A History of Rome, Vol 1 by A H.J. Greenidge (page 10)

[293] Oros. v. 9. This _Mamertium oppidum_ of Orosius has often been interpreted as Messana (_Mamertinorum oppidum_, Bücher, p. 68); for, although the slaves of this town had not revolted (Oros. v. 6. 4), it might have been captured by the rebels. Schäfer, however (_Jahrb. f. Class. Philol_. 1873 p. 71) explains Mamertium as Morgantia (_Murgentinum oppidum_).

[294] Val. Max. ix. 12 _ext_. 1. Diodorus (xxxiv. 2. 20) calls him Comanus and speaks of his being captured during the siege of Tauromenium.

[295] Oros. v. 9.

[296] Wallon _Hist. de l’Esclavage_ ii. p. 308.

[297] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 8.

[298] For the _lex Rupilia_ see Cic. _in Verr_. ii. 13. 32; 15. 37; 16. 39; 24. 59.

[299] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8. Plutarch speaks of an “attempt” ([Greek: _epecheiraese men oun tae diorthosei_]); but the effort perhaps went no further than the testing of opinion to discover the probability of support. The enterprise may have belonged to the praetorship of Laelius (145 B.C.).

[300] Polyb. vi. 11.

[301] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 203.

[302] Cic. _Brut_. 27. 104 Fuit Gracchus diligentia Corneliae matris a puero doctus et Graecis litteris eruditus. Id. Ib. 58. 211 Legimus epistulas Corneliae matris Gracchorum: apparet filios non tam in gremio educatos quam in sermone matris. Cf. Quinctil. _Inst. Or_. i. 1. 6; Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 1.

[303] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 1. The King referred to in this story is perhaps Ptolemy Euergetes, who reigned from 146 to 117 B.C.

[304] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8.

[305] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ pp. 208 foll., 258.

[306] Polyb. vi. 14 [Greek: _krinei men oun ho daemos kai diaphorou_] (money penalties) [Greek: _pollakis … thanatou de krinei monos_].

[307] Polyb. vi. 16 [Greek: _opheilousi d’ aei poiein oi daemarchoi to dokoun to daemo kai malista stochazesthai taes toutou boulaeseos_].

[308] Polyb. vi. 57.

[309] Polyb. xxxvii. 4.

[310] Ibid.

[311] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 2.

[312] Ibid., 4 [Greek: _outos haen periboaetos hoste taes ton Augouron legomenaes hierosonaes axiothaenai di’ aretaen mallon hae dia taen eugeneian_.] Tiberius may have filled the place vacated by the death of his father (_circa_ 148 B.C.). He would have been barely sixteen; and Plutarch says (l.c.) that he had but just emerged from boyhood. Election to the augural college at this time was effected by co-optation. See Underhill in loc.

[313] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 4.

[314] Cic. _pro Cael_. 14. 34; Suet. _Tib_. 2.

[315] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 4. The story is also told of the betrothal of Cornelia herself to the elder Gracchus (Liv. xxxviii. 57; Val. Max. iv. 2. 3; Gell. xii. 8); but Plutarch records a statement of Polybius that Cornelia was not betrothed until after her father’s death, and Livy (l.c.) is conscious of this version.

[316] Fannius ap. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 4 [Greek: _tou ge teichous epebae ton polemion protos_]. As the context seems to show that Tiberius did not remain until the end of the siege, the _teichos_ was probably that of Megara, the suburb of Carthage (Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 244); cf. App. _Lib_. 117.

[317] Plut. l.c.

[318] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 7; cf. App. _Iber_. 83; Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 280; Long _Decline of Rom. Rep_. i. p. 83.

[319] Plut. l.c.

[320] Vellei. ii. 1 Mancinum verecundia, poenam non recusando, perduxit huc, ut per fetialis nudus ac post tergam religatis manibus dederetur hostibus. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 7 [Greek: _ton men gar hypaton epsaephisanto gymnon kai dedemenon paradounai tois Nomantinois, ton d’ allon epheisanto panton dia Tiberion_.] Cf. Cic. _de Off_. iii. 30. 109.

[321] Cic. _Brut_. 27. 103 (Ti. Gracchus) propter turbulentissimum tribunatum, ad quem ex invidia foederis Numantini bonis iratus accesserat, ab ipsa re publica est interfectus. Id. _de Har. Resp_. 20. 43 Ti. Graccho invidia Numantini foederis, cui feriendo, quaestor C. Mancini consulis cum esset, interfuerat, et in eo foedere improbando senatus severitas dolori et timori fuit, eaque res illum fortem et clarum virum a gravitate patrum desciscere coegit. The same motive is suggested by Vellei. ii. 2; Quinctil. _Inst. Or_. vii. 4. 13; Dio Cass. _frg_. 82; Oros. v. 8. 3; Florus ii. 2 (iii. 14).

[322] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8.

[323] Plut. l.c.

[324] Plut. l.c.

[325] Gell. i. 13. 10 Is Crassas a Sempronio Asellione et plerisque aliis historiae Romanae scriptoribus traditur habuisse quinque rerum bonarum maxima et praecipua: quod esset ditissimus, quod nobilissimus, quod eloquentissimus, quod jurisconsultissimus, quod pontifex maximus.

[326] Cic. _Acad. Prior_. ii. 5. 13 Duo … sapientissimos et clarissimos fratres, P. Crassum et P. Scaevolam, aiunt Ti. Graccho auctores legum fuisse, alterum quidem, ut videmus, palam; alterum, ut suspicantur, obscurius.

[327] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 9.

[328] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 9 [Greek: _esemnologaese peri tou Italikou genous_]. The expression suggests the further question whether Gracchus intended Italians, as well as Romans, to benefit by his law. On this question see p. 115. But, whatever our opinion on this point, the widening of the issue by an appeal to Italian interests was natural, if not inevitable.

[329] App. l.c.

[330] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 9.

[331] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 9; cf. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8.

[332] The most respectable of the authorities for the Licinian law having dealt with the land question is Varro (_R.R_. 1. 2. 9 Stolonis illa lex, quae vetat plus D jugera habere civem R). A similar account is found in many other authors (Liv. vi. 35; Vellei. ii. 6; Plut. _Cam_. 39; Gell. vi. 3. 40; Val. Max. viii. 6. 3). A variant in the maximum amount permitted to a single holder is given by [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 20 [(Licinius Stolo) legem scivit, ne cui plebeio plus centum jugera agri habere liceret]; or the word “plebeio,” if not a mistake, may suggest another clause in the supposed law.

[333] Cato ap. Gell. vi. (vii.) 3. 37. Cato asks whether any enactment punishes _intent_ (for the Rhodians were charged with having _intended_ hostility to Rome), and points his argument by the following _reductio ad absurdum_ of legislation conceived in this spirit, Si quis plus quingenta jugera habere voluerit, tanta poena esto: si quis majorem pecuum numerum habere voluerit, tantum damnas esto.

[334] On this subject see Niese _Das sogenannte Licinisch-sextische Ackergesetz_ (Hermes xxiii. 1888), Soltau _Das Aechtheit des licinischen Ackergesetzes von_ 367 v. Chr. (Hermes xxx. 1895).

[335] Mommsen in C.I.L. i. pp. 75 ff.

[336] Cic. _de Leg. Agr_. ii. 29. 81 Nec duo Gracchi, qui de plebis Romanae commodis plurimum cogitaverunt, nec L. Sulla … agrum Campanum attingere ausus est. Cf. i. 7. 21.

[337] Exemptions were specified in the agrarian law of C. Gracchus, which must have appeared in that of his elder brother. They are noticed in the extant _Lex agraria_ (C.I.L. 1. n. 200; Bruns _Fontes_ 1. 3. 11) l. 6 Extra eum agrum, quei ager ex lege plebive scito, quod C. Sempronius Ti. f. tr. pl. rog(avit), exceptum cavitumve est nei divideretur…. The law of C. Gracchus is here mentioned as being the later enactment. Cicero, when he writes (_ad Att_. 1. 19. 4) of his own attitude to the Flavian agrarian law of 60 B.C. Liberabam agrum eum, qui P. Mucio L. Calpurnio consulibus publicus fuisset, is probably referring to land that, public in 133 B.C., still remained public in his own day.

[338] See Voigt _Ueber die staatsrechtliche Possessio und den Ager Compascuus_ p. 229.

[339] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 9 [Greek: _anekainize ton nomon maedena ton pentakosion plethron pleon hechein, paisi d’ auton hyper ton palaion nomon prosetithei ta haemisea touton_]. Liv. _Ep_. lviii. Ne quis ex publico agro plus quam mille jugera possideret, cf. [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 64. The conclusion stated in the text, which is gained by a combination of these passages, is, however, somewhat hazardous.

[340] App, _Bell, Civ_. 1. 11 [Greek: _ekeleue tous plousious … mae, en ho peri mikron diapherontai, ton pleonon hyperidein, misthon hama taes peponaemenaes exergasias autarkae pheromenous taen exaireton aneu timaes ktaesin es aei bebaion hekasto pentakosion plethron, kai paisin, ois eisi paides, ekasto kai touton ta haemisea_]. If [Greek: _aneu timaes_] means “without paying for it,” the phrase has no relation to the _timae_ mentioned by Plutarch (see the next note) which was a valuation to be _received_ by the dispossessed. It can scarcely mean “without further compensation”; but, if interpreted in this way, the two accounts can be brought into some relation with each other.

[341] Plut, _Ti. Gracch_. 9 [Greek: _ekeleuse timaen proslambanontas ekbainein hon adikos ekektaento_].

[342] Siculus Flaccus (p. 136 Lachm.); cf. Mommsen l.c.

[343] There is a reference to this limit in the extant _Lex Agraria_ (C. I. L. i. n. 200; Bruns _Fontes_ 1. 3. 11) l. 14 Sei quis … agri jugra Non amplius xxx possidebit habebitve, but there is no direct evidence to connect it with the Gracchan legislation.

[344] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 10.

[345] Cf. p. 110.

[346] Mommsen l.c.

[347] App, _Bell. Civ_. i. 10

[348] Cic. _de Leg. Agr_. ii. 12. 31 Audes etiam, Rulle, mentionem facere legis Semproniae, nec te ea lex ipsa commonet III viros illos XXXV tribuum suffragio creatos esse? App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 9 [Greek: _prosetithei … taen loipaen treis airetous andras, henallassomenous kat’ hetos, dianemein tois penaesin_]. Strachan-Davidson (in loc.) doubts this latter characteristic of the magistracy. The history of the land-commission proves at least that the occupants of the post were perpetually re-eligible and could be chosen in their absence. Thus Gracchus, in spite of his two years’ quaestorship in Sardinia, was still a commissioner in 124 B.C. (App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 21). See Mommsen _Staatsr_. ii. i. p. 632. The electing body was doubtless the _plebeian_ assembly of the tribes under the guidance of a tribune. This was the mode prescribed by Rullus’s law of 63 B.C. (Cic. _de Leg. Agr_, ii. 7. 16).

[349] App. _Bell, Civ_. i. 11.

[350] Cf. App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 10.

[351] App. l.c. [Greek: _daneistai te chrea kai tautaes epedeiknuon_.]

[352] App. l.c. [Greek: _plaethos hallo hoson en tais apoikois polesin hae tais isopolitisin hae hallos ekoinonei taesde taes gaes, dediotes homoios epaeesan kai es hekaterous auton diemerizonto. isopolitides_] would naturally be the _municipia (c.f. Lex Agraria_ l. 31); but Strachan-Davidson (in loc.) thinks that the _civitates foederatae_ are here intended. There is a possibility that Appian has used the term vaguely: but there is no real difficulty in conceiving the _municipia_ to be meant. Even the majority, that had received Roman citizenship, still continued to bear the name, and they may have continued to enjoy municipal rights in public land. The wealthier classes in these towns were therefore alarmed; the poorer classes (possessed of Roman citizenship) hoped for a share in the assignment.

[353] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 10.

[354] Plut. l.c.

[355] Plut. l.c.

[356] Plut. l.c. [Greek: _ouden eipein legontai peri allaelon phlauron, oude rhaema prospesein thaterou pros ton heteron di’ horgaen anepitaedeion_.]

[357] Diod. xxxiv 6 [Greek: _synerreon eis taen Rhomaen oi hochloi apo taes choras hosperei potamoi tines eis taen panta dynamenaen dechesthai thalattan_.]

[358] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 12.

[359] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 10 [Greek: _paroxyntheis ho Tiberios ton men philanthropon epaneileto nomon, ton d’ haedio te tois pollois kai sphodroteron epi tous adikountas eisepheren haedae, keleuon existasthai taes choras haen ekektaento para tous proterous nomous_]. Plutarch is apparently thinking of the abolition of what he calls the _timae_ (c. 9.); but his words do not necessarily imply that the original concessions mentioned by Appian (p. 114) were removed.

[360] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 10.

[361] Plut. l.c.

[362] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 12. Plutarch (_Ti. Gracch_. 11) preserves a tradition that the meeting was practically broken up by the adherents of the _possessores_ who, to prevent the passing of an illegal decree, carried off the voting urns.

[363] [Greek: _Mallios kai phoulbios_] (Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 11). Schäfer (_Jahrb. f. Class. Philol_. 1873 p. 71) thinks that the first name is a mistake for that of Manilius the jurist, consul in 149 B.C., and that the second refers to Ser. Fulvius Flaccus, consul in 135 B.C.

[364] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 12 _oi dunatoi tous daemarchous aexioun hepitrepsai tae boulae peri hon diapherontai_.

[365] App. _l. c_.

[366] App. _l. c_.

[367] Or in _contio_ held before the meeting. The scene is described in Plut. _Ti. Gracch_, 11.

[368] Plut. l.c. [Greek: _hypeipon ho Tiberios hos ouk estin archontas amphoterous kai peri pragmaton megalon ap’ isaes exousias diapheromenous aneu polemou diexelthein ton chronon_.]

[369] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 12.

[370] Cf. Mommsen _Staatsr_. iii. p. 409, note 1.

[371] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 12.

[372] This is the name given by Appian (_Bell. Civ_. 1. 13); Plutarch (_Ti. Gracch_. 13) calls him Mucius; Orosius (v. 8. 3) Minucius.

[373] App. _Iber_. 83. Cf. Liv. xxvii. 20, xxix. 19. See Mommsen _Staatsr_. i. p. 629.

[374] Mommsen l.c.

[375] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 13; Plut. _Ti. Gracch. 13.

[376] Liv. _Ep_. lviii Promulgavit et aliam legem agrariam, qua sibi latius agrum patefaceret, ut iidem triumviri judicarent qua publicus ager, qua privatus esset. The titles borne by the commissioners appear as III vir a. d. a. (_Lex Latina Tabulae Bantinae_, C.I.L. 1. 197; Bruns _Fontes_ i. 3. 9; cf. _Lex Acilia Repetundarum_ 1. 13, C.I.L. i. 198; Bruns _Fontes_ i. 3. 10): III vir a. i. a. (C.I.L. i. nn. 552-555); III vir a.d.a. i. (C.I.L. i. n. 583).

[377] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 13.

[378] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 13.

[379] Plut. l.c.

[380] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 14.

[381] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 315.

[382] Liv. _Ep_. lviii Deinde, cum minus agri esset quam quod dividi posset sine offensa etiam plebis, quoniam eos ad cupiditatem amplum modum sperandi incitaverat, legem se promulgaturum ostendit, ut iis, qui Sempronia lege agrum accipere deberent, pecunia quae regia Attali fuisset divideretur. [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 64 Tulit ut ea familia quae ex Attali hereditate erat ageretur et populo divideretur, Cf. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 14; Oros. v. 8. 4.

[383] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 14.

[384] Ibid.; Oros. v. 8. 4.

[385] Plut. l.c.. Cicero (_Brut_. 21. 81) speaks of a speech of Metellus “contra Ti. Gracchum”. Plutarch’s citation may be from this speech.

[386] Cicero regarded Octavius’s deposition as the ruin of Gracchus. _Brut_. 25. 95 Injuria accepta fregit Ti. Gracchum patientia civis in rebus optimis constantissimus M. Octavius. _De Leg_. iii. 10. 24 Ipsum Ti. Gracchum non solum neglectus sed etiam sublatus intercessor evertit; quid enim illum aliud perculit, nisi quod potestatem intercedenti collegae abrogavit? The deposition was an act of “seditio” (_pro Mil_. 27. 72).

[387] Plut. _Quaest. Rom_. Section 81.

[388] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 14.

[389] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 15.

[390] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 14.

[391] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 16 [Greek: _authis allois nomois anelambane to plaethos, tou te chronou ton strateion aphairon, kai didous epikaleisthai ton daepon apo ton dikaston kai tois krinousi tote synklaetikois ousi [triakosiois] katamignus ek ton hippeon ton ison arithmon_.] Dio Cass. _Frg_. 88 [Greek: _ta dikastaeria apo taes boulaes epi tous hippeas metaege_] (Cf. Plin. _H.N_. xxxiii. 34).

[392] Polyb. vi. 19.

[393] There was already such a maximum according to Polybius (vi. 19). What it precisely was, is uncertain, as the passage is corrupt. According to Lipsius’s reading, it was twenty years, according to Casaubon’s, sixteen under ordinary conditions, twenty in emergencies. The knights were required to serve ten campaigns. See Marquardt _Staatsverw_. ii. p. 381. The nature of the reduction proposed by Gracchus is unknown.

[394] _Lex Acilia_ ll. 23 and 74.

[395] Cic. _de Fin_. ii. 16. 54.

[396] No mention is made of the appeal in five cases in which criminal commissions had been established by the senate. The dates of these commissions are B.C. 331 (Liv. viii. 18; Val. Max. ii. 5. 3), 314 (Liv. ix. 26), 186 (Liv. xxxix. 8-19), 184 (Liv. xxxix. 41) and 180 (Liv. xl. 37).

[397] Vellei. ii. 2 (Tiberius Gracchus) pollicitus toti Italiae civitatem.

[398] Cicero is perhaps stating the result, rather than the intention, of the Gracchan legislation when he says (_de Rep_. iii. 29. 41) Ti. Gracchus perseveravit in civibus, sociorum nominisque Latini jura neglexit ac foedera. No point in the Gracchan agrarian law is more remarkable than its strict, perhaps inequitable, legality. That its author consciously violated treaty relations is improbable.

[399] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 14.

[400] For the qualifications at this period see Mommsen _Staatsr_. i. p. 505.

[401] Dio Cass. _frg_. 88 [Greek: _epecheiraese kai es to epion etos meta tou adelphou daemarchaesai kai ton pentheron hypaton apodeixai_].

[402] App. l.c.

[403] Mommsen _Staatsr_. i. p. 523. Dio Cassius indeed says (_fr_. 22) [Greek: _koluphen to tina dis taen archaen lambanein_]; but tradition held that the proviso had been violated in the early plebeian agitations.

[404] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 14.

[405] App. l.c.; Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 13. The scene is thus described by Asellio (a contemporary):–Orare coepit, id quidem ut se defenderent liberosque suos, eumque, quem virile secus tum in eo tempore habebat, produci jussit populoque commendavit prope flens (Gell. ii. 13. 5). Appian also speaks of a son, Plutarch of children.

[406] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_., 16.

[407] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 15.

[408] [Greek: _prostataes de tou Rhomaion daemou_] (Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 17).

[409] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16.

[410] Richter _Topographie_ p. 128.

[411] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 18.

[412] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 19.

[413] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 15.

[414] Ibid. 16.

[415] The dictator was usually nominated by the consul between midnight and morning (Liv. viii. 23), for the purpose of the avoidance of unfavourable omens.

[416] Tradition ultimately carried it back to the fourth century B.C. In the revolution threatened by Manlius Capitolinus (384 B.C., Liv. vi. 19) the phrase Ut videant magistrates ne quid … res publica detrimenti capiat was believed to have been employed.

[417] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 19 [Greek: _epei … prodidosin ho archon taen polin, oi boulomenoi tois nomois boaethein akoloutheite_.] The most specific and juristically exact account of these proceedings (one probably drawn from Livy) is preserved by Valerius Maximus (iii. 2. l7): –In aedem Fidei publicae convocati patres conscripti a consule Mucio Scaevola quidnam in tali tempestate faciendum esset deliberabant, cunctisque censentibus ut consul armis rem publicam tueretur, Scaevola negavit se quicquam vi esse acturum. Tum Scipio Nasica Quoniam, inquit, consul dum juris ordinem sequitur id agit ut cum omnibus legibus Romanum imperium corruat, egomet me privatus voluntati vestrae ducem offero…. Qui rem publicam salvam esse volunt me sequantur.

[418] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16; Plut. l.c. Appian speculates as to the meaning of the act. It may have been meant to attract the attention of his supporters, it may have been a signal of war, it may have been intended to veil the impending deed of horror from the eyes of the gods. Cf. Vellei. ii. 3.

[419] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 19.

[420] [Cic.] _ad Herenn_, iv. 55. 68.

[421] In the highly rhetorical exercise contained in [Cic.] _ad Herenn_. iv. 55. 68 is to be found the following picture:–Iste spumans ex ore scelus, anhelans ex infirmo pectore crudelitatem, contorquet brachium et dubitanti Graccho quid esset, neque tamen locum, in quo constiterat, relinquenti, percutit tempus.

[422] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16.

[423] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 19.

[424] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16 [Greek: _kai pantas autous nyktos exerripsan es to rheuma ton potamou_]. [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 64 (Gracchi) corpus Lucretii aedilis manu in Tiberim missum; unde ille Vespillo dictus.

[425] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 1.

[426] Vellei. ii. 3. 3 Hoc initium in urbe Roma civilis sanguinis gladiorumque impunitatis fuit. Inde jus vi obrutum potentiorque habitus prior, discordiaeque civium antea condicionibus sanari solitae ferro dijudicatae (cf. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 20; App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 17). Cic. _de Rep_. i. 19. 31 Mors Tiberii Gracchi et jam ante tota illius ratio tribunatus divisit populum unum in duas partes.

[427] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 20 [Greek: _tautaen protaen historousin en Rhomae stasin, aph’ ou to basileuesthai katelysan, aimati kai phono politon diakrithaenai_.]

[428] Sall. _Jug_. 31. 7 Occiso Ti. Graccho, quem regnum parare aiebant, in plebem Romanam quaestiones habitae sunt. Val. Max. iv. 7, 1 Cum senatus Rupilio et Laenati consulibus mandasset ut in eos, qui cum Graccho consenserant, more majorum animadverterent … Cf. Vellei. ii. 7. 4.

[429] Cic. _de Amic_. 11. 37.

[430] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 20.

[431] Cic. _de Amic_. ii. 37; Val. Max. iv. 7. 1.

[432] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 20.

[433] Ibid. 21.

[434] Val Max. v. 3. 2 e Is quoque (Scipio Nasica) propter iniquissimam virtutum suarum apud cives aestimationem sub titulo legationis Pergamum secessit et quod vitae superfuit ibi sine ullo ingratae patriae desiderio peregit. Cf. Plut. l.c.; Strabo xiv. 1. 38. See Waddington _Fastes_ p. 662.

[435] Vellei. ii. 3. 1 P. Scipio Nasica … ob eas virtutes primus omnium absens pontifex maximus factus est. The other view, that Nasica was already pontifex maximus before his exile, was widely prevalent and is stated by nearly all our authorities (Cic. _in Cat_. i. 1. 3; Val. Max. 1. 4. 1; Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 21; App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16).

[436] Plut. l.c.

[437] Val. Max. vii. 2, 6 Par illa sapientia senatus. Ti. Gracchum tribunum pl. agrariam legem promulgare ausum morte multavit. Idem ut secundum legem ejus per triumviros ager populo viritim divideretur egregie censuit.

[438] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 21, C.I.L. i. n. 552 C. Sempronius _Ti. F. Grac_., Ap. Claudius C. F. Pulc., P. Licinius P. F. Crass. III vir. A. I. A. (Cf. nn. 553. 1504), n. 583 (82-81 B.C.) M. Terentius M. F. Varro Lucullus Pro Pr. terminos restituendos ex s. c. coeravit qua P. Licinius Ap. Claudius C. Graccus III vir A. D. A. I. statuerunt. These _termini_ suggest the _limites Graccani_ of the _Liber Coloniarum (Gromatici_ ed. Lachmann, pp. 209. 210) which may refer to the agrarian assignments under the _leges Semproniae_ (of Ti. and C. Gracchus) rather than to the colonial foundations of the younger brother.

[439] Liv. _Ep_. lix. Seditiones a triumviris Fulvio Flacco et C. Graccho et C. Papirio Carbone agro dividendo creatis excitatae. App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 18. C.I.L. i. n. 554 M. Folvios M.F. Flac., C. Sempronius Ti. F. Grac., C. Paperius C.F. Carb. III vire. A.I.A. (cf. n. 555).

[440] C.I.L. i. 551 (Wilmanns 797) Primus fecei ut de agro poplico aratoribus cederent pastores.

[441] Liv. _Ep_. lix. (131 B.C.) Censa sunt civium capita CCCXVIII milia DCCCXXIII praeter pupillos et viduas. Ib. lx. (125 B.C.) Censa sunt civium capita CCCLXXXXIIII milia DCCXXVI. See de Boor _Fasti Censorii_.

[442] Mommsen _Hist. of Rome_ bk. iv. c. 3.

[443] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 18 [Greek: _amelounton de ton kektaemenon autaen (sc. taen gaen) apographesthai, kataegorous ekaerytton endeiknynai; kai tachy plaethos haen dikon chalepon_].

[444] App. l.c.

[445] Unless we take such to be the meaning of Hyginus (_de Condic. Agr_. p. 116) Vectigales autem agri sunt obligati, quidam r. p. P. R., quidam coloniarum aut municipiorum aut civitatium aliquarum. Qui et ipsi plerique ad populum Romanum pertinentes…. The passage seems to state that some _agri_ which owed _vectigal_ to communities belonged to the Roman people. There might therefore be a fear of their resumption, although it should have been remote, since these lands, as the context shows, were dealt with by a system of lease (for its nature see Mitteis _Zur Gesch. der Erbpacht im Alterthum_ pp. 13 foll.), and leaseholds do not seem to have been threatened by Gracchus.

[446] App. _Bell. Civ_. i 19.

[447] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 21. Hom. _Od_. i. 47.

[448] Cic. _Phil_. xi. 8. 18; Liv. _Ep_. lix.; Eutrop. iv. 19.

[449] Liv. _Ep_. lix. Cum Carbo tribunus plebis rogationem tulisset, ut eundem tribunum plebi, quoties vellet, creare liceret, rogationem ejus P. Africanus gravissima oratione dissuasit. Cic. _de Amic_. 25. 95 Dissuasimus nos (Laelius), sed nihil de me: de Scipione dicam libentius. Quanta illi, dii immortales! fuit gravitas! quanta in oratione majestas! … Itaque lex popularis suffragiis populi repudiata est. Cf. Cic. _de Or_. ii. 40. 170.

[450] Vellei. ii. 4. 4 Hic, eum interrogante tribuno Carbone quid de Ti. Gracchi caede sentiret, respondit, si is occupandae rei publicae animum habuisset, jure caesum. Et cum omnis contio adclamasset, “Hostium,” inquit, “armatorum totiens clamore non territus, qui possum vestro moveri, quorum noverca est Italia?” Val. Max. vi. 2. 3 Orto deinde murmure “Non efficietis,” ait, “ut solutos verear quos alligatos adduxi.” Cf. Cic, _pro Mil_. 3. 8; Liv. _Ep_. lix; Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 21.

[451] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 19 [Greek: _ho d’ es tous polemous autois kechraemenos prothymotatois hyperidein … oknaese_.]

[452] Liv. _Ep_. lvii.

[453] App. _Bell. Civ_. i 19.

[454] Liv. _Ep_. lviii (p. 127).

[455] App. l.c.

[456] App. l.c.

[457] App. l.c.

[458] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 10.

[459] Oros. v. 10. 9; Cic. _de Amic_. 3. 12.

[460] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 20.

[461] Plut. _Rom_. 27 [Greek: _oi men automatos onta physei nosodae kamein legousin_.]

[462] Villei. ii. 4 Mane in lectulo repertus est mortuus, ita ut quaedam elisarum faucium in cervice reperirentur notae.

[463] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 10 [Greek: _kai deinon outos ergon ep’ andri to proto kai megisto Rhomaion tolmaethen ouk etyche dikaes oud’ eis elenchon proaelthen; enestaesan gar oi polloi kai katelysan taen krisin hyper tou Gaiou phobaethentes, mae peripetaes tae aitia tou phonou zaetoumenou genaetai_.] Vellei. ii. 4 De tanti viri morte nulla habita est quaestio. Cf. Liv. _Ep_. lix.

[464] Schol. Bob. _ad Cic. Milon_. 7. p. 383.

[465] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 20.

[466] Schol. Bob. l.c.; cf. Plut. _C. Gracch_. 10.

[467] Plut. l.c.

[468] Cic. _ad Fam_. ix. 21. 3, _ad Q. fr_. ii 3. 3, _de Or_. ii. 40. 170. Cf. _de Amic_. 12. 41.

[469] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 20.

[470] App. l.c.

[471] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 20 [Greek: _hos enioi dokousin, ekon apethane synidon hoti ouk esoito dynatos kataschein hon hyposchoito_.] For the theory of suicide cf. Plut. _Rom_. 27 [Greek: _oi d’ auton hyph’ eautou pharmakois apothanein (legousin)_.]

[472] Schol. Bob. _in Milon_, l.c.

[473] Val. Max. iv. 1. 12.

[474] Cic. _de Leg_. iii. 16. 35 Carbonis est tertia (lex tabellaria) de jubendis legibus ac vetandis.

[475] Liv. _Ep_. lvi.

[476] App. Bell. _Civ_. i. 21 [Greek: _kai gar tis haedae nomos ekekyroto, ei daemarchos endeoi tais parangeliais, ton daemon ek panton epilegesthai_.] It is possible that Appian has misconstrued the provision that, if enough candidates did not receive the absolute majority required for election (_explere tribus_), any one–even a tribune already in office–should be eligible. See Strachan-Davidson in loc.

[477] Or possibly by securing that some of its candidates should not receive the number of votes requisite for election. See the last note.

[478] App. _Bell. Civ_. i 21 [Greek: _kai tines esaegounto tous symmachous hapantas, oi dae teri taes gaes malista antelegon, es taen Rhomaion politeian anagrapsai, os meizoni chariti peri taes gaes ou dioisomenous; kai edechonto hasmenoi touth’ oi Italiotai, protithentes ton chorion taen politeian_.]

[479] Cic. _de Off_. iii. 11. 47 Male etiam qui peregrinos urbibus uti prohibent eosque exterminant, ut Pennus apud patres nostros…. Nam esse pro cive qui civis non sit rectum est non licere; quam legem tulerunt sapientissimi consules Crassus et Scaevola (95 B.C.); usu vero urbis prohibere peregrinos sane inhumanum est. For the date of Pennus’s law see Cic. _Brut_. 28. 109:–Fuit … M. Lepido et L. Oreste consulibus quaestor Gracchus, tribunus Pennus.

[480] Festus p. 286 Resp. multarum civitatum pluraliter dixit C. Gracchus in ea, quam conscripsit de lege p. Enni (Penni _Müller_) et peregrinis, cum ait: “eae nationes, cum aliis rebus, per avaritiam atque stultitiam res publicas suas amiserunt”.

[481] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 34 [Greek: _Phoulouios phlakkos hypateion malista dae protos ode es to phanerotaton haerethize tous Italiotas epithymein taes Rhomaion politeias hos koinonous taes haegemonias anti hypaekoon esomenous_]. (Cf. i. 21), Val. Max. ix. 5. 1 M. Fulvius Flaccus consul, … cum perniciosissimas rei publicae leges introduceret de civitate Italiae danda et de provocatione ad populum eorum, qui civitatem mutare noluissent, aegre compulsus est ut in Curiam veniret.

[482] Liv. xxxviii. 36. Four tribunes vetoed a _rogatio_ to grant voting rights to the _municipia_ of Formiae, Fundi and Arpinum in 188 B.C. on the ground that the senate’s judgment had not been taken, but Edocti populi esse, non senatus jus, suffragium quibus velit impertire, destiterunt incepto.

[483] Val. Max. ix. 5, 1 Deinde partim monenti, partim oranti senatui ut incepto desisteret, responsum non dedit … Flaccus in totius amplissimi ordinis contemnenda majestate versatus est. Cf. App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 21.

[484] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 34 [Greek: _esaegoumenos de taen gnomaen kai epimenon autae karteros, upa taes boulaes epi tina strateian exepemphthae dia tode_].

[485] Liv. _Ep_. lx; Ammian, xv. 12. 5.

[486] An isolated notice speaks of a rising at Asculum. [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 65 (C. Gracchus) Asculanae et Fregellanae defectionis invidiam sustinuit.

[487] Liv. viii. 22.

[488] Liv. xxvii. 10.

[489] Liv. _Ep_. lx L. Opimius praetor Fregellanos, qui defecerant, in deditionem accepit; Fregellas diruit. Cf. Vellei. ii. 6; Obsequens 90; Plut. _C. Gracch_. 3; [Cic.] _ad Herenn_. iv. 15. 22.

[490] Vellei. i. 15 Cassio autem Longino et Sextio Calvino … consulibus Fabrateria deducta est.

[491] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 3.

[492] It has been supposed that this boy may really have been the son of Attalus brother of Eumenes, a fruit of the transitory connection between this prince and Stratonice, which followed the false news of Eumenes’s death in 172 B.C. See F. Köpp _De Attali III patre_ in _Rhein. Mus_. xlviii. pp. 154 ff.; Wilcken in Pauly-Wissowa _Real, Enc_. p. 2170, and for the temporary marriage of Attalus with Stratonice Plut. _de Frat. Amor_. 18; Polyb. xxx. 2. 6. Livy (xlii. 16) and perhaps Diodorus (xxix. 34) speak only of Attalus’s wooing, not of his marriage. If Attalus the Third was not the son of Eumenes, he was at least adopted by the king and was clearly recognised as his heir. The official view made the relationship between the Attali that of uncle and nephew.

[493] For the guardianship of the younger Attalus see Strabo xiii. 4. 2. The recognition of the regent as king is clearly attested by inscriptions (Fränkel _Inschriften von Pergamon_ nn. 214 ff., 224, 225, 248. In n. 248.) the future Attalus the Third is called by the king [Greek: _ho tadelphon nios_] (l. 18, cf. l. 32 [Greek: _ho theios mon_] used by Attalus the Third) and has some power of appointment to the priesthood. There is no sign that the nephew was in any other respect a co-regent of the uncle. See Fränkel op. cit. p. 169.

[494] Liv. xxxviii. cc. 12, 23, 25; Polyb. xxi. 39.

[495] Liv. xliv. 36; xlv. 19.

[496] Wilcken in Pauly-Wissowa _Real. Enc_. p. 2168 foll.

[497] Polyb. xxxii. 22; Diod. xxxi. 32 b.

[498] For the details of this struggle see Wilcken l.c. p. 2172; Ussing _Pergamos_ p. 50.

[499] Ussing op. cit. p. 51.

[500] Strabo xiii. 4. 2.

[501] Strabo l.c.; Lucian. _Macrob_. 12. He was sixty-one years old at his accession and eighty-two years old at the time of his death.

[502] Justin. xxxvi. 4; Diod. xxxiv. 3.

[503] Once, indeed, he seems to have taken the field with some success, as is proved by a decree in honour of a victory (Fränkel _Inschr. von Pergamon_ n. 246). A vote of the town of Elaea honours the king [Greek: _aretaes heneken kai andragathias taes kata polemon, krataesanta ton hupenantion_] (l. 22). The victory is also mentioned in n. 249.

[504] Liv. _Ep_. lviii. Heredem autem populum Romanum reliquerat Attalus, rex Pergami, Eumenis filius. Cf. ib. lix; Strabo xiii. 4. 2; Vellei. ii. 4; Val. Max. v. 2, ext. 3; Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 14; Eutrop. iv. 18; Justin. xxxvi. 4. 5; Florus ii. 3 (iii. 15); Oros. v. 8; App. _Mithr_. 62.

[505] Sall. _Hist_. iv. 69 Maur. (Epistula Mithridatis) Eumenen, cujus amicitiam gloriose ostentant, initio prodidere (Romani) Antiocho, pacis mercedem; post habitum custodiae agri captivi sumptibus et contumeliis ex rege miserrimum servorum effecere, simulatoque impio testamento filium ejus Aristonicum, quia patrium regnum petiverat, hostium more per triumphum duxere.

[506] The reality of the will is attested by a Pergamene inscription (Fränkel _Inschr. von Pergamon_ n. 249). The inscription records a resolution taken by the [Greek: _daemos_] on the proposal of the [Greek: _strataegoi_]. The resolution is elicited after the will has become known and in view of its ratification by Rome (l. 7 [_Greek: dei de epicurothaenai taen diathaekaen hupo Rhomaion_]). Pergamon has by the death of the king, and perhaps in accordance with the will (see p. 177), been left “free” (l. 5 Attalus by passing away [Greek: _apoleloipen taen patrida haemon eleutheran_)]. The first result of this freedom is that the people extends the privileges of its citizenship. Full civic rights are given to Paroeci (i.e. _incolae_) and (mercenary) soldiers; the rights of Paroeci are given to other classes:–freedmen, royal and public slaves. The motive assigned for the conferment is public security, and the extension of rights seems to be justified (l. 6) by the liberal spirit shown by the late king in the organisation of his conquests (see p. 175 note 2). The ruling idea seems to be that, if Pergamon was to be free, she must be strong. See Frankel in loc., Ussing _Pergamos_ p. 55.

[507] At the same time the self-governing character of the civic corporation might be recognised: and Attalus, if he made the will, may have been courteous enough to recognise the “freedom” of the city from this point of view. See p. 177.

[508] Liv. _Ep_. lix. Cum testamento Attali regis legata populo Romano libera esse deberet (Asia). Cf. pp. 175, 176, notes 5 and 1.

[509] Justin. xxxvi. 4. 6 Sed erat ex Eumene Aristonicus, non justo matrimonio, sed ex paelice Ephesia, citharistae cujusdam filia, genitus, qui post mortem Attali velut paternum regnum Asiam invasit. The epitomator of Livy (lix.) speaks of him as “Eumenis filius”. Strabo (xiv. 1. 38) describes him as [Greek: _dokon tou genous einai tou ton basileon_].

[510] Florus i. 35 (ii. 20).

[511] Strabo xiv. 1. 38.

[512] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 26 [Greek: _to paraplaesion de_] (to the slave revolt in Sicily) [Greek: _gegone kai kata taen Asian kata tous autous kairous, Aristonikou men antipoiaesamenou taes mae prosaekousaes basileias, ton de doulon dia tas ek ton despoton kakouchias synaponoaesamenon ekeino kai megalois atychaemasi pollas poleis peribalonton_].

[513] Strabo l.c. [Greek: _eis de taen mesogaian anion haethroise dia tacheon plaethos aporon te anthropon kai doulon ep’ eleutheria katakeklaemenon, ous Haeliopolitas ekalese_]. For the view that Heliopolis was a merely ideal city deriving its name from the sun-god of Syria, see Mommsen _Hist. of Rome_ bk. iv. c. 1; Bücher op. cit. pp. 105 foll. For the hopes of divine deliverance which pervade the slave revolts, see Mahaffy in _Hermathena_ xvi. 1890, and cf. p. 89.

[514] Strabo l.c.

[515] Florus i. 35 (ii. 20).

[516] Val. Max. iii. 2. 12.

[517] Strabo xiv. i. 38.

[518] Strabo l.c. [Greek: _euthus ai te poleis hepempsan plaethos, kai Nikomaedaes ho Bithynos epekouraese kai oi ton Kappadokon basileis_]. Eutrop. iv. 20 P. Licinius Crassus infinita regum habuit auxilia. Nam et Bithyniae rex Nicomedes Romanos juvit et Mithridates Ponticus, cum quo bellum postea gravissimum fuit, et Ariarathes Cappadox et Pylaemenes Paphlagon. The Pontic king was Mithradates Euergetes, not Eupator.

[519] Cic. _Phil_. xi. 8. 18 Populus Romanus consuli potius Crasso quam privato Africano bellum gerendum dedit.

[520] In B.C. 189 (Liv. xxxvii. 51) and 180 (Liv. xi. 42).

[521] Cic. l.c. Rogatus est populus quem id bellum gerere placeret. Crassus consul, pontifex maximus, Flacco collegae, flamini Martiali, multam dixit si a sacris discessisset; quam multam populus remisit, pontifici tamen flaminem parere jussit.

[522] Cf. Liv. _Ep_. lix. Adversus eum (Aristonicum) P. Licinius Crassus consul, cum idem pontifex maximus esset, quod numquam antea factum erat, extra Italiam profectus….

[523] Quinctil, _Inst. Or_. xi. 2. 50.

[524] Gell. i. 13.

[525] Intentior Attalicae praedae quam bello (Justin. xxxvi. 4. 8).

[526] Cf. Eutrop. iv. 20 Perperna, consul Romanus (130 B.C.) qui successor Crasso veniebat.

[527] Val. Max. iii. 2. 12; Strabo xiv. i. 38.

[528] Val. Max. _l.c. Cf_. Oros. v. 10; Florus i. 34 (ii. 20). Eutropius (iv. 20) states that Crassus’s head was taken to Aristonicus, his body buried at Smyrna.

[529] Justin. xxxvi. 4 Prima congressione Aristonicum superatum in potestatem suam redegit.

[530] Eutrop. iv. 20. Cf. Liv. _Ep_. lix.

[531] Justin. l.c.

[532] Justin. xxxvi. 4 M. Aquilius consul ad eripiendum Aristonicum Perpernae, veluti sui potius triumphi munus esse deberet, festinata velocitate contendit.

[533] Eutrop. iv. 20; Justin. xxxvi. 4.

[534] Vellei. ii. 4.

[535] Eutrop. l.c. Aristonicus jussu senatus Romae in carcere strangulatus est. According to Strabo (xiv. i. 38) he had been sent to Rome by Perperna.

[536] Florus i. 35 (ii. 20) Aquillius Asiatici belli reliquias confecit, mixtis-nefas-veneno fontibus ad deditionem quarundam urbium. Quae res ut maturam ita infamem fecit victoriam, quippe cum contra fas deum moresque majorum medicaminibus impuris in id tempus sacrosancta Romana arma violasset.

[537] Strabo xiv. 1. 38 [Greek: _Manion d’ Akyllios, epelthon hypatos meta deka presbeuton, dietaxe taen eparchian eis to nyn eti symmenon taes politeias schaema_.]

[538] An inscription with the words [Greek: _Man(i)os Aky(l)ios Man(i)ou hypato(s) Rhomaion_] has been found near Tralles. It probably belongs to a milestone (C.I.L. i. n. 557 = C.I.Gr. n. 2920).

[539] Where the rights of _city-states_ were in question the lines of demarcation between “province” and “protectorate” were necessarily vague. Even a protectorate over small political units would demand organisation and justify the appointment of a commission.

[540] The evidence is furnished by a Cistophorus of 77 B.C. struck at Ephesus. See Waddington _Fastes_ p. 674.

[541] His triumph is dated to 126 B.C. (628 A. U. C., 627 according to the reckoning of the _Fasti_). See _Fasti triumph_, in C.I.L. i.

[542] Waddington _Fastes_ pp. 662 foll. Caria belongs to the province of Asia in 76 B.C. (Le Bas-Waddington, no. 409).

[543] It is dependent on this province in the time of Cicero (_in Pis_. 35. 86).

[544] Strabo xiv. 3. 4.

[545] Justin. xxxvii. i. Cf. Bergmann in _Philologus_ 1847 p. 642.

[546] Forbiger _Handb. der All. Geogr_. ii. p. 338.

[547] Reinach _Mithridate Eupator_ p. 43.

[548] Justin. xxxviii. 5.

[549] C. Gracchus ap. Gell. xi. 10. Cf. Plin. _H.N_. xxxiii. ii. 148 Asia primum devicta luxuriam misit in Italiam…. At eadem Asia donata multo etiam gravius adflixit mores, inutiliorque victoria illa hereditas Attalo rege mortuo fuit. Tum enim haec emendi Romae in auctionibus regiis verecundia exempta est.

[550] Ramsay, _Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_ i. 2, pp. 423, 762; Reinach. _Mithridate Eupator_ p. 457.

[551] For the evidence as to the islands, see Waddington _Fastes l. c_.

[552] Regni attalici opes (Justin. xxxviii. 7. 7); Attalicae conditiones (Hor, _Od_. i. 1. 12); Attalicae vestes (Prop. iii. 18. 19) etc. (from Ihne _Rom. Gesch_. v., p. 76).

[553] Liv. _Ep_. lix; App. _Illyr_. 10, _Bell. Civ_. i. 19; Plin. _H.N_. iii. 19. 129; _Fasti triumph_. C. Sempronius C.F.C.N. Tuditan. a. dcxxiv cos. de Iapudibus k. Oct.

[554] Liv. _Ep_. lx; Florus i. 37 (iii. 2); Obsequens 90 (28); Ammian. xv. 12. 5.

[555] Liv. _Ep_. lx; Plut. _C. Gracch_. 1. 2.

[556] _Fasti Triumph_. L. Aurelius L.F.L.N. Orestes pro an. dcxxi cos. ex Sardinia vi Idus Dec. (123 B.C.)

[557] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 2.

[558] Diod. v. 17, 2.

[559] Besides Mago (Mahon), Bocchori and Guiuntum on Majorca, Iamo on Minorca are supposed to be Punic names. See Hübner in Pauly-Wissowa _Real. Enc_. p. 2823. On the islands generally (Baliares, later Baleares of the Romans, [Greek: _Gymnaesiai, Baliareis_] of the Greeks) see the same author’s _Römische Heerschaft in Westeuropa_ 208 ff.

[560] Strabo iii. v. 1.

[561] Diod. v. 17. 4.

[562] Hübner in Pauly-Wissowa _Real. Enc. l. c_.

[563] They also purchased wine. They were so [Greek: _philogynai_] that they would give pirates three or four men as a ransom for one woman (Diod. v. 17).

[564] Strabo l.c. [Greek: _oi katoikountes eiraenaioi … kakourgon de tinon oligon koinonias systaesamenon pros tous en tois pelagesi laestas, dieblaethaesan hapantes, kai diebae Metellos ep’ autous ho Baliarikos prosagoreutheis_.]

[565] Strabo l.c.

[566] Strabo l.c. [Greek: _eisaegage de (Metellos) epoikous trischilious ton ek taes Ibaerias Rhomaion_.]

[567] _Fasti Triumph_. (121 B.C.) Q. Caecilius Q.F.Q.N. Metellus a. dcxxxii Baliaric. procos. de Baliarib.

[568] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 2.

[569] Quae sic ab illo acta esse constabat oculis, voce, gestu, inimici ut lacrimas tenere non possent (Cic. _de Or_, iii. 56. 214).

[570] Plut. l.c.

[571] Plut. l.c.

[572] Cic. _Brut_, 33. 125 Sed ecce in manibus vir et praestantissimo ingenio et flagranti studio et doctus a puero, C. Gracchus…. Grandis est verbis, sapiens sententiis, genere toto gravis. His “impetus” is dwelt on in Tac. _de Orat_. 26.

[573] Cic. _Brut_. 33. 126 Manus extrema non accessit operibus ejus: praeclare inchoata multa, perfecta non plane. Cf. Tac. _de Orat_. 18 Sic Catoni seni comparatus C. Gracchus plenior et uberior; sic Graccho politior et ornatior Crassus.

[574] Cic, _de Or_. iii. 56. 214.

[575] P. 127

[576] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 1.

[577] C. Gracchus ap. Charis. ii. p. 177 Qui sapientem eum faciet? Qui et vobis et rei publicae et sibi communiter prospiciat, non qui pro suilla humanam trucidet.

[578] Plut. l.c.

[579] Ibid. Cf. [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 65 Pestilentem Sardiniam quaestor sortitus.

[580] Plut. l.c.

[581] Cic. _de Div_. i. 26. 56 C. vero Gracchus multis dixit, ut scriptum apud eundem Coelium est, sibi in somniis quaesturam petere dubitanti Ti. fratrem visum esse dicere, quam vellet cunctaretur, tamen eodem sibi leto quo ipse interisset esse pereundum. Hoc, ante quam tribunus plebi C. Gracchus factus esset, et se audisse scribit Coelius et dixisse eum multis. Cf. Plut. l.c.

[582] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 2.

[583] Plut. l.c.

[584] Plut. l.c.

[585] Ibid. [Greek: _alla kai pollois allokotom edokei to tamian onta proapostaenai tou archontos_].

[586] Cic. _Div. in Caec_. 19. 61 Sic enim a majoribus nostris accepimus praetorem quaestori suo parentis loco esse oportere: nullam neque justiorem neque graviorem causam necessitudinis posse reperiri quam conjunctionem sortis, quam provinciae, quam officii, quam publici muneris societatem.

[587] A passage from Caius’s speech “apud censores” is quoted by Cicero _Orat_. 70.233.

[588] Plutarch says (C. _Gracch_. 2) that Caius [Greek: _aitaesamenos logon outo metestaese tas gnomes ton akousanton, hos apelthein haedikaesthai ta megista doxas_]. The passage seems to imply acquittal by the censors, although [Greek: _ton akousanton_] suggests the larger audience. The arguments cited by Plutarch as developed by Caius appeared, or were repeated, in the speech that he subsequently made before the people.

[589] Gell. xv. 12.

[590] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 3; [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 65.

[591] Plut. l.c.

[592] Plut. l.c.

[593] Cic. _pro Rab_. 4. 12 C. Gracchus legem tulit ne de capite civium Romanorum injussu vestro (sc. populi) judicaretur. Plut. _C. Gracch. 4 [Greek: _(nomon eisepheren) ei tis archon akriton ekpekaerychoi politaen, kat’ auton didonta krisin to daemo_.] Schol. Ambros. p. 370 Quia sententiam tulerat Gracchus, ut ne quis in civem Romanum capitalem sententiam diceret. Cic. _in Cat_. iv. 5. 10; _in Verr_. v. 63. 163. Cf. Cic. _pro Sest_. 28. 61; Dio Cass. xxxviii. 14.

[594] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 4.

[595] Schol. Ambros. p. 370. Cf. Cic. _pro Sest_. 28, 61 Consule me, cum esset designatus (Cato) tribunus plebis (63 B.C.), obtulit in discrimen vitam suam: dixit eam sententiam cujus invidiam capitis periculo sibi praestandam videbat. Dio Cass. xxxviii. 14.

[596] Cic. _pro Domo_ 31. 82 Ubi enim tuleras ut mihi aqua et igni interdiceretur? quod C. Gracchus de P. Popilio … tulit. _de Leg_. iii. 11. 26 Si nos multitudinis furentis inflammata invidia pepulisset tribuniciaque vis in me populum, sicut Gracchus in Laenatem … incitasset, ferremus. Cf. _pro Cluent_. 35. 95; _de Rep_. i. 3.6. For the speeches of Caius Gracchus on Popillius see Gell. 1.7.7; xi. 13.1.5.

[597] Cic. _post Red. in Sen_. 15. 37 Pro me non ut pro P. Popilio, nobilissimo homine, adulescentes filii, non propinquorum multitudo populum Romanum est deprecata.

[598] Diod. xxxv. 26 [Greek: _ho Popillios meta dakruon hypo ton ochlon proepemphthae ekballomenos ek taes poleos_.] Cf. Plut. _C. Gracch_. 4.

[599] Vellei. ii. 7 Rupilium Popiliumque, qui consules asperrime in Tiberii Gracchi amicos saevierant, postea judiciorum publicorum merito oppressit invidia. It is a little difficult to harmonise Fannius’s account of Rupilius’s death (ap. Cic. _Tusc_. iv. 17.40) with this condemnation. Here Rupilius is said to have died of grief at his brother’s failure to obtain the consulship, and this failure happened before Scipio’s death (Cic. _de Am_ 20.73). But his brother may have continued his unsuccessful efforts up to the time of Rupilius’s condemnation.

[600] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 4 [Greek: _(nomon) eisephere … ei tinos archontos aphaeraeto ton archaen ho daemos, ouk eonta touto deuteras archaes metousian einai_.] Cf. Diod. xxxv. 25. Magistrates who had been deposed, or compelled to abdicate, were known as _abacti_ (Festus p. 23 Abacti magistratus dicebantur, qui coacti deposuerant imperium).

[601] Plut. l.c.

[602] Diod. xxxv. 25 [Greek: _ho Grakchos daemaegoraesas peri tou katalysai aristokratian, daemokratian de systaesai, kai ephikomenos taes hapanton euchraestias ton meron, ouketi synagonistas alla kathaper authentas eiche toutous hyper taes idias tolmaes; dedekasmenos gar hekastos tais idiais elpisin hos hyper idion agathon ton eispheromenon nomon hetoimos haen panta kindynon hypomenein_.]

[603] Liv. _Ep_. xlviii (155 B.C.) Cum locatum a censoribus theatrum exstrueretur; P. Cornelio Nasica auctore, tanquam inutile et nociturum publicis moribus, ex senatus consulto destructum est, populusque aliquamdiu stans ludos spectavit.

[604] Liv. _Ep_. lx.; Oros. v. II; Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 393.

[605] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 5 [Greek: _ho de sitikos (nomos) epeuonizon tois penaesi taen agoran_.] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 21 [Greek: _sitaeresion hemmaenon horisas hekasto ton daemoton apo ton koinon chraematon, ou proteron eiothos diadidosthai_.] Vellei. ii. 6 Frumentum plebi dari instituerat. Liv. _Ep_. lx Leges tulit, inter quas frumentariam, ut senis et triente frumentum plebi daretur. Schol. Bob. p. 303 Ut senis aeris et trientibus modios singulos populus acciperet. Cf. Mommsen _Die römischen Tribus_ pp. 179 and 182.

[606] Mommsen (_Hist. of Rome_ bk. iv. c. 3) considers it rather less than half. The average market-price of the _modius_ is difficult to fix. A low price seems to have been about 12 asses the _modius_. See Smith and Wilkins in Smith _Dict. of _Antiq_. i. p. 877. For occasional sales below the market-price at an earlier period see Plin. _H.N_. xviii. 3. 17 M. Varro auctor est, cum L. Metellus (cos. 251 B.C.) in triumpho plurimos duxit elephantos, assibus singulis farris modios fuisse.

[607] Cic. _Tusc. Disp_. iii. 20. 48 C. Gracchus, cum largitiones maximas fecisset et effudisset aerarium, verbis ramen defendebat aerarium.

[608] Cic. _Tusc. Disp_. iii. 20. 48.

[609] Cic. _de Off_. ii. 21. 72 C. Gracchi frumentaria magna largitio; exhauriebat igitur aerarium: _pro Sest_. 48. 103 Frumentariam legem C. Gracchus ferebat. Jucunda res plebei; victus enim suppeditabatur large sine labore. Cf. _Brut_. 62. 222. Diod. xxxv. 25 [Greek: _to koinon tamieion eis aischras kai akairous dapanas kai charitas analiskon eis heauton pantas apoblepein epoiaese_.] Cf. Oros. v. 12.

[610] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 6 [Greek: _egrapse de kai … kataskeuazesthai sitobolia_.] Festus p. 290 Sempronia horrea qui locus dicitur, in eo fuerunt lege Gracchi, ad custodiam frumenti publici.

[611] This view is represented in a criticism preserved by Diodorus xxxv. 25 [Greek: _tois stratiotais dia ton nomon ta taes archaias agogaes austaera katacharisamenos apeithian kai anarchian eisaegagen eis taen politeian_].

[612] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 5 [Greek: _ho de stratiotikos (nomos) esthaeta te keleuon daemosia choraegeisthai kai maeden eis touto taes misthophoras hyphaireisthai ton stratenomenon_].

[613] [Greek: _kai neoteron eton heptakaideka mae katalegesthai stratiotaen_] (Plut. l.c.).

[614] Plut. l.c. [Greek: _ton de nomon … ho men haen klaerouchikos hama nemon tois penaesi taen daemosian_.] Liv. _Ep_. lx Tulit … legem agrariam, quam et frater ejus tulerat. Vellei. ii. 6 (C. Gracchus) dividebat agros, vetabat quemquam civem plus quingentis jugeribus habere, quod aliquando lege Licinia cautum erat. Cf. Cic. _de Leg. Agr_. i. 7. 21; ii. 5. 10; Oros. v. 12; Florus ii. 3 (iii. 15).

[615] _Lex Agraria_ (C.I.L. i. n. 200; Bruns _Fontes_ 1. 3. 11) 1. 6. See p. 113, note 2.

[616] In 125 B.C. the census had been 394, 726 (Liv. _Ep_. lx), in 115 it was 394, 336 (Liv. _Ep_. lxiii). See de Boor _Fasti Censorii_.

[617] Herzog _Staatsverf_. i. p. 466.

[618] In 142 B.C. (Cic. _de Fin_. ii. 16. 54).

[619] Polyb. vi. 14.

[620] Cic. _pro Mur_. 28. 58; _pro Font_. 13. 38; _Brut_. 21. 81; _Div. in Caec_. 21. 69; Tac_. Ann_ 111. 66. Valerius Maximus (viii. 1. 11) can scarcely be correct in saying that the trial took place _apud populum_. It seems to have been a trial for extortion.

[621] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 22. Cf. Cic. _Div. in Caec_. 21. 69 [Ascon.] in loc.; App. _Mithr_. 57.

[622] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 22 [Greek: _oi te presbeis oi kat auton eti parontes syn phthono tauta permontes ekekragesan_.]

[623] Plut, _C. Gracch_. 5 [Greek: _ho de dikastikos (nomos) ho to pleiston apekopse taes ton synklaetikon dynameos … ho de priakosious ton hippeon proskatelexen antois ousi triakosiois kai tas kriseis koinas ton hexakosion epoiaese_]. Cf. _Compar_. 2. Liv. _Ep_. lx Tertiam (legem tulit) qua equestrem ordinem, tunc cum senatu consentientem, corrumperet: “ut sexcenti ex equitibus in curiam sublegerentur: et quia illis temporibus trecenti tantum senatores erant, sexcenti equites trecentis senatoribus admiscerentur”: id est, ut equester ordo bis tantum virium in senatu haberet.

[624] Vellei. ii. 6 C. Gracchus … judicia a senatu transferebat ad equites. (Cf. ii. 13. 32). Tac. _Ann_. xii. 60 Cum Semproniis rogationibus equester ordo in possessione judiciorum locaretur. Plin. _H.N_. xxxiii. 34 Judicum autem appellatione separare eum (equestrem) ordinem primi omnium instituere Gracchi, discordi popularitate in contumeliam senatus. Cf. Diod. xxxv. 25; xxxvii. 9; App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 22.

[625] The qualifications of the Gracchan jurors were probably identical with those required for jurors under the extant _lex Repetundarum_ (C.I. L. i. n. 198; Bruns _Fontes_ i. 3. 10) which is probably the _lex Acilia_ (Cic. _in Verr_. Act. i. 17. 51; cf. Mommsen in C.I.L. l.c.). The conditions fixed by this law are as follows (ll. 12, l3):–Praetor quei inter peregrinos jous deicet, is in diebus x proxumeis, quibus h. l. populus plebesve jouserit, facito utei CDL viros legat, quei in hac civit[ate … dum nei quem eorum legat, quei tr. pl., q., iii vir cap., tr. mil. l. iv primis aliqua earum, iii vi]rum a. d. a. siet fueri[tve, queive mercede conductus depugnavit depugnaverit, queive quaestione joudicioque puplico conde]mnatus siet quod circa eum in senatum legei non liceat, queive minor anneis xxx majorve annos lx gnatus siet, queive in u[rbem Romam propiusve urbem Romam passus M domicilium non habeat, queive ejus magistratus, quei supra scriptus est, pater frater filiusve siet, queive ejus, quei in senatu siet fueritve, pater frater filiusve siet, queive trans mar]e erit. (Cf. ll. 16, 17). Unfortunately the main qualification for the jurors, which was stated after the words “in hac civitate,” has been lost.

[626] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 6 [Greek: _kakeino tous krinountas ek ton hippeon hedoken (ho daemos) katalexai_].

[627] The _lex Acilia_ says “within ten days of its becoming law” (p. 214, note 2). If Plutarch _(l.c.)_ is right about Gracchus selecting the original judices, the provision of this _lex_ shows that it cannot be, as some have thought, the law which first _created_ the Gracchan jurors. It must have been passed subsequently to Gracchus’s own _lex judiciaria_.

[628] In the Ciceronian period we find a knight as a _judex_ in a civil case (Cic. _pro Rosc. Com_. 14. 42), but it is not probable that senators were ever excluded from the civil bench. See Greenidge _Legal Procedure of Cicero’s Time_ p. 265.

[629] Cic. _in Verr_. Act. i. 13. 38.

[630] Cic. _pro Cluent_. 56. 154 Lege … quae tum erat Sempronia, nunc est Cornelia (i.e. the law mentioned in note 4) … intellegebant … ea lege equestrem ordinem non teneri. Livius Drusus in 91 B.C. attempted to fix a retrospective liability on the equestrian jurors (Cic. _pro Rab. Post_ 7. 16). Cf. App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 35. Yet Appian elsewhere (_Bell. Civ_. i. 22) says that the equites obviated trials for bribery [Greek: _synistamenoi sphisin autois kai biazomenoi_]. It is possible that prosecutions for corruption before the _judicia populi_ are meant. See Strachan-Davidson in loc.

[631] Cic. _pro Cluent_. 55. 151 Hanc ipsam legem NE QUIS JUDICIO CIRCUMVENIRETUR C. Gracchus tulit; eam legem pro plebe, non in plebem tulit. Postea L. Sulla … cum ejus rei quaestionem hac ipsa lege constitueret, … populum Romanum … alligare novo quaestionis genere ausus non est. 56. 154 Illi non hoc recusabant, ea ne lege accusarentur … quae tum erat Sempronia, nunc est Cornelia … intellegebant enim ea lege equestrem ordinem non teneri.

[632] Gell. 1. xx. 7; Justin. _Inst_. iv. 5. 2.

[633] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 22.

[634] App. l.c. [Greek: _kataegorous te enetous epi tois plousiois epaegonto_].

[635] C. Gracchus ap. Gell. xi. 10 Ego ipse, qui aput vos verba facio, uti vectigalia vestra augeatis, quo facilius vestra commoda et rem publicam administrare possitis, non gratis prodeo.

[636] Vellei. ii. 6. 3 Nova constituebat portoria.

[637] Cf. App. _Bell. Civ_. v. 4 (M. Antonius to the Asiatics) [Greek: _ous … eteleite phorous Attalo, methaekamen hymin, mechri, daemokopon andron kai par’ haemin genomenon, edeaese phoron, epei de edeaesen … merae pherein ton ekastote karpon epetazamen_].

[638] Fronto _ad Verum_ p. 125 (Naber) Gracchus locabat Asiam. Cic. _in Verr_. iii. 6. 12 Inter Siciliam ceterasque provincias, judices, in agrorum vectigalium ratione hoc interest, quod ceteris aut impositum vectigal est certum … aut censoria locatio constituta est, ut Asiae lege Sempronia.

[639] Decumani, hoc est, principes et quasi senatores publicanorum (Cic. _in Verr_. ii. 71. 175).

[640] Polyb. vi. 17.

[641] Schol. Bob. p. 259 Cum princeps esset publicanorum Cn. Plancii pater, et societas eadem in exercendis vectigalibus gravissimo damno videretur adfecta, desideratum est in senatu nomine publicanorum ut cum iis ratio putaretur lege Sempronia, et remissionis tantum fieret de summa pecunia, quantum aequitas postularet, pro quantitate damnorum quibus fuerant hostili incursione vexati (60 B.C.; cf. Cic. _ad Att_. i. 17. 9).

[642] Varro ap. Non. p. 308 G. Equestri ordini judicia tradidit ac bicipitem civitatem fecit discordiarum civilium fontem. Cf. Florus ii. 5 (iii. 17).

[643] Diod. xxxvii. 9 [Greek: _apeilousaes taes synklaetou polemon to Grakcho dia taen metathesin ton kritaerion, tetharraekotos outos eipen hoti kan apothano, ou dialeipso to eiphos apo taes pleuras ton synklaetikon diaeraemenos_.] Diodorus has preserved the utterance in a more intelligible form than Cicero (_de Leg_. iii. 9. 20 C. vero Gracchus … sicis iis, quas ipse se projecisse in forum dixit, quibus digladiarentur inter se cives, nonne omnem rei publicae statum permutavit?).

[644] Cic. _pro Domo_ 9, 24 Tu provincias consulares, quas C. Gracchus, qui unus maxime popularis fuit, non modo non abstulit a senatu, sed etiam, ut necesse esset quotannis constitui per senatum decretas lege sanxit, eas lege Sempronia per senatum decretas rescidisti. Sall, _Fug_. 27 Lege Sempronia provinciae futuris consulibus Numidia atque Italia decretae. Cic. _de Prov. Cons_. 2. 3 Decernendae nobis sunt lege Sempronia duae (provinciae). Cf. _ad Fam_. i. 7. 10; _pro Balbo_ 27. 61.

[645] Cic. _de Prov. Cons_. 7. 17.

[646] The colonists were to be [Greek: _oi chariestatoi ton politon_] (Plut. _C. Gracch_. 9).

[647] Liv. _Ep_. lx Legibus agrariis latis effecit ut complures coloniae in Italia deducerentur. Cf. Plut. _C. Gracch_, 6. App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 23; Foundations at Abellinum, Cadatia, Suessa Aurunca etc. are attributed to a _lex Sempronia_ or _lex Graccana_ in _Liber Coloniarum_ (_Gromatici_ Lachmann) pp. 229, 233, 237, 238; cf. pp. 216, 219, 228, 255. It is difficult to say whether they were products of the Gracchan agrarian or colonial law. In either case, these foundations may have been subsequent to his death, as neither law was repealed.

[648] Vellei. 1. 15 Et post annum (i.e. a year after the foundation of Fabrateria, see p. 171) Scolacium Minervium, Tarentum Neptunia (coloniae conditae sunt).

[649] Forbiger _Handb. der Alt. Geogr_. ii. p. 503.

[650] L’Année _Epigraphique_, 1896, pp. 30, 31.

[651] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 8.

[652] Vellei. ii. 6 Novis coloniis replebat provincias. This may be wrong as a fact but true as an intention.

[653] Vellei. ii. 7.

[654] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 10 [Greek: _Rhoubrion ton synarchonton henos oikizesthai Karchaedona grapsantos anaeraemenaen hypo Skaepionos_]…. _Lex Acilia_ 1. 22 Queive 1. Rubria in. vir col. ded. creatus siet fueritve. Cf. _Lex Agraria_ 1. 59. Oros. v. 12 L. Caecilio Metello et Q. Titio (_Scr_. T. Quinctio) Flaminino coss. Carthago in Africa restitui jussa vicensimo secundo demum anno quam fuerat eversa deductis civium Romanorum familiis, quae eam incolerent, restituta et repleta est. Cf. Eutrop. iv. 21.

[655] Mommsen in C.I.L. i. pp. 75 ff.

[656] Mommsen l.c. This was the tenure afterwards called that of the _jus Italicum_.

[657] Liv. _Ep_. ix; App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 24.

[658] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 6; App, _Bell. Civ_, i. 23.

[659] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 7.

[660] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 402.

[661] These are apparently the _Viasii vicani_ of the _lex Agraria_. Sometimes the service was performed by personal labour (_operae_), at other times a _vectigal_ was demanded. See Mommsen in C.I.L. l.c.

[662] Cic. _ad Fam_. viii. 6. 5; cf. Mommsen l.c.

[663] This was prohibited by a _lex Licinia_ and a _lex Aebutia_ which Cicero (_de Leg. Agr_. ii. 8. 21) calls _veteres tribuniciae_. But it is possible that they were post-Gracchan. See Mommsen _Staatsr_. ii. p. 630.

[664] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 23 [Greek: _ho de Grakchos kai hodous etemnen ana ten Italian makras, plaethos ergolabon kai cheirotechnon hyph’ eauto poionmenos, hetoimon es ho ti keleuoi_]

[665] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 8.

[666] Cic. _Brut_. 26, 100.

[667] Mommsen in C.I.L. i. p. 158.

[668] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 6.

[669] Seneca _de Ben_, vi. 34. 2 Apud nos primi omnium Gracchus et mox Livius Drusus instituerunt segregate turbam suam et alios in secretum recipere, alios cum pluribus, alios universos. Habuerunt itaque isti amicos primos, habuerunt secundos, numquam veros.

[670] The name of the law was probably _lex de sociis et nomine Latino_. See Cic. _Brut_. 26. 99.

[671] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 23 [Greek: _kai tous Latinous epi panta ekalei ta Rhomaion, hos ouk euprepos sygnenesi taes boulaes antistaenai dynamenaes; ton de heteron symmachon hois ouk ezaen psaephon en tais Rhomaion cheirotoniais pherein, edidous pherein apo toude, epi to echein kai tousde en tais cherotioniais ton nomon auto syntelountas_]. The words [Greek: _psaephon k.t.l._] refer to the limited suffrage granted to Latin _incolae_ (Liv. xxv. 3. 16); but the voting power of his new Latins would be so small that the motive attributed to this measure by Appian is improbable. See Strachan-Davidson in loc. Other accounts of Gracchus’s proposal ignore this distinction between Latins and Italians, e.g. Plutarch (_C. Gracch_. 5) describes his law as [Greek: _isopsaephous toion tois politais tous Italiotas_] and Velleius says (ii. 6) Dabat civitatem omnibus Italicis.

[672] If we may trust Velleius (ii. 6) Dabat civitatem omnibus Italicis, extendebat eam paene usque Alpis. Cisalpine Gaul was not yet a separate province, but it was not regarded as a part of Italy. The Latin colonies between the Padus and the Rubicon would certainly have received Roman rights, and this may have been the case with a Latin township north of the Padus such as Aquileia. But it is doubtful whether Latin rights would have been given to the towns between the Padus and the Alps. These _Transpadani_ received _Latinitas_ in 89 B.C. (Ascon. _in Pisonian_. P. 3).

[673] C. Gracch. ap, Gell. x. 3. 3.

[674] Fann. ap. Jul. Victor 6. 6. A speech of Fannius as consul against Caius Gracchus is also mentioned by Charisius p. 143 Keil.

[675] Cic. Brut. 26. 99.

[676] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 23.

[677] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 12 [Greek: _antexethaeken ho Gaios diagramma kataegoron ton hypaton, kai tois symmachois, an menosi, boaethaesein epangellomenos_.] The invective may have been directed against Fannius, According to Appian (l.c.) both consuls had been instructed by the senate to issue the edict.

[678] If it had been hampered in this way, the judicial protection of _peregrini_ against the judgments of the Praetor Peregrinus would have been impossible.

[679] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 12.

[680] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 23.

[681] [Sall.] _de Rep. Ord_. ii. 8 Magistratibus creandis haud mihi quidem apsurde placet lex quam C. Gracchus in tribunatu promulgaverat, ut ex confusis quinque classibus sorte centuriae vocarentur. Ita coaequatus dignitate pecunia, virtute anteire alius alium properabit.

[682] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 8.

[683] Vir et oratione gravis et auctoritate (Cic. _Brut_. 28. 109) [Greek: _haethei de kai logo kai plouto tois malista timomenois kai dynamenois apo touton enamillos_] (Plut. _C. Gracch_. 8).

[684] Suet. _Tib_. 3 Ob eximiam adversus Gracchos operam “patronus senatus” dictus.

[685] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 9.

[686] App. _Bell. Civ_ i. 35.

[687] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 10.

[688] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 9 [Greek: _Libios de kai taen apophoran tautaen_] (which had been imposed by the Gracchan laws) [Greek: _ton neimamenon aphairon haeresken autois_]. The tense of _neimamenon_ seems to show that the Gracchan as well as the Livian settlers are meant. See Underhill in loc. In any case, the reimposition of the _vectigal_ on the allotments by the law of 119 (App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 27) proves that it had been remitted before this date.

[689] [Greek: _hopos maed’ epi strateias exae tina Latinon rhabdois aikisasthai_] (Plut. _C. Gracch_. 9).

[690] The _lex Acilia Repetundarum_ grants them the right of appeal as an alternative to citizenship as a reward for successful prosecution. Cf. the similar provision in the franchise law of Flaccus (p. 168).

[691] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 9.

[692] Appian (_Bell. Civ_. i. 24) says that Gracchus was accompanied by Fulvius Flaccus. Plutarch (_C. Gracch_. 10) implies that the latter stayed at Rome.

[693] App. l.c. Appian represents this measure as having been proposed after the return of the commissioners to Rome. The words of Plutarch (_C. Gracch_. 8) [Greek: _apaertaesato to plaethos … kakon … epi koinoniai politeias tous Latinous_] probably refer to an invitation of the Latins to share in these citizen colonies.

[694] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 10.

[695] Mommsen in C.I.L. l.c.

[696] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 11.

[697] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 24. According to Appian, the wolf event occurred after Gracchus had quitted Africa.

[698] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 11.

[699] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 12.

[700] Ibid. [Greek: _synetyche d’ auto kai pros tous synarchontas en orgae genesthai. synarchontas_] here is not limited to his colleagues in the tribunate.

[701] [Greek: _exemisthoun_] (Plut. l.c.), probably to contractors who would sublet the seats.

[702] Beesly _The Gracchi, Marius and Sulla_ p. 53.

[703] [Greek: _psaephon men auto pleiston genomenon, adikos de kai kakourgos ton synarchonton poiaesamenon taen anagoreusin kai anadeixin_]. (Plut. l.c.)

[704] Cic. _in Pis_. 15. 36; Varro _R.R_. iii. 5. 18.

[705] [Greek: _hos Sardonion gelota gelosin, ou gignoskontes hoson autois skotos ek ton auton perikechytai politeumaton_.] (Plut. l.c.)

[706] Cic. _pro Caec_. 33. 95; _pro Domo_ 40. 106.

[707] [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 65.

[708] Cornelia ap. Corn. Nep. fr. 16 Ne id quidem tam breve spatium (sc. vitae) potest opitulari quin et mihi adversere et rem publicam profliges? Denique quae pausa erit? Ecquando desinet familia nostra insanire? Ecquando modus ei rei haberi poterit? Ecquando desinemus et habentes et praebentes molestiis insistere? Ecquando perpudescet miscenda atque perturbanda re publica?

[709] [Greek: _hos dae theristas_] (Plut. _C. Gracch_. 13).

[710] Plutarch (l.c.) says that the consul had “sacrificed” [Greek: (_thysantos_)] and, if this is correct, Opimius must have summoned the meeting.

[711] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 25.

[712] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 13; App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 25; [Victor] _de Vir. III_. 65. The last author calls the slain man Attilius and describes him as “praeco Opimii consulis”. Cf. Ihne _Röm. Gesch_. v. p. 103.

[713] [Victor] l.c. Imprudens contionem a tribuno plebis avocavit. Cf. App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 25.

[714] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 14.

[715] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 25.

[716] App. l.c.

[717] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 14.

[718] Cic. _Phil_. viii. 4. 14 Quod L. Opimius consul verba fecit de re publica, de ea re ita censuerunt, uti L. Opimius consul rem publicam defenderet. Senatus haec verbis, Opimius armis. Cf. _in Cat_. i. 2. 4; iv. 5. 10. Plut. _C. Gracch_. 14 [Greek: _eis to bouleutaerion apelthontes epsaephisanto kai prosetaxan Opimio to hypato sozein taen polin hopos dynaito kai katalyein tous tyrannous_.]

[719] Plut. l.c.

[720] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 26.

[721] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 14.

[722] Ibid. 15.

[723] App. _Bell. Civ. i_. 26.

[724] Cf. Bardey _Das sechste Consulat des Marius_ p. 61.

[725] Plut. l.c.

[726] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 16; App. l.c.

[727] Plut. l.c.

[728] Plut. l.c.

[729] Cic. _in Cat_. iv. 6. 13.

[730] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 26. Plut. (_C. Gracch_. 16) states that Flaccus fled to a bathroom ([Greek: _eis ti balaneion_]).

[731] Dionys. viii. 80.

[732] Plut. l.c.

[733] Val. Max. iv. 7. 2; [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 65; Oros, v. 12. Plutarch (l.c.) gives he second name as Licinius.

[734] Plut. l.c.

[735] [Victor] l.c.

[736] Translated “Grove of the Furies” by Plutarch; cf. Cic. _de Nat. Deor_. iii. 18. 46. The true name of the grove was Lucus Furrinae, named after some goddess, whose significance was forgotten (Varro _L. L_. vi. 19 Nunc vix nomen notum paucis). See Richter _Topographie_ p. 271.

[737] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 17. Cf. Val. Max. vi. 8. 3.

[738] Plin. _H.N_. xxxiii. 3. 48. Cf. Plut. l.c.; [Victor] l.c.; Florus ii. 3 (iii. 15).

[739] Oros. v. 12.

[740] Oros. l.c. Opimius consul sicut in bello fortis fuit ita in quaestione crudelis. Nam amplius tria milia hominum suppliciis necavit, ex quibus plurimi ne dicta quidem causa innocentes interfecti sunt. Plutarch (l.c.) gives three thousand as the number actually slain in the tumult. Orosius (l.c.) gives the number slain on the Aventine as two hundred and fifty. For the severity with which Opimius conducted the _quaestio_ see Sall. _Jug_. 16. 2, 31. 7; Vellei. ii. 7.

[741] Plut. l.c.

[742] Dig. xxiv. 3. 66. The passage speaks of Licinia’s dowry; yet Plutarch (l.c.) says that this was confiscated.

[743] In Plutarch’s Greek version (C. Gracch, 17) [Greek: _ergon aponoias_] (vecordiae) [Greek: _naon homonoias_] (concordiae) [Greek: _poiei_].

[744] Cf. Neumann _Geschichte Roms_. p. 259.

[745] Plut, _C. Gracch_, 18.

[746] Plut. _C, Gracch_, 19.

[747] Plin. _H.N_. xxxiv. 6. 31.

[748] Hence the establishment of the _praefecti jure dicundo_, sent to the burgess colonies and _municipia_.

[749] Arist. _Pol_. iv. 6, p. 1292 b.

[750] The choice of the month of July as the date for elections seems to be post-Sullan. See Mommsen _Staatsr_. i. p. 583. During the Jugurthine War consular elections took place, as we shall see, in the late autumn or even in the winter.

[751] Suet. _Caes_. 42.

[752] If some of the Gracchan assignments were thirty _jugera_ each (p. 115). The larger assignments of earlier times had been from seven to ten _jugera_. See Mommsen in C.I. L. i. pp. 75 foll.

[753] Liv. _Ep_. lxi L. Opimius accusatus apud populum a Q. Decio tribuno plebis quod indemnatos cives in carcerem conjecisset, absolutus est. “In carcerem conjicere” does not express the whole truth. A magistrate could imprison in preparation for a trial. The words must imply imprisonment preparatory to execution and probably refer to death in the Tullianum.

[754] Cic. _de Orat_. ii. 30. 132; _Part. Orat_. 30, 104. In the latter passage Opimius is supposed to say “Jure feci, salutis omnium et conservandae rei publicae causa.” Decius is supposed to answer “Ne sceleratissimum quidem civem sine judicio jure ullo necare potuisti.” The cardinal question therefore is “Potueritne recte salutis rei publicae causa civem eversorem civitatis indemnatum necare?” Cf. Cic. _de Orat_. ii. 39. 165 Si ex vocabulo, ut Carbo: Sei consul est qui consuluit patriae, quid aliud fecit Opimius?

[755] Cf. Cic. _pro Sest_. 67. 140 (Opimium) flagrantem invidia propter interitum C. Gracchi semper ipse populus Romanus periculo liberavit.

[756] Cic. _Brut_. 34. 128 L. Bestia … P. Popillium vi C. Gracchi expulsum sua rogatione restituit. Cf. _post Red. in Sen_. 15. 38; _post Red. ad Quir_. 4.10.

[757] Cic. _in Cat_. iv. 6, 13; _Phil_. viii. 4. 14.

[758] Val. Max. v. 3. 2. The colouring of the story is doubted by Ihne (_Rom. Gesch_. v. p. 111). He thinks that perhaps Lentulus went to Sicily to restore his shattered health.

[759] Cic. _de Orat_. ii. 25. 106; 39. 165; 40. 170.

[760] Ibid. ii. 39. 165.

[761] Cic. _Brut_. 43. 159 Crassus … accusavit C. Carbonem, eloquentissimum hominem, admodum adulescens. Cf. _de Orat_. i. 10. 39.

[762] Valerius Maximus (vi. 5. 6) tells the story that a slave of Carbo’s brought Crassus a letter-case (_scrinium_) full of compromising papers. Crassus sent back the case still sealed and the slave in chains to Carbo.

[763] Mommsen, _Hist. of Rome_ bk. iv. c. 4.

[764] Cic. _in Verr_. iii. i. 3 Itaque hoc, judices, ex … L. Crasso saepe auditum est, cum se nullius rei tam paenitere diceret quam quod C. Carbonem unquam in judicium vocavisset.

[765] Cic. _ad Fam_. ix. 21. 3 (C. Carbo) accusante L. Crasso cantharidas sumpsisse dicitur. Valerius Maximus (iii. 7. 6) implies that Carbo was sent into exile. But the two stories are not necessarily inconsistent.

[766] Appian (_Bell. Civ_. i. 35) says that the younger Livius Drusus (91 B.C.) [Greek: _ton daemon … hypaegeto apoikiais pollais es te taen Italian kai Sikelian epsaephismenais men ek pollou, gegonuiais de oupo_]. These colonies could only have been those proposed by his father.

[767] Mommsen in C.I.L. 1 pp. 75 ff. Cf. p. 227. We have no record of the tenure by which Romans held their lands in such settlements as Palma and Pollentia (p. 189). They too may have been illustrations of what was known later as the _jus Italicum_.

[768] We know that the corn law of C. Gracchus was repealed or modified by a _lex Octavia_. Cic. _Brut_. 62. 222 (M. Octavius) tantum auctoritate dicendoque valuit, ut legem Semproniam frumentariam populi frequentis suffragiis abrogaverit. Cf. _de Off_. ii. 21. 72. But the date of this alteration is unknown and it may not have been immediate. If it was a consequence of Gracchus’s fall, as is thought by Peter (_Gesch. Roms_. ii. p. 41), the distributions may have been restored _circa_ 119 B.C. (see p. 287). We shall see that in the tribunate of Marius during this year some proposal about corn was before the people (Plut. _Mar_. 4).

[769] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 27 [Greek: _nomos te ou poly hysteron ekyrhothae, taen gaen, hyper haes dietheronto, exeinai pipraskein tois echousin_.]

[770] App. l.c. [Greek: _kai euthus oi plousioi para ton penaeton eonounto, hae taisde tais prophasesin ebiazonto_.]

[771] The law permitting alienation may have been in 121 B.C. The year 119 or 118 B.C. ([Greek: _pentekaideka maliosta etesin apo taes Grakchou nomothesias_]) is given by Appian (l.c.) for one of the two subsequent laws which he speaks of. It is probably the date of the first of these, the one which we are now considering.

[772] App. l.c. [Greek: _Sporios Thorios daemarchon esaegaesato nomon, taen men gaen maeketi sianemein, all’ einai ton echonton, kai phorous hyper autaes to daemo katatithesthai, kai tade ta chrhaemata chorein es dianomas_.]

[773] If Gracchus’s corn law was abolished or modified immediately after his fall, the corn largesses may now have been restored or extended. Cf. p. 306.

[774] Some such guarantee may be inferred from a passage in the _lex Agraria_ (l. 29) Item Latino peregrinoque, quibus M. Livio L. Calpurnio [cos. in eis agris id facere … ex lege plebeive sc(ito) exve foedere licuit.]

[775] Cic. _Brut_. 36. 136 Sp. Thorius satis valuit in populari genere dicendi, is qui agrum publicum vitiosa et inutili lege vectigali levavit. Cf. _de Orat_. ii. 70. 284. Appian, on the other hand; makes Sp. Thorius the author of the law preceding this (p. 285). It is possible that Cicero may be mistaken, but, if he is correct, the fragments of the agrarian law which we possess may be those of the _lex Thoria_, the name given to it by its earlier editors. For a different view see Mommsen in C.I.L. i. pp. 75 ff.

[776] App. _Bell Civ_. i. 27 [Greek: _tous phorous ou poly hysteron dielyse daemarchos heteros_.]

[777] The latest years to which it refers are those of the censors of 115 and the consuls of 113, 112 and 111. The harvest and future vintage of 111 are referred to (1. 95), and it has, therefore, been assigned to some period between January 1 and the summer of this year. See Rudorff _Das Ackergesetz des Sp. Thorius_ and cf. Mommsen l.c. It is a curious fact, however, that a law dealing with African land amongst others should have been passed in the first year of active hostilities with Jugurtha. From this point of view the date which marks the close of the Jugurthine war, suggested by Kiene (_Bundesgenossenkrieg_ p. 125), i.e., 106 or 105 B.C., is more probable. But the objection to this view is that the law contains no reference to the censors of 109. See Mommsen l.c.

[778] _Ager compascuus_. See Mommsen l.c. and Voigt _Ueber die staatsrechtliche possessio und den ager compascuus der röm. Republik_.

[779] The _pastores_ also must often have been too indefinite a body to make it possible to treat them as joint owners.

[780] The tribune L. Marcius Philippus, when introducing an agrarian law in 104 B.C., made the startling statement “Non esse in civitate duo milia hominum, qui rem haberent” (Cic. _de Off_. ii. 21, 73). If there was even a minimum of truth in his words, the expression “qui rem haberent” must mean “moneyed men,” “people comfortably off.”

[781] Mommsen in C.I.L. l.c.

[782] Kiene also thinks (_Bundesgenossenkrieg_ p. 146) that the right given by the law of exchanging a bit of one’s own land for an equivalent bit of the public domain, which became private property, was reserved solely for the citizen.

[783] Cic. _Brut_. 26. 102; _de Orat_. ii. 70. 281; _de Fin_. i. 3. 8.

[784] Vellei. ii. 8; Cic. _in Verr_. iii 80. 184; iv. 10. 22.

[785] [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 72 Consul legem de sumptibus et libertinorum suffragiis tulit.

[786] Liv. xlv, 15.

[787] [Victor] l.c..

[788] Plin. _H.N_. viii. 57. 223.

[789] Cassiodor. _Chron_. L. Metellus et Cn. Domitius censores artem ludicram ex urbe removerunt praeter Latinum tibicinem cum cantore et ludum talarium. The _ludus talarius_ in its chief form was a game of skill, not of chance. The reference here may be to juggling with the _tali_ on the stage, not to the pursuit of the game in domestic life.

[790] Liv. _Ep_. lxiii.

[791] _Fast. triumph_.; [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 72.

[792] Val. Max. vii. 1. 1.

[793] [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 72.

[794] [Victor] l.c. Ipse primo dubitavit honores peteret an argentariam faceret.

[795] [Victor] l.c. Aedilis juri reddendo magis quam muneri edendo studuit.

[796] Sallust (_Jug_. 15) gives the following somewhat unkind sketch of the great senatorial champion, “Aemilius Scaurus, homo nobilis, inpiger, factiosus, avidus potentiae, honoris, divitiarum, ceterum vitia sua callide occultans”. “Inpiger, factiosus” are testimonies of his value to his party. The last words of the sketch are a confession that his reputation may have been blemished by suspicion, but never by proof.

[797] [Victor] l.c. Consul Ligures et Gantiscos domuit, atque de his triumphavit. Cf. _Fast. triumph_.

[798] [Victor] l.c.

[799] Plut. _Mar_. 3.

[800] In Velleius ii. 11 the manuscript reading _natus equestri loco_ (corrected into _agresti_) may be correct.

[801] Plut. _Mar_. 3.

[802] Plut. _Mar_. 5.

[803] Ibid. 4.

[804] His military reputation amongst old soldiers had led to his easy attainment of the military tribunate. Sall. _Jug_. 63 Ubi primum tribunatum militarem a populo petit, plerisque faciem ejus ignorantibus, facile notus per omnis tribus declaratur. Deinde ab eo magistratu alium post alium sibi peperit.

[805] Plut. _Mar_. 4.

[806] Plut. l.c. [Greek: _nomon tina peri psaephophorias graphontos autou dokounta ton dynaton aphaireisthai taen peri tas kriseis ischyn_]. It is possible, however, that _kriseis_ may simply mean “decisions”.

[807] Cic. _de Leg_. iii. 17. 38 Pontes … lex Maria fecit angustos.

[808] Plut. l.c. [Greek: _ei me diagrapseie to dogma_.]

[809] Plut. l.c. [Greek: _nomou … eispheromenou peri sitou dianomaes_]. See p. 284.

[810] Plut. _Mar_ 5. Cf. Cic. _pro Planc_. 21, 51; Val. Max. vi. 9. 14.

[811] Val. Max. vi. 9. 14.

[812] Plut. _Mar_. 5.

[813] [Greek: _dikastai_] (Plut. l.c.). It seems, therefore, that a special _quaestio de ambitu_ existed at this time. Otherwise, the case would naturally have gone before the Comitia. We can hardly think of a Special Commission.

[814] Plut. _Mar_. 6 [Greek: _en men oun tae strataegia metrios epainoumenon heauton paresche_].

[815] Plut. l.c.

[816] Plut. l.c.

[817] Vellei. ii. 7 Porcio Marcioque consulibus deducta colonia Narbo Martius. Cf. i. 15.

[818] This was but a [Greek: _phroura Rhomaion_] (Strabo iv. 1. 5). It had been established in 122 B.C.

[819] Cic. _pro Font_. 5. 13 Narbo Martius, colonia nostrorum civium, specula populi Romani ac propugnaculum istis ipsis nationibus oppositum et objectum.

[820] This fact appears from Cic. _pro Cluent_. 51. 140 (Crassus) in dissuasione rogationis ejus quae contra coloniam Narbonensem ferebatur, quantum potest, de auctoritate senatus detrahit. A _rogatio_ against a project implies something more than opposition to a bill.

[821] Cic. _Brut_. 43. 160 Exstat in eam legem senior ut ita dicam quam illa aetas ferebat oratio.

[822] Cic. _Brut. l.c. Cf. pro Cluent_. 51. 140; _de Orat_. ii. 55. 223; Quinctil. _Inst. Or_. vi. 3. 44.

[823] The date is unknown, but the _lex Servilia repetundarum_ was probably a product of this tribunate. An approximate date can be assigned to this law, if we believe that it immediately superseded the _lex Acilia_ as the law of extortion, and that the _lex Acilia_ is the _lex repetundarum_ which has come down to us on a bronze tablet (see p. 214); for the latter law must have been abrogated by 111 B.C., since the back of the tablet on which it is inscribed is used for the _lex agraria_ of this year. The side containing the _lex Acilia_ must have been turned to the wall, and this fact seems to prove the supersession of this law by a later one on the same subject. See Mommsen in C.I.L. i. p. 56.

[824] Peracutus et callidus cum primisque ridiculus (Cic. _Brut_. 62. 224).

[825] Cic. _pro Rab. Post, 6, 14.

[826] Stercus Curiae (Cic. _de Orat_. iii. 41. 164).

[827] Cic. _Brut_. 62. 224 Is … equestrem ordinem beneficio legis devinxerat. Cf. _pro Scauro_ 1. 2. But the law of Glaucia was a _lex repetundarum_ (Ascon. _in Scaurian_. p. 21; Val. Max. viii. 1. 8; cf. notes 4 and 5), not a _lex judiciaria_.

[828] Cic. _in Verr_. i. 9. 26.

[829] Cic. _pro Rab. Post_. 4. 8. The granting of the _civitas_ to Latins, as a reward for successful prosecution (Cic. _pro Balbo_ 24. 54), was not an innovation due to Glaucia. It appears already in the _lex Acilia_.

[830] Liv. _Ep_. lxiii; Florus i. 39 (iii. 4); Eutrop. iv. 24.

[831] Oros. v. 15.

[832] Plut. _Quaest. Rom_. 83.

[833] Plut. _Quaest. Rom_. 83. The manuscript reading is [Greek: _barbarou tinos hippikou therapon_]. I have adopted Ihne’s suggestion of _Barrou_, which he supports by a reference to Porphyrio _ad Hor. Sat_. 1. 6. 30–Hic Barrus vilisimmae libidinosaeque admodum vitae fuit, adeo ut Aemiliam virginem Vestae incestasse dictus sit.

[834] Dio Cass. _fr_. 92.