death, and great honors are decreed by the senate to Cicero. 691.–D. JUNIUS SILANUS, L. LICINIUS MURAENA–_Jan_. 5: Battle of Pistoria, and death of Catiline.

* * * * *

The narrative of Sallust terminates with the account of the battle of Pistoria. There are a few other particulars connected with the history of the conspiracy, which, for the sake of the English reader, it may not be improper to add.

When the victory was gained, Antonius caused Catiline’s head to be cut off, and sent it to Rome by the messengers who carried the news. Antonius himself was honored, by a public decree, with the title of _Imperator_, although he had done little to merit the distinction, and although the number of slain, which was three thousand, was less than that for which the title was generally given. See Dio Cass. xxxvii., 40, 41.

The remains of Catiline’s army, after the death of their leader, continued to make efforts to raise another insurrection. In August, eight months after the battle, a party, under the command of Lucius Sergius, perhaps a relative or freedman of Catiline, still offered resistance to the forces of the government in Etruria. _Reliquiae conjuratorum, cum L. Sergio, tumultuantur in Hetruria_. Fragm. Act. Diurn. The responsibility of watching these marauders was left to the proconsul Metellus Celer. After some petty encounters, in which the insurgents were generally worsted, Sergius, having collected his force at the foot of the Alps, attempted to penetrate into the country of the Allobroges, expecting to find them ready to take up arms; but Metellus, learning his intention, pre-occupied the passes, and then surrounded and destroyed him and his followers.

At Rome, in the mean time, great honors were paid to Cicero. A thanksgiving of thirty days was decreed in his name, an honor which had previously been granted to none but military men, and which was granted to him, to use his own words, because _he had delivered the city from fire, the citizens from slaughter, and Italy from war_. “If my thanksgiving,” he also observes, “be compared with those of others, there will be found this difference, that theirs were granted them for having managed the interests of the republic successfully, but that mine was decreed to me for having preserved the republic from ruin.” See Cic. Orat. iii., in Cat., c. 6. Pro Sylla, c. 30. In Pison. c. 3. Philipp. xiv., 8. Quintus Catulus, then _princeps senatus_, and Marcus

Roma parentem,
Roma patrem patriae Ciceronem libera dixit.

Juv. Sat., viii. 244.

Of the inferior conspirators, who did not follow Sergius, and who were apprehended at Rome, or in other parts of Italy, after the death of the leaders in the plot, some were put to death, chiefly on the testimony of Lucius Vettius, one of their number, who turned informer against the rest. But many whom he accused were acquitted; others, supposed to be guilty, were allowed to escape.



The Introduction, I.-IV. The author’s declaration of his design, and prefatory account of Jugurtha’s family, V. Jugurtha’s character, VI. His talents excite apprehensions in his uncle Micipsa, VII. He is sent to Numantia. His merits, his favor with Scipio, and his popularity in the army, VIII. He receives commendation and advice from Scipio and is adopted by Micipsa, who resolves that Jugurtha, Adherbal, and Hiempsal, shall, at his death, divide his kingdom equally between them, IX. He is addressed by Micipsa on his death-bed, X. His proceedings, and those of Adherbal and Hiempsal, after the death of Micipsa, XI. He murders Hiempsal, XII. He defeats Adherbal, and drives him for refuge to Rome. He dreads the vengeance of the senate, and sends embassadors to Rome, who are confronted with those of Adherbal in the senate-house, XIII. The speech of Adherbal, XIV. The reply of Jugurtha’s embassadors, and the opinions of the senators, XV. The prevalence of Jugurtha’s money, and the partition of the kingdom between him and Adherbal, XVI. A description of Africa, XVII. An account of its inhabitants, and of its principal divisions at the commencement of the Jugurthine war, XVIII., XIX. Jugurtha invades Adherbal’s part of the kingdom, XX. He defeats Adherbal, and besieges him in Cirta, XXI. He frustrates the intentions of the Roman deputies, XXII. Adherbal’s distresses, XXIII. His letter to the senate, XXIV. Jugurtha disappoints a second Roman deputation, XXV. He takes Cirta, and puts Adherdal to death, XXVI. The senate determine to make war upon him, and commit the management of it to Calpurnius, XXVII. He sends an ineffectual embassy to the senate. His dominions are vigorously invaded by Calpurnius, XXVIII. He bribes Calpurnius, and makes a treaty with him, XXIX. His proceedings are discussed at Rome, XXX. The speech of Memmius concerning them, XXXI. The consequences of it, XXXII. The arrival of Jugurtha at Rome, and his appearance before the people, XXXIII., XXXIV. He procures the assassination of Massiva, and is ordered to quit Italy, XXXV. Albinus, the successor of Calpurnius, renews the war. He returns to Rome, and leaves his brother Aulus to command in his absence, XXXVI. Aulus miscarries in the siege of Suthul, and concludes a dishonorable treaty with Jugurtha, XXXVII, XXXVIII. His treaty is annulled by the senate. His brother, Albinus, resumes the command, XXXIX. The people decree an inquiry into the conduct of those who had treated with Jugurtha, XL. Consideration on the popular and senatorial factions, XLI., XLII. Metellus assumes the conduct of the war, XLIII. He finds the army in Numidia without discipline, XLIV. He restores subordination, XLV. He rejects Jugurtha’s offers of submission, bribes his deputies, and marches into the country, XLVI. He places a garrison in Vacca, and seduces other deputies of Jugurtha, XLVII. He engages with Jugurtha, and defeats him. His lieutenant, Rutilius, puts to flight Bomilcar, the general of Jugurtha, XLVIII.-LIII. He is threatened with new opposition. He lays waste the country. His stragglers are cut off by Jugurtha, LIV. His merits are celebrated at Rome. His caution. His progress retarded, LV. He commences the siege of Zama, which is reinforced by Jugurtha. His lieutenant, Marius, repulses Jugurtha at Sicca, LVI. He is joined by