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thither, under the command of Lieutenant Nott. There was, at one period, so much sickness at Sierra Leone, that this young man (then an ensign) was the COMMANDING OFFICER IN BARRACKS!

_Thursday, September 20th_.–Very fine weather. Accompanied Mr. Macauley in a ride on horseback, through the grass-field, to a village called Portuguese Town, and round Barrack Hill, passing the new, and afterwards the old burying-ground, &c. The grass-field is said to be that part of Sierra Leone, which is the principal cause of the unhealthiness of the town, it being, in heavy rains, partly covered with water; however, there are other causes in addition to this, that are said to contribute to the unhealthiness of the place. One of these is a belt of wood on the hill above the town; which must considerably impede the current of air, and, if this was cleared and cultivated, it would greatly improve the salubrity of the place; but, I fear, the greatest evil of all is insurmountable, under existing circumstances, as it is not within the control of the colonists. This is the low marshy land that lies on the other side of the bay, and directly opposite the town, called the Boollam shore, where a friend of mine (Lieutenant George Maclean, Royal African Corps, who is, at present, at the head of the Council at Cape Coast) went a few months before my arrival, on an important mission from the Governor of Sierra Leone, to be present at, and thereby countenance and confirm their choice in, the election of a king.

The origin of the connection between our colony at Sierra Leone, and the natives of the Boollam territory is very interesting, and will form an appropriate introduction to a sketch of Lieutenant Maclean’s visit during the election of a King.

In the year 1804, the colony of Sierra Leone was attacked by the Native Powers, and a body of blacks to the northward of the Boollam territories was put in motion for the purpose of assisting the other native tribes in overwhelming the white population at Freetown. The King, or Chief of the North, (or, as they call themselves, the Sherbro Boollams,) who has since been known by the name of King George, and through whose territories the hostile tribes must needs pass, being a firm ally of the King of Great Britain, declared that on no account whatever would he permit them to pass through his country to attack a British settlement: and he carried his point so effectually as to render the expedition fruitless. In consequence of the determined and friendly conduct of this Prince, a deputation of whites from Freetown was despatched to him, with an invitation to visit Sierra Leone, which invitation he accepted. While at Freetown, he was crowned with all solemnity by the name of King George. He continued on the most amicable terms with the Government of Sierra Leone until his death, which took place the 19th of May, 1826, at the advanced age, it is said, of upwards of one hundred years, a point which it would be difficult to ascertain accurately, as these people are entirely ignorant of their own ages. Since this period the throne of the Boollams has been vacant; it being now, however, the intention of the people to proceed to the choice of a King, according to their custom; and it being deemed of considerable importance from the vicinity of Boollam to Sierra Leone, that a person should be elected who was known to be friendly to the English settlement, it was determined by his Excellency the Governor that a person should be sent as a commissioner to be present at the election and coronation; whose duty it should be to support the claims and secure the election of a person known to the English by the name of Macaulay Wilson, who, being a near relation of the late King George, and having been educated in England, being also a man of considerable abilities, was deemed in every way worthy of the throne.

The election of Macaulay Wilson having been accomplished, it would then become the duty of the Commissioner, on the part of the English Government to use every means in his power to induce the new King, with the numerous chiefs and head men, to accede to, and sign, a convention, whereby the sovereignty of Boollam was to be ceded to the King of Great Britain, under certain limitations and restrictions specified in the treaty. The attainment of this point, would, of course, be attended with great difficulty; but it had become of the utmost importance for the suppression of the slave trade that the attempt should be made; for slave dealers who were actually carrying on their traffic in Freetown, upon the least alarm, removed to Boollam with their unfortunate victims, and being then out of British territory were in perfect security. The following is Lieutenant Maclean’s personal narrative of his mission.

“_Yougroo, Boollam, March 3rd, 1827_.

“I left Freetown tins morning in the Government barge, with Mr. S. (a person appointed to accompany me as interpreter) and arrived in the course of the evening at the Boollam shore. On landing I proceeded to Yougroo, called by the late King, George Town, where I was received by the King _(esse)_, by Dalmahoumedii, a powerful Mandingo chief, with a number of other chiefs, and headmen.

“There was a very good house (constructed after the country fashion) assigned us as a place of residence. After taking possession, I was visited by the different chiefs and head men, who came to pay their respects, or, as they phrase it, to do service to me, as representing the Governor of Sierra Leone. These consisted principally of Boollam chiefs, who had seldom left their own country; and a few, notwithstanding their vicinity to a white colony, who had scarce ever seen a white man before. There were, also, not a few Mandingo chiefs, who had acquired property and influence in Boollam, and which was daily increasing. These Mandingoes are possessed of considerable intelligence and great cunning, by which means, and by the genius of their religion (Mahommedan), they invariably, though gradually, acquire the superiority over the native rulers of those countries in which they choose to settle. In Boollam this was becoming very apparent; and as the Mandingo chiefs are all either covertly or openly, supposed to be engaged in the slave trade, and consequently opposed to the English Government, I was instructed particularly to guard against, and to oppose their interest in the election of the King. Dalmahoumedii, whom I mentioned above, is the principal Mandingo chief in Boollam, and is by far the best informed man that I had seen here. He is even well conversant in European politics. He is a man of large property, and has a town of his own, called Madina, inhabited entirely by Mandingoes.

“For the ground-rent of this town and neighbourhood, he pays a nominal duty to the king of the Boollams, as his superior, although, in fact, his power and influence in the country is nearly equal to the king’s own. On the day of my arrival, he sent me, ready cooked, in the European style, an excellent dinner, of which I, of course, could not do less than ask him to partake. Although a Mahommedan, he drank wine freely, in compliment, as he said, to me, although I could perceive that he enjoyed it exceedingly. He told me, in the course of conversation (carried on principally through an interpreter) that he had, at that time, no fewer than 85 wives. His brother, who had died some time previously, left 75 wives, all of whom he was entitled, by the custom of his country, to have married; he told me, however, that he only chose 45 of them, all of whom he wedded in one day. In the evening a number of these ladies favoured us with their company, some of whom were very fine women. They also seemed to drink their wine with great relish.

“Rejoicings commenced at sunset, and continued during the whole night. I had a guard of honour placed over my residence, to prevent intrusion during the night; which, however, I found it impossible to prevent altogether, as during the election and coronation of a king, the laws ‘sleep,’ nor can any crime, short of murder or an attempt to murder, be punished during that space of time, which generally extends to 14 or 16 days. The natural consequence of this is, that all the most idle and worthless of the neighbouring nations, or tribes, flock to a place where they can practise all manner of crimes with impunity. Many persons, particularly minstrels, or bards, had walked upwards of 400 miles from the interior, to be present at the election about to take place at Yougroo.

“The town of Yougroo, I was told, generally contained but about 500 or 600 inhabitants, although, during the election, &c. there must have been, at least, 5000 or 6000 persons present.

“The mourners for the deceased king, of whom there are 16 in number, are the most extraordinary figures that can possibly be conceived. One half of their faces (the upper half) is painted white, forming a hideous contrast with their black countenances. The mourners (literally ‘makers of the cry,’ i.e. lament) are appointed immediately on the death of the king,[13] and continue their functions until the election of a new king takes place, however long it may be before that event may happen. They are generally girls of from ten to fourteen years of age, and are, while mourners, held sacred and inviolate.

“_Sunday, March 4th_.–This day was appointed for the formal election of a successor to the throne of King George. By noon, the whole of the chiefs and headmen were assembled in the Palaver House, when the Regent, or person appointed to administer the government during the _interregnum_, proposed, in a speech of some length, John Macaulay Wilson to be the future King of the Boollams. Previous to this, a deputation had been sent requesting my presence. I accordingly attended in full dress, along with Mr. S—-. The Regent’s speech, as literally translated by my interpreter, and immediately after noted down by me, was as follows:–

“‘We have now met, headmen and brethren, to perform a great duty, and to exercise a great privilege. It becomes our duty to elect a successor to our vacant throne, “the cry” (i.e. the mourning) being about to close. We have now no king; if we look to his hearth, there is no one there; if we call upon our king, no one answers; thus are we, as children without a father; as a family without a head; whom then shall we choose to sit in the seat of our late venerable king? Who shall walk in the footsteps of him, whose sayings were the sayings of wisdom, and out of whose mouth proceeded justice: whom, I say, shall we elect, but his own son[14], who listened to him when alive, and who will not forget him now that he is dead?

“‘You have long known this person; and you know that he will not bring disgrace upon your choice; but that he will do those things which a King of the Boollams ought to do; that he will discourage wickedness, encourage the righteous, and do justice to all men; I therefore propose that John Macaulay Wilson be elected King of the Boollams.'[15] The speaker of the above was an old man, highly respected by all classes, named, ‘Nain Banna.’ It becomes his duty, immediately on the king’s death, to assume the government as Regent; he is, however, on that account ineligible for the throne.

“After some conversation among the chiefs, consisting principally of tributes of praise to the late king, it was formerly announced to me, ‘that John Macaulay Wilson was elected King of the Boollams:–that he held the Boollam Country in the palm of his hand:–and that the scales of justice hung upon his finger,’ I was also entreated to report to his Excellency the Governor of Sierra Leone, the choice they had made, and their hopes that it would meet with his approbation. The people expecting that I should address them, I rose, and by my interpreter, said, ‘that I should not fail to report to my master, His Excellency the Governor of Sierra Leone, the good order and unanimity which had prevailed in the assembly; that I had no doubt but His Excellency would approve of the object of their choice that day; that from what I had heard of their new king, I had no doubt, but that he would justify the confidence they had placed in him; and I trusted that the same good sense and attention to the true interests of their country, which they had shewn that day, would guide all their future deliberations. In conclusion, I begged leave to congratulate them, on having chosen such a ruler; and to congratulate their king, on the distinction that day conferred upon him.’

“The day closed as usual with every manner of licentiousness.

“_Monday, March 5th_.–This being the day appointed for the inauguration of the new king, it was ushered in with the firing of musketry and other demonstrations of joy. At 10 A.M. the chiefs and headmen assembled, and immediately proceeded to the performance of certain mysteries, which take place in the depths of the bush; and to which the initiated only are admitted.

“At noon they emerged from the bush, having the new king with them; whom they now regarded as a complete stranger, providentially sent them from heaven to be their ruler.

“A deputation now requested my presence at the Palaver House, to which they were then conducting the king; the headmen and people dancing around him, as he passed through the streets, in the most fantastic manner. On my arrival the late Regent pronounced a very long harangue in the Boollam language, which was repeated sentence by sentence in the Mandingo and English by the respective interpreters. In this speech, which however I did not note down, Nain Banna rehearsed what had from time immemorial been the practice of the Boollams, in cases such as the present, and declared that all the rites and mysteries proper for the occasion, had been duly performed. He then pronounced a long encomium on the virtues of their late king, and concluded by paying his respects to the new king, and myself, respectively, which he ended with the highest term of respect which the Boollams know:–‘May you live for ever.’

“He then requested permission to introduce to the assembly, a stranger whom they were in future to revere, ‘King Bey Sherbro;'[16] after which, Bey Sherbro received the homage of his subjects. During this time a number of minstrels played upon their several instruments, some of which were very ingenious and musical. Those in particular, who had come a long distance from the interior, executed with spirit and taste some very beautiful airs; much finer, indeed, than any native music I had yet heard. They accompanied their instruments with extempore recitatives in praise of those chiefs whom they knew. I was, of course, included, as they expected that I would be inclined to reward them handsomely. Each minstrel of any repute had a person attached to him by way of fool or jester, several of whom acted their parts very well, and strongly reminded me of Shakspeare’s clowns.

“Dalmahoumedii was in the assembly, surrounded by a number of followers, but he appeared to feel that he had lost ground. He took no part in the proceedings.

“If it were fair to estimate the character of a people, by their conduct during a period of unbounded license, I should say that they were generally, almost universally, a nation of thieves, idlers, and drunkards. It was with difficulty, indeed, I could preserve my own private stock of wines, &c. I was assured, however, that such is not their general character, although they are, no doubt, like all Africans, extremely indolent and attached to the old customs of their country. To even the most absurd and superstitious of these, they cling with such tenacity, that it would be a work of incalculable labour, and of many years, to induce them to abandon them altogether, even after they should be made conscious of their absurdity and barbarity. The European Missionaries of the present day would never do it. It was attempted some years ago with much zeal, but there is not at this moment, I believe, a single convert to Christianity in Boollam, to reward the labour, or repay the expense, which was lavished on that object. But a very different success has attended the efforts of the disciples of Mahommed in propagating the doctrines of the crescent. Not only in Boollam, but in all the neighbouring districts; even in the Peninsula of Sierra Leone itself, there are twenty converts to the crescent, for one to the cross; and the reason is obvious; the Christian Missionaries begin at the wrong end; they insist upon first making people Christians, and then morality and civilization, they say, follow as matters of course: and they present Christianity in its most inattractive form, to men accustomed to the uncontrollable indulgence of their passions. The Mahommedans know the genius of the people better, and without altering the spirit of their religion, they exhibit it in a manner exactly suited to that genius, as far as regards externals; and in such a form, that the adoption of it even flatters the vanity of the convert. Thus, in the article of dress, the Mahommedans have a peculiar or distinguishing cap; to be entitled to wear which, is, in itself, a matter very flattering to the vanity of the young worshipper of the crescent; and I am convinced, that were it incumbent upon Christians to wear in public a red cross on the shoulder or hat, that it would be the means of drawing many to listen to the doctrines of Christianity: and really I can see no sin in the means thus adopted.

“This evening I despatched the barge to Sierra Leone, with an account of our progress, and requesting the Convention to be immediately transmitted, together with the usual presents to be given to the new King and chiefs. In the mean time every measure was taken, and argument used (with occasional presents), to induce the chiefs and headmen to consent to the cession of the sovereignty of the country to Great Britain.

“_Tuesday, March 6th_.–This morning I walked out to make a few observations, and to form some idea of the capabilities of the Boollam country. What struck me, in the first instance, was the great fertility, and natural beauty of the surrounding country, which it was really painful to contrast with the extreme ignorance and indolence of its inhabitants. There is not, perhaps, a country under Heaven more calculated to repay the exertions of industry, from the richness and fertility of the soil; as also from the flatness of the country, which would prevent the soil from being carried away by the rains when cleared of the bush. It is in my opinion far more adapted for agricultural purposes than the Sierra Leone side of the bay. Spices of almost every description grow naturally and in abundance; and it would require but little capital, with industry, to make the soil produce sugar, coffee, tobacco, and indigo in great plenty. In short, the produce of the Boollam country might, without very great labour be made to rival that of either our East or West India possessions, in fact almost every article imported into Great Britain from either is indigenous to this soil. The indolent and lazy natives, however, cultivate little excepting rice. The articles procured from the British settlement at Sierra Leone, such as fire-arms, gunpowder, tobacco, rum, &c. are got in exchange for timber, and occasionally labour.

“During my residence in Boollam, it frequently struck me, that a British Settlement on the Boollam coast would be highly desirable, say at Madina. For the reasons stated above, I am almost certain that practical agriculture would soon become prevalent, inasmuch as it would soon become profitable. Another, and a very strong inducement to settlers would be, that Madina, and indeed the whole range of the Boollam coast, is very healthy. What is called the _country fever_ in Sierra Leone, is scarcely known in Boollam.

“To-day five or six of the mourners came to do service to me, which they performed by bending their heads to the earth, and, in that position, moaning in a low tone the praises of the deceased King, mixed with compliments to myself.

“At midnight I received letters from Sierra Leone, by which I had the satisfaction of learning that His Excellency approved of my measures.

“_Wednesday, March 7th_.–This day I succeeded in removing the numberless evasions and objections urged by the chiefs against the treaty.

“In effecting this measure Mr. S—-‘s exertions were of the greatest service.

“In the evening we were a good deal amused by the natives fishing on the beach. They caught a great number of fish, such as snappers, cat-fish, soles, sharks, &c.

“_Thursday 8th_.–This day the convention arrived, and the blanks being filled up, and the treaty solemnly signed and ratified, I had the satisfaction on _Friday, March 9th, 1827_, of hoisting the British flag, and of taking possession of Boollam in the name of His Britannic Majesty.”

Such is the narrative of Lieutenant Maclean, respecting a people whose habits are as peculiar as his account of them must be interesting to Englishmen.

_September 21st, 1827_.–On this day I attended the Court, to hear the trial to which I have already alluded. It was a case of adultery, and the parties were all free blacks. The action was brought by a carpenter against the Rev. Samuel Thorpe, a preacher at one of the Independent chapels, for criminal conversation with his wife; and, as I have a copy from the records of the Court, I think it will be much more satisfactory to insert the document in full, than to supersede it by any desultory remarks of my own. It will give a clear and characteristic idea of the state of society amongst these people. The occurrence was so unusual, that it created no small astonishment, that such a case should be brought into Court. The following is the address of the plaintiff’s counsel, and the verdict.

BERNARD _v_. THORPE.

“Gentlemen of the Jury,

“I bespeak your attention and indulgence. I am not only this day the advocate of my client, but I am lending my humble efforts to defend, perhaps I ought to say, assert, the divine right and sacredness of the social compact of marriage, the palladium of every married man’s family, happiness and comfort. I will remind you, gentlemen of the jury, that this is the first action of the kind that has been tried on these boards since the colony has been ceded to the British crown.–Among you, gentlemen of the jury, I see fathers, brothers, and husbands, to all I appeal this day on behalf of my client, and of this colony. Shew the world this day, by your verdict, that you will not suffer with impunity the foul crime of adultery to be committed in the face of a rising family; shew the value in which you hold the solemn engagements of your female relatives; let your verdict warn the seducer that he dare not trespass on any man’s honour, or blight with apathy, for one moment, any pleasure or gratification of his conjugal tenderness.

“It has been too common in actions of this kind, for the defendant to treat with contumely the humble situation of the injured prosecutor. I do not apprehend much from any such attempt in this cause. I acknowledge, gentlemen, that my client is a very humble individual, but he is a respectable and an honest man, by trade a carpenter. I see, gentlemen, on your countenances, that his humble lot shall not deprive him from having his happiness considered as dear to him as to any man, and equally inviolate; for you need not be told, that the comforts and happiness of the rich and the poor originate from one source: as it is not necessary to be rich to feel with acuteness the pain to which our weak frames are subject, or to enjoy with zest the most pleasurable sensations, so the poor possess the same advantages; indeed, it is the poor to whom family happiness must be the greatest solace! the rich have various resources to derive comfort from; the poor seldom more than centres in their family. But before I attempt to describe to you the sufferings of my client, I shall enter rather minutely into the actual situation in life in which the plaintiff and defendant in this action are placed: if unnecessary to some of you, yet there may be others who naturally demand this explanation should be given; I trust this will be admitted as my apology.

“I will begin with the defendant; because, indeed, gentlemen, he is the more highly favoured man; I mean, gentlemen, that Providence has blessed him with a much greater share of this world’s goods; he is known to man by the solemn designation of the Rev. Samuel Thorpe; yes, gentlemen, the defendant in this action, for criminal conversation with the wife of my client, is, or very lately was, a preacher of morality; an expounder of that divine doctrine which inculcates the precept, ‘Do unto others, as you would have others do unto you;’ he is a gentleman, who, beholding with horror the degeneracy of the times, and believing, no doubt, it required some extraordinary exertions to recall us unto virtue, has voluntarily, for no idea of gain, or means of livelihood, publicly devoted his talents to the pulpit. Such conduct, if we had not other most opposite circumstances to disclose, would have called forth our admiration and applause; for, gentlemen, the pulpit, in the sober use of its legitimate peculiar powers, must stand acknowledged, while the world shall stand,

“The most important and effectual guard, Support and ornament of virtue’s cause.

“The defendant, gentlemen, is also a rich man; he is, to say the least, in very easy circumstances; we see, in this colony, several valuable possessions of his; and we behold, at one of his houses, a store from which is retailed valuable merchandise. The defendant, gentlemen, I am instructed to say, is verging towards the decline of life; to have arrived at those years, when the hey-day of the blood might well be expected to have gone by, and that, while he preached morality, he would find no constitutional impediment to prevent his practising it. I am persuaded, gentlemen, that, if a cause of the present nature had been brought before you, in which the defendant had been a young unmarried man, you would have made some allowance for the infatuation of his youthful passions; but when, as in the present instance, we find experienced age; the well-informed man; the promulger of that divine law, which denounces everlasting punishment to the adulterer, is brought before you, charged, although a married man, with this offence, I feel I must, indeed, commit an act of injustice to you all, if I did not declare, that, in such a case, I am convinced your feeling’s cannot be otherwise than aroused to visit such a criminal with your vengeance.

“My instructions suggest to me more than I will utter; yet, I must confess, that I have been struck with the sacred profession of the defendant, and the pertinacity with which it appears he committed the offence against my client, for which you are now called upon to award him the only remuneration the law allows; I cannot refrain from asserting my belief, that the defendant’s feelings must have been strangely perverted; he, doubtless, made his full calculation upon his outward profession, and his inward inclinations, and, I believe, I do him no more than justice, when I put into his mouth, and suppose by him uttered in his private moments, the expression used by an arch hypocrite of former days:

“I sigh, and with a piece of scripture, Tell them God bids us do good for evil: And thus I clothe my naked villany
With odds and ends stol’n forth of Holy Writ; And seem a saint, when most I play the devil.

“I regret, very much regret, gentlemen of the jury, I am thus obliged as a faithful advocate before you; but I have still another feature to disclose, and here I must declare, that it has astonished me more than I shall attempt to describe. I alluded before, gentlemen, to the circumstance of the defendant’s being a married man. Yes! he has a wife living in Freetown, whom (from fear she should take a right from his substance) he has turned out upon the world! to the generosity–the kindness–of the stranger! surely we may infer that he may be left at home with more ample means to gratify his passions. He has also no children; this I am sorry for on his account; surely he would have paused before he would have offered them such an example; before he would systematically set about the seduction of a woman, surrounded even by her grand-children.

“I turn now to my client; but, indeed, I have little more to add respecting him. He is poor, because he has many claims on his industry; his wife has born him several children; and some of these children are grown up, and married, and in their turn have children; the connexion between the plaintiff and his wife has therefore been of long standing, in fact on their entrance into life they became attached to each other. The connexion was not for several years sanctioned by the rites of our religion, but it was not less a marriage; the assent of the heart was complete, and it has been sanctioned by what the parties thought binding; further ceremony could only add more publicity to the engagement. Yet after many years mutual intercourse, they resolved to give that intercourse every tie, and were consequently legally married according to the rites of the Church of England. I mention these particulars because I apprehend my learned friend will set about pulling their family history to pieces, and endeavour to shew that my client and his wife might have had some little family jars; be it so, gentlemen, let him make the endeavour: I will tell him that their jars are the pleasures of the married life; they are the tornadoes of the marriage state, which clear away the mists and fogs, that, alas, will at times intrude themselves, to make the succeeding calm more susceptible of enjoyments; I warn you I speak by experience; and my learned friend Samo, on this sacred subject, can offer nothing but theory; think, gentlemen, how dearly they must have valued each other, when after a lapse of many years–after all their little storms of life–they yet resolve to make their union indissoluble, by adding thereto the celebration of those rites of our church, which has for its maxim ‘that those whom God has thus joined together no man shall put asunder.’

“Contrast this with the conduct of the defendant, his own wife an exile from his bed and board, for no cause, except the lordly will of the defendant. A woman, against whom scandal has not yet dared to whisper; still, (although she has suffered much from the violent conduct of her husband) still, I say, striking for personal attractions and accomplishments; and is avowedly of an unspotted character. Let the defendant, therefore, but attempt to pry further than he has done into the private habits of my client, as regards his wife, and I shall not hesitate still further to tear down the beautiful appearance of adopted sanctity, simplicity, and innocence of deportment, with which he has hedged himself round.

“My client had been often led to believe that all was not right between his wife and the defendant, even before the time of the criminal conversation now prosecuted for. I am aware that my learned friend may allege that:–

“Trifles light as air,
Are to the jealous confirmation strong As proof of holy writ;

“But, gentlemen, can you for a moment believe that there was no art, no perseverance, no continued attention, no working on the passions before the criminal moment; but that the victim fell at once into the commission of the adulterous intercourse alleged? Human nature forbids such an idea. The female mind, always timid, would think of her ties–her husband–her children–her grand-children; and prevent her, before, at least, all her fears. I challenge the defendant to name, even in one slight instance, any thing in the conduct of my client’s wife, that such a ready compliance could be expected.

“On Thursday night, the 17th of May last, between nine and ten o’clock at night, the defendant sent his lad to call Mrs. Polly Bernard to his house. You must know, gentlemen, that Mr. Samuel Thorpe then lived (and for aught I know does now) in the same street, and within a short distance of the dwelling of my client, but which was then exclusively occupied by his wife. The object of thus sending for Mrs. Bernard by the defendant, is alleged, I am informed, for the simple purpose of making his bed. It is really astonishing that this gentleman could not be content to have his bed made by some of his men servants; that he did not hire a female, considering his ample means. Now the real object for which Mrs. Bernard was thus called to the house of the defendant became soon apparent. After her ingress the light ceased to throw its shade through the casement–the windows and doors were closed upon the guilty pair. Too much cunning generally defeats its own intention: not far distant from this scene of unhallowed pleasure stood the keen eye of jealousy, watching the progress of the night in order to preserve what custom had made her consider as her own. Yes, gentlemen, Mrs. Samuel (another intimate acquaintance of the Rev. Samuel Thorpe,) some time after Mrs. Bernard had entered the house of the defendant, rushed to the house–knocked at the door and got admittance. On getting inside, the only object she sought was Mrs. Bernard. Although in the dark she called her by name–what eye so keen as that of a jealous woman: she attacked Mrs. Bernard, as Mrs. B. sat on the bed of Mr. Samuel Thorpe. Both females exerted themselves to the utmost; one to the assault, the other to repel such violence. Only conceive, gentlemen, what a fine figure for the painter and the moralist was here exhibited; at the dark hour of night, two married women fighting most lustily in the bed-chamber of the pious defendant; while he (taken by surprise) kept pacing his piazza, unable to recollect what he had best do, and trembling with fear that the indiscreet uproar would lead to his exposure. I will pass over the effects of excited passion, and merely inform you, that to identify the person so as to leave no subterfuge, Mrs. Samuel carried away as trophies of her resentment, some handkerchiefs and an ear-ring, she had taken from Mrs. Bernard.

“Well then, gentlemen of the jury, you see the defendant, detected in connection with the wife of one man, by the wife of another, whose passions he had raised to jealousy by prior intercourse–whether criminal, or not, I leave to your judgment–that is not, to-day, my duty to decide.

“Mrs. Samuel, in the excited feelings of the moment, smarting under the seeming neglect and vacillating conduct of the defendant, as regarded herself, flies from house to house, spreading the dishonour of the plaintiff; the news soon reaches the injured husband; his wife has absconded from consciousness of guilt–he seeks her out, charges her with her crime–she confesses it–and now, gentlemen, he is forced to fly to you, to redress his wounded sensibility and affection.”

The Jury, having heard counsel on the other side returned a verdict for the plaintiff, damages Fifty Pounds.

The schooner Thomas arrived from England this morning after a passage of 35 days. By her we heard of the death of Mr. Canning, which caused an extraordinary sensation. A warm discussion sprang up among the Freetown politicians, as to who should form the next Ministry, each person, of course, electing a Prime Minister for himself, and making a Cabinet after his own taste.

———-
[10] Although these men are hired under the denomination of Kroo men, they are generally Kroo, and Fish men, who inhabit the country between Sierra Leone and our settlement of Cape Coast Castle.

[11] There were only nineteen prisoners in the calendar, one of whom was a soldier, Patrick Riley, for a desperate attempt to murder a serjeant with his bayonet. The rest of the prisoners were principally Kroomcn, and other black fellows, for house-breaking, stealing, &c. &c.

[12] In these cases the principal felons remained unknown.

[13] King George was the first king of Boollam, that had been allowed to die a natural death, through fear of getting ‘a palaver,’ as they term it, with Sierra Leone. Previous to this, they always despatched their kings when they considered them about to expire, sacrificing two human victims, whom they buried in the same grave.

[14] Meaning that the late king loved him as a son.

[15] It is but right to state, that the above speech was read over sentence by sentence, to the person who spoke it, and that he deemed it to be almost literally reported, and seemed much astonished that it could have been taken down.

[16] The new appellation of John Macaulay Wilson.

CHAP. IV.

Auction at Sierra Leone–Timber Establishments in the River–Tombo, Bance and Tasso Islands–Explosion of a Vessel at Sea–Liberated Africans–Black Ostlers–Horses Imported–Slave Vessel–Colonial Steam Vessel–Road and Street Repairs–Continued Rains–Suggestion for preserving the Health of European Seamen–General Views of the Colony–Population–Parishes–Supply of Provisions–Description of Freetown–Curious Letter from Black Labourers–Original Settlers– Present Inhabitants–Trade with the Interior–Strange Customs of Native Merchants–Anecdote of Sailors–Injurious Example of the Royal African Corps–Vaccination of Natives–Medical Opinion–Departure from Sierra Leone

_Monday, Sept. 24th_.–Still stronger signs of the breaking up of the rainy season, more frequent heavy showers, with thunder and lightning for the last two days. A fine morning, but squally and showery in the afternoon. There was an auction held to-day of the effects of the late Tasco Williams, Esq.; one peculiar feature of which is worth noting. The persons who had assembled were hospitably entertained with bread and cheese, and abundance of wine and spirits, with a view, no doubt, to increase the animation and excitement of the scene. Whether the bidders became extravagant in consequence, I do not know, but I think it very likely; at all events I suspect that the auctioneer was trying an experiment on the animal spirits of the company. This custom, although by no means familiar to Englishmen, is very generally practised in the north of England. It is probably a relique of ancient manners.

I left Freetown, about five in the afternoon, with Mr. McCormack to visit his timber establishment at the island of Tombo, a distance of twenty miles up the river, which we made, with a slight breeze, in about three hours. We passed two similar establishments, the one on Tasso, and the other on Bance Island, of the former of which Messrs. Babington and Macauley are the proprietors, the latter belonging to Mr. Williams. The account I received of Mr. McCormack’s enterprise was full of interest.

When that gentleman first visited Tombo, he found the interior covered with a dense jungle, and the shores choked up with mangroves. There was only one solitary hut on the island near the beach, which was used as a resting place for boats trading up the river. At that time there was a slave factory in full occupation at Bance Island. It would be very difficult to compute the expense, and almost impossible for persons who are not practically acquainted with African mangroves and jungle, to estimate the exertion and perseverance which must have been necessary to bring this place to its present state of improvement. The wildness of the surface has given way before the hand of industry, and that which was some years before a wilderness of underwood, now presents an aspect of cultivation. The whole of this point is as clear as the streets of Freetown; and on a fine open situation, where the breeze plays from almost every point of the compass, an excellent stone house, with out-offices, has been erected. The site is well chosen and the building is scarcely inferior to the best houses in Freetown. The upper part is used as a private dwelling, and the lower part is appropriated to storage. A good boat-house, a saw-pit, upwards of twenty plastered huts, for the mechanics and labourers employed on the spot, and a well cut through the solid rock, from whence excellent water is obtained, complete the conveniences of the establishment.

Mr. McCormack does not fell any timber in the island; he merely uses his location here as a depot for the wood which is brought down the rivers Rokelle and Porto Logo from the upper countries. For this trade he contracts with the natives inhabiting the lands lying near the shores of the rivers, and the wood is floated down on rafts to Tombo, where ships come to take in their cargoes. The African oak is so heavy that the natives are obliged to raft it on wood of a much lighter specific gravity. This trade is of considerable benefit both to our colonists and the native tribes. It not only promotes a friendly intercourse between them, but affords constant employment to great numbers of the latter, by which they are enabled to secure many of the comforts of civilized life, of which they must otherwise have been destitute. It has also had the happy effect of releasing them from vassalage, which formerly prevailed universally, and which was in some degree necessary as a protection against the arbitrary power of the different chiefs during the existence of the slave trade.

A statement of the annual export of timber from Tombo, since the commencement in 1816, will shew with what rapid strides the trade has increased.

In 1816 716 logs.
1817 7,087 do.
1818 1,341 do.
1819 2,251 do.
1820 6,271 do.
1821 4,454 do.
1822 1,429 do.
1823 4,593 do.
1824 10,093 do.
1825 22,206 do.
1826 24,456 do.

There is a mud bar across the river about one mile and a half below Tombo; and as the depth here is not more than 14 feet at high water, vessels ought not to load more than 13 feet before they drop below.

_Tuesday, Sept. 25th_.–Heavy rain in the night, but a fine warm day. Soon after noon I left Tombo, and visited Bance Island. The only objects of interest that presented themselves were the remains of an old slave factory, and a burial ground. The road to the latter place was by a path through a lime and orange plantation, which grew so luxuriantly that it quite obstructed our way, and we were compelled to have a black pioneer, who went before us with a sword to cut down the thorny branches. In this remote and lonely place I found the following epitaph on a tombstone, which appeared to me so curious that I caused it to be transcribed.

Here lies The Residue of The Honourable Sea Captain, GEORGE ANDREW HIORT, Born in Denmark, the 6th of September, 1746, Married January 8th, 1766, to the virtuous Lady Mary Catherine Schive, who, extremely sorrowful, with two good-natured Daughters, deplores the too early Death of this now eternally-blessed Person.

Died on the Coast of Guinea, the 15th October, 1783. His Body reposes here, waiting for a glorious Resurrection, whilst his Soul is in the hands of GOD, where no pain can reach.

In this place we discovered a tombstone of the date of 1680, but unfortunately the inscription was illegible.

We made an excursion to the island of Tasso before dinner, and returned to Bance Island where we passed the night. On approaching Tasso, we saw a large alligator, which Mr. McCormack fired at, but apparently without any effect. It is a well-known fact that the scales of these creatures will turn a bullet. They abound in the river, and are very fearless and ravenous. Some of the men belonging to the timber rafts, who incautiously trusted themselves in the water, have been on several occasions seized by the alligators and carried off, sometimes escaping with the loss of a leg or an arm; at other times, when the people on the rafts happened to sit at the sides, with their feet hanging over, the alligators have been known to seize them by their legs and drag them into the water. They have been taken of the enormous length of 18 feet.

_Wednesday, Sept. 26th_.–The night being very fine, we got up at half-past two, and left Bance Island to return to Sierra Leone, where we arrived in less than four hours, pulling the whole way, having a very fine boat belonging to Mr. McCormack, with a crew of able bodied blacks.

Mr. McCormack related to me the following circumstance which occurred to him in a vessel trading along the Gold Coast, and by which he was placed in a situation of great peril. In the middle of the night he heard a sudden cry of “Fire,” and at the same moment a volume of flame issued from the fore-hatchway; in a few seconds after another burst forth from the main hatchway; so that before he had time to collect his thoughts as to what ought to be done, the whole of the middle of the vessel was in a blaze. The crew were thrown into consternation, and speedily crowded the deck in a state of confusion, bordering on frenzy. The despair of their situation was increased by a knowledge of the fact, that a great quantity of gunpowder, which had been embarked for the coast trade, was stowed below, while there was but one available boat to get off the men before the ship should be blown into the air, which they momently expected. But there was no time for reflection: each man looked to his own safety, and a rush took place, through the fire, towards the after-part of the deck, to reach the boat. The poor fellows who thus risked a passage through the flames, that now curled up fearfully, and swept the whole surface of the vessel, were dreadfully burned, and looked more like demons than men. But, at last, after much difficulty, they succeeded in lowering the boat into the sea. Those, however, who got in first, seeing that the whole crew must inevitably perish if they suffered a greater number to crowd the boat than she could with safety contain, pushed off from the ship as speedily as they could. If they had yielded to the impulse of their feelings, every soul must have perished; for, although they might have escaped from the fire, they must, of necessity, have swamped the boat. Fortunately, however, the boat got off in safety; but she had made a very short distance when the vessel blew up. Several poor wretches, seeing that their fate was not to be averted, had leaped into the sea, and were drowned; while others, who clung despairingly to the vessel, were annihilated by the force of the explosion. One poor black boy, nerved by desperation, flung himself overboard, and swam after the boat, which, with great exertion, he overtook. Through Mr. McCormack’s interposition he was taken on board. The crew of the boat, so sudden was their resolution taken, had not time to provide themselves with a supply of provisions, although they were a considerable distance from the shore: they snatched up such trifling articles as happened to be at hand in the hurry of their departure, and trusted themselves to Providence for the rest. This melancholy accident was occasioned by the insubordination of some of the sailors, who forced their way through the bulk-head into the fore-hold, to get at a cask of spirits.

In the evening I accompanied Mr. Macauley in a drive to the village of Kissey, one of the settlements of liberated Africans. Its population is nearly a thousand souls, composed of the descendants of natives of Aco, who were taken from a slave vessel on the river Lagos in the Bight of Benin. The immediate neighbourhood of this village, which is about five miles from Freetown, supplies a great part of the grain and vegetables that are brought to that market. We called on the Doctor of the village, who was a black man, and we afterwards went to the chapel, where we heard a liberated African preach to his black brethren.

_Thursday, September 27th_.–I dined with a party at the house of Colonel Denham, the celebrated African traveller. I would gladly offer a tribute of admiration and respect to the memory of this distinguished gentleman, but the language of panegyric is superfluous.

Our party consisted of the Lieutenant-Governor, Captains Owen and Harrison, of the navy; Dr. Barry, of the medical staff, &c. &c.

_Friday, September 28th_.–Soon after noon I accompanied Captains Owen and Harrison, Mr. Reffle, the acting Judge, and the Rev. Mr. Davy, all mounted on good steeds, to visit some of the villages established for the liberated Africans. The first part of our journey was very hilly. We passed through Gloucester and Regent Town, on our way to Bathurst, near which we were overtaken by a thunder storm; but, before the heaviest part of it reached us, we got into good quarters at Mr. Davy’s residence, where we found Mrs. Davy expecting us, and prepared to entertain us in a most friendly and hospitable manner. This lady undertakes to instruct the African females, of all ages, not only in the mere education of letters, but in all the moral duties of civilized society. As a proof that her efforts were not altogether unavailing, it may be observed, that her domestics consisted of some of her pupils, whom she had selected for the performance of the household duties. Morality here is at a very low ebb amongst the adult native population, and infidelity in the married state is a common occurrence. During our short stay, a poor fellow came to complain to Mr. Davy that his wife had gone to live with another man, and that when he went to demand her restoration, the guilty paramour and his friends turned him off with a sound beating. The circumstance did not seem to excite much surprise, although Mr. Davy gave every possible attention to the poor fellow’s case, as he never omitted any opportunity of exerting his influence for the moral benefit of the community.

In the course of the day I had an opportunity of examining a snake which a Timmanee black carried, as ladies wear boas in England, round his neck, which is a common practice. It was about a yard long, and six inches in circumference. The blacks frequently extract the teeth of these reptiles, even those of the most venomous species, a process which renders them harmless. In the evening we returned to Freetown. The black ostler, who is generally a Krooman, performs in this country a double duty, for he not only attends the horse in the stable, but accompanies him on his journey, keeping pace with the animal at whatever rate his master pleases to ride. This would be a very good punishment for some of our ostlers who are in the habit of cheating the horses out of their corn. To compel the rogues to share fatigue with the animal, might teach them to treat them with more humanity. Horses are sometimes brought to this country from St. Jago, but they do not live long. A smaller and hardier breed comes from the Gambia, and the climate seems to agree very well with them. Neither English nor St. Jago horses live long at Sierra Leone, and the cause assigned for this is, that the coarse grass, which grows so rapidly in this country, has too little nutriment in it to support the animal under the exhausting effects of such a climate; and it is observed that he is continually though gradually wasting away, notwithstanding his appetite is most voracious; that at length he partially loses the use of his hind legs, becomes weak across the loins, and for the want of nervous energy, a paralysis ensues, and the horse ultimately dies. But if he is given more stimulating food there is a chance of his doing well; or at any rate of his living much longer than he otherwise would on such poor food as he usually gets.

_Saturday, September 29th_.–The Henri Quatre, a beautiful brig, arrived yesterday afternoon from the Bight of Benin, with 548 slaves on board, a prize to H.M.S. Sybille. This vessel was afterwards fitted out as a tender to the Commodore’s ship, and well known, as the celebrated Black Joke, for her success in capturing other slavers. To-day I accompanied the Rev. Mr. Davy on board. A multitude of slaves crowded her deck in a state of nudity. The spectacle was humiliating in every sense, and the immediate effect upon the olfactory nerves was excessively disagreeable and oppressive. We found the officer who had charge of the vessel confined to a small space in the after-part of the deck near the tiller. The pressure of this dense mass of human beings was suffocating, and the crowd was so great that one poor slave who had fallen overboard in the night, on the voyage, was never missed until the following morning.

From the Henri Quatre we went to visit a steam-vessel called the African, which was to sail this afternoon, with 300 persons on board, and as much provisions as she could stow. Her immediate destination was Cape Coast Castle, where she was to wait the arrival of the Eden. She had formerly been employed in the Colonial service on this coast, but had lately been laid up for want of repair. Captain Owen, however, being desirous to forward a number of mechanics and labourers belonging to the free population of Sierra Leone, to the new settlement at Fernando Po, thought that this vessel might answer his purpose, and save Government the expense of chartering a ship expressly for that service; he therefore applied to the Colonial Government requesting that he might be allowed the use of her; which, after many preliminary arrangements, occasioning much delay, was at last granted. One condition was, that he should send her to England after she had completed the service required of her. He therefore ordered Lieutenant Badgeley, with a small party of men, to clear her out and prepare her for sea, as she was at that time half full of mud and water, and employed some mechanics to repair her engines, which were completely out of order.

At five this afternoon I went to the race course, to be present at a private match between two gentlemen’s horses. Besides these private sports, there are regular annual races at this place.

The roads, which are very much cut up during the rainy season, are always repaired on its termination, commencing immediately after Michaelmas. I found that there were gutters, which had been cut by order of Sir Neil Campbell, (three or four feet deep, and from one to two wide) in various directions, to carry off the quantity of water occasioned by the heavy rains. The utility of these gutters in drawing off the water was sufficiently obvious, but they were found to be very dangerous both to men and horses in the dark; accidents frequently occurred, and on one occasion a horse had his legs broken. They were also dangerous to wheel vehicles, whenever it became necessary to cross them: indeed, the inconvenience of these drains, without bridges, was considered to be so much greater than the advantage, that it was determined they should be filled up, and that the rain should be left to take its own course over the surface of the ground, as before. The magistrates, who are elected annually, are obliged to superintend the repair of the roads, both in the town and its neighbourhood, in addition to their ordinary duties; and all offenders who are sentenced to labour on the public works, or to confinement in the house of correction, are compelled to assist in the necessary repairs. The expense of keeping the roads in good order is defrayed by a tax of six days’ labour on every inhabitant of the towns and villages in the colony, which, however, may be commuted to a fine of seven shillings and sixpence.

After the race, I went to Mr. Barber’s to dine. This gentleman has a small plantation of ginger and arrow-root, which succeeds uncommonly well; also some plants of the blood orange from Malta, and some young cinnamon trees; which, I should observe, are by no means uncommon in this colony.

Mr. K. Macauley has also a small plantation of coffee, which prospers very well. In fact, all the tropical fruits and plants must succeed here, if proper attention be paid to them.

_Sunday, September 30th_.–The morning was fine, but the afternoon showery; rain, indeed, appears to be quite a matter of course, either in the morning or evening. I had now been upwards of a month in Sierra Leone, and I found that it rained without fail in some part of the four-and-twenty hours, and sometimes throughout the whole day and night; yet, the rainy season had nearly exhausted itself when I arrived, and some short time before, it had rained for three weeks without intermission. These alterations of the weather, however, had no effect whatever on me, for, rain or shine, I went about, at all hours, as much at my ease as if I had been in England; and instead of suffering any illness or annoyance from the fluctuations and uncertainty of the season, I really found my health improved.

The brig Atalanta came down the river this morning, and anchored off Freetown, having taken in a cargo of timber at Bance Island. There was not a single vessel left up the river, which was remarked as an extraordinary circumstance, for since the year 1816, when the contract for African timber commenced, such an event had not taken place.

From the observations I made while I remained at Freetown, it occurred to me that a plan might be adopted, with good effect, for improving the management of the timber trade. I should recommend that an old ship be moored in the river, a little above Freetown, and housed over for the purpose of receiving the crews of such vessels as go up the river to take in their cargoes. The object of this arrangement would be to give the crews an opportunity of refitting, rigging, and repairing the sails of their own vessels, or of any others that might require assistance, while the Kroomen were employed loading the ships under the direction of the mates, or such other persons as might be appointed to that duty.[17] By this plan (with a proper check to prevent the sailors from going on shore too often, every reasonable indulgence being allowed them on board the hulk) many valuable lives might be saved, and those delays averted which now occur so often, from the difficulty of procuring hands for the homeward bound voyage, to supply the place of those who had been carried off by fever.

_Tuesday, Oct. 2nd_.–On calling at the barracks this morning, to take leave of the officers of the Royal African Corps, from whom I had received some very kind attentions, I was sorry to learn that Lieutenant Green, who had always been one of the most cheerful of the party, had been taken ill with the fever that morning, and that, from the great depression of his spirits, serious doubts were entertained of his recovery.

_Wednesday, 3rd_.–The ship Redmond arrived to-day from England, bringing letters from thence up to August 23rd. His Majesty’s ship Eden, received on board to-day 60 black soldiers, of the Royal African Corps, to perform garrison duty at Fernando Po, under the command of Lieutenant Mends.

A gentleman in charge of the ordnance died this afternoon.

Before I take leave of Sierra Leone, a few general retrospective glances at the colony may not be without interest. First, of the population. There are not exceeding 110 Europeans in the colony, two-thirds of whom are under 30 years of age. This may, probably, in some degree, account for the great mortality that prevails amongst them.

In Freetown alone, there are between 5000 and 6000 coloured men, all of whom are free.

In the village of Kissey, three miles and a quarter from Freetown, are contained 1,100 souls, all liberated Africans.

In Wellington, six miles and a quarter from Freetown, about 800, composed principally of liberated Africans, with a few disbanded soldiers from the 2nd West India regiment.

In Allen town, three miles from Wellington, about 150, all liberated Africans.

In Hastings, twelve miles from Freetown, 600, composed of liberated Africans and disbanded soldiers.

In Waterloo, nine miles from Hastings, 900, composed of liberated Africans and disbanded soldiers.

In Wilberforce, two miles and a half from Freetown, 100, all liberated Africans.

In York, twenty miles from Freetown, about 600, composed of liberated Africans and disbanded soldiers.

In Kent, twelve miles from York, about 500, composed of liberated Africans and disbanded soldiers.

In Gloucester, three miles from Freetown, 700, all liberated Africans.

In Leicester, one mile from Gloucester, 100, all liberated Africans.

In Regent Town, one mile and a half from Gloucester, 1000, all liberated Africans.

In Bathurst, two miles and a half from Regent Town, 1000, all liberated Africans.

In Charlotte, three quarters of a mile from Bathurst, 900, all liberated Africans.

In Bassa town, three miles from Charlotte, 130, all liberated Africans.

In addition to these there are about 400 inhabitants at the island of the Bananas, 100 at the village of Calmunt, and many others of whom no correct amount can be given, residing at various little villages along the coast, perhaps their entire number may be about 200; if so, it will make the population of the whole colony about 15,000. The names of the parishes to each town are as follows:

St. George’s in Freetown.
St. Patrick Kissey.
St. Arthur Wellington.
St. Francis Hastings.
St. Michael Waterloo.
St. Paul in Wilberforce.
St. Thomas York.
St. Edward Kent.
St. Andrew Gloucester.
St. Charles Regent Town.
St. Peter and James Bathurst.
St. John Charlotte.

Freetown is well supplied with fish every afternoon at sunset, most of which is brought in by boats that go outside the harbour in the morning, and return in the evening. Unfortunately, there is an immense number of sharks generally in the harbour, which sometimes commit great depredations.

Sierra Leone is about six miles within the cape of that name, and lies at the entrance of the river. The town is laid out with great regularity, and the streets are spacious. It is two miles in length near the water-side, and about one mile in width, gradually ascending from the beach to the hills at the back of the town. The intervening space between a short distance beyond the extremity of the town and the summit of the hills is principally unreclaimed forest land, which was originally portioned out amongst the first settlers in the colony. From want of means, however, or some other cause, the colonists never cleared those grounds, nor did they offer them on sufficiently reasonable terms to enable others to do so. This is the more extraordinary, as it is generally supposed that if the wood were removed, it would greatly improve the salubrity of the air in the town and neighbourhood, as well as open a new source of profit to the proprietors, it being already well known that all tropical productions thrive most successfully in this soil. Coffee, cocoa, arrow-root, sugar-cane, &c. have been tried with the utmost success. The houses of the Governor, several of the respectable merchants, and some of the natives, are built of stone. There is a church also, on a very magnificent scale; indeed, so ambitious was the design of this building, that the Colonial Government do not appear to have been able to afford the expense of furnishing the interior, and have accordingly run up an ugly brick wall in the centre, for the purpose of appropriating one half of it to religious duties, and the other to public offices. The church, as it was built, was evidently too capacious for the congregation that was likely to attend the service of the established religion, particularly as a great portion of the population consists of Dissenters, who have men of their own colour and way of thinking for preachers. I have heard some of their black divines, but cannot say that I was much edified by their discourses.

The following extraordinary letter from two master workmen, free blacks, who were employed on the church, received by a Member of Council, while I was on a visit to him, will serve as a specimen of the advancement in education that some of these poor fellows have made. The letter is given literally from the original.

“_Sierra Leone, Sept. 18th, 1827_.

“Honourable Sir,

“I have the honour of sendin to you this morning with humble manner I was to the Honour D. Denney yesterday, about the trouble what I have, I was take work from the church-yard, and I finish it, the gentlemen I must made petition and I cannot tell who will go to please to help me from this trouble if I will get the money from the gentleman. Shew me the way for get the money by your Honour all the people what I hired I do not know how to do with myself–only you one I know because I was under your brother if any trouble to much for me I cry to you with humble manner I am poor black man–

“I remain
Your affectionately and obedient servant,

“JOSEPH RICKETT and GEORGE DUNE,
_Sierra Leone Labourers_.

“_To the Honourable
K. Maccauley, Esq. M.C. &c.
Freetown_.”

The original settlers of this colony, we learn from “Murray’s Historical Discoveries,” consisted of about four hundred blacks, and sixty whites, (the latter chiefly women of abandoned character,) who arrived at Sierra Leone the 9th of May, 1787. These blacks, as is well known, were part of those that went to Great Britain; having been sent with the white loyalists, among the Bahama Islands, Nova Scotia, and England, at the conclusion of the American war: and twelve hundred more of the same description of American blacks agreed to leave Nova Scotia for Sierra Leone, on terms proposed to them by the Sierra Leone Company, where they arrived in March, 1792: and in December, 1793, Lieut. Beaver arrived at Sierra Leone, with the few survivors that had abandoned the colony of Bulama.

The present inhabitants arc principally composed of negroes of a variety of nations; Maroons from Jamaica, negroes who were captured or had deserted in the American war, some from England, some from Nova Scotia, some from disbanded West India regiments, and many prize slaves, that come under the name of liberated Africans, who from their industry and prudence have saved a little money and settled at Freetown in various capacities. There are besides a great number of persons residing here in succession under the denomination of strangers. These are people from various parts of the interior of Africa, namely, Timmanees, Foulahs, Mandingoes, &c. &c. There are also a great number of Kroomen, formerly upwards of a thousand, but a late order in council reduced them to 600, with the intention of introducing and encouraging the liberated Africans to come forward as labourers, fishermen, mechanics, sailors, soldiers, &c. &c.

Sierra Leone has a large market-house, with a market held daily, where the inhabitants may be well supplied with most of the tropical fruits and vegetables, and some from Europe. Poultry is abundant and reasonable. Beef and mutton are in most common use. The animals are small, a quarter of beef weighing on an average between 50 and 60 lbs. and a quarter of mutton from 5 to 8 lbs. Pork and lamb are seldom sent to table, and I never met with veal. The colony is principally supplied with stock, (viz. bullocks, sheep, and fowls,) by the Foulahs, Mandingoes, Sousoos, and Timmanees. They carry the fowls on their head in a large basket, and their necessaries in a sheep-skin bag fastened on the top of it. Perhaps the reason why veal and lamb are but rarely seen at table is in consequence of the bullocks and sheep having to travel a considerable distance, and fresh pork is almost too gross a food for a hot country.

The trade with the nations of the interior is chiefly confined to the Foulahs and Mandingoes, who bring small quantities of gold with them, which they exchange for European articles to carry home. Their mode of travelling to the colony is not a little curious. They first appoint one of their number as head man, who is referred to on every occasion, and who is answerable for the conduct of the whole. They generally come down in numbers of from six to thirty, and sometimes more. Each man carries on his head a kind of basket, made of the rattan cane, in which is contained his shirt, a calabash, some rice, and a bag made of sheep-skin, which holds the alcoran, some rice, bread, a knife, scissors, and other useful articles; also a small pouch in which they carry their gold, averaging about 5l. sterling each person. They secure the bag by fastening the sides of the basket together, and binding it round with strong twine which they make from grass. On the top of the basket they tie their bow and quiver of arrows loosely, so that they can get at them readily, in case they should be attacked in the woods by wild animals, or by any of the different tribes whose settlement they pass through in coming down. They also carry a bamboo cane about six feet long, and three inches in circumference, with a piece of iron, about six inches long, and sharp at the point, fixed into the end of it; this they make use of as a spear. They also carry a long knife or sword, which is slung over the arm by a belt. They partly live on the wild fruits of the country, and occasionally get something at the villages through which they pass; generally walking between the hours of six and ten in the morning, and two and six in the afternoon each day. When they arrive at Porto Logo, (which place is the termination of their land journey) they engage a canoe to take them to Freetown, for which they used to pay four dollars a head, but it is now reduced to one, and this charge they are accustomed to levy afterwards upon the merchant with whom they intend to deal, looking upon it as a bonus included in the traffic. They also apply to the merchants in Freetown, for accommodations during their stay, which is from ten days to a month. They will not trade either on the first or second day, but go round the town examining the different goods in the shops, and ascertaining the prices. In this preliminary proceeding they are assisted by their countrymen, who have been long resident in the colony and are acquainted with the English language. These interpreters make their living by cheating in every possible way, both the poor traveller and the merchant.

When they begin to trade it takes one day for the head man to settle the investment of the gold in the merchant’s hands, which he has received individually from his companions, giving a separate receipt to each: after which they all assemble to choose their goods to the amount of each person’s portion. This is an affair of three or four days. They do not, however, think it necessary to leave the colony so soon as their business is settled, but remain some time after idling about the streets. Two or three days before they really intend returning by the canoe to Porto Logo, the whole party call and say that they are going, which is intended as a hint to prepare some present for them. They repeat their visit the next day, and if they do not receive a present from you, they address you in the following manner. “Friend,” (calling the merchant by his name, and holding out his hands with extended arms,) “do you see my hands? do you not see that they are empty? When I go back to my country, my countrymen will ask me if I have seen the great merchant! they will say they doubt me, asking me, at the same time, where are your presents? and if I have nothing to shew they will call me a liar, saying that the great merchant never allowed any one that went to see him, to go away empty-handed. I came from my country on purpose to see you. True, I have brought you but little trade this time, but when I go back to my country, and say I have seen the great merchant, and shew them the presents I have received, then they will all want to come, and bring plenty of trade.” This of course concludes with a present to propitiate the grasping spirit of the African petty dealer.

The goods principally preferred by the Foulahs and Mandingoes, are powder, muskets, fowling-pieces, flints, swords, spear-pointed knives, India blue baft, India white baft, India scarlet silk taffety, red cloth, beads, and tobacco, which they make into snuff, being the only manner in which they use it.

The following amusing dialogue occurred between two sailors who happened to be on the military parade when the soldiers were at drill, going through the evolution of marking time,–a military manoeuvre by which the feet, as well as the whole body of the person, are kept in motion, presenting a similar appearance to that which they exhibit when they are actually marching. One observed the other watching the movements of the corps very attentively, with his eyes fixed and his arms akimbo: “What the h-ll are you looking at?” he inquired. “Why, Jack,” replied his companion, “I’m thinking there must be a d–d strong tide running this morning.” “Why?” said he. “Why?” answered the other, “why, because these poor beggars have been pulling away this half hour, and have’nt got an inch a head yet!”

The custom of sentencing soldiers to serve in the Royal African Corps, must naturally be attended with bad consequences, not only to the soldiers themselves, but to the natives. If we desire to enlighten a savage race, we could scarcely devise a worse plan than that of sending amongst them the refuse of a civilized country, who carry into the new community, the worst vices and crimes of an old country. These soldiers consider themselves to be exiled for life from their native land, and as they entertain no hope whatever, under such forlorn circumstances, of redeeming their character, they abandon themselves to debauchery, and give a free vent to the most debasing tendencies of their nature. The influence of this injurious example, which is a thousand fold more powerful than all the precepts of the preachers, upon the minds of the Africans, must be obvious. It weakens the effect, even if it does not altogether obliterate the impressions of that morality which we so studiously labour to inculcate. The African says, “The white man tells us not to do those things which are wicked in the sight of God; yet, in the same breath, he commits the very guilt against which he warns us. The white man tells us that drunkenness is a crime in the eyes of God, yet he drinks until his senses become stupified; he tells us not to curse and blaspheme; yet the most terrible oaths are on his lips. Which are we to follow? the white man’s words or his actions?” If we wish to command respect, and to impress upon the savage the real advantages of civilization, we should send out only such persons as would be likely to secure a complete influence and ascendancy over the uninstructed people, and so demonstrate to them, by the force of actions, the purity and stability of the Christian faith, the importance of education, and the practical benefits of social organization. If it be necessary, as no doubt it is, to send out Europeans to serve in the African Corps, they should be sent in the capacity of officers, or non-commissioned officers: privates of good character might be selected, who would volunteer to go out on certain conditions, perhaps on some such terms as these: to serve as corporal for a limited period, after which time, if their conduct had been unimpeachable, to be advanced to the rank of serjeant, when, having served in that rank for a prescribed period, they might be permitted to return home on a pension. Two years might be assigned as the first period of service, and three as the second, making altogether a service of five years in Africa, which, considering the opinion that is popularly entertained respecting the climate, might be deemed of sufficient duration. I am aware that this suggestion is liable to one objection arising from the prejudice that is generally entertained against the climate, namely, the difficulty that would arise, in the first instance, in obtaining volunteers; nor am I entirely prepared to say, that the objection is without force. But the plan might be tried, and the temptation which would be held out, by the certainty of promotion, might, probably, be considered an adequate compensation to the risk: and, in case any individual should have conducted himself throughout the whole period of his service, to the entire satisfaction of his officers, and should subsequently wish to remain at the colony, it might be adviseable to offer him a small government appointment, or, in some cases, the reward might be extended to a commission in the Colonial Corps. If this could be carried into effect, it would certainly be attended with considerable advantages; it would procure respect for the British name, recall the savage from his life of recklessness, and put a final stop to those disgraceful scenes of profligacy which are so frequently witnessed in the streets of Sierra Leone.

Having requested my friend Dr. Barry, who was at the head of the Medical Staff at Sierra Leone, to procure me what information he could on the subject of vaccination and small-pox, in Africa, he most obligingly forwarded me the following document, which, for the sake of perspicuity, is put in the form of question and answer.

_Replies to Dr. George Gregory’s Queries on Vaccination and Small-pox, Sierra Leone, 24th September, 1827_.

1st. Is vaccination generally practised among the infant negro population?

2nd. Whence do they derive their stock of lymph?

3rd. What is the degree of confidence placed in it?

Vaccination is not at all practised among the negro population, by native vaccinators; it is, however, practised among certain branches of the negro population by European surgeons; the negro population of Sierra Leone consists of Nova Scotian, and Maroon settlers, liberated Africans, and several of the aboriginal African tribes, namely, Timmanees, Mandingoes, Soosoos, Boollams, Sherbros, &c. &c. &c. The three first mentioned of these branches of the negro population, having greater intercourse with Europeans, are better acquainted with European customs, and have, of course, imbibed more of European notions and prejudices, on such subjects as the one now under consideration, than the aboriginal inhabitants of this part of Africa; vaccination, therefore, is, and has been, practised among them to a considerable extent, the stock of lymph being derived from, and kept up by, frequent renewals from England. That their confidence in it, as a measure preventive of small-pox, is great, I judge from the anxiety which they shew, and the eagerness which they manifest to have their children vaccinated when the small-pox is raging around them; while, under ordinary circumstances, and when their fears have been lulled by the absence of this fatal epidemic, an absence which they well know is probably but temporary, they exhibit such an unaccountable apathy regarding vaccination, that a stranger might well suppose they had no faith in it as a prophylactic measure; notwithstanding this, I believe they have great confidence in it, although, from circumstances to which I shall presently allude, that confidence has declined considerably.

4th. How soon does the arcola arrive at its greatest height in those countries?

The arcola surrounding the vaccine vesicle is, I think, at its greatest height about the eleventh or twelfth day after vaccination, if the lymph used has been genuine.

5th. Does small-pox prevail there?

6th. Does small-pox prevail there after vaccination?

Small-pox prevails occasionally, and there are instances of its having occurred even in a confluent form after vaccination: one genuine instance of this kind came under my notice in the year 1824, in the person of a liberated African girl, of about sixteen years of age; vaccination had been performed in this case, by the late Dr. Nicol, Deputy Inspector of Hospitals, and was considered satisfactory; the case proved confluent; the secondary fever was accompanied by a severe diarrhoea, which carried off the patient about the thirteenth day. Another well authenticated instance of the same fact, occurred in the early part of the present year, in the family of a respectable Nova Scotian settler; other cases of a similar nature have been reported by the inhabitants; but I do not consider that, in these cases, the proofs of a pure previous vaccine disease have been satisfactorily established; when vaccination has been carried on for some time, from the same stock of lymph, the disease is apt to degenerate and become spurious, from which cause we require a frequent renewal of lymph from England, in order to keep it in continuous and successful operation; the spurious disease, on the fifth day, generally shews itself in the form of a small globated papula; on the eighth day, it presents sometimes an ash-coloured pustule, containing purulent matter; at other times, and less frequently, a brown-coloured scale, having a small quantity of purulent matter under it, capable of producing, by innoculation, a disease similar to itself; the great prevalence of a disease among the negro population, called “craw craw,” is considered as materially influencing that change in the properties of the pure vaccine lymph, which has been just noticed: that apathy and indolence of which I have already accused the negro population, leads them to consider the appearance of disease in the arm, after vaccination, as the test of safety from small-pox, great as the difficulty sometimes is, in getting them to bring forward their children for vaccination, it is still greater to procure the examinations in its progress and maturation; the mere appearance of disease in the arm, is supposed to carry along with it immunity from small-pox; and, on the occurrence of the epidemic at an after period, it may be easily foreseen how wretchedly and how fatally this confidence in the spurious disease may be misplaced; I, therefore, do not consider, that, in all the cases spoken of among the inhabitants, as cases of small-pox occurring after vaccination, there existed satisfactory proofs of the patient having previously undergone the genuine vaccine disease; yet, I am sorry to say, that from such occurrences as these, vaccination has rather lost ground in the opinion of the negro population.

7th. Is small-pox an increasing malady?

Small-pox is not an increasing malady; it is generally introduced here from the slave cargoes of vessels detained by the squadron, and sent here for adjudication; were this source of its renewal removed, I am persuaded that small-pox would, in the course of a few years, be almost unknown in this part of Africa.

8th. Can the vaccine virus be retained on points and glasses, so as to be fit for use?

The vaccine lymph, if taken on points, will not retain its virulence seven days in this country: this observation is established by repeated trials; if taken on glasses, I would not be disposed to depend on its activity when kept longer than fourteen or sixteen days, though I have known it sometimes to retain its original properties for four or five weeks; if preserved in glass bulbs, hermetically sealed, in the manner practised by the National Vaccine Institution, I have known its properties unimpaired after keeping for three months; repeated trials have convinced me of the excellence of this mode of preserving the vaccine lymph, and, I believe it to be the best and surest that has been yet devised of transmitting the lymph from England to tropical countries: next to this method, I believe the crusts have proved the most successful.

9th. Are the young negro population pitted with the small-pox?

The negro population are pitted with the small-pox in the same manner as Europeans.

10th. Are there periodical vaccinations of large districts? or, is each child vaccinated soon after its birth? if the latter, how soon?

The practice, in these cases, is, as long as the vaccine lymph continues to produce a genuine disease, to keep it up by the weekly vaccination of all comers. Children are rarely vaccinated under four weeks old; but there is no rule observed on this head.

11th. What sort of scars are usually left in the arms?

The scar bears the shape of the original vesicle, and is slightly depressed below the surface of the surrounding skin; the surface of the scar is marked by a number of small depressions of various shapes, corresponding, I believe, with the cells in the original vesicle.

12th. Is vaccination, in hot countries, attended with feverish symptoms? and, if it is, on what day do they begin?

Vaccination is, sometimes, in this country, attended with feverish symptoms; but, in the most marked cases, so far as I have seen, these symptoms have been so slight, as almost to escape common observation. I have not remarked on what day they begin.

13th. Is vaccination ever followed by any eruptions?

I have seen only one case of this: an eruption appeared on the sixth day after unsuccessful vaccination; it was diffused over the whole body, and is now in progress.

W. FERGUSON, _Assistant Surgeon, Royal African Corps_.

N.B. The case alluded to, in the last of the above replies, was, in the first instance, papular eruption; the base of each papula being surrounded by an inflamed ring; the eruption was thickest on the thorax, and on the arms; in its progress, the eruption became pustular, the pustules being in circumference about half the usual size of the vaccine vesicle; on the twelfth day, the crusts had dropped from some of the smaller pustules; and, by the seventeenth day, they had all dropped off, leaving a mark, but not in any manner pitted; and which, I think, promises to be permanent.

W.F.

_Thursday, October 4th, 1827_.–At length the day arrived when I was to quit Sierra Leone, and I might say with some regret; for, during my residence there, I had been very hospitably and agreeably entertained by the principal government officers, as well as by several of the most respectable merchants; and I had found a sufficient variety of objects of interest, to yield ample occupation for the mind. I could have desired to remain sometime longer, particularly as the fine weather, and what is called the healthy season, was fast coming on, which would have afforded me more time to examine and reflect on what was of interest to the colony as well as to the mother country; but I was conscious of a feeling of still deeper regret, and of a different character from that of mere curiosity;–it was the pain of parting from those whose kind sympathy had led them to take more than a common interest in my pursuits, and to whose friendly and constant attentions I was indebted for the advantages I enjoyed while I remained in the colony.

The apprehension, too, which was afterwards fatally realized, that many of us should never meet again, was calculated to embitter my leave-taking, even more poignantly. Of the friends who were then around me at Sierra Leone, the greater number are now no more; the principal persons amongst whom are the following: Colonels Lumley and Denham; Mr. K. Macauley (member of council); Mr. Barber, Mr. Leavers, Mr. Reffel (acting judge), Mr. Magnus (clerk of the court), Lieutenant Green, R.A.C., and several gentlemen volunteers of the same corps.

At daylight in the morning, just as the ship was preparing to get her anchors up, a heavy tornado came on, and the rain continued for some hours after the violence of the wind had subsided. Notwithstanding the rain, however, Colonel Lumley, the Lieutenant-Governor of the colony, and his private secretary. Lieutenant McLean, R.A.C., came on board at eight o’clock for a passage to Cape Coast, where the Lieutenant-Governor was going for the purpose of delivering the fortress of Cape Coast Castle into the hands of the British merchants, who were to take possession of it with a militia force, which they were permitted to organize for their own protection: the Government allowing them a stipulated sum to support the necessary establishment, at the same time withdrawing the troops of the Royal African Corps, and all the government stores, part of which were to be sent to Fernando Po, and the rest to Sierra Leone or England.

At ten o’clock we got under weigh, and made sail out of Sierra Leone harbour. The Horatio, a schooner, which Captain Owen had purchased to take provisions, mechanics and labourers to Fernando Po, was to have sailed in company with us, but from some unaccountable delay, she did not join us till we got to Cape Coast.[18] At noon, Cape Sierra Leone bore E. 1/2 S. distance seven miles; and the Banana Islands S. 1/2 E. The afternoon cleared up, and the wind was very light. From Sierra Leone to Cape St. Ann, the course is S. 57 deg. E. distance 86 miles. From Cape St. Ann to Cape Mesurada the course is S. 60 degrees E. distance 123 miles.

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[17] All the headmen understand enough of English to perform any labour under the direction of Englishmen, and the Kroomen are a hard-working body of men.

[18] Fenao Gomez, a Portuguese, was the first person who rented a monopoly of the trade of the Coast of Guinea, on consideration of his paying 300 milreas per annum for five years; and he was to discover 100 leagues of coast per annum, beginning at Sierra Leone. He finished his discoveries at Cape St. Catherines.

CHAP. V.

Cape St. Ann–Dangerous Shoals–Old Sailors–Liberia–Origin and History of the Colony–Failure at Sherbro Island–Experiment at Liberia– Difficulties Encountered by the Settlers–Differences with the Natives– Final Adjustment–Improving State of the Colony–Laws and Morals– Remarks on Colonization

_Friday, October 5th_.–There was a moderate breeze from the westward, and fine weather. At eight o’clock, finding, by our calculation, that we had rounded the shoals of Cape St. Ann, we altered our course more towards the land, intending to run along the Gold Coast, within sight of the shore. These shoals are the most dangerous part of the west coast of Africa; and there is good reason to believe that many vessels have been wrecked on them, particularly in former times. There is but little doubt that H.M. (late) ship Redwing was lost here, for there has been no trace of her since the day she sailed from Sierra Leone, (the afternoon of which was very squally) excepting a small mast that was picked up on the coast, to the northward, with her name on it; and as she was bound from Sierra Leone to Accra, she had occasion to go round these shoals, which commence about 30 miles from Cape Sierra Leone. But there is an additional cause for apprehending that such was her fate, for I was informed by an officer, that he heard Captain Clavering say, that he did not believe in the existence of these shoals; it is not improbable, therefore, that, with an idea of shortening his passage, he might have attempted to have gone nearer to them than prudence would justify, and thus tempted the danger which he held to be apocryphal. They might also have neglected to sound sufficiently often, an error which I have frequently witnessed, and which arises from a mistaken wish to save trouble and time–a poor excuse for risking the loss of lives and property. I am sure this will not be the case with Captain Owen, for I believe he knows the ground under water where his ship is in soundings, as well as that which he sees above it; and among the jokes of the crew of his ship, there was one on his late surveying voyage, uttered by an old sailor, who said, that as soon as he was paid off, he would set up a public-house in Wapping, with the sign of The Bag and Nippers,[19] and the words “Watch, there, watch!” written underneath. Notwithstanding this poor fellow’s joke, he entered a second time with Captain Owen, on board the Eden, for an equally hazardous voyage, which he did not survive. I was near him in his last moments, when the fatal signal of ebbing life–the rattles in the throat–fell on the ear like the melancholy sound of the muffled drum in a dead march.

_Sunday, 7th_.–Light airs and variable, with rain at times. Cape Mesurada in sight great part of the day. Under the eastern side of this Cape is the American settlement of Liberia. The origin and progress of this colony present so many points of interest, that I am induced to lay before my readers a succinct account of its early history. I am chiefly indebted for the materials of this sketch to a pamphlet, which I procured in Sierra Leone, published a short time before in Washington.

The first efforts of the American Colonization Society were directed to Sierra Leone in 1818, when two Agents were sent there to purchase land for a new colony; on their arrival at their destination, two men of colour, well acquainted with the coast, accompanied them on a voyage of exploration. Having examined all the places which appeared suitable for their purposes, they finally made arrangements for forming the new colony on Sherbro Island, about 100 miles south of Sierra Leone, when one of the agents returned to America, the other having died on his passage. The Society now resolved to fit out an expedition immediately, in which they were greatly aided by the President, the object seeming to be well calculated to promote the political advantages of the United States. The first colonists left America in February, 1820. They consisted of two government agents, one from the society, and eighty-eight persons of colour. These emigrants were very unfortunate: they arrived just at the commencement of the rainy season, the _damps_ of which were much increased by the unhealthiness of the low, marshy ground of the Sherbro. The result was that all the agents, and a great number of the colonists died; the remainder wisely abandoned a speculation so fruitful of risk. Those people remained at Sierra Leone until new agents were sent out, and another spot selected lor colonization. The new scene of operations was Liberia.

The territory on which the first settlement, of the colonists of Liberia was made, forms a tongue of land of twelve leagues extent, in no part more than a league in width, and in some parts contracted to half that distance. This peninsula is so connected with the main land, as to represent a scale beam, the narrow isthmus answering to the pivot; which isthmus is formed by an acute angle of the Junk river on the eastern side, that falls into the sea at the S.E. extremity of the peninsula and an acute angle of the Montserado river on the western side, which falls into the sea at the N.W. extremity. Thus the N.E. side of the peninsula is washed by the above rivers; and the whole of the S.W. side by the sea. The north-western termination of this linear track of country is Cape Montserado, which towards the extremity rises to a promontory, sufficiently majestic to present a bold distinction from the uniform level of the coast.

The town of Monrovia is situated on the inland side of the peninsula, on the S.W. bank of the river Montserado, about two miles within the extremity of the Cape. The original settlement approached within 150 yards of the water, and occupied the highest part of the spiral ridge, which traverses a large part of the peninsula, and rises at this place to about 75 feet. At the time this territory was purchased by the agents of the American Colonization Society, in December 1821, this tract of land was covered by a dense and lofty forest, entangled with vines (a very large description of parasitical plant, so called) and brushwood, which rendered it almost impervious to new settlers.

Opposite the town, are two small islands containing together less than three acres of ground. The largest of these islands is nearly covered with houses built in the native style, and occupied by a family of several hundred domestic slaves, formerly the property of an English factor, but now held in a state of qualified vassalage (common in Africa) by a black man.

This little community lives so entirely within its own resources, that the individuals composing it are little known by their neighbours; their utter indifference to whose politics, however, does not preserve them from their dislike and envy, which, without the protection of the American colony, would soon be converted into acts of oppression.

There are four tribes in the neighbourhood of this coast, viz. the Deys, who extend along the coast twenty-five miles to the northward of Montserado, to the mouth of the Junk about thirty-six miles to the south-eastward. Next, towards the interior, the Queahs, a small and quiet people, whose country lies to the east of Cape Montserado. The Gurrahs, a more numerous and toilsome race, occupying the country to the northward of the upper part of the St. Paul river. And further into the interior, the Condoes, whose warlike character renders them the terror of all their maritime neighbours.

On the beach, one mile to the north of the new settlement, there is a small hamlet belonging to the Kroomen, a people entirely distinct in origin, language, and character, from all their neighbours. They originate from the populous tribe, whose country is Settra Kroo near Cape Palmas, and are well known as the pilots and watermen of the country. The number of families belonging to this hamlet, scarcely exceeds a dozen, and may comprehend fifty individuals.

The purchase of the Montserado territory being effected, it was first occupied by such American emigrants as could be collected early in the following year, at which time the indications of hostility exhibited by the Dey people, demonstrated but too distinctly the insincerity of their engagements with the new settlers, the first division of whom, consisting chiefly of single men, were met with menaces, and positively forbidden to land. This purpose they, however, effected upon the small island of Perseverance, situated near the mouth of the Montserado, where they were kindly received by Mr. S. Mill, an African by birth, who was at that time occupant, and from whom the island had been purchased by Dr. Ayres on behalf of the Society.

After many ineffectual attempts to conciliate the friendship of the Deys, the ferment of opposition seemed to have subsided, and Dr. Ayres received an invitation to meet the chiefs at a friendly conference in King Peter’s town. This amicable appearance, however, proved to be a mere _ruse de guerre_, and the doctor found himself a prisoner in the hands of his faithless allies. Nor could he obtain his freedom until he consented to receive back the remnant of the goods, which had been advanced to the natives the preceding month in part payment for their lands, but, in according this enforced compliance to their wishes, he contrived eventually to elude their purpose of ejectment, by pleading the impossibility of removing the emigrants until vessels could be procured for their use.

The individuals at this time upon the island of Perseverance, did not exceed twenty persons. The only shelter for them and their store was that afforded by half a dozen diminutive native huts; the island itself was a mere artificial formation, which being always becalmed by the high land of the Cape, was extremely unhealthy; it was also entirely destitute both of fresh water and firewood–which circumstances, added to the insalubrity of the air, and the closeness of their dwellings, soon produced a sensible effect upon the health of the settlers. Happily at this critical juncture a secret arrangement was concluded with King George, (a monarch who claims the right of jurisdiction over the northern district of the Peninsula) and by virtue of his authority the settlers were permitted (in consideration of certain presents, consisting of rum, trade-cloth, and tobacco) to cross the river and commence clearing the forest for the site of their intended town. Being stimulated to exertion, by the union of interest and self-preservation, their labours proceeded with surprising rapidity, and in a very few weeks presented the skeletons of twenty-two dwelling houses, ranged in an orderly manner to form the principal street of their town. Unfortunately, at this period, so promising to their hopes, and so honourable to their assiduity, a circumstance occurred that interrupted their avocations in the most painful manner, and plunged them into a disastrous war with the natives.

A small vessel, the prize of an English cruiser, bound to Sierra Leone, and having on board about thirty liberated Africans, put into the roads for water, and had the misfortune to part her cable and run ashore below George’s town, where she was in a few hours beaten to pieces by the heavy surf. She was immediately claimed by the natives on behalf of their king, whose alleged rights they came forward to maintain by the force of arms.–In attempting to board, however, they were opposed and beaten back by the prize-master and his crew. The American settlers, perceiving the extreme danger of their English visitors, hastened to their relief, bringing with them a brass field-piece, which they turned against the assailants, who, terrified by so unaccustomed a mode of warfare, hastily retreated towards their forest-bound hamlet, leaving the English officer, his crew, and the Africans at liberty. The damage on both sides was, however, considerable; on that of the natives it consisted of many wounded men and two killed; on that of the strangers, in the total loss of their vessel, with most part of their stores and property; but on that of the settlers the injury sustained was fatally severe, it consisted of the destruction by fire of their most valuable and requisite stores, amounting in actual worth to three thousand dollars: a loss incalculably increased by their necessities.

The accident arose from some mismanagement of the fusee, used for the cannon, a spark from which communicating with the thatch of the public storehouse so rapidly spread into a flame, that it was only by the most daring courage that the powder, some casks of provisions, and a few other stores were rescued from the devastating element.

The natives meanwhile, exasperated at the interference of the settlers, and maddened by the sight of their wounded and dead brethren, were only restrained from taking summary vengeance by the dread of the artillery. Even this fear could not prevent their occasionally venturing near enough to fire upon the settlers and their new allies,–these furtive and for the most part futile indications of malignity, were, however, always easily repelled by a single shot from a four or six-pounder, which usually put the assailants for the time being to an immediate flight. But it was not to this mockery of warfare with King George’s warriors that the annoyance of the settlers was limited. Many and various were the vexations to which the hostility of the Deys subjected the unhappy adventurers; in the mere act of obtaining water (for which purpose they had to pass through the enemy’s town) their obstacles were endless. While the demolition of their unfinished houses, secretly accomplished by their persecutors, and similar injuries constantly practised, ultimately compelled them to discontinue their principal work. At length the vigilant hatred of their savage enemies, resolved itself into a mode of attack which robbed the settlers of all present means of resistance.–Watching their opportunity when the boats went up the river Montserado, in search of water, they sheltered themselves beneath the large trees and rocks which overhung the narrowest parts of the river, from whence they fired upon the boats at pleasure, alike without the possibility of receiving any injury, or of their victims avoiding the danger by a hasty retreat. In this adventure, one colonist and an English seaman lost their lives, and two other persons were slightly wounded.

The recurrence of such events did not fail to keep up a spirit of animosity between the Dey tribe and the colonists, whose principal crime in the eyes of the natives, was their aversion to the slave trade; an aversion which struck at the root of all the interest, fears, and prejudices of the Deys. Old King Peter, the venerable patriarch of the nation, and with whom the first treaty for the purchase of the ground had been negotiated, was capitally arraigned and brought to trial on a charge of betraying the interests of his subjects, by selling their country. The accusation was substantiated, and it became doubtful whether the punishment of high treason, would not be executed upon a monarch, whom they had been accustomed to venerate and to obey for more than thirty years.

Under these circumstances the settlers became seriously alarmed respecting the nature of the intercourse which might become necessary to the policy of Bacaia, the king of the larger island, and from whom they had received many proofs of friendship, in secret supplies of fuel and water. But as his plantations, with numerous detached bodies of his subjects, were entirety exposed to the power of the Deys, it seemed absolutely requisite that his friendship with that tribe should not be affected by any further acts of kindness to a people so inimical to their views. Hence the suspicions of the colonists became naturally excited against Bacaia. It appeared that the considerations which had been so painfully entertained on the part of the colonists, operated no less powerfully upon the mind of the chief; for he immediately summoned to his aid one of the most powerful and famous chiefs of the Condoes, by whose protection he had for many years been sustained in his dangerous contiguity to such quarrelsome neighbours.

King Boatswain, whose political influence over the maritime tribes of the country was nearly absolute, and whose name had long been the terror of his countrymen, replied to the request of his protegee with that prompt alacrity which characterized all his actions, almost immediately arriving in person, accompanied with an armed force sufficient to carry into effect any measure that might seem most desirable to their chief. He, with that apparent modesty in which extreme pride delights to dress itself, and which is but another way of exhibiting innate confidence, assured his allies,–that he came not to _pronounce sentence_ between the coast natives and the strangers, but _to do justice to all_. He next convoked the head chiefs of the neighbourhood to a meeting with the American Agents, who were but just returned to the settlement, having been absent during the last mentioned events, and principal settlers, who on their part were required to set forth their grievances and the nature of their claims. These complained of the dishonesty of the Deys, in withholding the possession of lands which they had sold, and of the hostile acts committed against the colonists by King George’s people. These charges were followed by a clamorous discussion on the part of the accused; which the haughty judge having heard, as long as his patience served, at length closed, by abruptly rising, with the remark, that, “as the Deys had sold their country, and accepted a part payment for it, they must abide the consequences of their indiscretion; and that their refusal of the balance due to them could not annul nor affect the sale. Let the Americans,” said he, “have their lands immediately. Whoever is unsatisfied with my decision, let him say so.”–Then turning to the Agents, “I promise you,” said he, “protection. If these people give you further disturbance, send for me. And I swear, that if they oblige me to come again to quiet them, I will do it effectually, by taking their heads from their shoulders, as I did that of old King George on my last visit to settle their disputes.”

The necessity of an acquiescence in this decree, being by common consent allowed, no farther opposition was offered by the natives, and the usual interchange of presents having been effected, the colonists resumed their labours with increased zeal and confidence.

On the 26th of April, the colonists took formal possession of the Cape, but unfortunately so much time had been lost in contesting with the natives, that, notwithstanding all their industry, the rainy and tornado season set in while the dwelling-houses were still roofless. In the island sickness began to make terrible ravages; both the Agents were among the sufferers, and it was soon evident, that unless a removal from their insalubrious situation should be speedily effected, the consequences would be finally fatal. Nor was this their only trial, for in the midst of this appalling visitation, the gaunt spectre famine reared its ghastly head, and threatened them with new terrors. In circumstances so dispiriting, where despair seemed about to crash the weakened energies of the labourers, and where nothing but activity could preserve them from the loss of life; it was perhaps more honourable to Dr. Ayres’ benevolence than to his policy, that he proposed to convey the settlers back to Sierra Leone. It is, however, a fact worthy of record, as well as of admiration, that only a small part of the emigrants embraced this proposal. The rest, consisting of twenty-six persons capable of bearing arms, with a few women and children, together with Mr. Wiltberger, the Society’s assistant agent, remained to combat the difficulties of their situation; thus nobly affording a pledge to find for themselves and their brethren a present home, and for the oppressed African, or the captured slave, a safe asylum on this once hostile coast.

The settled rains of the season now set in with unusual violence, and the struggles and hardships endured by this little band cannot be easily imagined. However, so great was their persevering industry, that before the first of May several dwelling-houses had been rendered habitable, with a small frame-house for the Agent; and a storehouse sufficient for their purposes had been constructed of servicable materials.

In the beginning of July the colonists completed their removal from the island, each took possession of the humble dwelling that was henceforth to constitute his home. The Agents had meanwhile both sailed for the United States, leaving the settlement under the management of one of the emigrants (Elijah Johnson of New York), who acquitted himself so much to the satisfaction of the settlers that he now enjoys one of the most respectable situations in the municipal government, conferred upon him by the people.

Still the most economical division of their rapidly diminishing store of provisions, could not enable them to exist through more than half of the rainy season, and as no present produce could be derived from the soil, their prospects continued dark and dispiriting, circumstances which derived no inconsiderable addition from the fact that their stores had been reported to the managers in the United States as sufficient for a twelvemonth’s consumption. But, as though fortune, at length won to admiration of their heroic fortitude, had determined to recompense their sufferings, a vessel arrived, unexpectedly, with a moderate supply of stores, and thirty-seven persons patronized by the Colonization Society.

This vessel had encountered many difficulties on her passage, but she arrived safely off Cape Montserado on the 8th of August, being the middle of the rainy season; here Mr. J. Ashman, who had with a truly philanthropic feeling undertaken the direction of this expedition, received the first accounts of the departure of the Agents, and the disasters of the colony. A fresh difficulty now arose in providing dwellings for the newly arrived emigrants, as well as a larger and more secure storehouse for transport stores. And it was not until after four weeks of incessant labour that Mr. Ashmun had the satisfaction of seeing the passengers and property all safely landed, and provided with shelter to secure them from the rains of that inclement season.

He next lost no time in ascertaining the external relations of the settlement with respect to the temper of their neighbours, and for this purpose proceeded to conciliate those kings whose alliance he deemed most desirable. He encouraged them to trade with the colony, and sought to establish them in amicable bonds, by receiving their sons and subjects for the purposes of instruction in all those points which form the basis of civilization. Yet, notwithstanding these pacific measures, a hostile and malign spirit on the part of the Deys, could not be wholly concealed. These symptoms rendered it advisable that measures of permanent defence should be adopted, and on the 18th of August the present Martello tower was consequently planned and the building actively commenced.

Their military force was, meanwhile, extremely slender, consisting of not above thirty men capable of bearing arms. They had forty muskets, but out of six guns attached to the settlement, one only was fit for use, four of the remaining number being without carriages. There were no flints, and but little ammunition. It was soon perceived that a system of defence was to be originated, without either the materials or artificers usually considered requisite, but undaunted by obstacles like these, each difficulty seemed to stimulate the ingenuity of the colonists to fresh activity and untried resources.

With immense labour the guns were transported over the river, and conveyed to the height of the peninsula, where they were mounted on rough truck carriages. Thirteen African youths (attached to the United States Agency) were next exercised in the daily use of arms. A master of ordnance was also appointed to repair the small-arms, and to make up a quantity of cartridges, as well as to arrange minor details for service.

But their chief difficulties arose from the necessity of clearing the heavy forest from the neighbourhood of the town, and of keeping a constant nightly watch: a duty which required no less than the services of twenty men; but, arduous as these were, they were carried on with unremitting diligence by all whose health remained unaffected by the climate.

At the commencement of the third week after his arrival, the Agent was attacked with fever; and, a few days after, his wife, whose affectionate devotion had induced her to accompany him, was seized with symptoms fatally. The sickness, from this period, made so rapid a progress amongst the last division of emigrants, that, in a short time, there were but two of their number who were not on the sick-list.

Notwithstanding the domestic calamity, and the enervating debility which bowed the energies and spirit of the Agent, he continued, at every intermission of fever, to direct the operations of the colonists, and to organize such a plan of defence as he considered necessary to secure the safety of the settlement; so that, in the event of his death, they might not be deprived of their security.

To accomplish this purpose, five heavy guns were stationed at the different points of a triangle, which enclosed the whole town; each angle resting on a point of ground, sufficiently commanding to enfilade two sides of the triangle, and to sweep over a considerable extent beyond the lines. These guns were to be covered by musket-proof triangular stockades, of which two would be sufficient to contain all the settlers in their wings. The brass piece, and two swivels, mounted on travelling carriages, were stationed in the centre, ready to support the post exposed to the heaviest attack: these detached works were to be all joined together by a paling, intended to enclose the whole settlement; meanwhile, the Martello tower was to be carried on with all possible speed; and it was hoped that this, when completed, would almost supersede the necessity of the rest, and form an impregnable barrier to