intelligence and spirit, and whose business it will be to have the chief government, and bring down the interests of the funds. This will, of course, straiten most severely all those who at present derive any income therefrom, and as the small sums into which the said funds are divided, are spread over a widely extended population of humble but respectable persons, it will totally ruin a great many. However, there seems to be an opinion that the Bill will be greatly modified. For the sweeping away of sixty boroughs (amongst which Reigate goes at once) and taking one member from four more, is a measure of such violent disruption, as to create a resistance that may be fatal to the public peace of the country. Persons are much excited all over the land, particularly the class of householders I have already mentioned.
‘With regard to foreign affairs, it appears still problematical whether France will take part in defending by force of arms revolutionary movements and doctrines in other countries than her own. You will of course know pretty readily, how these matters are to go in the Italian States, or those of the Church.
‘With respect to my family in domestic matters, we continue to remain without change, or much appearance thereof. Your brother Grantham, however, is rather an exception to this rule, for he has been so very ill of a rheumatic fever, that a great change has taken place in his appearance. He is however considered convalescent, but up to yesterday remained quite helpless. Eliot went yesterday to see him for the first time, and comes up to-day to dinner from Hampton Court Palace where Lady Montgomery, as you have heard, has apartments and where your brother and Emily his spouse have been residing for the last six or seven weeks. I have been also very much indisposed for the last three months, but have according to my own practice abstained from medical advice, and am now fast convalescing. It was a cough and of asthmatic tendency which bothered me, off and on, for some time, and which I got at Xmas attending the grand jury at Winchester on the Special Commission. But my own opinion is rather that at sixty-three age brings about such changes in one’s bodily organs, as renders these attacks necessary in order to hasten on the great events of life, namely, Old Age and Death.
‘Lord Hardwicke is wonderfully well, your Uncle Charles but so so, Lady H. and Mrs. Charles Yorke and all their tribe very well. Lady Clanricarde better than usual, not very strong, Henry fit for a monk in point of appearance. Eliot, for him very well, Grantham I have described, and last and least A. Y. [Footnote: Agneta Yorke, his only daughter, afterwards Lady Agneta Bevan.] who is very well indeed, except when hot rooms and late hours come on, and then she is but so so.
‘We always look out with very serious desire to hear from you, every post, as you are an interesting object and rather a lion to be looked at. But I am thankful to know you are well and busy, business generally makes you well. I am going down for two or three days to Sydney Lodge on some business–and I shall send this to Sir H. Hotham to take care of and forward. The whole of us here and elsewhere unite in every good wish. For myself I can only say that you may rely on my regard and affection and believe me always dear Charles, your affectionate Father and sincere friend,
‘J. S. YORKE.’
Finished April 3, 1831.
‘This was my dear father’s last letter. He lost his life on the 5th, visiting the _St. Vincent_ at Spithead, which ship had Lord Hotham’s flag bound for the Mediterranean. This letter was given to me at sea by Sir H. Hotham on my way home, having read in _Galignani_ my Father’s death.
‘(Signed) H.’
* * * * *
The following note by my late brother gives all that is known of the accident:
* * * * *
‘I have no record of the accident that caused Sir Joseph Yorke’s death, but I know he was in his small sailing yacht coming over from Portsmouth with Captain Bradby and Captain Young and one or two men of the crew, when the boat was struck by a heavy squall in a thunderstorm somewhere off the Hamble river, and they are all supposed to have been struck by lightning. Sir Joseph’s body was found floating, the boat was picked up derelict in the West Channel. No one was left to tell the tale; the tablet in Hamble church, which is the only record I know of it, merely states he was drowned by the upsetting of a boat. I believe he had a blue line going down his body, and the fact of his being found floating gives the impression that he was killed by lightning, as I suppose all the other occupants shared the same fate.
‘HARDWICKE’
SYDNEY LODGE, HAMBLE:
October 14, 1908.
* * * * *
I may perhaps add that on the day Sir Joseph Yorke was drowned, Miss Manningham, the sister of Mrs. Charles Yorke, was at one of the Ancient Music concerts in the Hanover Square Rooms, and during the performance fainted and was carried out. On coming to herself and being questioned as to the cause, she said she had seen before her the dripping form of a man whose body was covered with a naval cloak, and although she could not see his face, she knew it to be the body of Sir Joseph Yorke. There were of course neither telegraph nor daily posts in those days, and the news of his death only reached the family some two days later, when it was found that the day and hour corresponded with the vision Miss Manningham had seen.
From certain remarks in his letters from Sweden it appears that Captain Yorke had long the intention of entering politics so soon as there was any interruption of his active service at sea, and shortly after his arrival in England in 1831, he carried out this intention by offering himself as candidate for Reigate, for which borough he duly took his seat. In October of the same year, however, a vacancy occurred in the representation of Cambridgeshire upon the resignation of one of the sitting members, Lord F. G. Osborne. Captain Yorke at once decided to offer himself as the representative of a county with which his family had been long and closely associated. His opponent was Mr. R. G. Townley, who was the Ministerial candidate and had the support of Lord John Russell on his committee and at the hustings.
The politics of those strenuous times of the Reform Bill are well known, and need no more than a passing reference here. The election began on October 27, only a little more than a fortnight after the Ministerial bill had been rejected by the House of Lords. It is needless to say that Captain Yorke stood in the Tory interest. In his address and speeches he expressed himself in favour of a moderate scheme of reform which would abolish such constituencies as were proved to be saleable and corrupt, and as ready to support a proper extension of the franchise. But he refused altogether to sacrifice the agricultural interest to that of the manufacturer, and took his stand upon the necessity of affording protection to the farmer by the maintenance of the existing Corn Laws. Lord John Russell declared that he and his party had no objection to Captain Yorke as a man, but exhorted his hearers to bear in mind that this was no personal contest, but one which would decide the question of Reform or no Reform. There were the usual hearty proceedings which we associate with the elections of that period at the hustings on Parker’s Piece, Cambridge; Captain Yorke was escorted by a body of freeholders on horseback, and there was the customary cheerful fighting to celebrate the conclusion of the poll. This resulted in the captain’s defeat.
He was not long excluded from Parliament. Upon the passage of the great Reform Bill in the following year he was again nominated, and taking his stand upon his old principles, and declaring himself resolutely opposed to the poisonous and revolutionary ideas which France was promulgating in Europe, he was returned by a large majority and took his seat in the first reformed Parliament, where he represented his county until called to the House of Lords by the death of his uncle.
Meanwhile, Captain Yorke had been most happily married on October 18, 1833, at Ravensworth Castle, Durham, to the Hon. Susan Liddell, daughter of the first Lord Ravensworth, and sister to the Countess of Mulgrave, Viscountess Barrington, Lady Williamson, Mrs. Trotter, and the Hon. Georgiana Liddell, afterwards Lady Bloomfield.
By the death of the third Earl of Hardwicke on November 18, 1834, Captain Yorke succeeded to that earldom, to which he had long been heir- presumptive. As already mentioned, the third earl’s elder son, Viscount Royston, had been lost in a storm in the Baltic in 1808, and two younger sons had died in infancy. Captain Yorke therefore succeeded to the estates in Cambridgeshire and to the historic mansion of Wimpole. These came into the possession of his family by purchase, the Lord Chancellor having acquired them from Edward Lord Harley, afterwards Earl of Oxford, for £100,000. I print here a letter describing Wimpole in 1781, written by the Countess of St. Germans to her aunt Lady Beauchamp, [Footnote: Wife of Sir William Beauchamp of Langley Park, Norfolk, sister of Mrs. Charles Yorke.] as illustrating life at a country house at that period.
* * * * *
‘MY DEAR AUNT (writes Lady St. Germans from ‘Wimple’ October 1781), We came to this place last Monday about half-past three o’clock; just time enough for dinner and found all the good family in perfect health. Lady Bell Polwarth is now here, also my brothers. P. Y. had been here before, Charles came yesterday on purpose to meet Mama, and goes away again to- morrow. He is not at all the worse for his journey but looks remarkably well. Here is likewise an unhappy victim of a clergyman on a visit. His name is Rouse and he is minister of some place near Wrest. This is the society here at present, and now I shall tell you of our journey, and how I like the place. Mama had desired my brother Phil as he passed through Hertford to order four horses to come to Tytten after six o’clock and four more to be ready at the Inn to change, but knowing the forgetfulness of the young gentleman, Mama and I were in a peck of troubles lest he should forget the horses, and then we could not have gone. However, they did come, and at eleven o’clock after various directions and orders given we packed off and got to Hertford safely. Changed horses without alighting and proceeded to Buntingford, where we changed again. As we passed by Hammells we saw the new Lodges which are built at the entrance of the Park, and look very pretty; at present they are only brick, but are to be painted white. When we entered Cambridgeshire, I confess I was not struck with the beauties of the country, but thought it very ugly, disagreeable, and uninteresting. However, when we approached the environs of Wimple, I was in some measure repaid by the delightful appearance of the Park and country round it, for the ugliness of that we had passed through. I assure you I was very much pleased with the beauty of the grounds and the grandeur of the house itself. Most part of it is furnished in the old style, as for example, Mama’s and my apartment are brown wainscots, and the bed- curtains and hangings are crimson damask laced with gold most dreadfully tarnished. The rooms below stairs are excellent, and very handsomely furnished. Lady Grey, the Marchioness, has just fitted up some new apartments, that are beautiful, particularly the new dining-room which is very elegant indeed. Her Ladyship was so kind as to take us yesterday morning to see the new park building, which is very pretty. It commands a very fine and extensive prospect and is seen at a great distance. I have not yet seen the ruined tower which I can behold from my window. Everything here is quite new to me, as though I had never seen it before, for you know it is at least seven years ago since my brother drove us over at full gallop, all the way from Hammells. The State Bed, which you may remember stood below stairs, is now moved upwards into one of the new rooms. The paper with which the walls are covered is common and white to match the bed, and there are two dressing-rooms belonging to it. In short, I like the place exceedingly. Lady Grey is very kind to me, and I am much obliged to her for permitting me to come. One thing here, however, is disagreeable to me as I have never been used to it, and that is, the sitting so long after breakfast and dinner. We breakfast at ten o’clock and sit till twelve. Then if the weather is fine, which it is not to-day, we take a walk, if not, retire to our own apartments. From half-past two till four is spent in dressing. From four till past six at dinner. Then coffee, afterwards working, looking at prints, talking and preaching till ten. Then I go to bed, and supper is announced. Everybody is in bed at eleven; before breakfast Mama and I have some little time, as we get up at eight. I always take a walk in the garden before breakfast. Before that time everyone but Lady Grey and my Lord go into the Library, which is a noble apartment.
‘My brother has come home delighted with having found in Ireland a hard name to puzzle everybody to death with. This was the name of a young lady at Limerick, not more than 6 foot 4 inches without her shoes. What do you think of Miss Helena Macgillokilycuddy? This name is always in his mouth, but I believe he has added four syllables to the real word. As to Charles, he was charmed and captivated with another young lady at Limerick, a Miss Fitzgerald, whom he danced with and thought the most amiable of the company. In short, they are much pleased with their journey, and are ready to break a lance with anyone in favour of the Irish. I must not forget to tell you that they ran away from Dublin with two new coats, without ever paying for them. I have no news to send you.’
* * * * *
Lady Grey mentioned in this letter married the second Lord Hardwicke, who had no son.
There is an interesting allusion to Wimpole and its associations in one of Lord Melbourne’s published letters to Queen Victoria. After giving Her Majesty some particulars of the place, and mentioning incidentally that he was ‘very partial to Lord Hardwicke,’ Lord Melbourne says:
‘The cultured but indolent Lord Harley, afterwards Earl of Oxford, had married Lady Henrietta Cavendish Holles, who brought him £500,000, most of which he dissipated. Their only child Margaret, “the noble, lovely little Peggy” of Prior, married William Bentinck, second Duke of Portland. Lady Oxford sold to the nation the Harleian Collection of Manuscripts, now in the British Museum (to hold which the gallery at Wimpole was built). There is much history and more poetry connected with it. Prior mentions it repeatedly, and always calls the first Lady Harley, daughter of the Duke of Newcastle, “Belphebe.” If Hardwicke should have a daughter he should christen her “Belphebe.” The Lady Belphebe Yorke would not sound ill.’
Thus Lord Melbourne to Queen Victoria. I may perhaps add that my father had three daughters, but it did not occur to him to give either of them that name. Prior died at Wimpole in 1721, and his portrait was hung in the library, and on the table are framed the following lines by the poet:
‘Fame counting thy books, my dear Harley, shall tell
No man had so many who knew them so well.’
At Wimpole accordingly my father, after an active life at sea which had continued with scarce an interruption for sixteen years, settled to the quieter life of a country gentleman; he was a good agriculturist, identifying himself with all the interests of the land, and resolutely opposing any changes which he considered detrimental to the prosperity of the country. I should add that he became a successful breeder of shorthorns, and that he was President of the Royal Agricultural Society in 1845, when the show was held at Derby.
In 1834 he was appointed Lord-Lieutenant of Cambridgeshire. Sir Robert Peel recommended his name to King William, as he explained in a letter to Lord Hardwicke, as an exception to the rule ‘which disinclines the minister to continue a member of the same family in succession in the office of Lord-Lieutenant of a county … a rule by which in ordinary cases I should wish to abide, but not for the purpose of depriving me of the real satisfaction of making an exception in the case of the present vacancy in the county of Cambridgeshire, and naming you to His Majesty, which I have done this day for the appointment of Lord-Lieutenant.’ Upon the return of Sir Robert Peel to power in 1841, Lord Hardwicke’s great influence and loyal principles were recognised by his appointment as Lord-in-Waiting to Her Majesty Queen Victoria.
It was in that capacity that my father was appointed to attend King Frederick William IV of Prussia, the elder brother of the Emperor William I, upon his visit to England in the early months of 1842. An interesting letter from Mr. John Wilson Croker to my father shows that Lord Hardwicke took pains to inform himself as to the character and tastes of his Prussian Majesty before entering upon his period of waiting. Mr. Croker was staying with Sir Robert Peel, where the minister was entertaining the Duke of Cambridge:
‘I have as I promised you’ he writes, ‘turned the conversation on the subject of the K. of Prussia, and as the Duke of Cambridge happens to be here, we have heard a good deal on the subject of H.M. The sum is that H.M. is a good and enlightened man, well read in books and well versed in current literature and affairs; a Christian in heart and rather fond of theology, so much so, that he has read twice over, they said, Gladstone’s book on the Church.
‘I am not surprised at the “twice over,” if H.M. really wished to understand the author. I found that one reading left me as much in the dark as I was at the first, and I only doubt whether a second perusal would have made me any wiser.’
As illustrating the King’s religious feeling I may mention that among His Majesty’s experiences with Lord Hardwicke was a visit they made together to Newgate, where they were present in the chapel at a service Elizabeth Fry was holding for the prisoners. The King knelt and was deeply affected, and my father always described the scene as ‘deeply touching’ and said that he left the prison with an ideal memory of that great and holy woman.
The King of Prussia became much attached to Lord Hardwicke during this visit to England, and made him promise a return visit to Prussia. This took place in June of the same year, when my father went to Berlin and accompanied the King on a visit he made to the Czar Nicholas at St. Petersburg. My father wrote a series of letters to my mother while upon this journey, describing much that he saw and did, and as these give many interesting particulars of the Czar and his Court, and describe some of the old towns in North Germany in a way which may tempt many a wanderer to visit some of them even to-day, I here print some extracts from them.
The first of these is dated June 20, 1842, from Hamburg, where my father was detained by a short illness, during which he had the help of Mr. Schetky, the marine painter to Queen Victoria, whose acquaintance he had made years before at the Naval College at Portsmouth. It gives some interesting particulars of the great fire which raged in that city on May 4, 1842, and two days following, and destroyed 2000 dwelling-houses as well as many churches and public buildings.
* * * * *
‘I send you some little sketches of parts of the dilapidated town showing the ruins of the great church of Saint Peter. The history of the fire is told in a few words; no one knows how it began, the want of order, power, and a commanding head was the cause of the great devastation … the mob said “in a free town we can do what we like.” They pumped spirits from the engines instead of water by mistake, and thus a scene of devastation and plunder was begun which ceased only from the exhaustion of the people and a shift of the wind.
‘Then came in some troops from Prussia and Denmark, and order was restored. The number of lives lost is not known, but not above two hundred it is believed.
‘As you well know, Hamburg is a free town and a republic of itself, governed by the Burgomaster and a senate. It is one of the three remaining Hanse towns…. The loss suffered here is to be now stated, it is fairly computed at 12,000,000 pounds sterling; of this 8,000,000 falls on individuals and foreign and British insurance offices; 4,000,000 on the city of Hamburg. The foreign insurance offices have paid very well; the Hamburg, that is the individual who had such an office, is ruined and can pay nothing; the city of Hamburg will borrow 4,000,000, and raise the interest by a tax on the houses of the city throughout. The cause of this is that Hamburg allowed no foreign insurance to be made for a house, but the whole city is an insurance office against the destruction of a house by fire. What the house contains as furniture, &c., the city has nothing to do with. So each individual will receive for his house destroyed by fire its value from the city, but he will be taxed to pay the interests of the money. This may not be quite clear, it requires rather more words to make it so. I hope to find a letter from you in Berlin.–Yours,
‘CHARLES.’
* * * * *
The next letter was written from Berlin.
* * * * *
‘I arrived here this morning at four o’clock from Hamburg to Boitzenburg, where we slept.
‘I went down to the King (at Sans Souci) by railroad; he was at dinner, I got some brought to me by his old servant. The King soon came out of his dining-room to me and gave me a most hearty welcome, and took me into the garden, where all the court ladies and gentlemen were gathered; presented me to the Queen, both asked after and about you and were very kind. I can hardly say how much interest I felt in being for a few moments at Sans Souci again; it is a most beautiful place. It is wonderful to think of its creation, but there will be speedy decay and dissolution, if it is not ere long repaired. The Palace is small, and not worthy the name of a Palace, but beautiful. I am not expected to remain long I think, from what I gather.
‘As I was staring about the town yesterday evening after my return from Sans Souci, I was tapped on the shoulder and informed that the King desired that I would come to sup with him at nine, so as it was half past eight, off I went to dress. By the by I did not tell you that after our dinner at Sans Souci the whole Court moved up to Berlin by railroad, thus I was at the Palace at nine. The supper was served at six small tables, without any covering, the plate and glasses standing on the mahogany. At one table sat the King and Queen, the Princess of Prussia and the Duke of Brunswick; the rest of the party and his household were at the other tables. A seat of honour was kept for me by the great lady of the Court, but I had already found myself seated by a maid of honour whose sweet smiles had attracted me and I did not think it worth while to move. You need not be alarmed, for the stock of beauty here is small. The King and Queen both crossed to speak with me before and after supper, and on taking leave for the night the King kindly shook me by the hand. The King is gone, he visits some of his provincial towns on his way, and takes no one with him but one Aide-de-camp and no escort. I go tomorrow in my own carriage, thank God; a route is given me, a number painted on the carriage, and all paid, so I go like the devil without anything to pay. I shall be at Dantzic before the King.
‘The road from Hamburg to Berlin lies through a portion of the Danish territory and the territory of the grand Duke of Mecklenburg Schwerin and the Prussian, the whole way the country is cultivated, the Danish territory of Holstein is sandy and little done with it. That of M. Schwerin is of a better quality, though what we should call moderate soil but very fairly cultivated. I never saw better farming in my life, or a country more cared for, the crops looked well and not a weed to be seen, the road-side planted, and every tree that was young staked and tied, the side of the roads mowed and trimmed, and stone gutter on each side of a fairly macadamized road. I felt humbled after my boasting thoughts of England, as this pattern they have no doubt followed, but the Prince of Mecklenburg Schwerin deserves well of his people for his superior copy. The people are well clothed, and I have not been asked for a farthing since I came to this country.
‘Then in Prussia on crossing the frontier the authorities were most civil, cast an eye at the carriage, made a bow, and would not look at an article; the regulations of Prussia are in all departments most excellent, and a painstaking discipline exists everywhere, which makes the position of the traveller quite charming. Here only one side of the road is macadamized, the other half is the soil, but the road is very wide, so down hill you take the soil, very safe. All through Prussia, as far as I have been, the farming is very good, the land very clean, but the soil very, very poor; it is a great desert in fact, made habitable by the perseverance and industry of the people; round this town it is wonderful to see what can be done by the hand of man. This town stands in a desert of driving sand, but the town has created a soil round it which is now pushing the desert back every year, and it is now in the centre of a large circle of fine green fields and corn lands; of course the produce is not great but the labour is small, and the improvement progressing. The accommodation is very fair even to an Englishman. The innkeepers are a very respectable class, and though I have not seen a bed that is larger than a child’s crib without curtains, yet they are clean, soft, and well made with lots of pillows for the head.
‘Up to this time I have seen nothing but what I may call the outside of Berlin, my impression is that on the whole it is a very fine city. The public buildings are numerous. The architecture is fine, with more of the florid ornament than the style permits; much statuary and grouping of figures in marble and bronze. Streets wide, buildings low and large; but more of this bye and bye.
‘My friend Schetky has been very useful to me in killing much “ennui” and comforting me when sick. He is an extraordinary fellow, sixty-three, with the spirits and fun of a boy, and the appetite of a horse. He is bent on going to Dantzig, so puts himself into the mail-post or public conveyance. He thinks he can make a picture [Footnote: Now at Sydney Lodge.] of the King’s embarkation; I hope he may succeed, for he is a worthy soul.
‘I have passed my morning in the museum of statues and pictures. The museum was founded in 1830 from designs by Schinkel; it is pure Greek Doric (I don’t like it), a double column façade, up a great flight of steps; before the entrance stands a basin of polished red granite twenty-two feet in diameter, one block; it was a boulder that lay thirty miles from Berlin called the Markgrafenstein, it lay at a place called Fürstenwald.
‘The collection of the museum consists of vases and bronzes, sculpture and pictures. My view was so very cursory, and without a catalogue, that I must not say much about it. It is very large and the statues are mostly antique, and I should say fine. The pictures are numerous and many very fine, but on the whole the collection I should say was not first rate, indeed if it were it would be the finest in the world from its number.
‘There is a very curious collection of very old church pictures by very ancient masters of the art, but the Italian school of its best day is, I think, small, as well as the Dutch. But I must not be supposed to give judgment on the gallery, I must have a long day at it on my return, and another some day with you, my love.
‘I find that I am not even to pay for a potato on my journey, my beds, breakfasts, dinners, horses are everywhere ordered. And apartments were ready for me at Sans Souci, had I arrived sooner, and this morning I was ordered to the Palace for to-day and to-night, but I begged off, the Hof-Marshall not thinking my rooms here good enough; surely this is enough honour. But it is given to the Queen’s servant, to an Englishman, and not to myself, so I do not take it all. I dine with Westmorland to- day at five.
‘Your devoted,
‘CHARLES.’
* * * * *
KONITZ: June 25, 1842.
‘I have arrived at the end of my second day’s journey towards Dantzig, where I meet the King, who went by another road for the purpose of paying a visit to the frontier town of Posen, where he was to be entertained by the inhabitants. As I told you, I had a route given me and thus far am I advanced, post horses standing ready at each station, the authorities waiting on me and showing me every attention that a Pacha might require. I must say more could not be done to make all most agreeable to me, I have come 100 miles in twelve hours on the most excellent road without a jolt, very good accommodation and eating.’
* * * * *
DANTZIG: June 26.
‘I am safe and sound at the ancient Port of Dantzig, the corn exporting place, the terror of English farmers. I found that I was quartered on arrival at the English Consul’s, where I have an excellent apartment and was most kindly received by him and his family, the lady being a Prussian, and from what I have seen of her a most excellent and charming person.
‘My journey to-day has been less agreeable than the two previous ones from heavy rain all day, country passed through of the same general character, the land improving in quality as we approach Dantzig. Between Konitz and (?) Pral Rittelm we cross a small stream called the Pral, full of salmon and fine trout. I thought of my absent fishing tackle, but it is better I had it not, as I should have got wet to a certainty, but I mark him for some other day.
‘The country is a Catholic country, wooden images of the crucified Saviour on the road-sides, and the greater part of cottages here built of timber log, and the people in an inferior condition.
‘As soon as I had dined with the Consul I took my way to the shore of the Vistula. The sight of its banks was to me most interesting, covered with sheaves of wheat covering acres of ground, while the river is covered with rafts of timber and large boats built for the voyage down, but being broken up for fire wood as soon as the cargo of wheat is landed. Here the grain remains till sold to the merchant, when it is carried to the granaries in the town, or rather to an island in the middle of the town called Speicher Insel. On this island there is no other building but granaries. The corn contained is 500,000 or 600,000 qrs. of wheat. On a fine day on the shore of the river are to be seen the figures of two hundred men and women, Poles, working the wheat by turning it over and over with shovels till it is dry, as the voyage down the river is sometimes five or six weeks, and the corn heats and grows; thus it requires much turning on its arrival.
‘The Poles who come down with it, are the most savage and uncouth looking people I ever saw, excepting Finns and Esquimaux; indeed, they are very like them. But their character here is that they are a most inoffensive race, suffer much fatigue and privation, and gain but little by their voyage. They are in the hands of Jewish supercargoes, one of which nation is to be seen in every regiment and in every boat. These poor people, after the cargo is sold, walk home again 600 or 700 miles. Price of wheat on the shore 55s. per qr. That won’t hurt us. The King is expected tomorrow late in the evening. Good-night.
‘Monday night, ten o’clock.–The day is past and I have returned for the night. The King arrived at six o’clock, I waited on him directly he was in the room; he had me to dine with him, and seated me next him at table. The Prince Menschikoff, the head of the Russian Navy, was there; he has come to take the King to Russia with two steam ships.
‘I visited to-day the lions of Dantzig–the Exchange, the Cathedral, and the Armoury. The Exchange is a most curious building of great antiquity, and the hall is certainly the most curious and grotesque room in the world. The walls are covered with large pictures and wooden statues painted in colour. It is a Gothic edifice built in 1379, and the roof of the hall is supported by four slender pillars. The most singular picture on the wall is a representation of the church under the form of a ship sailing to heaven full of monks, who are throwing out ropes and hooks to haul on board a few miserable sinners, who but for this timely assistance would be drowned.
‘In front of the building is a fine fountain ornamented with a bronze figure of Neptune drawn by sea-horses. The whole effect of the hall is most curious and beautiful. Near this building is the Town Hall, in which is the room in which the old Senate, now the Corporation, sit. Its beauty is difficult to describe, the ceiling is richly carved in wood, in each compartment is a fine and brilliant picture by some old master.
‘The church, of which I send a sketch, is one of the most curious in Europe; the Lutherans have preserved it exactly as it was; rich to a degree in painting, sculpture, and brass, though not of the highest order, yet, to the eye, rich in effect. The two great objects in it are a picture by Van Eyck, and a crucified Saviour in wood as large as life. It is called the “Marien Kirche,” and was begun in 1343 by the grand master of the Teutonic Knights. The architect was Ulric Ritter of Strasburg. The vaulted roof is supported by twenty-six slender brick pillars, ninety-eight feet from the pavement; around the interior are fifty chapels, originally founded by the chief citizens for their families. The great ornament is the picture by John Van Eyck known as the Dantzig picture. It was painted for the Pope, and while on its way to Rome was taken by pirates. It was retaken by a Dantzig vessel and deposited in the cathedral, where it remained till 1807, when the French took the town and it was carried to Paris. On its return after the war, the King of Prussia wished to retain it in Berlin, and offered the town 40,000 dollars as a compensation, but they would not part with their picture. I think it a wonderful picture, it is as fresh as the day it was painted, and the colour bestowed on it is amazing; but, like all this class of pictures, to me it is only wonderful.
‘The Crucifix is fine, and the story goes that the artist crucified his servant that he might make a good article.
‘Fahrenheit, who invented the thermometer, was born here. The great street of the town is the most beautiful I ever saw, the houses with the gables to the street no two alike, richly ornamented with elaborate cornices and carving of figures and flowers. Flights of steps from the door, some projecting more than others into the street, some with stone rail, some iron, some brass. Most curious, antique, and beautiful. It is a fine and interesting old town. So much for Dantzig.’
* * * * *
At the Entrance of the Gulf of Finland, on board the Emperor of Russia’s Steam Frigate _Bogatir_:
* * * * *
June 30, 1842.
‘Since I despatched my letter from Dantzig I have made progress thus far towards my ultimate and extreme point, and to-morrow evening I expect to be safe under the roof of the Emperor of all the Russias. I closed my letter to you on the 27th, and I shall resume the thread of my story from that time. At nine o’clock on the 28th the King reviewed the Garrison of Dantzig, a small army of about 2000 men, consisting of two regiments of infantry, one of cavalry, and eight guns. I accompanied him on horseback; the turn-out was very good indeed, the men small but healthy and active, and moved very well, in all points extremely well equipped. Afterwards His Majesty drove about the town and visited everything, not only the public buildings that I have described to you, but also wherever a bit of old carving, or old wardrobe, or the façade of a house that was curious was to be found, there he paid a visit. He gave a great dinner at two o’clock to 100 of his chief people and officers. During the repast a regiment of infantry sang national songs in parts most beautifully, the choruses, with 800 or 1000 voices, very fine. We embarked at seven in a small steam boat which took us down the Vistula and aboard the frigate. Throughout the day I have been struck with the position of this Monarch and his people.
‘No guards, no escorts, not even a guard of honour or police, all affection and order. He walked about amongst thousands of his people, like a father among his loving children. He was remarkably well received everywhere and it made him very happy. He is very familiar with his officers, and talks to his servants with kindness and good humour, frequently making them laugh and laughing in return. In short, I am much struck with the difference of forms in the constitutional and despotic country, and with the pomp of the former and familiarity and freedom of the latter. In parting with his officers he pressed many of them with warmth and affection to his heart.
‘The two Russian steam ships that convey us to St. Petersburg are very fine vessels, the one we are on board of is the smallest of the two, being about 1000 tons and 200 horse power, the other 1800 tons with 600 horse power. This vessel, the _Bogatir_, is superbly fitted and quite equal in all points to any I have seen in England.
‘July 1 (Friday, 5 P.M.).–I was obliged to leave this scrawl of mine yesterday, for really what with the engine, the eating and the talking, I could do little in the way of writing; moreover, I have had no bed, though a very good cabin, but have slept three nights in my clothes on the sofa. Well here I am well lodged with a suite of apartments in the Palace of Peterhoff with the Emperor and the Court. It has been a day of great interest, and ought to have been one of excitement, but I find that nothing of this sort excites me; so much the better, I can profit more, though I do not enjoy so much.
‘This morning at four o’clock I was on deck and we passed a division of the Russian Fleet under sail, one three-decker and eight two-deckers of 80 and 74 guns, four frigates, two corvettes, and three or four brigs; the line-of-battle ships formed the line of battle on the larboard tack and bore up with us, but the wind being light they did not keep long in company. At equal distance were placed, for the purpose of communication by signal, vessels of war, frigates, and brigs, who gave the Emperor early information of our approach. Of course we were everywhere received with a cannonade from every vessel.
‘On approaching Cronstadt the Emperor, Empress, and all the Court came out to meet us in a steam yacht; there was also on board the Prince of the Netherlands and his Princess. At Cronstadt another division of the Fleet was at anchor, nine sail of the line and six or seven frigates. Of the Fleet I shall speak another time.
‘After passing the batteries at Cronstadt we anchored, and the Emperor pushed off in a boat from his yacht and fetched the King, his suite went on board in another boat. The meeting between the King and the Imperial family was most affectionate, and after the hurry and excitement of this event had subsided, I was presented by the King to the Emperor.
‘You cannot conceive anything more frank, noble, open, and kind, than the bearing of this great man, he put me at once at my ease, and talked to me both in French and English, on such commonplace matters as best suited the occasion.
‘He then presented me to the Empress, her manner was most kind and gentle, but her beauty is gone, and she looks very thin. Luncheon was served on deck, the Imperial family and the King at one table, as they sat down the Emperor called out “Lord Hardwicke these are my daughters, they speak English.” I of course went off to the two most lovely women, Olga and Alexandrina, most charming in every way, their beauty is surpassed by their sweetness of manner and address. An old lady of the court took me under her protection during luncheon, but I have not yet found out who she is. After luncheon the yacht which had anchored got under way and stood over from the roads of Cronstadt to Peterhoff, accompanied by six sail of small ships. The Emperor came up to me and pointing to them he said, “These are my boys,” explaining that they were the pupils for the navy under his own eye. They live on board these six vessels during summer and are always at work. Two little boys were on deck in uniform, and I said, “And these are yours, are they not?” The Empress was standing by and the Emperor replied in English, “Yes, they are our own fabrique, are they not, Madame Nicolas?” placing his large hand all over her face, she rejoined in Russian, “How you do talk.” This made me laugh, and the Emperor and Empress did so in a manner that showed the joke was a good one. On landing, I, in company with the Prussians, paid visits to the hereditary Grand Duke, to the Prince of Prussia, to the Grand Duke Michael and his Duchess, a most charming person, and two or three officers of state. I should tell you that on the reception of the King there is a Guard of Honour before the Palace of about 200 men, not more on the ground. I was struck with the manner of the Emperor; he ordered what words of command should be given, and as they broke into sections to march before the King, the Emperor placed himself on the left of one of the companies, and marching with them, saluted the King, and then fell out. The whole manner of this man is most remarkable, and quite unlike anybody I ever saw.
‘He is one of the finest and best-looking men in the world, and his bearing corresponds. At four o’clock we went to dine, the Imperial family dine at the Palace of the Grand Duchess Helena close by, and the Court dined here in the Palace. I sat between Count Menschikoff, whom I like very much (he is, as I told you, the head of the Navy) and a little Court lady from Moscow, who might fascinate easily a heart that was free. Dinner is over and I sit down to write this to you. As to myself I am quite well, and shall profit all I can by this trip, but I shall be heartily tired of it, I assure you; it is no joke. I would not be tied to one of these Courts for all the world could give, it is such a continued business of eating and dressing.
‘I shall say nothing of Peterhoff or St. Petersburg, which I have not seen. I see before me in all directions from the windows frames of wood of enormous dimensions and various shapes for lighting up the gardens of the Palace on the night of the Fête, although there is no night, so it must be going through the forms of illumination only. However, we shall see when it takes place, no doubt it will be most magnificent.
‘All about me is most strange, a mixture of East and West, such as can be nowhere else seen: savage and civilised life is here blended together, blackies and turbans and laced footmen all wait at table together.’
* * * * *
PETERHOFF: July 2, 1842.
‘I find myself most completely provided for here. I have a sitting-room, bedroom, and servant’s room with all comforts….
‘I must now give you some description of this place, but shall wait till to-morrow that I may profit by my ride with the young ladies, who will show me all the gardens.
‘The Palace of Peterhoff with a front to the main building of 510 feet, is situated on the top of a terrace which runs to a certain distance along the left or north bank of the mouth of the Neva opposite Cronstadt. The terrace overlooks the wide expanse of the Neva to Cronstadt and St. Petersburg and far towards the sea; the distance from the terrace to the sea is about half a mile. This part is planted with trees of various kinds, fir, elm, ash, common kinds, and having attained no great size, about the size of thirty years’ growth in a tolerable soil in England–these are cut into avenues or vistas at right angles to one another, in which are statues, fountains, and canals, and this at once gives you the character of the place. I neither rode nor wrote yesterday evening, but fell asleep till I was called to dress at half- past eight. By the bye, I have dressed six times to-day. I must leave my description of Peterhoff to be continued till another time, as I wish to relate to you what has passed here since nine o’clock P.M. till this time. Your letter was delivered to me yesterday evening by one of the Emperor’s aide-de-camps in the middle of a game of romps such as I’ve not enjoyed since I was a boy. At nine o’clock I was in the receptions room of the Palace according to orders, all the Court were assembled, but no strangers; the company might amount to about sixty, the Emperor, Empress, the three Grand Duchesses, their daughters, the Czarewitch, the Prince of the Netherlands, and many others, with the King of Prussia. After some little formality the doors of a large apartment were thrown open, in which was no furniture but a few chairs. In the room adjoining was a full band. The Empress said to me, “You must come with us and not play cards, we are going to play some innocent games.” All formality was now at an end, the Imperial family joined with the Court and the game began. It was the game with a rope, which I daresay you have seen. All take hold of it and one is in the middle, the one in the middle must strike the hand of anyone holding the rope, who then takes his place in the middle. I think you must have seen this game, a very innocent one, and makes fun. After this had gone on for some time, the Emperor takes hold of the cord, pushed it and the company into a corner of the room, and the game became more vivacious, and a general romp ensued, some fell, some rushed into the Emperor’s arms, who stood like a colossus at the end of the room with open arms to receive those who sought shelter there. This could be seen nowhere else. We then supped at round tables, the ladies sending for the gentlemen they chose to make the party. After supper the Imperial family retired. It was a most delightful evening.
‘Words cannot convey an idea of the affability and kindness, the sweetness and amiability of this great family. I shall put by my pen just now and write the details of the day to-night, if not too sleepy. But it is not a Sunday passed as it ought to be, though we have been to church.
‘Monday, 10.30 A.M.–I am waiting for a message from the Emperor, who yesterday told me that I was to go to Cronstadt with him this morning, and warning me at the same time that he would do all he could to tire me completely. We yesterday had a very hard day. At eleven o’clock we went to the Greek chapel in the Palace, the whole Court attending divine service. Of the ceremonial of the Greek Church I shall only say that its forms are in appearance more absurd than the Romish. The music and chanting was most sublime and beautiful, nothing could exceed the excellence of this performance. The chapel is small but highly decorated in the interior with paintings of rather a high finish and gold, in the style of Louis XIV, though the form of the chapel does not much vary from the same date, yet its proportions do, for it is three times as lofty as its area is broad, with a domed ceiling. After church a parade, here the Emperor and the King of Prussia played soldiers for an hour and a half. Suffice it to say, without relating all the marching and counter-marching of the troops, that the King of Prussia’s regiment (for he is a colonel in the Russian Army) was drawn up, the King inspected the men and then put himself on the right of the line, the Emperor then went up to him and, taking him in his arms, kissed both his cheeks, then the King marched past the Emperor at the head of his regiment. The Empress was on the ground.
‘Monday.–I dined with the Royal Family, 150 sat down; we did not go to Cronstadt to-day, I am not sorry, for it rained. The dinner was good for a Russian and not long. The service on the table all china from Berlin, given by Frederick the Great to Katharine.
‘After dinner to the St. Peterburg Gate, about three miles off, where I found a horse ready for me to attend a review of the military cadets. It was a very interesting sight, 3000 boys in heavy marching order with eight guns, a small body of light horse, and a small body of Circassian Horse, forming a complete little army. Their marching and evolutions were most excellent, no troops can move better than these boys. The Emperor and his staff rode so as to cut the column off three times, then they passed in review three times before him, and were dismissed. As soon as they had time to disarm, the youths came rushing out in all directions. The Emperor dismounted and was at once surrounded by them. He lifted one, took another in his arms, passed two or three under his legs, and spoke with frankness and affection to all. The love and enthusiasm of these children for him is such as is found only in the breast of youth, but must grow in time; and what a power this one institution must give him. These boys are all of good family, and go from this training to the army as officers. After this, at nine, a ball at the Emperor’s cottage.’
* * * * *
Lord Hardwicke remained in St. Petersburg for a fortnight, leaving that city on the 13th of July for Memel, in attendance on the King of Prussia, who was returning to Berlin by way of Silesia.
As long as he was in Russia at the Court of the Emperor Nicholas, he experienced (as the foregoing letters show) the most generous, nay lavish, hospitality. In this connection the following anecdote may be recorded. An allowance, consisting of one bottle of brandy and one of champagne, was placed on a tray in his room each morning. He rarely touched it, but when at the end of his visit the servant in waiting brought him a bill for the champagne, he sharply turned and said, ‘Very well, I shall show this bill to the Emperor myself,’ at which the servant turned deadly pale and replied, ‘I beg you will do no such thing, or I shall certainly be sent to Siberia!’
* * * * *
MEMEL: July 18, 1842.
‘This will be a short letter as the time passed since I wrote is small. We arrived here about noon to-day, having had a good passage and are all well. You will by this time feel that I am returning, and that my face is towards home. The King has pressed me to stay and go to the Rhine with him, but I have decided the point, and have declined his great kindness, thus I shall keep my word and hope to be at home again, at the time I stated.
‘I believe I told you that the _fête_ passed off well, our promenade amongst the lamps in the garden was stupid enough. I tried to stir the Maids of Honour up a little, but it was hard work even to make them laugh, and the people looked glum, being as it were a sort of contradiction to the illuminated garden. The last day was a day of repose. The next day being Saturday, the Imperial Family received us to take leave, and nothing could be more truly kind and affectionate in manner than they all were to me. I say to me, for I know not what was said to others, but I have no doubt they were so to all the Prussians. The Emperor and Empress both gave me special messages to the Queen. I then, when the audience was over, drove to visit the Grand Duke Michael at Orienbaum, about six miles from Peterhoff, an ancient palace, and a very fine one, I think. The Grand Duchess Helena, his wife, is a most charming lady and very lovely; she took me all over the house, and showed me how little by little she was making it comfortable.
‘The Grand Duchess Marie did not see me, and I was very sorry for it. At twelve o’clock the King and Emperor came on board the _Bogatir_ and we got under way immediately. At about one we passed Cronstadt; at half- past one we had passed the last ship of the fleet. I was standing on the paddle-box near the Emperor and King, when on a rocket being thrown up from the _Bogatir_, all the fleet, mounting 3500 pieces of cannon, discharged all the guns at once, and the Emperor at the same moment took the King in his arms and embraced him. This bit of stage effect took me by surprise and affected me exceedingly; there was something very imposing and touching in this _coup de théâtre_ and the King was much affected. After this the boat was manned for the Emperor to depart, and he stood some time on deck without speaking, the King and all of us standing near him. I saw he was much moved. At last he pressed the King in his arms and kissed him; after he embraced the Prussians. When he came to me, he held out his hand; I gave him mine and bowed, but he said, “No, no; you must do so,” and taking me round the neck kissed me most affectionately.
‘I assure you it was a very striking scene and I shall never forget it; he was no more the Emperor, but a warm-hearted man. He was most affected at parting with the King, and this had softened him towards all, and his heart was uppermost. I was glad to see him thus. I did not think before he was a man of feeling, but he has a warm and affectionate heart. I shall not easily forget this evening.
‘Our voyage was too good a one to produce any anecdote worth relating. As I passed the bar I remembered that I was indebted to its broken waves for my present station. The King spoke to me of Royston’s death; he was at Memel when it happened and remembered all the circumstances of it. He knew Mrs. Potter very well. We start to-morrow on our way to Silesia, our first day’s journey is to Tilsit….
‘CHARLES.’
* * * * *
ERDSMANSDORFF: July 27.
‘I arrived here last night about six o’clock after a prosperous journey of four days and one night from Königsberg, from which place my last letter is dated. The Queen is just arrived, the King is expected about four in the afternoon. From Memel to this place the whole country is flat and tame. Erdsmansdorff is situated at the foot of a large mountain that separates Silesia from Bohemia, called Riesengeberg, which means “Great Mountain”; the chief of the chain is opposite my windows, the highest in Germany, being 4983 feet above the level of the sea. The outline of this chain is undulating but not bold. The valley is lovely, and the King is building a house here; the grounds are partially laid out, we are living in a building which will form a part of the offices of the new house. My apartment is on the ground floor, and the King and Queen are above me. The people are an industrious race. Here is a colony of Tyrolese the King received and gave lands to; they were persecuted by the Catholics on the other side of the mountains, and he said, “Come here, and I will give you rest.” So here they are 300, and have built themselves houses after the fashion of their country, which has much added to the beauty and picturesqueness of this land.
‘I cannot say how well I am treated everywhere, you cannot conceive the civility and attention that I have received from all and everyone, poor and rich, a proof how much the King is loved; for the poor know me as the King’s friend.
‘I must now go back a little to Königsberg and say something of the Palace of that place. It is a most ancient structure of enormous size, being built round a quadrangle with round towers at the corners. It is not beautiful, but ancient and large, towers above all other buildings, and stands on the edge of a hill that overlooks a great part of the town.
‘The town of Königsberg was once the capital of Prussia proper, and a long time the residence of the electors of Brandenburg. It is the third city in the Prussian dominions and contains 70,000 inhabitants. It is not fortified, but is going to be.
‘After the battle of Jena, the Royal Family of Prussia took shelter in this town, the present King being then twelve years old. The Palace is now chiefly used for provincial offices, and a suite of apartments is kept furnished for the King. There are some very ancient archives kept here which must contain a fund of interest; I looked at several letters from our Sovereigns both of the Plantagenet and Tudor line to the Teutonic Grand Masters, thanking them for falcons sent from Prussia.
‘As I told you, I was to go in search of an elk and kill one if I could. Accordingly I started at 3 P.M., accompanied by the master of the forest, to a forest about seven English miles from the town, and without making the story long, I had the good fortune to see, but not to kill, six of the enormous animals; only one passed within shot, and this was a female with her calf. I was desired to fire at the calf, and I missed. I will not make the excuse that I might for so doing; my only bag will distract Eliot when he hears it, a fox, on the death of which all present raised their hats. It made me laugh and think of the old proverb, “What’s one man’s meat….” I returned to Königsberg at 9.30 and at 10 started for this place.
‘I arrived at Marienberg at nine next morning, and stayed there an hour to see the Palace, and breakfast. The Palace is the most interesting building in Prussia, and is very fine of its kind. The King, with his love of architecture, has restored a great part of it, and will, by degrees, restore the whole to its original state. This was the seat of the Knights of the Teutonic order, they, in fact, were the founders of the Prussian kingdom, after fifty-three years’ struggle. The oldest part of this Castle was built in 1276, the middle Castle in 1309. The rooms in the interior and the great hall are built in a singular way: the rooms are square, the hall is in three cubes. The ceiling of each room, which is arched, is supported by a single slender column of granite, in the centre hall by three columns in the same way.
‘The King and Queen have arrived and dinner is over, they are both very happy and are gone to drive together quietly, and we shall not see them again this evening. He has been through part of Poland, where his reception has been most enthusiastic.’
* * * * *
ERDSMANSDORFF: 31st July.
‘Here I have abode quietly with the King and Queen since I last wrote to you, and should have been quite content if I had only your company in addition, but although all ought to be charming to me, yet the want of employment or excitement after the first view of environs was over leads me to wish my stay shortened. I have, however, walked hard though not far and looked about the country for fear I could not go, as the dinner- hour at three cuts the day in twain. Life has been quite devoid of form or uniform for all, even the King has been what is called here _en bourgeois._ After dinner we usually drive to some hill or dale, some favourite haunt to take tea, returning late to supper and to bed. The Queen is a sweet woman, the very best of her sex, most plain, modest, and unaffected, but doing the Queen perfectly when necessary. Yesterday we had a full dress day at Fubach, the residence of the King’s uncle, Prince William. His daughter, about to be married to the Prince Royal of Bavaria, was confirmed in the parish Church. A great exhibition. The church was crammed and the Princess at the altar underwent a two hours’ catechising and examination, which she bore with great talent and conduct. To-day she receives the sacrament. She is a lovely girl of seventeen, and her future husband is the future King of Bavaria, a roué of 30. He was there, arrived the night before. There was a great gathering of the Prussian Royal Family, who live in this valley and neighbourhood….
’11 P.M.–I have just seen the King, and he has allowed me to go to- morrow morning, and meet him at Sans Souci on Saturday.’
* * * * *
BERLIN: 5 August.
‘I arrived here yesterday at 6 P.M. by railroad from Dresden, having quitted that town at 6 A.M.; a very good railroad and well conducted. On my arrival I was greeted by your letter of the 27th; a very good cure for blue devils. The news you give me of all things at Wimpole is very satisfactory. The offices in size and appearance of the east wing corresponding with the library I was aware of, and I am of opinion that it will not be noticeable to any degree, and if it is, can be easily remedied when I build the conservatory. On the subject of chimneys we shall agree.
‘To-morrow I go to Sans Souci, the King arrives for dinner, and apartments are prepared there for me. Now my object will be to get away from my kind and excellent friend, for I cannot find another word so proper, but I must at the same time consult his wishes.
‘My journey from Erdsmansdorff to Dresden was very prosperous, though it rained all day. I found my horses ready and paid to the frontier of Saxony, and no one would take money from me. I stopped at the residence of General Bon-Natzmer for breakfast, he lives about sixteen miles from Erdsmansdorff, a very nice residence with pretty scenery, and his wife a perfect lady; they gave me an excellent English breakfast. I arrived in Dresden, having been twenty hours performing the journey.
‘I saw all that was worth seeing in Dresden, and well worth the journey it was, if it had only been to look at the face of the Madonna di San Sisto, which I think surpasses anything I have seen in nature. It has left a deep remembrance on my mind, the copy here conveys only an idea of the original. It lives and breathes, the eyes look as if moving, and it is perfectly true that I was riveted to the spot with wonder at the performance of the beyond all famous master. If he had never painted any picture but this, he must have died the greatest painter that ever lived. After looking through this fine gallery I again returned to the Madonna, and feel now that I had not exaggerated to my own mind the wonder and power of this picture. The face of the child, too, carries all that the strongest imagination can picture of wisdom and childish innocence. I grieve to say this _chef d’oeuvre_ is going to ruin. Your Father’s copy is of great value, for it is excellent, nay wonderful, and will in fifty years be what the great picture now is, for much of the expression of the countenance is caused by the softness which time has given to the tone of the picture. The Gallery wants weeding and repairing, the pictures are going faster than they ought, and the effect of the Gallery is injured by a quantity of inferior pictures and copies. It now contains 2000 pictures, if it was reduced to 1500 it would be more valuable. The museum of History is well worth a visit, the quantity of beautiful and valuable things here collected are most interesting, a suit of gold and silver armour by Benvenuto Cellini would hold a high place in your estimation, a collection of various costumes within 150 years would amuse you.
‘The great fair annually held here in August has just begun. I spent my two evenings in the booths, very idly, but very much to my amusement. I dined with our minister, Mr. Forbes and his sisters, Lady Adelaide and Lady Caroline, two ancient maids, old friends of mine twenty-four years ago.
‘The King and Royal Family are at the fair taking part in the games of the people, shooting with the cross-bow at the bird on the top of a pole; large tents are pitched for their reception, and they spend the evening; the court ladies came the second evening. You would have enjoyed it much. The Germans are a more rational people in these matters than we are, the best society enjoy this fair, and sit out under tents taking their coffee and meals and enjoying the sight with their families and wives. All the musicians from Bohemia, Tyrol and various other districts of Germany were here playing on various instruments and singing the national ballads. Two or three women take harps like our Welsh harps, with the voices in parts, and sing together Tyrolese and Bohemian songs. Perfect order, and I did not see one person drunk. Whatever may be the secret faults of the Germans they are a decent and orderly people. The weather is very warm, the thermometer eighty-four in the shade. I dined with Westmorland and drove out with him in the evening, to-day I go to Sans Souci. I must be two days in London before I go to Wimpole.
‘CHARLES.’
* * * * *
SANS SOUCI: 6th August.
‘My hope of being with you as soon as the 15th is at an end. It is with feeling of the greatest sorrow that I feel I am compelled to make a sacrifice of a few days and arrive later. This evening we all went, that is the King and Queen, and Prince Charles of Prussia with his wife, to drink tea in one of the beautiful spots of this most lovely place. The King called me to his table. When we sat down he said, “Pray, when do you mean to leave me?” I said, “I intend to do the only painful thing I have done since I’ve been in Prussia, and that is to ask His Majesty’s permission to take my leave on Monday.” He said, “I will not ask you to do what is contrary to your duty, but I must beg you to stay with me a little longer. I must ask you to remain with me at least till after the 15th.” This was said in so kind a manner, with the Queen looking me full in the face, that I at once said, “So much honour was done me by the desire expressed that I could not refuse.”
‘They both at once expressed most unfeigned pleasure, but it is a sacrifice. I now leave Berlin on the 16th, and shall be in London on the 21st, please God, without fail. You cannot conceive how affectionately I am treated by this great family. I never have received so much real attention from out of my own family in my life. I feel sure you will approve of what I have done, and think after all this kindness I was bound to make a sacrifice, if asked. The King said to me at supper this evening, “I cannot think what became of you one morning on board the steamer. I went three times to your cabin to look for you, and could not find you. I asked for you, and no one had seen you; and then the horrid idea came over me that you had fallen overboard or were ill.” I mention this to show the sort of feeling he must have for me. I believe I was asleep on the sofa with a table before it, and he did not see me, being very nearsighted. I am most charmingly lodged here, the walls of my room are all marqueterie and they have put sofa and bed, &c., as the Chamberlain told me “like it is done at Windsor.”‘
It is clear from these letters that Lord Hardwicke’s character and personality were much appreciated both by the King of Prussia and by the Emperor Nicholas. He was indeed so great a favourite with the latter that when the Emperor paid a visit to Queen Victoria in 1844 he was appointed to attend His Majesty, and took command of the _Black Eagle_ steam yacht which carried the Czar from Woolwich to Rotterdam on his leaving this country. As a memento of this service and of his esteem, the Emperor presented Lord Hardwicke with a snuff-box of great value, bearing his Majesty’s miniature mounted in brilliants.
In 1843 Lord Hardwicke had the honour of receiving Queen Victoria and the Prince Consort at Wimpole, upon the occasion of the Prince’s visit to Cambridge to receive the degree of LL.D., and the following mention of the event occurs in one of the Queen’s letters to the Queen of the Belgians:
‘We returned on Saturday highly interested with our tour, though a little done up. The Royal party went by road from Paddington to Cambridge, and stayed at the Lodge at Trinity. On the following day Prince Albert was made LL.D. The party then went to Wimpole. At the ball which was given at Wimpole, there was a sofa covered with a piece of drapery given by Louis XIV. to the poet Prior and by him to Lord Oxford, the owner of Wimpole before its purchase by Lord Chancellor Hardwicke.’
* * * * *
Lord Hardwicke rode out to meet her Majesty at Royston at the head of a large cavalcade which included the gentry and yeomanry of the county. After an inspection of that little town, the party started for Wimpole, and on arriving at the House in the Fields the Queen’s escort of Scots Greys filed off at Lord Hardwicke’s request, their places being taken by a troop of the Whittlesea Yeomanry Cavalry, the Lord-Lieutenant roundly declaring that ‘the county cavalry was well able to guard her Majesty so long as she might stay in Cambridgeshire.’ On the following day Lord Hardwicke gave a dinner in honour of her Majesty, followed by a ball, of which the Queen makes mention in her letter, to which three hundred guests were invited.
I may perhaps print here another reference by Queen Victoria to my father. Writing to Lord Melbourne in 1842 her Majesty said:
‘Lord Hardwicke the Queen likes very much; he seems so straightforward. He took the greatest care of the Queen when on board ship. Was not his father drowned at Spithead or Portsmouth?’
Lord Hardwicke, as commander of the _Black Eagle_ yacht, had taken her Majesty to Scotland.
He was in waiting during a visit of the King and Queen of the Belgians to Windsor, and wrote on that occasion to my mother:
‘Our Court news is not filled with much interest; to-morrow the King and Queen of the Belgians go back to their own country, and yesterday at dinner the Queen of the Belgians told me her father (King Louis Philippe) was so fond of English cheese that he had sent to her to procure for him a “Single Gloster,” I could not refrain from offering a Wimpole cheese that she graciously accepted and which I must now beg you to give.’
I find a reference to this little incident in the Queen’s Letters, vol. ii, p. 28. In a letter to her Majesty during King Louis Philippe’s visit in 1844, the Queen of the Belgians wrote:
‘If by chance Lord Hardwicke was in waiting during my father’s stay, you must kindly put my father in mind to thank him for the _famous cheese_, which arrived safely, and was found very good.’
Queen Victoria’s conversation with my father upon this occasion I find related at length in a copy in my mother’s handwriting of a letter he wrote to Sir Robert Peel. This letter is of so private a character as to preclude its publication, but I may say that it is clear that the Queen (though, as Lord Hardwicke says, ‘in very good humour; I never saw her so gracious to all as she was during her stay at Wimpole’) was still quite ready to state in very plain terms her objection to certain points of the policy of the Tory party, which, as she said, she could ‘forgive but not forget.’ All this Lord Hardwicke reported at length to the Prime Minister for his information and instruction.
Several letters from Sir Robert to my father at this period show him very anxious to learn from Lord Hardwicke the details of the proper arrangements for receiving the Queen at Drayton Manor. ‘I have the prospect,’ he wrote, ‘not only of one but two royal visits, for I must arrange that Queen Adelaide should meet the Queen each with her several suites. If you have any device for making stone walls elastic,’ he adds humorously, ‘pray give it to me. Did Lord H. new furnish the rooms allotted to H.M.? How many apartments did H.M. require? Did he observe anything especially agreeable to the Queen’s wishes, and did Lord H. attempt to keep any order among his mounted farmers, and if so how?’
Lord Hardwicke and his brother, Mr. Eliot Yorke, though both pledged to the maintenance of the Corn Laws, refused to oppose the government of Sir Robert Peel upon the rumours of the minister’s intentions which became rife in the course of the year 1845, when the Irish Famine forced the question to the front. By that time the Anti-Corn Law League had done its work of educating the country, and under its great leaders, Cobden and Bright, had organised a strenuous campaign throughout the kingdom, collected large funds, and united the great body of employers and operatives in favour of Free Trade. There were counter organisations of farmers’ societies, of which those in the eastern counties were, perhaps, the most active, and at a meeting of one of these, the Cambridge Agricultural Society, Lord Hardwicke and Mr. Yorke met with some criticism. A letter from Lord Hardwicke to the chairman, however, made his position perfectly clear:
‘I believe the meeting is intended to follow others that have taken place in the agricultural districts of England, owing to certain reports of contemplated changes on the opening of Parliament affecting agriculture.
‘I have endeavoured to learn what these are, and have failed; I have heard various opinions, but no facts, and I have no knowledge of the intentions of the Government. I therefore feel, were I to attend your meeting, that I could give no advice, neither could I combat or support any plans. I think it best to hear and know what is intended.’
Acting upon this determination, Lord Hardwicke waited for the announcement of the Government policy. At the opening of the session of 1846 Sir Robert Peel then made it clear, that as Lord John Russell had been unable to form a ministry, he himself intended to propose the abandonment of the Corn Laws, and to follow this up by the gradual removal of protective duties, not only upon agriculture, but also upon manufactures, and thus to place himself in opposition to the sentiment and principles of the party of which he was the leader. Lord Hardwicke, as might have been expected, was among those ‘men of metal and large acred squires,’ as Disraeli called them, ‘the flower of that great party which had been so proud to follow one who had been so proud to lead them, whose loyalty was too severely tried by the conversion of their chief to the doctrines of Manchester,’ and early in February he wrote to Sir Robert to resign his post as Lord-in-Waiting, on the ground that as he could not support the measures of the Government and act up to his own opinion, he thought it not respectful to her Majesty to oppose her minister and hold an office in her household. Some correspondence followed, which shows the regret of Sir Robert Peel at the loss of a friend and colleague, and testifies to the cordial personal relations between the minister and Lord Hardwicke. Here is one of the letters, two or three of which were earnest attempts to persuade Lord Hardwicke to reconsider his decision:
* * * * *
‘MY DEAR HARDWICKE,
‘If anything could tend to diminish the pain with which I contemplate separation from you in public life, it would be the kind terms with which you accompany your tender of resignation.
‘I should indeed deeply regret it, if the termination of official relations were to cause any interruption of private friendship and regard.
‘Most faithfully yours,
‘My dear Hardwicke,
‘ROBERT PEEL.’
* * * * *
So ended Lord Hardwicke’s political connection with the great minister, and it is pleasant to me to know that the aspirations of Sir Robert’s letter were fulfilled, and that their personal friendship continued unbroken until it was brought to a close by the tragic death of the statesman on Constitution Hill in 1850. At a time when that same great question of Free Trade or Protection is again dissolving many political alliances, it is, perhaps, worthy of mention that my father came to change his view of the policy which had led to his political severance with Sir Robert Peel. In a speech delivered at a meeting of the Western Cambridgeshire Agricultural Association in 1858, twelve years after his resignation, he said:
‘The last agricultural meeting I had the pleasure of attending was in the golden days of protection, when we all thought we could not do without it. I am happy to find however, now that the legislature has thought fit to abolish those fiscal duties, that I formed a wrong opinion on the subject.’
Meanwhile, however, Lord Hardwicke’s political severance from his old leader was complete and final, as appears very fully from letters from such uncompromising opponents of the minister as Lord George Bentinck, Mr. Disraeli, and Mr. John Wilson Croker, which I find among his papers. ‘Pray come up and fire a double shotted broadside into these fellows,’ wrote Lord George in 1848, in soliciting Lord Hardwicke’s assistance for Lord Desart in the House of Lords on the debate on the Copper Duties, who as that ardent spirit complained was ‘grossly insulted by Grey, Clanricarde and Granville.’ A few months later, again, upon his resignation of the leadership of the irreconcilables in the House of Commons, Lord George wrote: ‘I come to you, therefore, as a private and independent member of the House of Commons, with none but such as you who admire consistency “so poor to do me reverence.”‘
All of Mr. Disraeli’s letters to my father are written in very cordial terms, and express much gratitude for the support which was so valuable at that period of his career. Lord Hardwicke is ‘his dear and faithful friend’; ‘I am shaken,’ he says in October of 1848, ‘to the core, and can neither offer nor receive consolation. But in coming to you I know that I come to a roof of sympathy, and to one who at all times and under all circumstances has extended to me the feelings of regard by which I have ever been deeply honoured and greatly touched.’ Two years later he wrote: ‘I am pained that you should have been so long in England without my having seen or heard from you, my first, my best, and most regarded supporter and friend.–DISRAELI.’
I may perhaps look forward a few years in order to quote another letter of Mr. Disraeli of December 30, 1851, which contains an interesting reference to Lord Palmerston, who had just been dismissed by Lord John Russell for having given a semi-official recognition to Louis Napoleon and the _coup d’état_.
‘If he had not committed himself in some degree by approbation of the “massacre of the boulevards” as it is styled, I hardly think Lord John would have dared to dismiss him. He said to a person the other day, “I was not dismissed, I was kicked out.”‘
Five days later, on January 4, 1852, Mr. Disraeli wrote:
‘That my last letter should not mislead you, I just write this to say that I have authentic information that Palmerston’s case is a good one; that the Government cannot face it; that Johnny has quite blundered the business, and that P., whatever they may say at Brooks’s, is _acharné_.’
Mr. Disraeli was a true prophet. On February 27 following, the Whig Government fell, mainly owing to Lord Palmerston.
CHAPTER VIII
GENOA. 1849
In spite of the many interests of his position as a great landowner and the distractions of politics at a time of great political unrest, Lord Hardwicke had never wavered in his love for his true profession of the sea. In his own words, ‘in piping times of peace he was loth to take the bread out of his brother officers’ mouths after he became a peer,’ by applying for active employment in the navy. He had, nevertheless, always placed himself at the disposal of the Admiralty, where his wish to serve his country at sea was well known. To his family he made no secret of his ambition to resume his career in the service which had been interrupted by his succession to the peerage. I have often heard him say that his ideal of a happy death was to be killed by a round shot on his own quarter-deck.
This longing for active service was, perhaps, a little relieved, but was scarcely satisfied, by a short voyage he made in 1844 in command of the _St. Vincent_, line-of-battle ship of 120 guns. That vessel formed one of a small squadron which included also the _Caledonia_, _Queen_ and _Albion_, and sailed under Admiral Bowles upon an experimental cruise of six weeks in order to determine the respective merits of those ships.
It was, perhaps, the menacing aspect of European affairs which followed the revolutions of 1848 which decided Lord Hardwicke again to seek active service. He had certainly become restless, and his craving to resume the profession which lay nearest his heart and once more to command a battleship was daily growing stronger. Most of his friends were opposed to that step; he had done so well and showed such aptitude for politics, had lived so energetic and useful a life in his own county of Cambridgeshire, that they felt so great a break in that life as was involved in service abroad was a mistake. Moreover, Lord Hardwicke had now a family of seven children, the eldest being only about twelve years of age. Many were the counsels heard by his friends to dissuade him from the step. His old friend John Wilson Croker was among those who sought most urgently to persuade him to abandon the idea, and the esteem and admiration in which he held Lord Hardwicke and his devotion to Lady Hardwicke and to ‘Lady Betty’ (who often sat on his knee) are plain in several letters of advice he wrote at this juncture. But all was unavailing; Lord Hardwicke applied to the Admiralty for a ship, and was given command of the _Vengeance_. Mr. Croker rather unwillingly acquiesced in this course in the following letter:
* * * * *
WEST MOLESEY: 9th Novr. ’48.
‘MY DEAR CHARLES,
‘I cannot say that I like losing you from home at so important a crisis, and I fear the good ship _Wimpole_ will have cause to regret the absence of the padrone, and all the world will say that this is proving the love of the profession with a Vengeance. But seriously,… if dear Lady Hardwicke not only does not object, but becomes the accomplice and partner of your exile, no one else has anything to object, not even political friends, as you can leave a proxy. It may also be an advantage to all the children, for it will perfect the young ones and indeed all in the languages, and the two elder young ladies will have opportunities of seeing what all the world desires to see. Whatever you do, and wherever you go, you will be followed by the affectionate solicitude of your old constant and most attached friend,
‘J. W. CROKER.’
* * * * *
Lord Hardwicke sailed early in 1849 to join the Mediterranean Fleet under Sir William Parker who was in command at that station. Lady Hardwicke and her family were installed at Malta, where a hotel in the Strada Forni was engaged for them.
In order to understand the insurrection at Genoa in April 1849, in the quelling of which H.M.S. _Vengeance_ and its captain, the Earl of Hardwicke, took so notable a part, it is necessary to take a short retrospect of the history of Italy.
At the end of the Napoleonic Wars the opinion of Prince Metternich that Italy is only a geographical expression was true enough. This cynical minister of the Austrian Empire was the embodiment of the reaction which set in after the fall of Napoleon.
Europe, worn out by the struggles first of the Revolution and then of its conquering offspring, had one idea only–the reorganisation of the different States and the suppression of all revolutionary movements. The Powers therefore stood aloof from all interference in Italy and Austria had a free hand.
By the Treaty of Paris in 1814, Savoy, Genoa and Nice were assigned to Piedmont. This was not popular in Genoa which, hitherto a Republic, was now handed over to Victor Emmanuel I, a reactionary of the most extreme type. The old privileges of the Church and nobility were restored to them. The Jesuits were allowed to overrun the country and were given the control of education, and in the army all those who had served under Napoleon were degraded. In fact the _ancien régime_ was restored with interest to all those who had lost their privileges since 1793. The hatred of France on the part of the reigning sovereigns of Italy was a great strength to Austria. It was to the latter country that they looked for their ideal of government. Such was the position when, in 1821, a rising took place in Piedmont for reform and a constitution, and for the expulsion of the Austrians. It was not aimed at the King, on the contrary the insurrectionaries professed the greatest loyalty. Victor Emmanuel I, though a lover of his people, was not a lover of their liberties, and the hopes of the Reformers lay in the Prince of Carignano, a nephew of Victor Emmanuel, who afterwards ascended the throne as King Charles Albert. This prince, though in sympathy with reform, refused to go against the wishes of the King, who abdicated, appointing the Prince of Carignano Regent. The constitution of Spain was granted ‘pending the orders of the new King.’ This monarch, Carlo Felice, Duke of Genoa and brother of Victor Emmanuel I, lost no time in repudiating the constitution, which was also opposed by the Russian and Austrian Governments.
Santarossa, who had been appointed Minister of War by the Regent, and who was at the head of the insurrection, issued a proclamation in which he expressed the views of the promoters of the movement. ‘A Piedmontese King in the midst of the Austrians, our inevitable enemies, is a King in prison. Nothing of what he may say can or ought to be accepted as coming from him. We will prove to him that we are his children.’ Liberty and freedom from Austrian influence was the cry, not disloyalty to the ruling House of Piedmont. The rising of 1821 was not supported in Lombardy, and was finally put down by the Austrian power.
Carlo Felice, the new King, suppressed all movement for reform and maintained all the old prerogatives of class and caste. He, however, proclaimed the Prince of Carignano his heir and successor, and the latter succeeded to the throne as Charles Albert in 1831.
In every part of Italy there was revolt against mediæval government and Austrian supremacy. In Naples after 1815 the Bourbon King had been restored. Here the same demand for a constitution was put forward as in Piedmont and accepted insincerely by the King. An Austrian force of 43,000 men soon relieved his conscience of any concession, and the constitution was withdrawn.
Sicily, which under English influences during the Napoleonic War had acquired a certain amount of constitutional freedom, was on the restoration of the Bourbons thrown back, so far as government was concerned, into the Middle Ages; with the same result as in the other Kingdoms of Italy, insurrection, finally suppressed by Austrian power. The same movement occurred in all the different States of Italy and in all the basis of revolt was the same–a desire for unity, demand for a constitution, and hatred of the Austrian power made more odious by the severity of Metternich.
The forces of insurrection were stirred not only by the revolutionary instigations of Mazzini, but also by the contributions of literary men, the most notable of whom were Gioberti, Cesare Balbo, and D’Azeglio. Gioberti aimed at unity, independence and liberty; the first two to be obtained by a confederation of the various States under the Presidency of the Pope, the last by internal reforms in each State. The ambitions of Balbo were for a Kingdom of Italy. A confederation of States was to him, as to Gioberti, the only practical solution. D’Azeglio, who preached peaceful methods instead of violence, interviewed the King in 1845, and received the following reply: ‘Let these gentlemen know that they must keep quiet at present, there is nothing to be done, but tell them that when the time comes, my life, the life of my children, my army, my treasury, my all, will be spent in the Italian cause.’ From this time the King of Piedmont was regarded as the leader of the Italian movement.
King Charles Albert, now a convert to liberalism, said: ‘I intend to make a form of government in which my people shall have all the liberty that is compatible with the preservation of the basis of the Monarchy.’
In 1848, the King’s hand was forced by the revolution in Vienna and the five days’ insurrection in Milan to declare war on Austria. At Milan the liberal committees prohibited the use of tobacco which was a monopoly of the Austrian Government. This led to a fracas which was the immediate cause of the insurrection, and the Austrians were driven out of Milan. Simultaneously with the movement in Lombardy there was a rising in Venice, the Austrians were driven out and a Republic was proclaimed. This proclamation was a great mistake, as it created distrust between Venice and Piedmont. The war with Austria was carried on with the utmost inefficiency by Charles Albert; he wasted every opportunity and gave himself up to fasting and prayer, and defeated, he had to submit to the terms of Radetzky to obtain an armistice which stipulated for the evacuation of Lombardy, the Duchies and Venetia.
The Piedmontese Constitution was proclaimed March 1848. It established two Chambers, gave a veto to the King, the prerogative of making peace or war, and to the Chambers the control of expenditure.
The armistice ended March 12, 1849, and hostilities were renewed, and the Italians were completely defeated at Novara. Charles Albert, who had struggled bravely but incompetently, abdicated in favour of his son Victor Emmanuel II. The new King signed the Treaty of Peace on March 26, 1849.
The war though disastrous was remarkable. For the first time an Italian army had fought under the Italian flag with the distinct purpose of establishing Italian unity.
The Venetian Assembly resolved that fusion with Piedmont was desirable. The Assembly at Milan came to a similar resolution.
Nowhere was the armistice, signed by Victor Emmanuel after the battle of Novara, more unpopular than at Genoa. A deputation from the city waited on the King immediately after Novara, urging the continuation of the war. On March 27 a rumour that the Austrians were in the neighbourhood and intended to enter the city lit the fires of revolt which, fanned by the municipality and the clergy, broke out into open insurrection on the 29th. Arms were distributed and a Committee of Defence was formed composed of Constantino Rata, David Morchio, and Avezzana. It was stated that the movement was not republican in its nature, but sprang from a feeling of indignation with the King for having concluded what the Genoese thought a disgraceful peace with Austria.
The foregoing pages dealing with the history of Italy were necessary in order to show the position of affairs in that country at the time when the episode took place of which the following is the narrative. Three of Lord Hardwicke’s letters remain giving an account of his action at Genoa. Simple, straightforward, clear, they give not only an admirable picture of the events of those exciting days, but also show the character of the man who, having to act on his own initiative, cast all feeling of self-interest aside and did what he conceived was his duty, with, as will be seen, the happiest results to the city of Genoa. This heroic action–because an act undertaken in a good cause without fear of consequences and at great personal risk is heroic–gained nothing for Lord Hardwicke in his profession; indeed it militated against his promotion in the service to which he was devoted; and though his application for active service in the Baltic during the Crimean War was refused on technical grounds, his action at Genoa was sedulously used by certain parties against him. All the more honour to the man who could risk so much for a great cause. He saved lives, he preserved from destruction Genoa with its palaces and treasures, and he did indirectly help forward the unity of Italy. In these days of quick communication, independence of action is almost impossible. The nervous man at home may spoil the bold man at sea; but it was not formerly so, and it has been by the initiative and on the responsibility of the man on the spot, that most of the great deeds have been done by our fellow-countrymen. If Nelson had not had a blind eye at Copenhagen the history of our country might have been different. If Lord Hardwicke had been in closer communication with Sir William Parker, Genoa might have been destroyed.
Lord Hardwicke had no sooner joined his ship in the Mediterranean than difficulties arose in Italy, and it fell to the duty of the fleet to protect the interests of Her Majesty’s subjects living in the different ports. In February 1849, owing to the unrest in Tuscany and the Roman States, he was ordered to proceed in the _Vengeance_ to Leghorn.
The following were his instructions from Admiral Sir William Parker:
* * * * *
‘The Grand Duke of Tuscany having quitted Sienna for the Port of San Stefano, and a Provisional Government established itself at Florence,
‘The Roman States having also declared themselves a Republic and apprehensions being likewise entertained that some change of Government is contemplated in the Kingdom of Sardinia–it is desirable that British subjects and their property in those quarters should be duly protected.
‘It is therefore my direction that your Lordship proceeds in H.M. ship _Vengeance_ under your command, to Leghorn where you may expect to find the _Bellerophon_, and will learn from Captain Baynes the state of affairs in that vicinity, and the latest intelligence from Genoa.
‘If you find that fears are entertained of any disturbance threatening the safety of the persons or property of Her Majesty’s subjects at Leghorn, you may prolong the stay of the _Vengeance_ there for a few days, to give them additional confidence and security, unless you have reason to apprehend that commotions are also expected at Genoa, in which case, you should lose no time, weather permitting, in repairing off that Port, where you may place the _Vengeance_ within the Mole provided you deem her presence necessary for the protection of the English and that the position is secure for Her Majesty’s ship.
‘You will apprise his Excellency Mr. Abercromby, H.M. Minister at Turin, of your arrival off Genoa, and the nature of your orders, acquainting his Excellency that _it is not desirable you should remain longer than may be absolutely necessary for affording due protection to British subjects._ And you will throughout carefully abstain from any interference with the political affairs of the Kingdom of Sardinia or any other foreign Power.
‘Her Majesty’s Consul, Mr. Yeates Brown, will, of course, visit your Lordship on your arrival.
‘If you consider the Mole at Genoa an objectionable position for Her Majesty’s ship you will make the best arrangement in your power for the safety of the English, and then repair to Leghorn or the port of Spezzia, as I hope it may be in my power shortly to send a steamer to Genoa.
‘If you find the services of the _Vengeance_ are not required at Leghorn or Genoa, you are to rejoin my flag at this anchorage, unless any increase of the smallpox in the _Bellerophon_ should render it desirable for the latter to proceed to Malta to land the patients, in which case you will relieve Captain Baynes in the duties at Leghorn and direct him to join my flag as he passes to the southward.
‘Your Lordship is to keep me informed of your proceedings and of the passing events in your vicinity, by any opportunities that offer during your absence, sending the state and condition of the _Vengeance_ monthly, and on returning to the south you will supply any of the ships which may remain at Leghorn with such provisions as you can spare.
‘(Signed) W. PARKER.’
NAPLES: 14th Feb. 1849.
* * * * *
Later in February the following letter was addressed to Lord Hardwicke giving him further instructions and remarking on the general unrest in Tuscany and the Roman States.
* * * * *
_Private._
‘HIBERNIA,’ NAPLES: 28th Feb. 1849.
‘MY DEAR LORD HARDWICKE,
‘The _Bulldog_ will join you after delivering the provisions which she takes for the _Bellerophon_, and I hope will find Piedmont in a quieter state than is rumoured here, and that your fever patients are recovered.
‘You are to keep Commander Key if you think the presence of the steamer necessary, and then send him back to Naples, touching on his route at Leghorn.
‘The Grand Duke of Tuscany has, I fear, made a fatal mistake in quitting his dominions. He is now quartered in a very indifferent inn at Mole and rests his hopes on being restored by the combined Catholic Powers after they shall have reseated the Pope at Rome, but there are as yet no signs of a military movement.
‘The Romans threaten daggers if the Austrians, Neapolitans or Spaniards enter their States, and if overpowered mean to burn the Quirinal, &c., I have not, however, much opinion of their prowess.
‘I hope King Ferdinand has at last had the prudence to moderate his terms of adjustment with the Sicilians, at least so far as to afford a chance of their acceptance. Admiral Biuder and myself will proceed in 2 or 3 days to convey the ultimatum; I fear they will still be obstinate, but if it is rejected the armistice will be denounced by the Neapolitan General, and the Sicilians must trust to their own resources.
The _Prince Regent_ is expected at Mette to get a new Main-Yard. Sir Charles Napier was at Gibraltar with his squadron on the 8th, and had been joined by the _Rodney_ and _Vanguard._
‘Believe me, dear Lord Hardwicke,
‘Very truly yours,
‘W. PARKER.’
* * * * *
A memorandum of the same date from Sir W. Parker informed Lord Hardwicke that H.M. steam-sloop _Bulldog_ was to co-operate with his Lordship in the event of any disturbances in Piedmont.
* * * * *
_Memo._
‘HIBERNIA’ AT NAPLES: 28th Feb. 1849.
‘Having ordered Commander Key of H.M. steam-sloop _Bulldog_ to proceed to Leghorn with a supply of provisions for the _Bellerophon_, he is directed, after he shall have delivered them, to join your Lordship for the purpose of rendering any protection or refuge that may be desirable, to British subjects in the event of disturbances occurring in Piedmont.
‘You will therefore take Commander Key under your orders and employ the _Bulldog_ accordingly as long as her presence appears necessary, sending her back to Naples whenever you think her services can be dispensed with, directing Commander Key to call at Leghorn on his route, for the purpose of conveying any communications which his Excellency Sir George Hamilton, H.M. Minister at Florence, or Captain Baynes, the Senior Naval Officer may have to forward.
‘W. PARKER, _Vice-Admiral_.’
* * * * *
On March 4, 1849, Sir W. Parker tells Lord Hardwicke to remain at Genoa or at Spezzia.
* * * * *
_Private._
H.M.S. ‘HIBERNIA,’ NAPLES:
4th March 1849.
‘MY DEAR LORD HARDWICKE,
‘Accept my thanks for your two acceptable letters of this 24 and 28 ult. I wish I could send you an answer more deserving of them but we are now getting under weigh for Palermo with the _Queen_, _Powerful_, and _Terrible_ in C°., carrying the King’s ultimatum of the terms of adjustment with the Neapolitans, on which we have obtained some favourable and necessary modifications altho’ I doubt whether the Sicilians will accept them. I think however that they ought to do so and I shall do my best to induce them.
‘I think it will be better that you should remain at Genoa or Spezzia for the present, resorting to either place at your discretion.
‘My family left me three days ago by the _Antelope_ for Malta or they would unite in every kind wish with, my dear Lord Hardwicke,
‘Yours very faithfully,
‘W. PARKER.’
* * * * *
On March 12, 1849, the armistice with Austria ended, and the following proclamation clearly shows with what eager hope the Genoese welcomed war.
* * * * *
‘GENOESE!
‘Our brothers, who for seven months, have been groaning under the Austrians, are waiting for us: Italy for many centuries has been called the “Servant of the Stranger”: banishment to the words! Perhaps the country will desire great and terrible sacrifices from us; let us prepare ourselves. Let us assist our brave Army which is about to renew the wonders of her courage: remember that this is the second trial and that it ought to be the last. Conquer or die.
‘And now, Genoese, my work is finished, I am preparing to depart in a short time; presenting myself to the King and parliament, I can tell them with safety without being contradicted: Genoa is tranquil.
‘DOMENICO BUFFA,
‘Minister of Agriculture, &c. &c., for the City of Genoa.’
GENOA: 14th March 1849.
* * * * *
The renewal of hostilities was quickly followed by the crushing defeat of Piedmont at the battle of Novara. On the abdication of Charles Albert and the succession of Victor Emmanuel to the throne, the new King signed the Treaty of Peace on March 26, 1849. The terms of this treaty were considered disgraceful by the Genoese and were the immediate cause of the rebellion in that city.
From this point Lord Hardwicke’s letters tell the tale.
* * * * *
GENOA: April 12, 1849.
‘MY BELOVED S.,
‘I may quote the old ditty of “Now the rage of battle endeth” and find time to sit down and collect my thoughts, to write to you my dearest wife. I shall always consider myself most fortunate in having been the means of ending this serious conflict, saving from ruin a beautiful city and its inhabitants from all the calamities of civil war. Whatever may be said or thought hereafter of this affair I shall invariably feel that it is _the best act of my life_.
‘April 11.–The forces of the King of Sardinia did on Wednesday make a public entry into the town and presently took possession of it to the satisfaction of the citizens, who now look (as they feel) that a load of terror has been taken from them, and that the tyranny that hung over them is removed. There are, no doubt, some honest and dreamy minds that feel and imagine that Italy is still to groan under the yoke of the oppressor, but ere long that dream will dissipate when the true position of Genoese affairs is known, and that the city was on the point of being reduced to a heap of ruin because a few blackguards had deceived the Genoese that they might profit by the confusion and misery of its inhabitants.
‘I have many anecdotes to tell, and you may easily imagine that in such a state of things, a fierce attack being made on the town by shot, shell and troops, I passing from side to side, sometimes standing in batteries under fire and firing, sometimes on horseback to find the General, landing at night &c., could not do this without some risk. Moreover the _Vengeance_ being in the Mole was directly between the batteries engaged, and all the shot passed over or fell round her. Then shell burst over her and tore up her decks, musketry was at times bestowed on us sufficiently to make me order the sentries on board and the officers of the watch under cover; but no one was hurt, and it is all over, so you will have your fear and your anxiety immediately put under, by the joy for the safety of all.
‘(We never know here when to have letters ready, for conveyances start out every moment. I find I _can_ send you a line, so I shall, but no, on second thoughts I believe I’d better wait for the regular packet, ten to one the person going to Malta will only take the regular packet.) I believe I’d better write you a little narrative of myself and the old ship–“Britannia’s Pride and France’s Terror.”
‘For some time past (as you will have learnt from my previous correspondence) matters in the city had been drawing towards that point on which decisive measures are forced on both parties. What was believed by some good citizens in Genoa to be _buffonata_, was in reality working up the public mind to revolutionary feelings against all law and authority. A national or civic guard existed in the town under the new Constitution of Sardinia (for they had a constitution and free institutions) composed of the citizens of all grades and numbering about 8000 men.
‘The municipal council with the Syndic or Mayor at their head, together with the General of the Civic Guard carried on the Government of the town, and put themselves at the head of a movement, which had for its pretence the support of the King in a war against Austria, and a preparation of the City of Genoa for defence against the common foe.
‘After the defeat of the King of Novara by the Austrians and the conclusion of an armistice, the articles of a Treaty became known which the Genoese thought disgraceful. There was now the sacred pretence for keeping up and augmenting a spirit of disaffection towards the Government, and a demand was made by the municipality on General Asarta (who commanded for the King here with a garrison of about 5000 men) to give up the forts and defences of Genoa to the Civic Guard, and serve out arms to the people; this was said to be for the purpose of resisting all who joined in the aforesaid Treaty, and to defend the city against the Austrians. General Asarta appears throughout the whole of this affair to have conducted himself with great weakness. He gave up Bigota and Specola, the two most important forts, to the National Guard and distributed to the people 1400 muskets.
‘This was about the state of affairs when I began to interest myself in the state of Genoa. Seeing the populace in large numbers armed and giving up their work, the National Guard assuming an air of more importance, and constant drumming and parading and reviewing going on, I saw clearly what all this was fast coming to. And on calling on La Palavacini I seriously spoke of the prospects of Genoa, she laughed and called it _Buffonata_; but as you will see in the sequel the laugh of the lady was shortly changed, as were all smiling faces in Genoa.
‘On the morning after, I paid a visit to my friend the old Admiral (who is a Genoese), and on enquiring “What news have you to-day?” he answered with a gloomy look that it was bad; that the acts of the General were great faults, and he feared much that having once dealt with the insurrectionists on terms of equality, they would acquire confidence, &c. On the following morning the British Consul came on board to me and begged me in the name of General Asarta and the Intendente Generale, or Civil Governor of the Dukedom of Genoa, to come at once to the ducal palace to consult with them on the state of affairs. (By the bye I have omitted to mention that the day previously the National Guard had seized the Civil Governor and General Fenetti, the second in Command, in the streets and cast them into prison, but a few hours after, released the Civil Governor.)
‘I am of opinion that the advice of a foreigner is always offensive even if asked for, and not likely to be taken; I therefore determined to give no advice, but to go to them, and state, that I held them responsible for the security and peace of the town.
‘Before, however, going I determined to see the old Admiral (whom I had a good opinion of, but I found I was in error). I told him what I thought of advice by a foreigner on such occasions and that my English ideas were decided in such a case, to defend all the property of the Crown to the last, and make no further concessions.
‘He said, “Go for God’s sake.” I went and gave no advice, but formally stated to the King’s officer that I held them responsible; they begged me to put down in writing what I said, which I did.
‘That very afternoon General Asarta fled from the ducal palace to the military arsenal, and withdrew his troops from the outposts and concentrated his fire in and around the arsenal, leaving his wife and three daughters in the hands of the Municipality.
‘On the following morning I went on shore, and on landing at the dockyard I met the old Admiral, he was very low in spirits and informed me that he had information that an attack was intended (immediately) on the dockyard for the purpose of getting hold of the shot and cannon and instruments of war. I expressed a hope that he had made all necessary arrangements for defence of the dockyard, and that he was prepared to defend it to the last. He answered that he was ready and would do his duty, he was then dressed _en bourgeois_. After leaving the dockyard I went to visit General Asarta at the military arsenal. I found him with 2000 men in and about the building, and two howitzers mounted on a terrace which overlooks the street leading to the dockyard.
‘He told me that he had thought it better to concentrate his forces, and that as the arsenal contained a large quantity of arms, he had made it his headquarters, that concession had gone to its limit, and that he was determined if attacked to defend his position, but that he would do nothing to provoke an attack.
‘I, considering the present position of affairs, commended the course he proposed, more particularly as General La Marmora with 20,000 men was advancing on the City; and that he with his advanced guard was not more than twenty-four hours’ march from Genoa.
‘From this time matters took a more serious and determined course. The Genoese had by degrees screwed themselves up to do something, but they did not know what. The mob, now armed, soon began to feel that they must either work or plunder, and as they had arms in their hands, with the municipality and the General of the Guards committed to revolt against the authority of the Crown, they were easily worked on to begin the affair. Whilst reading the newspapers at the public room, I was roused from my ease by the _generale_ being beat through the streets. I took my way to the dockyard, where, on arriving, I found a fieldpiece brought up against the gate. At this moment the gates were opened and the mob rushed in, a few muskets were fired, I have since found by