assure you it was thought much of, and highly valued. I think the Turks, tho’ they speak seldom, yet when they do are more profuse in their compliments and fine speeches and questions than any people I have ever seen.
‘I am obliged to close my discourse as I am ordered to take another convoy, and a ship is this moment weighing for England.
‘So with affte. Love to Lady C.: and all haste,
‘Believe me most sincerely,
‘Your affte. Son,
‘C. YORKE.’
* * * * *
H.M.S. ‘ALACRITY,’ MALTA:
May 24, 1824.
‘MY DEAREST FATHER,
‘I am once more in this part after divers peregrinations and events which in due time I shall narrate. But first of all I am in despair at hearing from no single soul in the land of Roast Beef. One solitary letter from yourself is all I have received since I sailed from England. You last heard from me from Gibraltar where I was waiting to take Convoy to Cape St. Vincent having brought four sail to that place. Made short work of the Cape St. Vincent trip having a gale of wind through the Gut of Gib. And not able to show a stitch of canvas, so next day I was able to haul my wind again having made the Cape. The letter which I hope you received was sent by one of the ships. On my return to Gib. I again three days afterwards took convoy to Malta where I did not remain more than six hours being called on to perform a service of some delicacy; different are the opinions of the way in which I acquitted myself but I feel conscious of having strictly done my duty, and if I have done wrong, all that I have to say is that the laws of nations were not the groundwork or capital of my education, but it has made me take books up a little in that way. The fact was a vessel under English colours received on board at Rhodes 250 Algerians to take passage to their native city (among whom was the brother-in-law of the Dey) with all their money and effects; on this passage they hear of the war between their country and our own, the master of the vessel wishes to bear up for Malta but the Turks will not allow it, and he is obliged to use the stratagem of cutting his main topmast rigging and so let the mast go overboard for his excuse. He cannot reach Malta, but he gets into Messina, the Consul for our Government there was applied to in this matter by the Sicilian Authorities, & as by the salutary laws of that country no barbarians can perform quarantine in any of their ports, it became their desire to get her away. The master of the _Crown_ refuses to go, stating that his life was in absolute danger from the people. I arrived in Malta from Gib with Convoy and in six hours after I sailed for Messina with orders and that caused his untimely end.
‘Give my kindest love to Lady Clanricarde and if she wants Turkey carpets, shawls, &c. &c. now is the time. Affectionate love to all. I wish Hy. was with me, I think if he would read as he travelled he would make good use of his time.
‘Your affectionate son,
‘C.Y.’
* * * * *
H.M.S. ‘TRIBUNE,’
In the Channel off Corfu, on the coast of Epirus:
July 16, 1824.
‘MY DEAREST FATHER,
‘I am here with G— under sail and about to eat the gouty old Commodore’s dinner, _Alacrity_ in company. We start together for Zante, Cephalonia, Cerigo, &c. though I leave him to take command in the Archipelago.
‘He is, as you well know, all that a kind and affectionate friend can be. I wrote you a few days ago a very short letter and one that I know you will abuse much when you receive it, but I promise a long one when I am in for the Station and business that will naturally occur therefrom. I have already one affair in hand with a Greek corvette for plunder which will be acted on by me in a burning manner, for these fellows require it.
‘All the Algerian business is settled and the Admiral has expressed himself well pleased with my conduct. Hamilton of the _Cambria_ promised me to see you and acquaint you with all particulars of the affair.
‘Love to all.
‘Your affectionate son,
‘C. Y.’
* * * * *
H.M. SLOOP ‘ALACRITY,’ SMYRNA:
Sept. 17, 1824.
‘MY DEAREST FATHER,
‘I received your kind letter of the 1st of May a few days ago at Spezzia on the Gulf of Napoli di Romania (Nauplia) by H.M.S. _Martin_ which arrived from Malta. Capt. Eden commands our little squad (for squadron I will not call it as there are only 46 guns among three of us) and being my senior officer has of course taken possession of the Green Bag, & my command in these seas has expired after having held it nine weeks. ‘I believe before I go further it will be wise of me to explain to you what this “Green Bag,” as I call it, is, and when you hear I rather think you will be a little amused.
‘From the present state of Greece and the islands in the Archipelago some Greek, some Turk, some both, and some neither, much piracy and murder goes on against all the flags of Europe; and of course we fall in for our share, and hardly a week passes but some appeal to humanity or justice is brought to the Senior Officer, or any cruizing ship in the Archipelago, indeed of late owing to the small force up this country these papers have so accumulated that a large bag became necessary to hold them, and when I gave up my command to Eden of the _Martin_, up the side after me came the “awful Green Bag.” The Senior Officer here is in himself an Admiralty Court for all the Archipelago, and a most difficult and delicate service it is, for _”truth is never to be got at”_ and the Ionian who is always the person aggrieved is as bad as the Greek. I foresee myself getting into a discussion, but I must say a little of my opinions to you, faulty as they most likely are, yet such has been the impression made on my mind by what I have seen and heard; but I shall not break out here as I wish to give you an outline of what I have been about since I left Malta.
‘I had a passage of five weeks to Smyrna touching at Corfu and Milo and delivering at the former 120,000 Dollars for the Government, found our friend Guion there as much the ladies man as ever. I gave you a line from _Tribune_ myself, I parted from her two days afterwards. After remaining a few days at Smyrna I sailed on a cruizer leaving the _Rose_ there for the protection of the Trade. But before I weigh and make sail I shall say something of John Turk, who has always stood rather well with me until you take him into the field, and there he is bloody, cruel, ferocious and desperate but _not brave_. In the drawing room he is polish’d, well bred, and from the pomp and magnificence of style in which he lives he cannot fail at first to impose on the stranger a good opinion of at least his gentlemanly manners, and courtlike behaviour. On my arrival at Smyrna I did not fail as soon as I was able to gain an interview with Hussan Pacha, the Governor. This man gain’d his Government by some merit of his own; marching thro’ Smyrna on his way to take possession of his Pachalick with his troops, he was called on by the Authorities and Consuls of foreign powers to exercise his military authority in restoring order to the town which was at this time (1821) in a state of anarchy, massacre and cruelty, against the Greeks; he undertook the task and succeeded in restoring order and stopping the slaughter in twenty-four hours, after which service, in consequence of a representation from the Consuls, the Porte confirm’d him to the Government.
‘My party on the visit consisted of Capt. Dundas, Mr. Whitehead (the Admiral’s son who has been with me from Malta) Lt. Trescott and Mr. Forester Wyson, with the Dragoman; we were received with all due respect and pomp and after many compliments, pipes, coffee, sherbet, &c. &c. we took our leave. The conversation that took place is not worth relating, as it was of that nature which such a visit might be supposed to produce.
‘I afterwards went a round of visits to the Turkish nobles and principal officers of the Town, Delibash Beys, Beys, Agas, &c. &c. Smyrna is a large town, and like all other Turkish towns has narrow streets, low dirty houses, and long Bazaars; the people from their costume and arms forming the most amusing and picturesque objects of the whole. Here and there you saw strong symptoms of firing in the dominions of the Porte, doors full of shot-holes, and now and then a random ball whizzing over your head. Above the town on an eminence is a very picturesque old castle built by the Genoese, now in ruins and nothing more than a very beautiful object, and one of the finest roadsteads in the Mediterranean. The country at the back of Smyrna is rich and beautifully wooded.
‘I rode out one evening with Capt. Dundas to the Consul’s, the roads infamous and my horse stumbling exceedingly I did not quite enjoy the beauties of Asia, and the romance of the ride thro’ the burying-place of the Turk, studded with the Turban [Footnote: The Turks at the top of the tombstone have the turban of their rank] or stone and Cypress, as much as I ought.
‘On the 4th of July, I sailed from Voorla, a watering place on the south side of the Gulf of Smyrna, for Psara and arrived there on the 5th. The Turks having attacked the place on the 3rd, which they carried in about twelve hours, excepting a strong work on the west end of the Island which did not fall till the following day. I thought at first that this had been a decided and bloody blow struck at the root of the Greek revolution, but the Turk has gone to sleep since, or nearly. I have myself little doubt that the French had much to do with the capture of this island, for I learnt from many that a Frigate had been at Psara on the 22nd of June, and for four successive days had sounded round and round the Island and then sailed for Mytilene where the Capt. Pacha was. Moreover when I was on board the Pacha’s ship he show’d me a Chart or plan of the Island, which the moment I saw it, I exclaimed “This is done by a Frank,” and he said, yes that it had been done for him. The attack was made on the north side, the only place in this Island that Turkish troops could land on with safety, and even here the pass was so narrow up the mountain that only one man could pass at a time. To shew the difficulty of gaining ground, and how easily this place might have been defended, one Greek who was near the spot asleep on hearing a noise jumped up, and with his single arm killed seven Turks, one after the other as they came up; and then fled.
‘As soon as I anchored on the roadstead, I sent to say I wished to pay my respects to the Captain Pacha, who returned a very civil answer, and I went _en grande tenue_, to see this mighty conqueror and Royal Prince. Our interview was truly amusing. I began with saying that having anchored in the road, and finding his fleet there (which consisted of one 80 gun ship, seven frigates and about eighty Corvettes, Brigs and Transports) I had come to pay my respects to him and to congratulate him on his successes over his enemies; he whimpered and simpered, like an old woman, thank’d me, but pretended to be excessively sorry for the loss of life on the part of the Psariotes, _he_ having taken very good care that not a _man_ on the Island should have his head left on his shoulders; but the women would not give him a chance, they did that which would do honor to the Antient Hist: of Greece! throwing their children from the precipices into the sea, and then following themselves. The Pacha told me he had not taken a single woman, and only a few children, that some of the boats pick’d up floating. We conversed on different topics, but more particularly on the politics of Turkey and Greece. I ask’d him if he meant to strike the iron while it was hot, and get on to Hydra, and strike a blow there, telling him at the same time that I was going to the Naval Islands on business and should tell all I had seen. He replied, “No, I love the Hydriotes.” The crafty old dog loves them like a cannibal “well enough to eat them.” After having sat above an hour (for I was determined to see all I could) he was called out by the Admiral who whispered in his ear; out he went, I was curious, and walked to the front part of the cabin opening a little of the Door; I saw him on the deck surrounded with Turkish soldiers who were each producing their day’s work, in the process of extermination. Each head got the possessor a few Liqueurs. After he came into the cabin again, I tax’d him with what he had been at. He smiled and ask’d me should I like to see it. I told him I had read of these things among Eastern nations, but was not quite sure before that it was true, upon which he not knowing that I had seen a great deal, ordered the head of a Greek Priest just taken off, and still reeking with gore, to be brought in to me, which was accordingly done. After this I took my leave of the Old Turk, who pressed my hand cordially; I ask’d his permission to go on shore, but he would not give it, saying that it was a horrid sight and that most likely I should be shot myself. The Turks here killed about 8000 Greeks and lost themselves by their own account about 3000, but the fact is they cannot tell, for they never know the number of people they have on board.
‘Ismail Pacha had one of his Captains wounded, and he ask’d me to allow my surgeon to visit him, which I did. This Ismail Pacha is an Albanian and served under the old lion Ali for a long while and was by him raised to a Pachalick which was confirm’d to him by the Porte after the death of Ali; he commanded the 12,000 men that landed at Psara. Another desperate act of heroism took place in the strong fort situated on an eminence at the West End of the Island, it held out till the last and was not destroy’d until everything was lost. The Turks had made a forlorn hope to storm it, the Greeks allowed them easy access, then fired the magazine. Thus perish’d 1000 Greek men, women and children and 400 Turks. I sailed in the evening after saluting the Pacha with twenty guns, and saw them fire the Town, the Plunder being finish’d.
‘From Psara to Hydra where I had a grievance to try to redress, but from its being a year old, I had much fear that with my small force I should not be able to effect that which a larger ship would have immediately succeeded in, with nothing more than threats. I intended to try _those_ first and ultimately to do more and take my chance of what the Govt. might think.
‘But the _Martin’s_ arrival has taken the “Green Bag” away from me. I will now relate that on my arrival off Hydra, I found Miaoulis the Greek Admiral on his way to assist Psara. I hailed his vessel and invited him on board, he came and I made him acquainted with the capture and massacre at the place, (since I left Psara I found that about twenty-five sail of vessels had escaped, with some women and children). He seem’d much distressed, but said he would push on and see what was to be done. I afterwards heard that he kept aloof until the Captain Pacha quitted, he then attack’d the gun boats in which about 2000 [Footnote: The garrison left at Psara] Turks were attempting to escape and destroyed nearly the whole of them. Now the Island is desolate and _neutral_ having neither Greek nor Turk on it; but I hear that the Captain Pacha is going to adopt the miserable and contemptible policy of destroying its harbour, and then taking no more regard of the Island. I must say the want of unanimity in the Greek against the common enemy is here too perceptible. The Hydriotes well knew that Psara was soon to be attack’d and it was in their power to have saved it, but its having been in former days a rival island in commerce, and was now a rival island in achievements in war, they delay’d sending their ships until it was too late. There were also traitors among their own people, no doubt of it!
‘My business at Hydra was a case of piracy, against a British merchant of Alexandria, and all the property was stolen and the vessel burnt, &c. &c. I called off the island and as _they_ wish’d to refer back to the affair before they would give an answer, I passed on to Napoli di Romania (Nauplia) where the Greeks have set up an attempt at a government, for a government I cannot call it that has neither laws or courts, not even a national assembly is yet instituted; but anarchy seems to reign among them, and until something like a strict union among the chiefs of this people takes place I fear their cause is not likely to be progressive, or their means effective.
‘The people who are now at the head of what they style the Provisional Government of Greece are men who under the Turks were merchants, or masters of merchant ships. The Chief or Primate of this Government (Condenotti by name) is an Hydriote (his Brother is now Primate of Hydra) who during his life has amassed a fortune of Five million of dollars, having had for twenty-three years the Trade, I may say, of the whole of the northern part of the Archipelago; himself a ship owner, having no less than eighteen or twenty fine Brigs and ships from 180 to 300 tons burthen. This man has never given a Para to the cause of his country; what can you expect with such a beginning? The Govt. have in their pay about 10,000 men, ragamuffins of all sorts. This is that part of the population of Greece that our Committee in London send money to.
‘Are the Greek Committee such fools as to suppose that they are honourably dealt with, and that this money is all put to the uses they would wish to see it put to, or that the money sent from England will ever do any good to the Greek cause, unless they appoint proper Commissioners to receive it, and to dole it out, in such a way as to be of service to those who merit it? Is the Provisional Govt. of Greece such a Committee? Or are they who have been tricking and trafficking to make money all their lives fit people to be entrusted with such a Commission? _There is not one Patriot among them!_ And they are accountable to no one by law, for there are no laws in the land.
‘Money has arrived lately from the Greek Committee and it was put into the hands of the Provisional Govt. What they have done with the _whole_ of it I do not know; some they have given to Odysseus. When he heard that money was coming from England to Napoli he left his stronghold in Parnassus and came down with the small retinue of 300 men to demand of the Govt. some remuneration for his services, he had expelled the Turks from Livadia, and he now required that they would pay 5000 men for him. This Odysseus is the only man whom I should call a Patriot among them. So different in style is the free Mountain Chief from the Lowland long enslaved Greek, that you would hardly believe them to belong to the same nation. Odysseus ever called and thought himself free, and his family before him never own’d the dominion of the Turk, living in inaccessible holds no Turkish turbaned head was ever near them. This man tho’ wild and untaught is patriotic, brave, devoid of superstition, and last and most rare among the Greeks, has an utter contempt for money. He has talents for war or peace, and the most moderate in his principles of any of them. If there is a man in Greece who is to be depended on _he_ is the man. He maintains that one of the greatest steps towards the well-being of Greece is the putting down the ascendancy of the Priests, with that you will put down intolerant avarice and much crime. At first the Govt. would not give much ear to his demands, but he goes to them in person, stripped of his arms, telling them he is no longer a soldier, that he would turn barber for he could shave; he said he would get an honest livelihood as a poor man but not pilfer &c. _as some of his friends did_ who had neither patriotism or virtue, and who thought of nothing but aggrandizing and enriching themselves. Such was his opinion of this Govt., and he assured me himself that not one of their heads should be on their shoulders in ten days if they did not distribute this money in such a way as to ensure something like a successful campaign against the Turks. They have however given what I suppose they could not keep from him and what he _had before_; the command in _Livadia_, and pay 5000 men for him.
‘I had some very amusing excursions with this Chief and we became great friends, he is in person one of the handsomest and finest men I ever saw, and had Maria seen him manage his horse she would never have forgotten it. I could give very interesting accounts of our picnics and rides, when his Albanians roasted the sheep whole stuffed with almonds and raisins, &c. &c. but it will take more time than I can spare, and I fear by this time you will be nearly tired, but you must bear with me up to the date I write from before I give up. The other Chiefs of Note, Mavrocordato and Colcotronis, are men of perfectly different characters but both by their different means attempting to aggrandize themselves. The former’s weapons are his talents and his tongue, the latter’s his courage and his sword. Colcotronis rebelled and try’d to overthrow the provisional Government, he blockaded Napoli and was for some weeks fighting with the Govt. Corps in the Plains of Argos, but Odysseus appearing on the mountain, neither knowing which side he would take, they suspended their arms and a reconciliation was brought about. I think of late there has been a little more apparent conduct in the Chiefs than before. I see in our papers great puffs about the fighting in Greece. The warfare, in fact, is desultory and next to ridiculous excepting in the passes of the Mountains, and when Turkish cavalry are caught there the Greeks always kill them all. As yet the campaign is rather against the Greek by the loss of Psara, their chief Naval Island, which from its situation much annoy’d the Turk.
‘But to the Greek Committee! Great as the respect is which I feel for a set of men who have wished to give assistance to that cause so dear to every Englishman, yet I regret much the material and money that has been wasted and frittered away to no purpose. Had the Greek Committee fully understood the business they were about to take in hand they would not have sent out the quantities of valuable yet useless stores which are now I believe in the possession of the people of Missolonghi. If instead of sending out surveying instruments, sextants, telescopes and numberless instruments used by our artillery and engineers, they had caused to be manufactured musquets, yataghans and pistols in the fashion of the country together with powder and ball, and had taken care that a proper commission was there ready to receive it and take care that they were properly distributed, I would have given them some credit; but as yet I think what they have sent has created bad blood among the people and rivalry among the Chiefs who should possess the whole. When Odysseus heard that supplies of stores had arrived from England at Missolonghi he sent 300 men and a captain to get some, he demanded a share and it was refused; he then forcibly took away four field guns and forty barrels of powder on mules and carried them safe to Parnassus. The man who did this was Mr. Trelawney from whom I had the circumstance. Of the money the Committee have just sent out, a little comes back to us, for the Greeks always allege they cannot pay for the piracies committed on our Flag until the money arrives from England! This is too great a farce! I have actually been once to Napoli for money, which has been owing for this year pass’d and which they never would pay until they were able to pay it in English sovereigns.
‘Greece has the name of fighting but with the present sort of warfare that goes on, unless some interference is made or the one party or the other gets weary, it may continue without progression towards the grand end, peace, until doomsday.
‘After leaving Napoli I went to Hydra where I had some piratical business to settle. On pulling into the port in my boat I saw a vessel there under British colors that informed me they had that morning been captured by an Hydriote corsair, I desired that she should be instantly given up to me which they refused doing; I that evening cut her out with the _Alacrity’s_ Boats; I put half my crew and all my marines into the three boats going myself in my gig, making Trescott in the brig stand slap into the port with her guns loaded with round shot and grape. The shores of the harbour (which is not more than two cables lengthward) lined with about 12,000 men, her guns would have made dreadful havoc. In three minutes from the time we got on board, the Greeks had jumped overboard and her cables were cut, and out she came without the loss of a single man. They have protested against me to the Govt. at Napoli but _it’s all right_, and I did what was perfectly proper in all points. These rascals must not be allowed to capture British vessels on any pretence whatever; if they are allowed to do so, even on pretences of assisting their enemies, no vessel but a man of war will be able to sail in these seas.
‘From Hydra hearing that Samos was about to be attacked by the Turks I sailed thither, and on the first day of their attack (in which they were repulsed) I took off 106 women and children with their property, _being British subjects_, and carried them to Smyrna. From there on my way to Napoli I fell in with the _Martin_ and returned to Smyrna, where I found _Euryalus_. He went to sea and has left me Gardo here. Finding that for a time my sea trips were suspended I set off for Magnesia and much delighted I have been with my trip, suffice it to say that nothing can be kinder than the great Turks are to me, and in a few days I return to Magnesia to hunt with Ali Bey the Governor of that Town. But I must reserve a description of these trips until another letter, as I am sure you will be heartily tired by the time you have got through my _griffonage_.
‘I have enjoy’d all this summer most excellent health, and the climate has completely left off its baneful influence upon me, thank God.
‘Tell Lady C. I have collected for her a quantity of antient Greek, Roman and Egyptian pottery, the greater part of which is most exceedingly valuable, and some that I dug myself at Samos.
‘I have also collected a quantity of very fine Coins (Greek) which _if_ I get a safe conveyance, I shall send Uncle Charles. Tell him so! This letter I know he will see, so if he will, take it as written as much to himself as you and indeed all the family, To whom individually & collectively give my afftn. love.
‘Don’t show my letters to any but the family Pray!
‘You will be amused to hear I wear the Turkish dress on these excursions.
‘Your most afftn. Son
‘C. YORKE.
‘PS.–Affectionate Love to U. K. and Agneta an affectionate Embrace to H. Y., E. Y. and G. Y.’
* * * * *
ALEXANDRIA:
Dec. 27, 1825.
‘MY DEAREST FATHER,
‘Although I cannot write as long a letter as I intended and wish, for lack of time, yet, as there are several vessels in this harbour on the point of sailing for England, I must, after so long an interval, put pen to paper in your behalf.
‘By the finish of my last letter to you which I trust was prolix enough I was at Smyrna, and had informed you of my visiting in this country its nobles and princes: and I think mentioned something of a visit I paid to Ali Bey, the Governor of Idun a country to the Nd. of Smyrna, whose capital is Magnesia, where the residence of the Governor is. I twice visited this Prince, and, so much was he pleased the first time, that he invited me to come a second when there was to be a hunt of birds and beasts. On the 13th of September, Forrester the Surgeon, Weatley my 2nd Lieutenant, and myself with a young Armenian as an interpreter and a Janissary for a “Garde du corps,” started “au point du jour” from Smyrna, and arrived in the afternoon at Magnesia, one of the prettiest Turkish towns I have seen. Our journey slow, over bad roads, did not afford any circumstances much worth relating. We found our new acquaintances Turk and Christian, both in their way agreeable; the Armenian, young, sensible, and an extraordinary linguist, speaking nine languages though not twenty years of age. The Old Turk, funny, fat and good-natured. The latter part of our journey lay thro’ a pass in the mountains from the summit of which the Valley of Magnesia suddenly burst on our view, with the town on the eastern side at the foot of a perpendicular rocky mountain very like the rock of Gibraltar, but if anything higher, more craggy, and bold: the valley that lay before us, bounded on the W. by a ridge of regular round topped hills, and to the Nd. the eye could not reach the extent of this immense plain, which is covered with vines, and fig trees, corn, and tobacco, the best in Natolia. On my arrival, I sent my Janissary from the Kane I put up at to say I was arrived, when an officer from the Bey came, and marched us thro’ the street till we stopped at one of the best looking houses I had seen; we were ushered in, and I was then informed we were to live here and that if I did not like it and was not comfortable that I should have another. But I soon found out we could not be better off; the Bey having sent us to the house of the Primate of the Greeks, who was obliged to receive us whether he liked it or not, it being sufficient that a Turk orders it. But in truth, I believe the old Patriarch was very proud of the honor for no hospitality could outdo his: the fatted calf was killed and we feasted sumptuously. Fingers were now called into requisition as knives and forks are no part of the necessaries of these Oriental nations. Such tearing of fowls and tucking up of sleeves! After dinner the water, and then the Alpha and Omega of all oriental visitings, mornings, noons, and nights, “Coffee and Pipes.” During the evening some pretty girls, the daughters of the Old Man, danced before us, those dances which the women of the country are so famous for: tho’ none of the most decent yet very curious, some young men playing the guitar and singing, for the song always accompanies the dance. My Janissary was so delighted, that, he swore if he had only had two glasses of wine he would fire his pistols right and left. I felt rather satisfied he had not had the wine he spoke of. We were all fagged enough to find our beds on the floor capital; and the next day we visited the Bey.
‘January 16, 1825.–I am now at sea and had intended this letter from Alexandria, and, as I said before, it was to be short; but now I shall send it from Malta, and it is to be long.
‘But to resume my story. When we arrived at the palace he was dining in the Kiosk with some of his friends, and we had to wait a little while until the repast was ended when we were ushered in. He received us very haughtily, and in a manner not at all consistent with the kind messages he had sent us. Pipes and Coffee were served, and the conversation was rather slack. At his feet sat one of the most extraordinary figures I ever saw in my life; a countenance more devilish was never given to Dervish before. After we had been seated some time, this man, who had never opened his lips but had eyed us with the greatest attention and ferocity, at length began to mutter, “Kenkalis, Kenkalis, taib ben” (“English, English, I hope you are well”). This was one of those privileged people which in these countries are called Dervishes, who are dreaded and respected by the superstitious, and who afford amusement by their extraordinary antics to others. They have the _entrée_ of all houses great or small, rich or poor, and are never refused food or raiment: it being in itself a crime, to insult or offend all who are in any way extraordinary: the more mad, the more sacred the person. Madness in Turkey is an excellent trade.
‘At length I soon discovered how it was that my new friend the Bey was thus: his friends (Turks) rose to depart, so did I but he desired me to sit down again. The moment the Turks had departed he was a new man. I have never been so pleased with any Turk in my life as with Ali Bey. His affability and kindness were European, which, when blended with the handsomest form and face the costume of a Turk and pomp of a prince, made a most agreeable acquisition to my Eastern acquaintance.
‘He now began to make his attendants play all sorts of tricks with the Dervish to draw him out; who seemed to be a perfect prince in the art of buffoonery. We were amazingly amused. He now told me he had a grand _chasse_ in twenty-five days’ time, and desired that I would come to him on that day, bring my gun, and stay with him a week; nothing could have pleased me more than this offer. And as I lay Gardo in Smyrna, twenty-five days afterwards I again found myself in Magnesia, housed with the old Greek Patriarch a second time. He now sent us down to the village of Graviousken (?) (Infidel Village) where we were well lodged: his cook and household chief accompanied us, and the following day he came himself. Our hunt, tho’ not much sport to English taste, yet was most amusing. The magnificence of the horses and riders; their equipage and management of the animal; riding at speed, as tho’ they were on the point of being dashed to pieces, against a wall or down a precipice, at once coming to a dead stop. Riding at each other, delivering the jareed, firing their pistols and wheeling short round in an instant, and at speed in the opposite direction. We had greyhounds and killed a few hares. The following days were unfortunately wet; we returned to Magnesia.
‘The first visit I paid the Bey this time, I honored him with my full dress for reasons very good, he was not quite sure who I was. It was also necessary that his people should have outward shew, to satisfy them: this I was nearly paying dear for. There is a horrid custom in this country, of paying a certain sum to the attendants of these great people every visit you make. A few piastres had heretofore satisfied, but on leaving, after this Golden Visit, they seized my interpreter the moment he took his purse out, tore it away from him took all he had saying, “they should never see such a man again” and returned him the empty purse. He fortunately had been prepared for such an attack and had a proper sum and no more in his purse, but had it not been for this sagacity, I might have lost all the money I had with me. Our dinner at Graviousken was capital, he had wine for us; fingers were again in requisition, and we were obliged to eat of twenty-six dishes, each brought separately on the table, one after the other, which you had no sooner begun to think good, than it was immediately snatched away and disappeared. After having given to my old Greek some presents of silks for his wife, and caps for his daughters, we returned to Smyrna, where I found H.M.S. _Cyrene_, Captn. Grace, and soon after arrived Clifford in the _Euryalus_, who most kindly gave me an opportunity of seeing a great deal of other countries by an order to visit the coast of Syria, &c. &c.
‘Oct. 24, 1825.–We passed thro’ the Straits of Scio, and on the 25th anchored at Scala Nova. I shall not trouble you with nautical details, as all my remarks, bearings, soundings, &c., which I have carefully taken in this voyage I keep in a distinct remark-book. It is a small town, governed by an Aga, situated on an elevated promontory, with a small island and fort off the point, bad shelter for a winter anchorage. Scala Nova had much interest to me, as I was completely able to appreciate the conduct of the Captain Pacha with regard to his pitiful attempt on the island of Samos, which is distant about twenty miles. This Pacha had 100,000 men at Scala Nova, with a sufficient number of boats and transports to convey them, and about eighty sail of men of war to protect them. Yet he made the attempt to land 3000 men, which I myself was a witness, and they nearly all perished by the musketry of the Greeks. No further attempt was made on the island, the fleet remains to the Northward of Samos, under sail for fourteen days, (fine weather) the Greeks thirty-five sail of small vessels and fireships in the little Bogaz, which separates the island from the main. At length the fleet sail for Mytilene. The troops at Scala Nova know not what to think, no provisions, no water, 25,000 die of famine, the rest in a most pitiable condition, receive orders to return to their homes, massacre, pillage, and plunder the whole way back. Nevertheless, the Turks contrived to lose two small frigates by the fireships of the Greeks. The conduct of the Pacha, and his disgraceful mode of entering Constantinople with about fifty sail of small Greek Boats for the occasion, with a Greek hanging at each mast head, you might have seen from the public prints. My business with the Governor of Scala Nova being settled (having obliged him to release an Ionian Vessel one of his cruizers had captured), Ephesus three hours distant became the next object. Little is now left of this once celebrated city, and the site of Diana’s huge temple I think is not to be found. One splendid relic still remains. A part of a fluted Corinthian column, of Parian marble, about 111 feet long, broken; the remainder is gone; but from the diameter, the block forming that part could not have been less than fifty feet; a part also of a huge cornice which was immediately over this column remains, of marble also, weighing about 15 tons. The carved work on the capital and cornice is as fresh as the day the artist finished it, tho’ most likely above 2000 yrs. old. Ephesus is thought by many to have been latterly destroyed by an earthquake, and this small relic certainly tends to prove the assertion. On examining this column carefully, I found that the fluting, about half way down, was finished and polished, and a part in the rough. The ancients always finished and polished, after the column was erect. Certainly, some sudden accident must have occurred to have prevented the artist from completing so fine a piece of work, and the manner in which it is broken leads me to suppose an earthquake, without doubt, to have been the cause of the abrupt departure of the chisel from its occupation.
‘Leaving Scala Nova, we sailed thro’ the little Bogaz, by Patmos when we fell in with some Greek cruizers, on the look out for the Egyptian fleet under Ibrahim Pacha, whom we found at Bodrum (?) where we next anchored. Nothing whatever of antient Halicarnassus, or the wonder of the world, here remains! Not a trace, not a vestige! One tower more modern, the base of which appears Roman with a Turkish superstructure, and one block of granite on which is an inscription stating that Caesar mounted his horse from this stone: I would have carried this relic away, but Mr. Arbro, Premier Interprète et Lieutenant à son Altesse Ibrahim Pacha, informed me that he had laid hands on it. Here I no sooner anchored than a number of Maltese captains of merchant vessels, in the employ of the Viceroy of Egypt, came on board to beg my interference with the Pacha as to some grievance they had suffered. I was quite determined I would have nothing to do with these blackguards in the Turkish service; but, on going on shore I could not help feeling immensely enraged at seeing upwards of twenty large Red Ensigns (English), flying on his fleet of Transports, loaded with Turkish soldiers going to carry them to the Morea! I presume the British subject is free to trade as he pleases but, at the same time, that he must take the consequence of his speculations. Whether this large national flag was to be displayed at sea, in a rencontre with the Greek fleet, became a question with me? Whether our ensign was to be borne by vessels actually engaging Greek ships, was also a question I asked myself. And the reply instantly was, “_No_, it cannot be neutrality.” I determined to take the ensigns from them which was done, and having cut the Unions out I gave them back, which I have since been sorry for. In short, I should have taken all the vessels as they were all sailing under false papers, or have taken the flags away altogether and have considered them as they really were, Turkish transports. But I felt it a very delicate affair as Ibrahim Pacha, when I waited on him, declared, that I should be the means of his losing his expedition, and that he trembled for the consequences. He had previously sent his Secretary on board me, to try and talk me over to give back the flags. But it would not do, I saw thro’ the whole thing. The fact was, these mercenaries employed in the Egyptian service had refused to proceed any further, their contract having expired. He having exhausted five months in reaching Bodrum (?) from Alexandria wished to throw the whole of the revolt of the Maltese on me, as having taken their colors; they declaring that they could not go to sea in safety under any other flag. He wished to be able to use this pretext to his father, the Viceroy. After about four hours’ conversation we parted as we begun, I would not return the colors. We parted however the following day better friends, the revolted vessels were moored in a line before the loyal ones so that those who were willing could not go to sea. He sent for me, and begged me to speak to the Maltese which I did, and desired them to move their ships to let the other Transports pass out. What he said to the Viceroy of Egypt I know not, but be that as it may the old man was very civil afterwards to me in Egypt. I daresay you will think me a great fool for having troubled my head in this affair at all; but really, whether I am right or wrong, I could not bear to see the flag under the Turk, and the vessels bearing it conveying troops to the conquest of the Morea. Much as I dislike the Greek character, yet I love the cause.
‘I was not sorry to get clear of Ibrahim and his expedition, as I inevitably saw difficulties would increase and that from the situation of the British subjects violence might be resorted to by the Turk, and that my presence only added fuel to the fire. For while I was there the Maltese grew more and more impudent. However, all since has ended well. The Maltese have been honorably paid off by the Viceroy of Egypt.
‘Passing between Stanco(?) and the main on the 2nd of Novr. we anchored in the Harbour of Marmorico (?), certainly the finest in the Mediterranean. Here we remained in consequence of bad weather, but we managed to wood and water. After leaving this port I visited Rhodes, so famous an island requires me to give some description. Keeping the Brig boxing about between the island and the main, I made my visits leaving her early in the morning, she standing in the evening to pick me up. The Port here I by no means considered safe for the _Alacrity_. Small merchant vessels do go into the Port, and often pay for their temerity by being totally wrecked. Here you see the remains of what the island was, with some of the Knights, but nothing more ancient except the remains of a temple to Apollo. The works and fortifications are very like Malta on a diminished scale, and the great Street of the Knights with their arms and devices over each door. To see a turban’d head sticking out of the window is a provoking proof of the triumph of the Mussulman over these deserted Christian Knights.
‘January 28th, 1826.–I am just anchored in the Quarantine Harbour at Malta; I find the packet for England on the point of sailing so I cannot finish my letter, but I think it already too long. In my next I shall take up my proceedings from Rhodes, going into Cyprus, Scandaroon, Beirut, Tyre, Sidon, St. Jean D’Arc, Deir-il-Kamr in the Mountains of Lebanon, Lady Hester Stanhope with whom I stayed one week, Alexandria, Cairo, &c. and back to Malta after a cruize of eight Months.
‘I must now finish with a little Turkish politics. The whole arrangement of the Greek War is put into the hands of the Viceroy of Egypt. The Captain Pacha does not go afloat this year but is I fancy in great disgrace. The Constantinople and Egyptian fleets are to be combined under Ibrahim Pacha, who is now at Marmorico, waiting for reinforcements to go to the Morea. I fancy the divided Councils of the Greeks now gives a fine opportunity of success. Colcotronis has secretly sided with Mehemet Ali, and it is supposed that Albania is bought with Turkish gold. The Greeks are quite capable of this. The only way in which the Turk will do anything in the Morea is by corrupting the Greeks: if it is to be a contest, I prophesy the Egyptian army _will never return_. The conduct of the French to the Turks has been most decided. The King of France wrote to the Viceroy of Egypt, complimenting him on his genius, and wishing him all possible success. The bearer of this letter was General Boyer who has come out to discipline the Turkish army, has assumed the Turkish dress, being installed in his command with the title and allowance of a Bey and a salary of 10,000 Dollars per annum. He brought out also two most beautifully manufactured carpets, and 500 stand of arms and accoutrements complete, as a present from the King to the Viceroy. The Turks of the country do not know what to make of this gracious like conduct, but they say he has formed an alliance with France either to stop, at any time they wish, our overland intercourse with India, or to strengthen himself so that he may be better able to shake off the Turkish yoke of Istamboul. His views are certainly most ambitious; but as yet have not sufficiently developed themselves for anyone, I think, decidedly to form an opinion.
‘Dr. Father, Adieu!’
* * * * *
The letter from Vourla which follows is that promised to his father in the preceding letter from Alexandria, and is strictly of an earlier date as it takes up the story of his experiences in the later months of 1824. The narrative requires no comment, as it speaks for itself, and the description of Captain Yorke’s visit to Lady Hester Stanhope at Djoun will be read with interest. He attained the rank of Captain on June 6, 1825.
* * * * *
‘… After a tedious passage from Larnica we anchored at Beirut, once the capital of the Druses but conquered in the time of Daher Prince of Acre by the Turks. The place is supposed to be the ancient Baal Berith. Here we stay a week. Beirut is a curious town. The architecture is substantial, perfectly different from any seen in other parts of Asia until you arrive in Syria; quite Saracenic, arches in abundance and curious tesselated pavements of coloured stones. But this is not Turkish, though now in possession of the Turks, but the architecture of its former inhabitants remains. I made short excursions into the country with some English and Armenian missionaries who have resided some years in the country, but except the beauties of nature little else remarkable is to be seen. For the best information in a small compass of this part of Syria Mr. Hope’s “Anastasius” will give it. But within the compass of a letter I cannot enter into very great detail unless I were to write it on the spot and take more time and pains than my disposition inclines to. As far as professional remarks go, I have as much as a boat and lead line and bearings will give.
‘Here I was in some distress, for the pilot, a Greek, that I got at Rhodes declared he knew nothing of the coast, so I discharged him. A Turk now undertook to pilot us to Seyden, though on our arrival there I determined to have no more pilots, as they rather confused the navigation, not being able to give positive information at any time.
‘After leaving Beirut we next let go anchor at Saida (Sidon) once so famed, and now a very tolerable Turkish town. Here no relic of antiquity is visible except a large block of marble about a mile to southward of the town with a Greek inscription (which _I_ did not see; Mandiel gives a sufficient account of it, and my friends who visited it say it appears to be in precisely the same state that he saw it in) with some remains of a galley mole, which the Turks in their profound policy have blocked up so that it is with difficulty that a small boat can get in. Here my attention was greatly diverted from examining much of the town and its contents by the circumstance of my dispatching a civil line “with Captain Y’s compts to Lady H. Stanhope” offering my services in any way to take letters &c. to Malta or elsewhere that I might be going. Lady Hester for some years has refused to see English people, therefore I had not a hope that she would give me an interview; but to my surprise, on the evening of my writing, her Armenian interpreter came on board with a kind note by which I found that a horse and escort were at Saida waiting to conduct me when I might please to Djoun her residence in Libanus, about three hours from Saida. Accordingly on the following morning, with Luca my Armenian interpreter whom I have mentioned in company, we started for the residence of her ladyship. The ride, uninteresting from any circumstance but that of actually being on Mount Libanus, deserves no remark, sterile, and but little cultivated in this part. Her residence is on an eminence about ten miles from the sea which it overlooks; on the other side it does not look into the bosom of the Valley of Bernica, yet it is high enough to enjoy the beautiful verdure of the mountain rising on the opposite side, whose tops are the most lofty of Libanus. The air is pure and the scenery bold. On a hill about a mile to the southward of her habitation is a village which flourishes in the sunshine of her favour and protection. Her house is a neat building, a mixture of Oriental and English. From the entrance gate a passage (on either side of which is a guard room and some apartments for soldiers and servants) leads to a square yard, half way across which is a terrace with three steps, round which terrace are the different apartments of servants, interpreters, as also spare rooms for visitors. On the left side of the terrace under a lattice work of wood woven with rose and jessamine I was ushered, and shewn into a small apartment furnished in the Eastern style. The chiboque and coffee were instantly brought me by a French youth in the costume of a Mameluke, with compliments from my lady begging I would refresh myself after my fatigue. On my ablutions being finished I was sent for. Passing through several passages I was shewn into a room rather dark with a curtain drawn across, which being withdrawn I found myself in the presence of a Bedouin Arab chief who soon turned out to be Lady Hester. She expressed great joy at seeing the son of one of the most honest families in England, so she was pleased to express herself. She received me as an English lady of fashion would have done. I at once became delighted with her, with her knowledge, and I must say her beauty, for she is still one of the finest specimens of a woman I ever saw. She spoke much of Uncle Charles; her conversation beyond any person’s I ever met; she was in fine spirits. Her dress, which well became her gigantic person, very rich. I shall pass over our conversation which was full of liveliness, of marvels and wonders, manners and customs of the people, plagues, troubles, and famines &c. &c. I went back to the brig the following day and returned in the afternoon to Djoun, taking with me Mr. Forrester, my surgeon, who she requested I would allow to arrange her medicines which were in confusion and disorder.
‘In the evening she sent for me; she smoked the chiboque, her mind was wrought to a high pitch of enthusiasm, she talked wildly and was much distressed in mind, in short her intellects were much disordered and it was very distressing.
‘However, she arranged that I should next morning start for Deir-el- Kamr, the capital of the Druses, with a letter to the Emir Bashire, the prince of that nation. I perceive that, were I to begin a description, I should waste much good paper without stating any thing that is new. The Druses are a most extraordinary people; the Palace of the Emir superb, the country richly cultivated by the greatest labour being all in ridges on the sides of the mountains, but I shall refer you to Mr. Hope’s “Anastasius” for a good description and for all that is supposed, for nothing is known of their religion. The Emir treated us with much kindness and I stayed two days in his palace where we had apartments, visited him in the forenoon after which he did not interfere with our pleasure; excellent living, about fifty dishes served to about four people for dinner.
‘On a visit to the Emir was a son of the Pacha of Damascus, who offered me to accompany him back to that city where, he said, I should reside in the palace of his father and see all that was to be seen. Such an offer almost tempted me to cut the _Alacrity_. I suppose a Christian hardly ever had such an opportunity which he was obliged to lose. Lady Hester said it was my djinn or star which got me into such favour. On the third morning we breakfasted at Deir-el-Kamr, the town about one mile distant from Petedeen the palace, and returned to Djoun arriving late that night. She made me several presents, the most valuable of which I sent home to your charge by _Euryalus_. She has written to me once since.
‘I wrote a letter to Lord Chatham about her as I know her family knew little or nothing about her; in a manner I found myself called on.
‘Much more could I write, but really just now my attention is so much called off by continual calling from Capt. Hamilton, who sends for me on every occasion, that this despatch will be curtailed, but I trust that more particulars will come _viva voce_.
‘Tyre was the next place where we anchored; no vessel of war with English colours had visited this port in the memory of any inhabitant living at the place, which to be sure is not many; it is little better than the prophecy states it should be “a rock for fishers to dry their nets upon.” There are here some superb remains of antiquity, Alexander’s isthmus and Solomon’s cisterns. Alexander’s famous siege of this place is too well known and it is quite out of my power to say anything new of it, but his work will remain for ever; the isthmus he made to connect the island on which Tyre stood with the mainland is perfect to this day and has no appearance of being a work of art, but of nature. It is 200 fathoms wide in its narrowest part. The most ancient relic in the town of Tyre is the east end of a Christian church which is mentioned by Mandiel; this stands nearly as he left it. Tyre itself is a wretched place; any little attempt that the people have lately made to improve themselves has been thwarted by the Pacha of St. Jean d’Acre, who squeezes them so for money that they never have a para in their pockets. Filth, misery and starvation are the legacy of a Tyrian. The country around is rich and superb, its produce might be enormous, but so it is with all Syria that I have seen.
‘Solomon’s cisterns, which are situated about three miles from Tyre to the south east, are of an octagonal form built of gravel and cement that form a solid stone. The elevation of the largest above the level is twenty-seven feet on the south side, and eighteen on the north; a walk round on the top eight feet wide, a step below twenty-one feet broad, a stream leaves it turning four mills. There are two smaller ones turning two mills at a small distance to the northward of the large one. Their original shape appears to have been square, but now much disfigured. The large one is thirty-three yards deep, the people believe it has no bottom and that the water is brought there by genii. Where it comes from no one knows, but it is always full. I think these cisterns originally supplied Tyre with water; I traced the remains of an aqueduct from them nearly to the walls but better than half way across the isthmus, so that I think they are of a later date than the time of Solomon because the aqueduct could not be built over the isthmus before the isthmus was made. They are on the whole the most curious relics of antiquity I have seen, they must at least be 2300 years old and they are in no way injured, but the supply of water is constant even in the wannest weather. The country for seven miles round is a perfect level: I think the water must be brought by some underground drain from the mountains in the distance to the eastward. The story is that Solomon among the presents made to King Hiram for his assistance in building the Temple built for him these cisterns, but they are not mentioned in the Bible, and I think the story improbable for reasons before mentioned, and that Solomon certainly had not such good artificers as King Hiram himself.
‘By the bye there are considerable remains of the old port, a mote, by the ruins of which you can easily trace its extent.
‘Haipha and St. Jean d’Acre, Mt. Carmel and the river Kishon “that ancient river” became next the objects of my amusement. I bivouacked one night on the banks of the river at Mt. Tabor and Carmel in sight. At this time an alteration in the weather took place, the gales of wind began to blow here and the coast consequently became exceedingly dangerous. I thought it prudent to quit it and arrived in Alexandria in fourteen days after leaving Haifa, having had a contrary gale nearly the whole time.
‘During my stay in Egypt I was four days in Cairo, eight days on the Nile, two days at Sakkara and one day at Gizeh. Salt lent me his house and his boat with twenty men, and I saw all that was to be seen. Mehemet Ali gave me a Turk to attend me and I play the traveller here for a few days; time for description I have none. You will be sorry I have hurried over the latter part of this despatch but I assure you it is unavoidable. The vessel that takes our letters to Malta I expect will put herself in quarantine every hour.
‘I have returned to Malta, refitted, and am again up the Archipelago with Captain Hamilton who has just joined company. We have been the last forty-eight hours rather harassingly employed routing out a nest of pirates which we have done nearly to a man. Our boats have been away all night and the brig under way. My marines took the men under Lieut. Weately, and my men took two Greek boats with nine men each on board one of which was the Captain of the Pirates; the _Fury’s_ boats took the vessels and their prizes, eleven in number. There was no fighting. Captain Lethaby in the _Vengeance_ and _Alacrity_ brought the Bey of Rhodes to his senses the other day; the Consul had been insulted, he would give no satisfaction, so we took the old way and began at him, when he came to terms. One 18 lb. shot through his palace made him know that we did not always bark and never bite. _Alacrity_ was near enough the battery to receive a heavy fire of stones from the Turks which, with a few muskets discharged at us, was all the return made by the Turks before the thing was amicably arranged….
‘Love to all; I wish Lady Elizabeth Stuart (de Rothesay) would write to me, I do sincerely love that cousin of mine; Grantham’s letter I will answer next opportunity, I am delighted with it.
‘Adieu,
‘C. YORKE’
VOURLA, GULPH Of SMYRNA:
June 10, 1825.
CHAPTER V
A HOLIDAY IN NORTHERN REGIONS. 1828
My father appears to have had a long leave between the two commands, in the _Alacrity_ (1826) and the _Alligator_ (1829), during which commands he was employed in the Mediterranean, with a roving commission –a free lance, in short–to put down piracy and watch the War of Independence between the Greeks and the Turks. He never let the grass grow under his feet, so off he started with his friend Walrond on a roving tour through the greater part of Scandinavia, and his journals contain a daily record, extending over nearly six months. He crossed the Dovrefeld Range between Norway and Sweden (a journey seldom undertaken to-day), and in 1828 the lack of travelling facilities was exceptional.
The energy and resource of my father’s character and his great powers of observation appear to great advantage in these journals, and there are many facts which I shall endeavour to relate as far as possible in his own graphic words.
He was greatly impressed by the kindness and hospitality he received from all classes in both countries with the exception of one district near Gottenborg, where he met with some outrageous conduct on the part of a postmaster, who either thought he was robbed, or else fully intended to rob his guest.
He was honoured by interviews with King Charles John IV, better known as Bernadotte, Napoleon’s Field-Marshal and founder of the present royal dynasty of Sweden, and it is worthy of note that as far back as 1828, Norway was chafing under the Union with Sweden which was brought about by the Treaty of Kiel in 1814 and has so lately been dissolved.
On the 10th of May 1828, Captain Yorke started from the Customs House Wharf on the Thames, in a small steamer of 300 tons. Steam navigation being then in its infancy the vessel was of great interest to the traveller, who notes that she had ‘two very fine engines of 40 horse power!’
The passage to Hamburg took exactly fifty-five hours. It is curious in the light of eighty years’ commercial progress to read that ‘The commerce on the Elbe has no comparison with that of the Thames.’ Then follows a difficulty with the Customs officer, who, unaware of the habits of British sportsmen, was horrified to find gunpowder among the captain’s baggage, a discovery which necessitated an appeal to the British Consul and entailed a delay of several days.
Kiel was reached on 14th of May, and after exploring the pretty little town the two friends took the Caledonian steam packet for Copenhagen. This little steamer was built as a pleasure boat for James Watt, and had run nine years making much money for her owner though a very ‘bad boat.’
At Copenhagen Captain Yorke was much impressed by the royal palace of Frederiksborg, with its chapel where are crowned the Kings of Denmark, and its pane of glass on which Caroline Matilda [Footnote: Sister of George III, Queen of Christian VII. She was entrapped into a confession of criminality to save the life of her supposed lover Struensee, who was afterwards beheaded. She was condemned to imprisonment for life in the Castle of Zell, and died there aged twenty-four in 1775.] had scratched, ‘O keep me innocent; make others great.’ His professional interest was kindled by the Trekroner Battery which he visited in a boat, and of which he noticed both the strong and the weak points. He failed to get into the dockyard, though here again he was careful to note the number of ships of the line, frigates, and launches afloat; but the royal stud of 700 horses and the riding school struck him most. On the 20th of May our travellers reached Elsinore, and crossing over in an open boat to the Swedish coast they landed at Helsingborg.
My father was a good sportsman, and fishing was his favourite sport. It was combined with that love of scenery which was one of his characteristics, and his first fly was thrown in a beautiful river at Falkenborg, rented by two Englishmen who paid £300 a year for it. Here he remarks that the Swedes ‘are poor, honest, and exceedingly good natured.’
‘I believe,’ he wrote, ‘that much of the great civility we received arose from our travelling as we did, without speaking or understanding the language, with no servant and no carriage, taking the common conveyances of the country. Our fare, chiefly fish, black bread, and brandy. The country round Falkenborg is barren, with cultivated spots here and there.
‘After leaving Falkenborg we experienced a great change in the character of the people. Kindness and honesty were changed for ill-looks and petty extortions. On a bridge between Moruss and Asa, the woman who kept it and our drivers charged a double toll, and drank the overplus in schnapps before our faces! Our vehicle is changed from four wheels to two, so we now travel in little wooden gigs and four horses, forming a pretty cavalcade.
‘We arrived at Gottenborg about 1 P.M., dined _table d’hôte_ and left at four. We passed along the banks of the Wener, a superb river. The vessels that trade from Gottenborg to the Wener See pass up this river. To pass the falls a canal is cut through the solid rock, with two locks. I saw a vessel of 80 tons go through. Considerable saw mills are erected here, the timber cut up, the lumber is just marked, launched down and the owners look out for themselves.
‘The Wener shows one of the finest works of art perhaps in the world! To navigate this river at the falls it has been necessary to cut a canal for one English mile at least through mountains of solid rock, and has eight locks. The mountains are granite and basalt. There is a cut through the rock also parallel with the river. This cut is useless, for there is in it a fall of sixty feet perpendicular, so that what it was made for it is difficult to conceive.’
Between Trolhätta and Gottenborg our travellers were detained four hours on the road. The reason for this detention is fully explained in a letter my father wrote to Sir Joseph Yorke a month or two later, from which I make the following extract:
‘While the servants were shifting our luggage at Gottenborg I went into the house to get change for a three dollar Banco Note. On receiving the change I found it was only two Dollar Rix Geld, a depreciated currency, after which I offered, with a remonstrance, a two dollar ‘Banco’ note. The woman took it, and was then possessed of five dollar Banco, for which I could get no further exchange than the two Rix Geld before mentioned, neither would she return my money. I took the first opportunity of snatching it from her, first the two dollar note and then the three, and pushing the small change lying on the table towards her, walked out of the house. Having managed to pay the horses we wished to proceed but the driver refused to go, under the plea that I had taken three dollars from the woman of the house, and they would not move till I returned it. Neither threats nor entreaties prevailed, and we remained about two hours till the Postmaster arrived in person. I appealed to him, it was useless, and I saw no alternative but to offer him the three dollars, making him understand as well as I could, that he being Postmaster was responsible, and that I should acquaint the authorities at Gottenborg of his conduct in taking from me three dollars which neither belonged to him nor the woman of the house. He looked at the note and threw it on the table, then left the inn, and in a minute returned with a pair of screw irons to which was attached a chain, himself and another laid hold of me, and attempted to force my hands into them.
‘By this time we had all come out of the house. I struck right and left and effectually released myself. We were set on by the seven or eight men standing by, and though successful in repelling their attack, seeing my servant badly wounded and that iron instruments were beginning to be used, I thought it better to suffer myself to be secured, which was done by screwing my hands into the irons and making me fast by padlocking the chain to a part of the room. In this situation I remained for about half an hour, the Postmaster preparing to accompany us, which he did taking me with him in his car as a prisoner. On a remonstrance from Walrond on the tightness of the screws from which I suffered dreadfully, he took off the irons before getting into the car, but he was armed.
‘On arriving at Lilla Edet, we were taken before a magistrate, showed our passports and were dismissed, after refusing to compromise the affair for five dollars. This is the story and a very strange one it is. The King has ordered a process to be begun against the men. I can make no comment upon it. The reason for such treatment it is impossible to conceive.’
But on arriving at Gottenborg, I find my father called on the Governor, and found him justly very indignant, and he declared the Postmaster should go to prison for three years with hard labour, exclaiming at the same time, ‘_Nous ne sommes pas des Barbares, monsieur._’
Changing vessels of passage twice, my father arrived at Christiania.
‘Xtiania fiord is deep and the town is situated at the head of it. Part of the passage of the fiord is very narrow among the small islands, and the water very deep. Though Christiania is but a poor town compared with other northern towns, yet its environs may boast of more beauty than perhaps any capital in the universe.’
My father finds the politeness of the inhabitants expensive, and says, ‘in walking the streets of northern towns, you can wear out a good hat in three days.’
In return they received the greatest civility from two fellow-passengers who took them to call on Count Plater, the Stadt-Holder or Governor of Xtiania, who was an admiral in their navy and spoke excellent English; also on Count Rosen.
‘Went to see the Storthing in the morning. Strangers were admitted to the Gallery on requesting a ticket from the Police!’
My father writes:
‘The origin of this Constitution, (now such a thorn in the side of the King,) was in the reign of the Danish Prince Christian, who himself assembled a body of the people to consult on the affairs of State at the moment previous to Norway and Sweden falling under the power of France. The body thus met, constituted themselves into a perpetual assembly for the government of the country, and by their prudence and independence, it is now permanently established (1828) and never were a people more attached to their constitution.’ Dining with Count Plater the Viceroy of Norway, at 3 P.M., he met forty people, all the Ministers of State and great officers in full dress with their ‘orders’ on; also three peasant Labour Candidates in the costume of their country, being Members of the Storthing. He also met Count Videll, a ‘most fascinating person’ who, being asked as to the purchase of a carriage, replied politely, ‘I will give you one’; and he sent it, saying, ‘It is nothing, I have plenty.’ The valley of the Drammen he beheld from the mountain of their descent, ‘charm and awe’ by turns are the sensations of the travellers, and this led them on to Kongsberg, at one time famous for its silver mines, but the mines not being worked and the timber trade also decreasing, the population went with it and was then only 4000. The travellers went down the only silver mine then worked, in the dress of a miner, walked through a horizontal gallery a mile long till they came to the shaft, and descended two storeys but could not proceed, the fire being just lit below.
‘This mine returns about £1250 sterling of silver per ann. Sixty miners are employed at £14 a year each! Bears, wolves and reindeer abound in this vicinity. There is plenty of iron, not worked, and gold has also been found in Kongsberg. From thence to Topam(?) we were surprised to find ourselves driven up to the door of a gentleman’s place, out came Jack Butler, and the master of the house, pressing us to walk in; after excuses and proper hesitation we accepted, and found ourselves in a room with people at supper, ladies pretty ones too, who spoke English!
‘The fact is that Topam, of which we had heard so much, is a gentleman’s place; after dinner we were shown to our room (one only was vacant). Walrond had a bed and I slept in my cloak.’
Next day they engaged a well-organised _chasse_. My father pronounces Topam (?) the most beautiful thing he had ever seen. ‘Mr. Benker of Berlin, their host, purchased it from the King of Sweden for £150,000. It is the only thing on this scale in Europe.’
The travellers now returned to Christiania, apparently to be received by the King. They intended dining with their old friend Count Plater, but the King commanded them to dine with him. After waiting some time they were ushered in by Baron Lamterberg, the head Chamberlain, and after a few minutes the King entered–(here follows the interview in Captain Yorke’s own words):
‘I apologised for being in plain clothes instead of uniform or court dress; he replied, “I do not want to see the dress but the man, I am glad to see you both.” He then addressed his conversation in different topics, viz.: policy of Sweden, change of ministry in England, the navy, the country, and the mines of Sweden; all of which he enlarged much on.
‘He remarked, speaking of England, “That she must have a strong government or things would not go right in a turn of affairs which he seemed to think must soon come. A strong government is absolutely necessary for England.” He asked me if _I_ thought that much order or signals could be attended to after a naval fight had once begun? I answered, “I thought it depended much on the weather, and which fleet had the weather gage. With a strong wind and the weather gage I thought a well-conducted fleet could keep in good order, as long as spars stood.” We stayed with the King for an hour before dinner which was served at half-past five, after taking schnapps and anchovies, &c. (at which preparation the King did not appear, they being served at side tables). The company, about thirty generals, Colonels and Officers of State, were scattered about in different rooms; the King suddenly entered and took his seat; everyone did the same, nothing was said; he fell to work, a very good dinner. I sat opposite the King who never spoke, or even changed his countenance, or his knife and fork, which were of gold, and wiped them himself on bread.
‘He ate of many dishes, and drank claret and Seltzer water. The plate was silver except what he had, the glass plain except his, and the knives and forks were wiped and given to us again. Dinner over, coffee was served and he talked to me, hoped to see me at Stockholm, bowed to the company and retired. The King is a perfect gentleman and man of the world, elegant in his manners and dress, the most intelligent countenance, and very upright, and good looking in feature.’
I have before noted that my father had really no evening dress or uniform and was sorely put to it what to do, when he remembered he had given his servant Jack Butler an old black coat, so he borrowed it for the occasion, Butler remarking ‘that it looked as good as new, as he had blacked the seams with ink.’ This was told to the Chamberlain, who repeated it to the King, who went into a paroxysm of laughter.
June 13.–We now come to the parting with Walrond, faithful friend and companion, and sad was the leave-taking. Both were sorry to part, my father with a long and dreary journey before him alone in a strange land. As before, he seems to have been most hospitably treated wherever he halted. Excellent rooms and good food were provided. Between this and Brejden (? Trondhjem) he passed by the wooden monument erected to Sinclair, who was there shot. The Norwegians say that silver bullets were cast on purpose to kill him. Here also they murdered forty Scots, prisoners, in cold blood. Between Brejden (?) and Langan Pass, the spot where the action was fought, 700 Scots fell. The pass is, even with a good road, very narrow, and the mountain above and below nearly perpendicular; at the foot runs the Langan, a rapid stream. The Norwegians held the heights, and with them a handful of men might defeat the enemy.
In crossing the summit and then the descent of the Dovrefeld Range, he suffered much fatigue both to the eye and limb, ‘for never did my eye wander over so desolate a waste as the summit of these mountains, the peaks covered with snow, and spots of deep snow in the valleys.’ Not a vestige of herbage or tree to be seen on the northern summit, nor for one Swedish mile of the descent; then begins the stunted birch, next the Scotch fir, and ‘towards the end of the day our eyes were cheered by the sight of pines.’
‘The inhabitants of the Post-houses are the cleanest people I have seen, and one is surprised by meeting clocks, carved, painted and gilded, and walls covered with inscriptions or rudely painted figures. All their utensils are well scrubbed, and as white as wood can be made. They wear plaid and recall in their delivery the people of the Scotch Highlands.’
Here comes another description of meals, the table at the latter being covered with ‘glass, flowers and sweets,’ _Diner à la Russe_, now so completely our own fashion. ‘A general welcome to the board is first given, and on rising from table we shake hands all round and the words, “much good may it do you” often accompanies this greeting.’ This again reminds one of the German _gesegnete Mahlzeit_.
Captain Yorke continues his inquiries by visiting the Arsenal at Trondhjem which he finds in good order with stores and gunpowder in small quantities. Twenty gunboats are here laid up in houses built for the purpose, everything connected with them in good repair. They have a large lug sail with a mast that falls down. How quaint all these descriptions must appear to sailors of modern times!
‘Besides the Arsenal, the King’s Regalia was inspected with laudable curiosity. It distinctly belonged to Norway, but was made at Stockholm for the coronation of the present King in the old Church. A very gorgeous affair, the jewels (pearls) no diamonds, and the other stones in the crown chiefly amethysts. The Bernadotte family, on the whole, is not popular in Norway. Sport is always mingled with hospitality and entertainments; a vast quantity of eider duck is everywhere on the water, and to take a boat and go out on the Fiord with a gun, is one of the delights of this most delightful tour. It is curious to see the affection of the old ones for the brood, which they never will forsake and so fall an easy prey to the fowler.’
Trondhjem was left with much regret. The pictures, the old town with its hospitality, the fishing for trout and shooting of eider duck with the gorgeous scenery left an indelible impression, but night beginning to darken at twelve put the traveller in mind that time was passing with rapidity and that to effect the journey before him he must depart.
The next point of general interest is a visit to a family of Laplanders a mile up the mountains. Herick Anderson, the head or chief of his family, received the whole party, consisting of Captain Yorke, a friend (Mr. Charter), and their servants, with ‘great delight.’
They were milking the deer, so the travellers could not have arrived at a more fortunate moment. Five hundred of these animals were enclosed in a circular space with birch trees cut down and made into a temporary fence, so giving a good opportunity for looking at the animal. It is about the height of our common fallow deer, but much stronger and larger in make, large necks and feet, large-boned legs, with immense antlers covered with flesh and skin, a dark mouse colour, coat thick, most even and beautiful to look at. The milk is rich beyond any ever tasted. They dined with the Laps on reindeer soup and bouillie, scalded milk and cheese–a characteristic meal. The scalded milk was delicious, but so rich they could hardly eat it.
They also had a fine sight of Lapland deer dogs, and bought one for 10s.; I suppose that quarantine was not invented then!
After a good deal of brandy drinking the travellers departed with some difficulty, for the Finns got so riotous that it was with force they got them from the horses’ heads, holding on to the bridles to prevent their departure.
The Diet at Stockholm (November 1828) was opened with great pomp and ceremony. My father was present and went in the suite of Lord Bloomfield, our Minister at the Swedish Court. The ceremony began at 10 A.M., the King and Crown Prince going in state to the church where divine service was performed. From there a procession to the palace.
The nobles, Ministers of State, &c., with bands of music met them, the King and Crown Prince walking under a canopy with their crowns on their heads. Then followed Foreign Ministers with their suites, then twelve men in armour with large helmets (a bodyguard established by Charles XII), and more burghers, clergy, and peasants; guards on one side, artillery on the other, and on entering the square of the palace, the Horse Guards lined the way. The King took his seat on the throne at the upper end of the Riks Salon, the Crown Prince on his right a little below him; the Ministers of State at the foot of the throne, behind officers of the household, below in a semicircle the guards in armour. At each side on seats the members of the Diet, in a gallery on the left sat the Queen and Princess Royal with their ladies. In another gallery opposite the throne sat the Foreign Minister and strangers of distinction. The King then delivered his speech to the Crown Prince, who read it, silence being obtained by the chief minister striking his baton three times on the ground (which reminds one of a beadle in a Roman Catholic ceremony!).
The marshal of the ceremony also struck his baton three times on the ground–the signal for the speakers from the Diet to deliver their respective addresses, after which the whole procession left the Riks Salon as it came.
‘Carl Johan did the King to admiration, though he looked weary and distressed.
‘The Prince was more at his ease, he put one in mind of the pictures we see of our old Saxon Kings, the crown being made to that shape.’
On November 17 my father received a summons from the King at 7 P.M., and was most kindly received.
‘He first conversed on Norway, and asked about the new road between Norway and Sweden. “You, I think, have been in Egypt,” said he, “the Pasha is a most extraordinary man?” I replied, “One of the most extraordinary men in the world.” “Egypt is well governed, is it not?” “Perhaps so, sire, to answer the Pasha’s own ends, but horridly tyrannised over, and the people dreadfully oppressed.” “But they are a barbarous people, and must be ruled with severity, are they not?” “True, sire, barbarous, yet his system of Government must militate against his own wishes; for example, he would fain contend with your manufactures in the market, yet he will not allow the manufacturer to work for himself, and do his best to get the best price, but will have the article made for his own sale, paying only so much a day for his labour.” “Perhaps,” said the King, “in Egypt the people are slaves, but in Europe, Kings are the only slaves. In England and Sweden, your King and I myself are the only slaves. Eh? is it not so?”
‘”If your Majesty will use any other word than slave, I shall be happy to agree.”
‘”What word can I use?” he said. “It is true, I am the only slave in Sweden. Now, Captain Yorke, do you suppose that Egypt could be governed by a representative government?”
‘My answer was immediate, “Impossible, sire.”
‘”There, Count Welterdick, do you hear that?” Turning to the courtiers and Lord Bloomfield, he ejaculated with considerable force, “There, there, you are right, sir–you are right!” During all this conversation the King seemed considerably excited. The Diet had just met and things had not gone there so as to please him. After a few more commonplace observations he said, “Good evening. The Queen wishes to see you below, go to her, and dine with me before you leave us.”‘
CHAPTER VI
GREEK INDEPENDENCE. 1829-1831
In letters written from Stockholm to his father and brother in the autumn of 1828, Captain Yorke expresses very urgently his desire to find himself again on active service. ‘I see the Lord High Admiral is out,’ he wrote to Sir Joseph in September of that year, ‘and whoever comes in, pray try and get me to the Mediterranean if it is possible.’ A month later his brother, the Rev. Henry Yorke, is reminded of the same wish. ‘Since the Russians have blockaded the Dardanelles and old Melville has again taken up the cudgels, I do not know what to think, and I anxiously await a line from England. Employment is what I most wish, and now more than ever, for England will be at war ere long. I trust in God my friends will stir for me.’
Captain Yorke’s anticipation of a war in which England should be involved was not fulfilled, but the chafing at a life of inaction by the ardent sailor which appears so clearly in his letters was soon relieved by his appointment to the command of the brig _Alligator_ in November or December of 1828.
After some short service in home waters, during which he visited the Orkneys, Captain Yorke was ordered to take the _Alligator_ to the Mediterranean station, where it doubtless occurred to the authorities that the energy and ability he had shown when in command of the _Alacrity_ in Greek waters a few years earlier would be of service in the new circumstances which had arisen in that part of the world. The Greek War of Independence, which was in full progress when Captain Yorke was engaged in suppressing the piracy of which it was a chief cause in 1823-26, was now drawing to a close. In 1827 Great Britain, France, and Russia were all united in securing the independence of the country, which was recognised by a treaty between the three Powers in that year, and in January following Count Capo d’Istria was elected President of the new republic. There remained, however, the difficulty of extracting the same acknowledgment from the Sultan, and from his powerful and practically independent vassal, Mehemet Ali Pacha of Egypt, whose aid he had invoked, and whose son Ibrahim held much of the revolted country. But in 1828 the Allies at last came to an arrangement with Mehemet, and by a convention concluded by Sir Edward Codrington, that potentate agreed to evacuate the Morea and to deliver all captives. There then remained the difficult work of fixing boundaries, of taking over such parts of the country as were occupied by the Turkish and Egyptian forces, and of reconciling the inhabitants of those portions of the Hellenic territory which had not been allowed by the Powers to attain their independence to a continuance of the Turkish rule. Of these the island of Crete with its heroic Spakiotes, who had never acknowledged the Sultan as their sovereign, was perhaps the most troublesome and difficult. There remained also the incidental suppression of the piracy which still continued. This duty, as before, fell mainly to the share of Captain Yorke in the _Alligator_.
From a journal among the Hardwicke MSS. at the British Museum, I am able to trace my father in that service from September 1, 1830, onwards. He was then ordered to visit Volo, Salonica, and the neighbourhood, ‘owing to the reports of piracies lately committed, and to express all manner of good will to all parties excepting such pirates, whom I am ordered to destroy should I fall in with them.’ On his arrival at Napoli at the end of August he found the admirals of France and Russia and the Commissioners for settling the boundaries of the new republic. ‘The work goes slowly on,’ he records; ‘Russia makes difficulties and throws obstacles in the way.’ He reports that Capo d’Istria was generally unpopular, an opinion which was confirmed by his assassination only a year later. He found the islands of the Archipelago much dissatisfied with the result of their rebellion, many of them apparently preferring to remain under the Turk; others with a grievance because they had not been included in the transfer; all of them intensely jealous of each other. ‘The islands are particularly dissatisfied,’ he says. ‘Their situation is much changed. Under the Turk the islander was freer and was rich and had great trade; now, ruined by the war, he has lost his ships and his commerce.’ On September 3 he sails along the coast of Negropont, about to be evacuated by the Turks, and hears of piracies committed by them in leaving that country. ‘It is not to be supposed,’ he says, ‘that these reckless ruffians would desist from insulting Greek boats and vessels when they fall in with them.’ Going on to Volo, the Aga of that town assured him that no piracies had taken place recently in the district, and ‘that a small boat might now go in safety to Constantinople,’ but of this the captain evidently had his doubts. On the 6th he fell in with the _Meteor_, Captain Copeland, and anchored with her near Zituni, between Negropont and the coast of Thessaly. His impression of this part of the world is of interest.
‘In this part of Thessaly,’ he says, ‘an English ship had never been before seen to anchor. I was greeted by the natives. The Greek population are armed, and the number of Turks in the surrounding district does not exceed fifteen. Opposite to us is the pass of Thermopylae, of which pass there is now no remains, the sea having receded and a considerable plain of alluvial soil now exists where the Pass must have been. The part of Thessaly opposite the Negropont is the ancient Myseria and the first scene of the memorable Argonautic Expedition. Volo was Iolcos, from which Jason embarked his band of adventurers. Pelion is seen from the gulf.’
While lying near Zituni, Captain Yorke received news of a pirate named Macri Georgio, who two days before had plundered a schooner, and was apparently at large in two boats with sixty armed ruffians in the Gulf of Salonica. He immediately set sail for Cape Palliouri, anchored his brig by lantern light just round that point on September 11, and at moonrise led an expedition of five boats with sixty men and three days’ provisions in search of the pirate. There followed many interviews with the Agas of different districts, who gave him much conflicting evidence about the doings of Macri Georgio, but with no result, and the _Alligator_ was finally brought to an anchor at Salonica, where he prosecuted further inquiries. Salonica, which to-day promises to become a bone of contention among some of the Powers of Europe, he found ‘a clean town, containing about 70,000 inhabitants. The walls are in the Turkish style of fortification and without a ditch; the city stands on an inclined plain gently sloping to the sea, the sea wall is flanked by two towers at either end. The surrounding country is plain with mountains rising at the back.’ He already noticed a great change in the attitude of the Turks, owing to the long struggle they had sustained with the Greeks and with Russia during the late war.
‘As it is, the empire is weakened, and the Turks know not what to make of it. They say the Sultan is a Giaour. The Turks, too, seem to have lost all their former pride, the lower orders are afraid, and the upper classes are quite disaffected. The change has been most wonderful, nor is it quite possible to reconcile to oneself how it has been brought about. The Koran is no longer the law of the land, and therefore you can hardly say they are any longer Turks. In Salonica this day, an independent Greek was seen beating an armed Turk in the streets.’
From Salonica Captain Yorke, hearing of another clue, started in search of the elusive Macri Georgio, whom he thought he had at last located in the Peneus. So there is another expedition in the boats with sixty men and a twelve-miles pull to Platamona. At a village, Karitza, they hear of an atrocity of the pirates, who had burned a boat and killed all the crew, leaving one poor fellow only, dead on the beach with his right arm missing, as witness to the outrage. So the little force bivouacs on the beach, and at 4.30 next morning chase and fire on some men whom they see hauling a boat over a sandbank into the river Peneus, with others retreating into the forest. There followed another chase up the river with the lighter boats, which after rowing up stream as far as they would float found only the small boat seen the day before, abandoned and with no one in sight. In these expeditions the name of Lieutenant Hart is frequently mentioned by my father. When in later years Captain Yorke succeeded to the earldom of Hardwicke, he remembered this gentleman, found him a place as agent of his estates, and had in him a second right-hand for many years at Wimpole.
On October 30, 1830, Captain Yorke had taken the _Alligator_ to Karabusa, and as from that point onward his journal is of great interest, I print it in his own words. It shows, I think, the qualities of firmness and energy which have appeared so fully in all that he did, as well as diplomatic talents of a high order in circumstances of some difficulty. His orders were to take over Karabusa from the insurgents and hold it pending the settlement. There is a gap in the journal of some six months at the end of the year 1830, and on the 2nd of June 1831 he records leaving the _Alligator_ for England. In nothing that he wrote does his love of the sea and of his profession appear so convincingly as in the touching words in which he records leaving his crew and his ship. These require no comment, and I set them out as he left them, together with some reflections on the home voyage which help to display his character, and some remarks upon the steamer in which he reached England, which have a peculiar interest in showing the difficulties of the early days of steam navigation.
‘Oct. 13, 1830.–Arrived and moored to the shore at Karabusa (off Cape Busa in Crete). I am sent here to take possession of the fortress from the Greeks, and to hold it in the name of the Allies until I am ordered to surrender it to the Turks. It is an extraordinary rock very high and difficult of access on the western side. Its face to the sea is perpendicular. The Venetians fortified this height, and it is a perfect Gibraltar. A small garrison could defend it as long as the necessaries of life remained within. The anchorage is bad, the bottom being rocky; but it is a perfect harbour, being open to view only to the west and here a breakwater of rock runs across–on this breakwater the _Cambria_ was lost. I communicate on my arrival with Mons. Le Ray of the brig _Grenadier_ and Captain Maturkin of the brig _Achilles_, my colleagues for France and Russia.
‘Oct. 15.–Arrived at Karabusa and desired to see me three Candiotes (Spakiote chiefs) professing to be a deputation from the Cretans requesting to know what we meant to do with Karabusa; speaking of their forlorn condition, of the Turks being about to break the armistice, and praying me to give protection to those who wished to fly to Karabusa. In reply I said that my power was limited, that I had my orders and they were, to receive the Island of Karabusa from the Greeks, and to hold it in the name of the Allies until I received orders to surrender it to the Turks. _Voilà tout!_ After this I said, “I now may speak my own private opinion and give my advice. That is that Candia belongs _in toto_ to the Turks, and you had better submit.” I used all the arguments I was master of to induce them so to do, and said that on their heads would rest the blood that might be spilt by deceiving the people, and inducing them to resist; that the Pacha of Egypt had made a proclamation, the most gracious. They said they had never seen it, but on producing a copy of it we found they were well acquainted therewith. Sent for the Russian and French captains to give their opinion and advice, which precisely tallied with mine. Mons. Le Ray was for requesting the Turk to extend his armistice, which expired to-day and give more time for the surrender of arms, but I differed with him on this point, for you “must be cruel to be kind,” and in prolonging the time of their submission you prolong hope, the Greek will after such time is expired only ask for more.
‘Three chiefs Chrisaphopulo and Anagnosti and another whose name I did not know are the same who made the attempt to retake the island sixteen days ago.
‘They are pirates and were then in Crete and had much to do in Karabusa formerly; I expect that the proclamation of Mohammed Ali has been prevented reaching the ears of the Spakiotes by them.
‘Oct. 16.–Arrived here a secretary of a Greek chief in Candia and tried by intrigue to gain what he thought would turn to his advantage, the opinion of the Russian captain as to our future intentions and proceedings here: he tried to persuade him to give them some ammunition &c. &c. He expressed his abhorrence and hatred of the English, saying that in Candia all said we had sold the island to the Turks and had undone them. He declared that the Greeks had not yet lost all hope of gaining Karabusa but when they had they would carry their women and children to Spakia.
‘Yesterday received news from Canea the Egyptians have established a good police in the town and two councils have been established, one Greek and the other Turk. Also, a proclamation of Mustapha Pacha, most affectionate in its language, offering protection to those who surrendered and denouncing vengeance on those who still held their arms.
‘Oct. 20.–During the night a brisk fire of musketry began, about half- past one; went to quarters, went on shore with marines. At daylight took seven prisoners of which Chrisaphopulo was one, two of the others were Candiote captains.
‘I consider that as there were about 100 [Footnote: Proved afterwards to have been 800.] men on the opposite side that it was an excursion made by them during a dark and tempestuous night to reconnoitre. Chrisaphopulo came to the house of Apostolides and said I had come with ten men, on which the said Apostolides sends a corporal to inform the garrison; after which every stone they saw was a man. Query: if Chrisaphopulo had said I came with 100 what would he have done? To- morrow we mean to quarter the prisoners. I think that D’Aubigny has surrendered Karabusa and not his lieutenants.
‘Chrisaphopulo presses me to receive petitions of the inhabitants. He when alone with me said the Candiotes would fain be in the service of the English. I think this will follow, that he will offer to give Karabusa to the English and assist them to defend it if I will protect their families.
‘It is necessary that something should be done for the Greeks at Karabusa, also, that the President should do something for those Greek families who are about to leave Greece.
‘Oct. 22.–Canaris interfered with the commandant of the garrison in the affair of Wednesday night. He came out here to-day and I met him, Captain Maturkin, and M. D’Aubigny. I said I had nothing to do with this affair, as the Greek flag was flying on the fortress, that what had passed was purely a Greek affair, but that should they wish me to assent to the examination of the prisoners I should be most happy. Canaris wished that I and Maturkin would not remain in the room; we consequently went away, after expressing a desire to have a report of the decision, as it must be a matter of great interest to me.
‘They were allowed to depart with their arms. From all I have been able to make out it must have been an attack which was intended but which failed owing to their not getting over quick enough. They had 150 men on the other side. These seven got over in a row boat, passed my sentry on the beach running, a few minutes after the firing began from the fortress the _Alligator_ was at quarters with her ports lit up, and a rocket was thrown from the ship. All this showed that there was no hope of a surprise, the others consequently went back.
‘The next morning, thinking that their chiefs were slain or taken, they upbraided each other, quarrelled and fought; many were killed and wounded; among the former two captains, one of whom was a man that was tried at Malta for piracy but escaped. I told those that came over that if I caught them again here, they would be shot.
‘Oct. 27.–Left the ship (on the information that the Pacha was about to march) in the gig with a great chief, for Kesamos; on my arrival was received by all the chiefs on the beach, and conducted with my companion (Simpson) to Castelli (a small fortress about a musket shot from the sea, the interior of which is a perfect ruin), where I was ushered into a room up a ladder and followed by the chiefs, and the armed population of the place, who quietly began plying me with questions not one of which I understood, until a Greek of Milo appeared who spoke a little English. Various were the questions asked: “Might they fire on the Turks”; “could I get for them more time”; “why do the Turks make war on us”; “might they hoist the English colours?” A great deal of excitement was visible among this _canaille_ of a population and I was in considerable apprehension of consequences, particularly as there were present three or four of the captains whom I had ordered to be shot if they put foot in Karabusa. At length after much detention, terms were procured and I was permitted to depart saying that I would do my possible to stop the march of the Turks for a few days. I left Castelli as I had entered it under a salute of three guns. In five hours we reached Gonia, a monastery situated on the coast of the Gulf of Canea where we were most hospitably entertained, good fare and good beds; our party was very talkative on Greek affairs. There were among the party the Spakiote chiefs Vanilikeli and Chrisophopulos.
‘The next morning we proceeded, and as it was raining heavily we were obliged to stop for two hours in a ruined house. Here in a few minutes little streams became torrents carrying before them trees and lands, in four hours we reach the Greek lines. The country we passed through was level and rich in oil and wine; yesterday the country was rugged and mountainous. When we advanced from the Greek lines across the neutral ground towards the Turkish lines, considerable anxiety was apparent in the Turkish advanced post; we were about twenty horsemen, the chiefs well mounted and armed to the teeth, and took post on a level rising ground, where we dismounted, and lit our pipes as a preliminary to conversation. The Turkish vedettes now advanced to about musket shot, when I mounted my horse and rode over to them, desiring to be taken to Mustapha Pacha; a young Greek chief named Leuhouthi accompanied me. We were soon joined by Hafir Aga, a stout good-natured Turk who, after giving us a good luncheon, accompanied us on our journey to Canea where in about three hours we arrived sending a courier to the camp. In one hour more found myself in the tent of Mustapha Pacha, and was addressed with “_Asseyez-vous je vous prie_” by Osman Bey. After having conversed on the affairs of Karabusa, at which the Turk complained bitterly of our policy in keeping his men from landing, I requested him to stay his march against the Greeks for a few days as my crew at Karabusa was weak and I feared his first movement would be a signal for a second attack; but, as I expected a reinforcement of French, he might then march as we should be efficient for the defence of Karabusa. I saw at once this would not do and next morning again tried my hook, but the fish would not bite; when on the point of marching, three Greeks were brought into the tent with the information that the Greeks had made a display of the three flags of England, France and Russia.
‘I immediately said that the Pacha could not with propriety march against those flags until I had in person visited the position and had ascertained how the case stood. The Pacha gave me a horse and throwing his own cloak over my shoulders (for it rained hard) I started off with my Greek friend and a few Turkish guards whom I requested might return, as I wished to go alone, my mission being perfectly pacific. In about eight hours I reached Cambus (? Kampos), a prodigiously strong position in the mountains, and on approaching afar off I beheld the three Greek flags flying on the pinnacle of the highest mountain in sight. The pass to the position of Cambus is most narrow and difficult, and then at the summit it is a plateau of fine soil with large trees and gardens. It is a most beautiful spot and well worth fighting for. I was soon ushered into an assembly of the chiefs who were Spakiotes, and Mons. Resière was there also. This Mons. Resière was originally a physician of Canea; born in Crete and having received a good education and speaking European languages, he was considered by the President of Greece as a fit man to govern Crete. He now wishes to keep up the shadow of that power which he once had, and has established a council, at Milopotamos in Crete, of which he is president, for the government of the Greeks and arrangement of the future plans of operation. In quietly conversing with Resière I found by his own confession that the object was to gain time, and he beseeched me to use my endeavours for that purpose. To be sure comments may be made of the conduct of the allies towards the Candiote Greeks this year, for the sale of property does not expire until February and the enemy has been permitted to march against the Greeks; their olives are ripe and they wish time to gather their crop and reap the advantages of it, for though the Greeks love liberty they love money better. As matters were I had used my endeavours for that purpose and without success. I now spoke publicly, and the captains and troops were assembled in a large room. I desired the flags of the three nations to be immediately surrendered to me. There was now a long silence, during which time the captains eyed one another, apparently to read in the countenance of each what was to be done. At length the headmost and best speaker (his words coming out like drops of water from an exhausted supply) “You may send and take away that of your nation, but the others we will not give up.” I replied I had made a demand and required an answer; after much consideration they gave one in the negative. I on this made a verbal protest against the colours of the allies being hoisted in opposition to the Governor and departed. On my journey over the mountains, it rained hard, and enveloped as I was in the cloak or mantle of the Pacha, I feared I should be taken for a Turk and shot at, or that my neck would be broken in the difficult passes of the mountains; but in this case the excellent animal I rode served me most faithfully and never made a blunder. Oh Maria [Footnote: His stepsister.]! and ye lovers of horseflesh, how you would have praised and petted this animal had you ridden him; pitch dark on my return, nearly perpendicular flights of stone and not a false step! Excellent beast, your master the Pacha knows your value. I got back about 10 P.M. wet through nearly–the Pacha’s cloak served me well though. The tent of Osman Bey received me and we found some excellent rum to season my sherbet with. The next day about one o’clock we started on horse-back to attack the strong position of Gambus, two regiments of regulars, 1000 each, had gone on in the morning. My object in going with the Turks was a mixed one, curiosity and hope of doing some good in preventing bloodshed. But there was no need for any personage of that humane disposition, the Greeks themselves were so full of humanity that they decamped bag, baggage, and colours a quarter of an hour before the leading Albanians entered the place of Cambus. I shall only remark that it stood on the top of a mountain; only to be reached by the most narrow and difficult passes, and had the Greeks intended to fight at all, they never could have had a better opportunity.
‘The day after I left Canea in a small boat I had hired to take me to Karabusa. It was a fine calm morning, but when we had gone about two miles along shore a very heavy gale came on, our sails were blown away and with great difficulty we reached Cape Spada, rowing for two hours within fifty yards of the shore, and could not reach it. We lay in a level with a rocky headland this night with but little to eat. The next day we tried to get round Cape Spada but could not; the wind then shifted to the northward and blew a hard gale. We were now wrecked among the breakers at the bottom of the bay of Gonia. Thank God I reached the dry land and was well taken care of at the monastery. There I found Chrisophopulos and Vanilikeli, who escorted me to Castelli and from thence to Karabusa.
‘December 12.–At Canea. Find the Greeks here well contented with the Turks. No taxes or impositions get laid on, in fact at present the Greeks are better off than the Turks. The Spakiotes have not all submitted. Three Spakiotes taken prisoners with their arms are made Primates of their respective villages and members of the Council.
‘December 13.–Left the ship in the cutter, in company with Signor Capogropo and Mons. Corporal. Landed at Celivez, a surf on the beach, all got wet, it was _sauve qui peut_ and we left our cloaks behind us, which to people on the point of bivouacking for the night was not really pleasant. But Signor Capogropo, though eighty-two years of age, seemed to make so light of the matter that it was out of the question to complain. Here we found horses sent for us to the camp, where I arrived about ten o’clock having passed through a rich and beautiful country to the village which, like all in Candia, gives a good idea of the ravages of civil war. Here I found the Pacha and Osman Bey had established their head-quarters. I was treated like a Pacha, boys attended to wait on me with pipes, coffee, a barber, &c. I made my toilet in the morning attended by seven or eight servants. Nothing can be better than the manner in which these chiefs are conducting affairs in this country.
‘June 2, 1831.–Left Malta for England, left my ship in Malta harbour in the hands of new officers. Poor _Alligator_, I did not know I had so much of the love of ships, no not ships, I knew that, but of men, in me. I could have kissed every man jack of them to death–and have cried over every blue jacket on parting, and my dear Mids, they I believed were surprised; they did not think I cared so much about them till I took leave of them.
‘My loss is great. God’s Will be done. God only knows whether I shall return to my ship again, but I think I have love enough for her to make it no difficult task on my part.
‘Nine o’clock at night, blowing strong from the N.W. course in the dirtiest steamboat I ever was in, nevertheless she wears a pendant.
‘June 23.–Foul wind–cold dark day–making little progress, that is 100 miles a day. What a change in seamen’s distances, 100 miles a day, right in the wind’s eye, and call that doing ill. What would Benbow say if one could tell him that? I will tell you, “You lubberly dog, you lie.”
‘Nevertheless I go fast towards home or–God knows what! What part in the play am I to act, I wish my mind was made up on this cursed Reform question. It will be carried, but I should like to do what I think right and honourable towards myself, that is act and vote as I really think. We must become republican England as well as republican France (damn France, she is the root of all evil and the branch of no good). It matters little how; whether by Reform which will produce national bankruptcy, or by a starving population which will produce rebellion and civil war. Reform certainly means No taxes and cheap bread. Have been reading Moore’s Byron. Poor Byron, quite what I believe him to be in many things and more than I believe him to be in others. I saw him at Missolonghi.
‘June 6.–This day six years I was made a Post Captain, had my poor father lived to-day he would have completed his sixty-third year. Strong winds and contrary–directly in our teeth. Nevertheless we make good more than four miles per hour. Yesterday hove to under the lee of Gibraltar all day. I finished Byron’s Memoirs by T. Moore. Many sentences in his latter letters from Missolonghi which he word for word said to me when I saw him there. Our passengers are a gentleman in the government of Corfu and a young officer of the _Britannia_ said to be dying of a consumption–eats like the devil–very obstinate–will do as he pleases, seems determined to do what is quite right–send the doctor to the devil. Learn that a horse power in steaming is 32,000 lbs.
‘June 9.–Fell in with the _St. Vincent_ bearing the Flag of E.A. Sir H. Hotham on his way to relieve Sir P. Malcolm. Received letters from my uncles, &c. &c. Melancholy enough and politically disagreeable. Shall rejoin my dear _Alligator_ again. Nothing can be more kind than the conduct of the Admiralty. Allow ship to come home if I please, &c. &c.
‘Steam boilers leak. Put fires out, lose seven hours–obliged to empty boilers–the Devil and all! At least the men here are devils incarnate– two of them entered the boilers and drove rivets with the thermometer 160 in there.
‘Sir H. Hotham wrote me a kind note in answer to my request to allow Hart to bring the ship home after me.
‘June 20.–At sea hove to off the coast of Portugal in the steam packet. Sailed from Gibraltar (the 2nd time having put back once in consequence of the coals being bad Welsh). On the 15th called at Cadiz. On the 16th went on shore, Consul B–y pompous, &c. Daughters, music, painting, &c. William the Conqueror, &c. &c. Last night the Jew groaned heavily in his sleep, woke him–he was dreaming of being robbed of his money.
‘June 23.–Put into Vigo Bay for coals and left it in the evening of the 24th. Beautiful Bay, fresh day; St. John’s market a beautiful sight, if fine women constituted that. The steamboat all day crowded with strangers. Heard that Don Pedros had left Brazil and been received in London.
‘June 30.–Arrived in sight of Falmouth and anchored in 30 fm. having burnt the guts and bulwarks to bring her thus far. Went to town the next day by mail.’
CHAPTER VII
COURT DUTIES AND POLITICS. 1831-1847
On the voyage home from the Mediterranean in the steamship _Meteor_, which is described in the journal I have quoted in the last chapter, my father received the sad news of the death of Sir Joseph Sydney Yorke, an event to which he makes no allusion in the journal. Admiral Sir Henry Hotham, who had just been appointed to the command of the Mediterranean station, and had sailed in the _St. Vincent_ from Portsmouth, was the bearer of a last letter written by Sir Joseph to his son on the 3rd of April 1831. The _St. Vincent_ met the _Meteor_ at sea, and Sir Henry, in handing the letter to Captain Yorke, had also to announce Sir Joseph’s death, which occurred only two days after he had finished the letter. This letter was found among my father’s papers, and I set it out at length; it is quite typical of others which display the affection which existed between father and son, and it shows very convincingly the success which attended Captain Yorke’s career in the Mediterranean. The circumstances of the accident in which Sir Joseph lost his life appear, so far as they can be known, in a note to Sir Joseph’s letter written by my brother John, the late Earl of Hardwicke. [Footnote: He died from influenza, March 1909.] From this it will be seen that Sir Joseph was returning from a visit to the St. Vincent, which he had made in order to hand his letter to Sir Henry Hotham, when he met his death. It appears also from the annotation by my father that Sir Henry sailed without hearing of the accident, and only learned of Sir Joseph’s death by subsequently reading a notice of it in Galignani’s _Messenger_.
* * * * *
14 NEW BURLINGTON STREET, LONDON:
April 2, 1831.
‘MY DEAREST CHARLES,
‘Your last note to me enclosing your long recital of occurrences in Candia, addressed to your brother Henry, was duly received about a month ago, and has made us all equally happy and highly interested in your fortunate and successful mission. I proceeded to the Admiralty as you desired, and looked over the whole of the correspondence there, and I was much struck with the encomiums passed on you by my friend Sir Philip Malcolm, and of the coincidence, of the Admiralty minute and all the observations made by that chief, on your conduct. It runs thus, “acquaint Sir P. M. that their Lordships entirely concur with him in the opinion he has formed of the conduct of Capt. Yorke during his service at Karabusa.” I see by the _United Service Journal_, that you sailed for Smyrna on the 8th of January, two days after your letter to me, and that you were at that port on the 18th, of course this acknowledgement of your correspondence will go by the Admiralty bag, but I doubt whether I shall save the packet. It will however be conveyed by your new Chief, Sir Henry Hotham, who is very desirous to render you all attention, for in a note I had from him, about a Middy I asked him to take with him in the _St. Vincent_, he says, “had I been able I would have fulfilled your wishes with much pleasure in this instance, as I shall have the pleasure in doing in regard to the captain of the _Alligator_, and if you have anything to send to him I will take the charge of it with pleasure.” Thus you see, my dear Charles, that Sir Henry Hotham will be as much interested about you as any of his predecessors if you desire it, which I am sure you will.
‘You may indeed say, or rather exclaim, What changes! The chances now are that our order in the State (to make use of Lord Grey’s words about his own order), instead of being Lords of the Admiralty will be hewers of wood and drawers of water, that is, if the Reform Bill passes in its present shape. For it cannot be denied that it must give a preponderating bias to that class, namely the £10 householder, which are by far the most numerous, active, and republican class, who by living in towns, can be collected for any political purpose at a moment’s notice; who are shopkeepers, citizens, manufacturers, possessing great