accomplish the voyage we had undertaken. And we were unable to build another; for time was pressing, and although there was another barque on the stocks, yet it would have required too long to get it ready, and we could scarcely have made use of it before the return from France of the vessels we were daily expecting.
This was a great misfortune, and owing to the lack of foresight on the part of the master, who was obstinate, but little acquainted with seamanship, and trusting only his own head. He was a good carpenter, skilful in building vessels, and careful in provisioning them with all necessaries, but in no wise adapted to sailing them.
Pont Gravé, having arrived at the settlement, received the evidence against Champdoré, who was accused of having run the barque on shore with evil intent. Upon such information, he was imprisoned and handcuffed, with the intention of taking him to France and handing him over to Sieur de Monts, to be treated as justice might direct.
On the 15th of June, Pont Gravé, finding that the vessels did not return from France, had the handcuffs taken off from Champdoré, that he might finish the barque which was on the stocks, which service he discharged very well.
On the 16th of July, the time when we were to leave, in case the vessels had not returned, as was provided in the commission which Sieur de Monts had given to Pont Gravé, we set out from our settlement to go to Cape Breton or to Gaspé in search of means of returning to France, since we had received no intelligence from there.
Two of our men remained, of their own accord, to take care of the provisions which were left at the settlement, to each of whom Pont Gravé promised fifty crowns in money, and fifty more which he agreed to estimate their pay at when he should come to get them the following year. [189]
There was a captain of the savages named Mabretou, [190] who promised to take care of them, and that they should be treated as kindly as his own children. We found him a friendly savage all the time we were there, although he had the name of being the worst and most traitorous man of his tribe.
ENDNOTES:
181. _Vide antea_, pp. 25, 26.
182. _La gangue_. This is the technical word for the matrix, or substance containing the ore of metals.
183. For 1605, read 1606.
184. Florida, as then known, extended from the peninsula indefinitely to the north.
185. Seal Cove, which makes up between the south-west end of the Grand Manan and Wood Island, the latter being South of Manan and is plainly the island referred to in the text. This cove is open to the South wind and the sea in a storm. Wood Island has a sandy shore with occasional rocks.
186. _Port aux Coquilles_, the harbor of shells. This port was near the northeastern extremity of Campobello Island, and was probably Head Harbor, which affords a good harbor of refuge.–_Vide_ Champlain’s Map of 1612, reference 9.
187. By “harbor” is here meant Annapolis Bay. This wreck of the barque took place on the Granville side of Digby Strait, where the tides rise from twenty-three to twenty-Seven feet.
188. North-east. The text has _norouest_, clearly a misprint for _nordest_.
189. These two men were M. La Taille and Miquelet, of whom Lescarbot speaks in terms of enthusiastic praise for their patriotic courage in voluntarily risking their lives for the good of New France. _Vide Histoire Nouvelle France_, Paris, 1612, pp. 545, 546.
190. _Mabretou_, by Lescarbot written Membertou.
CHAPTER XII.
DEPARTURE FROM PORT ROYAL TO RETURN TO FRANCE.–MEETING RALLEAU AT CAPE SABLE, WHICH CAUSED US TO TURN BACK.
On the 17th of the month, in accordance with the resolution we had formed, we set out from the mouth of Port Royal with two barques, one of eighteen tons, the other of seven or eight, with the view of pursuing the voyage to Cape Breton or Canseau. We anchored in the strait of Long Island,[191] where during the night our cable broke, and we came near being lost, owing to the violent tides which strike upon several rocky points in and about this place. But, through the diligent exertions of all, we were saved, and escaped once more.
On the 21st of the month there was a violent wind, which broke the irons of our rudder between Long Island and Cape Fourchu, and reduced us to such extremities that we were at a loss what to do. For the fury of the sea did not permit us to land, since the breakers ran mountain high along the coast, so that we resolved to perish in the sea rather than to land, hoping that the wind and tempest would abate, so that, with the wind astern, we might go ashore on some sandy beach. As each one thought by himself what might be done for our preservation, a sailor said that a quantity of cordage attached to the stern of our barque, and dragging in the water, might serve in some measure to steer our vessel. But this was of no avail; and we saw that, unless God should aid us by other means, this would not preserve us from shipwreck. As we were thinking what could be done for our safety, Champdoré, who had been again handcuffed, said to some of us that, if Pont Gravé desired it, he would find means to steer our barque. This we reported to Pont Gravé, who did not refuse this offer, and the rest of us still less. He accordingly had his handcuffs taken off the second time, and at once taking a rope, he cut it and fastened the rudder with it in such a skilful manner that it would steer the ship as well as ever. In this way, he made amends for the mistakes he had made leading to the loss of the previous barque, and was discharged from his accusation through our entreaties to Pont Gravé who, although Somewhat reluctantly, acceded to it.
The same day we anchored near La Baye Courante, [192] two leagues from Cape Fourchu, and there our barque was repaired.
On the 23d of July, we proceeded near to Cape Sable.
On the 24th of the month, at two o’clock in the afternoon, we perceived a shallop, near Cormorant Island, coming from Cape Sable. Some thought it was savages going away from Cape Breton or the Island of Canseau. Others said it might be shallops sent from Canseau to get news of us. Finally, as we approached nearer, we saw that they were Frenchmen, which delighted us greatly. When it had almost reached us, we recognized Ralleau, the Secretary of Sieur de Monts, which redoubled our joy. He informed us that Sieur de Monts had despatched a vessel of a hundred and twenty tons, commanded by Sieur de Poutrincourt, who had come with fifty men to act as Lieutenant-General, and live in the country; that he had landed at Canseau, whence the above-mentioned vessel had gone out to sea, in order, if possible, to find us, while he, meanwhile, was proceeding along the coast in a shallop, in order to meet us in case we should have set out, supposing we had departed from Port Royal, as was in fact the case: in so doing, they acted very wisely. All this intelligence caused us to turn back; and we arrived at Port Royal on the 25th of the month, where we found the above-mentioned vessel and Sieur de Poutrincourt, and were greatly delighted to see realized what we had given up in despair. [193] He told us that his delay had been caused by an accident which happened to the ship in leaving the boom at Rochelle, where he had taken his departure, and that he had been hindered by bad weather on his voyage. [194]
The next day, Sieur de Poutrincourt proceeded to set forth his views as to what should be done; and, in accordance with the opinion of all, he resolved to stay at Port Royal this year, inasmuch as no discovery had been made since the departure of Sieur de Monts, and the period of four months before winter was not long enough to search out a site and construct another settlement, especially in a large vessel, unlike a barque which draws little water, searches everywhere, and finds places to one’s mind for effecting settlements. But he decided that, during this period, nothing more should be done than to try to find some place better adapted for our abode. [195]
Thus deciding, Sieur de Poutrincourt despatched at once some laborers to work on the land in a spot which he deemed suitable, up the river, a league and a half from the settlement of Port Royal, and where we had thought of making our abode. Here he ordered wheat, rye, hemp, and several other kinds of seeds to be sown, in order to ascertain how they would flourish. [196]
On the 22d of August, a small barque was seen approaching our settlement. It was that of Des Antons, of St. Malo, who had come from Canseau, where his vessel was engaged in fishing, to inform us that there were some vessels about Cape Breton engaged in the fur-trade; and that, if we would send our ship, we might capture them on the point of returning to France. It was determined to do so as soon as some supplies, which were in the ship, could be unloaded. [197]
This being done. Pont Gravé embarked, together with his companions, who had wintered with him at Port Royal, excepting Champdoré and Foulgeré de Vitré. I also stayed with De Poutrincourt, in order, with God’s help, to complete the map of the coasts and countries which I had commenced. Every thing being put in order in the settlement. Sieur de Poutrincourt ordered provisions to be taken on board for our voyage along the coast of Florida.
On the 29th of August, we set out from Port Royal, as did also Pont Gravé and Des Antons, who were bound for Cape Breton and Canseau, to seize the vessels which were engaging in the fur-trade, as I have before stated. After getting out to sea, we were obliged to put back on account of bad weather. But the large vessel kept on her course, and we soon lost sight of her.
ENDNOTES:
191. Petit Passage, leading into St. Mary’s Bay.
192. _La Baye Courante_, the bay at the mouth of Argyl or Abuptic River, sometimes called Lobster Bay.–_Vide Campbell’s Yarmouth County_. N.S., p. 13. The anchorage for the repair of the barque near this bay, two leagues from Cape Fourchu, was probably near Pinckney Point, or it may have been under the lee of one of the Tusquet Islands.
193. Lescarbot, who with De Poutrincourt was in this vessel, the “Jonas,” gives a very elaborate account of their arrival and reception at Port Royal. It seems that, at Canseau, Poutrincourt, supposing that the colony at Port Royal, not receiving expected succors, had possibly already embarked for France, as was in fact the case, had despatched a small boat in charge of Ralleau to reconnoitre the coast, with the hope of meeting them, if they had already embarked. The “Jonas” passed them unobserved, perhaps while they were repairing their barque at Baye Courante. As Ralleau did not join the “Jonas” till after their arrival at Port Royal, Poutrincourt did not hear of the departure of the colony till his arrival. Champlain’s dates do not agree with those of Lescarbot, and the latter is probably correct. According to Lescarbot, Poutrincourt arrived on the 27th, and Pont Gravé with Champlain on the 31st of July. _Vide His. Nou. France_, Paris, 1612, pp. 544, 547.
194. Lescarbot gives a graphic account of the accident which happened to their vessel in the harbor of Rochelle, delaying them more than a month: and the bad weather and the bad seamanship of Captain Foulques, who commanded the “Jonas,” which kept them at sea more than two months and a half.–_Vide His. Nou. France_, Paris. 1612, p. 523, _et seq._
195. Before leaving France, Poutrincourt had received instructions from the patentee, De Monts to seek for a good harbor and more genial climate for the colony farther south than Mallebarre, as he was not satisfied either with St. Croix or Port Royal for a permanent abode.–_Vide Lescarbot’s His. Nou. France_, Paris, 1612, p. 552.
196. By reference to Champlain’s drawing of Port Royal, it will be seen that the place of this agricultural experiment was on the southern side of Annapolis River, near the mouth of Alien River, and on the identical soil where the village of Annapolis now stands.
197. It appears that this fur-trader was one Boyer, of Rouen, who had been delivered from prison at Rochelle by Poutrincourt’s lenity, where he had been incarcerated probably for the same offence. They did not succeed in capturing him at Canseau.–_Vide His. Nou. France_, par Lescarbot, Paris, 1612, p. 553.
CHAPTER XIII.
SIEUR DE POUTRINCOURT SETS OUT FROM PORT ROYAL TO MAKE DISCOVERIES.–ALL THAT WAS SEEN, AND WHAT TOOK PLACE AS FAR AS MALLEBARRE.
On the 5th of September, we set out again from Port Royal.
On the 7th, we reached the mouth of the river St. Croix, where we found a large number of savages, among others Secondon and Messamouët. We came near being lost there on a rocky islet, on account of Champdoré’s usual obstinacy.
The next day we proceeded in a shallop to the Island of St. Croix, where Sieur de Monts had wintered, to see if we could find any spikes of wheat and other seeds which we had planted there. We found some wheat which had fallen on the ground, and come up as finely as one could wish; also a large number of garden vegetables, which also had come up fair and large. It gave us great satisfaction to see that the soil there was good and fertile.
After visiting the island, we returned to our barque, which was one of eighteen tons, on the way catching a large number of mackerel, which are abundant there at this season. It was decided to continue the voyage along the coast, which was not a very well-considered conclusion, since we lost much time in passing over again the discoveries made by Sieur de Monts as far as the harbor of Mallebarre. It would have been much better, in my opinion, to cross from where we were directly to Mallebarre, the route being already known, and then use our time in exploring as far as the fortieth degree, or still farther south, revisiting, upon our homeward voyage, the entire coast at pleasure.
After this decision, we took with us Secondon and Messamouët, who went as far as Choüacoet in a shallop, where they wished to make an alliance with the people of the country, by offering them some presents.
On the 12th of September, we set out from the river St. Croix.
On the 21st, we arrived at Choüacoet, where we saw Onemechin, chief of the river, and Marchin, who had harvested their corn. We saw at the Island of Bacchus [198] some grapes which were ripe and very good, and some others not yet ripe, as fine as those in France; and I am sure that, if they were cultivated, they would produce good wine.
In this place. Sieur de Poutrincourt secured a prisoner that Onemechin had, to whom Messamouët [199] made presents of kettles, hatchets, knives, and other things. Onemechin reciprocated the same with Indian corn, squashes, and Brazilian beans; which was not very satisfactory to Messamouët, who went away very ill-disposed towards them for not properly recognizing his presents, and with the intention of making war upon them in a short time. For these nations give only in exchange for something in return, except to those who have done them a special service, as by assisting them in their wars.
Continuing our course, we proceeded to the Island Cape, [200] where we encountered rather bad weather and fogs, and saw little prospect of being able to spend the night under shelter, since the locality was not favorable for this. While we were thus in perplexity, it occurred to me that, while coasting along with Sieur de Monts, I had noted on my map, at a distance of a league from here, a place which seemed suitable for vessels, but which we did not enter, because, when we passed it, the wind was favorable for continuing on our course. This place we had already passed, which led me to suggest to Sieur de Poutrincourt that we should stand in for a point in sight, where the place in question was, which seemed to me favorable for passing the night. We proceeded to anchor at the mouth, and went in the next day. [201]
Sieur de Poutrincourt landed with eight or ten of our company. We saw some very fine grapes just ripe, Brazilian peas, [202] pumpkins, squashes, and very good roots, which the savages cultivate, having a taste similar to that of chards. [203] They made us presents of some of these, in exchange for little trifles which we gave them. They had already finished their harvest. We saw two hundred savages in this very pleasant place; and there are here a large number [204] of very fine walnut-trees, [205] cypresses, sassafras, oaks, ashes, and beeches. The chief of this place is named Quiouhamenec, who came to see us with a neighbor of his, named Cohoüepech, whom we entertained sumptuously. Onemechin, chief of Choüacoet, came also to see us, to whom we gave a coat, which he, however, did not keep a long time, but made a present of it to another, since he was uneasy in it, and could not adapt himself to it. We saw also a savage here, who had so wounded himself in the foot, and lost so much blood, that he fell down in a swoon. Many others surrounded him, and sang some time before touching him. Afterwards, they made some motions with their feet and hands, shook his head and breathed upon him, when he came to himself. Our surgeon dressed his wounds, when he went off in good spirits.
* * * * *
CHAMPLAIN’S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.
LE BEAU PORT. [Note: _Le Beau Port_ is Gloucester.]
_The figures indicate fathoms of water_.
_A_. Place where our barque was.
_B_. Meadows.
_C_. Small island. [Note: Ten-Pound Island. It is forty rods long and thirty feet high. On it is a U. S. Light, fifty feet above the sea-level.]
_D_. Rocky cape.
_E_. Place where we had our shallop calked. [Note: This peninsula is now called Rocky Neck. Its southern part and the causeway which connects it with the main land are now thickly settled.] _F_. Little rocky islet, very high on the coast. [Note: This is Salt Island.]
_G_. Cabins of the savages and where they till the soil. _H_. Little river where there are meadows. [Note: This is the small stream that flows into Fresh-Water Cove.]
_I_. Brook.
_L_. Tongue of land covered with trees, including a large number of sassafras, walnut-trees, and vines. [Note: This is now called Eastern Point, is three quarters of a mile long, and about half a mile in its greatest width. At its southern extremity is a U. S. Light, sixty feet above the sea-level. The scattering rocks figured by Champlain on its western shore are now known as Black Bess.] _M_. Arm of the sea on the other side of the Island Cape. [Note: Squam River, flowing into Annisquam Harbor.] _N_. Little River.
_O_. Little brook coming from the meadows. _P_. Another little brook where we did our washing. _Q_. Troop of savages coming to surprise us. [Note: They were creeping along the eastern bank of Smith’s Cove.] _R_. Sandy strand. [Note: The beach of South-East Harbor.] _S_. Sea-coast.
_T_. Sieur de Poutrincourt in ambuscade with some seven or eight arquebusiers.
_V_. Sieur de Champlain discovering the savages.
NOTES: A comparison of his map with the Coast Survey Charts will exhibit its surprising accuracy, especially when we make allowance for the fact that it is merely a sketch executed without measurements, and with a very brief visit to the locality. The projection or cape west of Ten-Pound Island, including Stage Head, may be easily identified, as likewise Fort Point directly north of the same island, as seen on our maps, but north-west on that of Champlain, showing that his map is oriented with an inclination to the west. The most obvious defect is the foreshortening of the Inner Harbor, which requires much greater elongation.
* * * * *
The next day, as we were calking our shallop, Sieur de Poutrincourt in the woods noticed a number of savages who were going, with the intention of doing us some mischief, to a little stream, where a neck connects with the main land, at which our party were doing their washing. As I was walking along this neck, these savages noticed me; and, in order to put a good face upon it, since they saw that I had discovered them thus seasonably, they began to shout and dance, and then came towards me with their bows, arrows, quivers, and other arms. And, inasmuch as there was a meadow between them and myself, I made a sign to them to dance again. This they did in a circle, putting all their arms in the middle. But they had hardly commenced, when they observed Sieur de Poutrincourt in the wood with eight musketeers, which frightened them. Yet they did not stop until they had finished their dance, when they withdrew in all directions, fearing lest some unpleasant turn might be served them. We said nothing to them, however, and showed them only demonstrations of gladness. Then we returned to launch our shallop, and take our departure. They entreated us to wait a day, saying that more than two thousand of them would come to see us. But, unable to lose any time, we were unwilling to stay here longer. I am of opinion that their object was to surprise us. Some of the land was already cleared up, and they were constantly making clearings. Their mode of doing it is as follows: after cutting down the trees at the distance of three feet from the ground, they burn the branches upon the trunk, and then plant their corn between these stumps, in course of time tearing up also the roots. There are likewise fine meadows here, capable of supporting a large number of cattle. This harbor is very fine, containing water enough for vessels, and affording a shelter from the weather behind the islands. It is in latitude 43°, and we gave it the name of Le Beauport. [206]
The last day of September we set out from Beauport, and, passing Cap St. Louis, stood on our course all night for Cap Blanc. [207] In the morning, an hour before daylight we found ourselves to the leeward of Cap Blanc, in Baye Blanche, with eight feet of water, and at a distance of a league from the shore. Here we anchored, in order not to approach too near before daylight, and to see how the tide was. Meanwhile, we sent our shallop to make soundings. Only eight feet of water were found, so that it was necessary to determine before daylight what we would do. The water sank as low as five feet, and our barque sometimes touched on the sand, yet without any injury, for the water was calm, and we had not less than three feet of water under us. Then the tide began to rise, which gave us encouragement.
When it was day, we saw a very low, sandy shore, off which we were, and more to the leeward. A shallop was sent to make soundings in the direction of land somewhat high, where we thought there would be deep water; and, in fact, we found seven fathoms. Here we anchored, and at once got ready the shallop, with nine or ten men to land and examine a place where we thought there was a good harbor to shelter ourselves in, if the wind should increase. An examination having been made, we entered in two, three, and four fathoms of water. When we were inside, we found five and six. There were many very good oysters here, which we had not seen before, and we named the place Port aux Huistres. [208] It is in latitude 42°. Three canoes of savages came out to us. On this day, the wind coming round in our favor, we weighed anchor to go to Cap Blanc, distant from here five leagues north a quarter north-east, and we doubled the cape.
On the next day, the 2d of October, we arrived off Mallebarre, [209] where we stayed some time on account of the bad weather. During this time, Sieur de Poutrincourt, with the shallop, accompanied by twelve or fifteen men, visited the harbor, where some hundred and fifty savages, singing and dancing according to their custom, appeared before him. After seeing this place, we returned to our vessel, and, the wind coming favorable, sailed along the coast towards the south.
ENDNOTES:
198. Richmond Island.–_Vide antea_, note 123. The ripe grapes which he saw were the Fox Grape. _Vitis labrusca_, which ripens in September. The fruit is of a dark purple color, tough and musky. The Isabella, common in our markets, is derived from it. It is not quite clear whether those seen in an unripe state were another species or not. If they were, they were the Frost Grape, _Vitis cardifolia_, which are found in the northern parts of New England. The berry is small, black or blue, having a bloom, highly acid, and ripens after frosts. This island, so prolific in grapes, became afterward a centre of commercial importance. On Josselyn’s voyage of 1638, he says: “The Six and twentieth day, Capt. _Thomas Cammock_ went aboard of a Barke of 300 Tuns, laden with Island Wine, and but 7 men in her, and never a Gun, bound for Richmond’s Island, Set out by Mr. _Trelaney, of Plimouth_”– _Voyages_, 1675, Boston, Veazie’s ed., 1865, p. 12.
199. Messamouët was a chief from the Port de la Hève, and was accompanied by Secondon, also a chief from the river St. John. They had come to Saco to dispose of a quantity of goods which they had obtained from the French fur-traders. Messamouët made an address on the occasion, in which he stated that he had been in France, and had been entertained at the house of Mons. de Grandmont, governor of Bavonne.–_Vide His. Nou. France_, par Lescarbot, Paris, 1612, p. 559, _et seq._
200. Cape Anne.
201. Gloucester Bay, formerly called Cape Anne Harbor, which, as we shall see farther on, they named _Beauport_, the beautiful harbor.
202. Brazilian peas. This should undoubtedly read Brazilian beans. _Pois du Brésil_ is here used apparently by mistake for _febues de Brésil_.– Vide antea, note 127.
203. Chards, a vegetable dill, composed of the footstocks and midrib of artichokes, cardoons, or white beets. The “very good roots,” _des racines qui font bonnes_, were Jerusalem Artichokes, _Helianthus tuberofus_, indigenous to the northern part of this continent. The Italians had obtained it before Champlain’s time, and named it _Girasole_, their word for sunflower, of which the artichoke is a species. This word, _girasole_, has been singularly corrupted in England into _Jerusalem_; hence Jerusalem artichoke, now the common name of this plant. We presume that there is no instance on record of its earlier cultivation in New England than at Nauset in 1605, _vide antea_, p. 82, and here at Gloucester in 1606.
204. Under the word _noyers_, walnut-trees, Champlain may have comprehended the hickories, _Carya alba_ and _porcina_, and perhaps the butternut, _Juglans cinerea_, all of which might have been seen at Gloucester. It is clear from his description that he saw at Saco the hickory, _Carya porcina_, commonly known as the pig-nut or broom hickory. He probably saw likewise the shag bark, _Carya alba_, as both are found growing wild there even at the present day.–_Vide antea_, p. 67. Both the butternut and the hickories are exclusively of American origin; and there was no French name by which they could be more accurately designated. _Noyer_ is applied in France to the tree which produces the nut known in our markets as the English walnut. Josselyn figures the hickory under the name of walnut.–_Vide New Eng. Rarities_, Tuckerman’s ed., p. 97. See also _Wood’s New Eng. Prospect, 1634, Prince Soc. ed., p. 18.
205. The trees here mentioned are such probably as appeared to Champlain especially valuable for timber or other practical uses.
The cypress, _cyprès_, has been already referred to in note 168. It is distinguished for its durability, its power of resisting the usual agencies of decay, and is widely used for posts, and sleepers on the track of railways, and to a limited extent for cabinet work, but less now than in earlier times. William Wood says of it: “This wood is more desired for ornament than substance, being of color red and white, like Eugh, smelling as sweet as Iuniper; it is commonly used for seeling of houses, and making of Chests, boxes and staves.”–_Wood’s New Eng. Prospect_, 1634, Prince Soc. ed., p. 19.
The sassafras, _Sassafras officinate_, is indigenous to this continent, and has a spicy, aromatic flavor, especially the bark and root. It was in great repute as a medicine for a long time after the discovery of this country. Cargoes of it were often taken home by the early voyagers for the European markets; and it is said to have sold as high as fifty livres per pound. Dr. Jacob Bigelow says a work entitled “Sassafrasologia” was written to celebrate its virtues; but its properties are only those of warm aromatics. Josselyn describes it, and adds that it does not “grow beyond Black Point eastward,” which is a few miles north-east of Old Orchard Beach, near Saco, in Maine. It is met with now infrequently in New England; several specimens, however, may be seen in the Granary Burial Ground in Boston.
Oaks, _chesnes_, of which several of the larger species may have been seen: as, the white oak, _Quercus alba_; black oak, _Quercus tinfloria_; Scarlet oak, _Quercus coccinea_; and red oak, _Quercus rubra_.
Ash-trees, _fresnes_, probably the white ash, _Fraxinus Americana_, and not unlikely the black ash, _Fraxinus sambucifolia_, both valuable as timber.
Beech-trees, _hestres_, of which there is but a single Species, _Fagus ferruginca_, the American beech, a handsome tree, of symmetrical growth, and clean, smooth, ash-gray bark: the nut, of triangular shape, is sweet and palatable. The wood is brittle, and used only for a few purposes.
206. Le Beauport. The latitude of Ten-Pound Island, near where the French barque was anchored in the Harbor of Gloucester, is 42° 36′ 5″.
207. The reader may be reminded that Cap St. Louis is Brant Point; Cap Blanc is Cape Cod; and Baye Blanche is Cape Cod Bay.
208. _Le Port aux Huistres_, Oyster Harbor. The reader will observe, by looking back a few sentences in the narrative, that the French coasters, after leaving Cap St. Louis, that is, Brant Point, had aimed to double Cape Cod, and had directed their course, as they supposed, to accomplish this purpose. Owing, however, to the strength of the wind, or the darkness of the night, or the inattention of their pilot, or all these together, they had passed to the leeward of the point aimed at, and before morning found themselves near a harbor, which they subsequently entered, in Cape Cod Bay. It is plain that this port, which they named Oyster Harbor, was either that of Wellfleet or Barnstable. The former, it will be remembered, Champlain, with De Monts, entered the preceding year, 1605, and named it, or the river that flows into it, St. Suzanne du Cap Blanc.–_Vide antea_, note 166. It is obvious that Champlain could not have entered this harbor the second time without recognizing it: and, if he had done so, he would not have given to it a name entirely different from that which he had given it the year before. He was too careful an observer to fall into such an extraordinary mistake. We may conclude, therefore, that the port in question was not Wellfleet, but Barnstable. This conclusion is sustained by the conditions mentioned in the text. They entered, on a flood-tide, in twelve, eighteen, and twenty-four feet of water, and found thirty or thirty-six when they had passed into the harbor. It could hardly be expected that any harbor among the shifting sands of Cape Cod would remain precisely the same, as to depth of water, after the lapse of two hundred and fifty years. Nevertheless, the discrepancy is so slight in this case, that it would seem to be accidental, rather than to arise from the solidity or fixedness of the harbor-bed. The channel of Barnstable Harbor, according to the Coast Survey Charts, varies in depth at low tide, for two miles outside of Sandy Neck Point, from seven to ten feet for the first mile, and for the next mile from ten feet to thirty-two on reaching Beach Point, which may be considered the entrance of the bay. On passing the Point, we have thirty-six and a half feet, and for a mile inward the depth varies from twelve to twenty feet. Add a few feet for the rise of the tide on which they entered, and the depth of the water in 1606 could not have been very different from that of to-day. The “low sandy coast” which they saw is well represented by Spring Hill Beach and Sandy Neck; the “land somewhat high,” by the range of hills in the rear of Barnstable Harbor. The distance from the mouth of the harbor to Wood End light, the nearest point on Cape Cod, does not vary more than a league, and its direction is about that mentioned by Champlain. The difference in latitude is not greater than usual. It is never sufficiently exact for the identification of any locality. The substantial agreement, in so many particulars with the narrative of the author, renders it quite clear that the _Port aux Huistres_ was Barnstable Harbor. They entered it on the morning of the 1st of October, and appear to have left on the same day. Sandy Neck light, at the entrance of the harbor, is in latitude 41° 43′ 19″.
209. Nauset Harbor.
CHAPTER XIV.
CONTINUATION OF THE ABOVE DISCOVERIES, AND WHAT WAS OBSERVED OF PARTICULAR IMPORTANCE.
When we were some six leagues from Mallebarre, we anchored near the coast, the wind not being fair, along which we observed columns of smoke made by the savages, which led us to determine to go to them, for which purpose the shallop was made ready. But when near the coast, which is sandy, we could not land, for the swell was too great. Seeing this, the savages launched a canoe, and came out to us, eight or nine of them, singing and making signs of their joy at seeing us, and they indicated to us that lower down there was a harbor where we could put our barque in a place of security. Unable to land, the shallop came back to the barque; and the savages, whom we had treated civilly, returned to the shore.
On the next day, the wind being favorable, we continued our course to the north [210] five leagues, and hardly had we gone this distance, when we found three and four fathoms of water at a distance of a league and a half from the shore. On going a little farther, the depth suddenly diminished to a fathom and a half and two fathoms, which alarmed us, since we saw the sea breaking all around, but no passage by which we could retrace our course, for the wind was directly contrary.
Accordingly being shut in among the breakers and sand-banks, we had to go at hap-hazard where there seemed to be the most water for our barque, which was at most only four feet: we continued among these breakers until we found as much as four feet and a half. Finally, we succeeded, by the grace of God, in going over a sandy point running out nearly three leagues seaward to the south-south-east, and a very dangerous place. [211] Doubling this cape, which we named Cap Batturier, [212] which is twelve or thirteen leagues from Mallebarre, [213] we anchored in two and a half fathoms of water, since we saw ourselves surrounded on all sides by breakers and shoals, except in some places where the sea was breaking to go to a place, which, we concluded to be that which the savages had indicated. We also thought there was a river there, where we could lie in security.
When our shallop arrived there, our party landed and examined the place, and, returning with a savage whom they brought off, they told us that we could enter at full tide, which was resolved upon. We immediately weighed anchor, and, under the guidance of the savage who piloted us, proceeded to anchor at a roadstead before the harbor, in six fathoms of water and a good bottom; [214] for we could not enter, as the night overtook us.
On the next day, men were sent to set stakes at the end of a sand-bank [215] at the mouth of the harbor, when, the tide rising, we entered in two fathoms of water. When we had arrived, we praised God for being in a place of safety. Our rudder had broken, which we had mended with ropes; but we were afraid that, amid these shallows and strong tides, it would break anew, and we should be lost. Within this harbor [216] there is only a fathom of water, and two at full tide. On the east, there is a bay extending back on the north some three leagues, [217] in which there is an island and two other little bays which adorn the landscape, where there is a considerable quantity of land cleared up, and many little hills, where they cultivate corn and the various grains on which they live. There are, also, very fine vines, many walnut-trees, oaks, cypresses, but only a few pines. [218] All the inhabitants of this place are very fond of agriculture, and provide themselves with Indian corn for the winter, which they store in the following manner:–
They make trenches in the sand on the slope of the hills, some five to six feet deep, more or less. Putting their corn and other grains into large grass sacks, they throw them into these trenches, and cover them with sand three or four feet above the surface of the earth, taking it out as their needs require. In this way, it is preserved as well as it would be possible to do in our granaries. [219]
* * * * *
CHAMPLAIN’S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.
_PORT FORTUNÉ_.
_The figures indicate fathoms of water_.
_A_. Pond of salt water. [Note: This is now called Oyster Pond.] _B_. Cabins of the Savages and the lands they cultivate. _C_. Meadows where there are two little brooks. _C_. Meadows on the island, that are covered at every tide. [Note: The letter _C_ appears twice in the index, but both are wanting on the map. The former seems to point to the meadows on the upper left-hand corner: the other should probably take the place of the _O_ on the western part of the island above _F_.] _D_. Small mountain ranges on the island, that are covered with trees, vines, and plum-trees. [Note: This range of hills is a marked feature of the island.]
_E_. Pond of fresh water, where there is plenty of game. [Note: This pond is still distinguished for its game, and is leased by gentlemen in Boston and held as a preserve.]
_F_. A kind of meadow on the island. [Note: This is known as Morris Island; but the strait on the north of it has been filled up, and the island is now a part of the main land.]
_G_. An island covered with wood in a great arm of the sea. [Note: This island has been entirely obliterated, and the neck on the north has likewise been swept away, and the bay now extends several leagues farther north. The destruction of the island was completed in 1851, in the gale that swept away Minot’s Light. In 1847, it had an area of thirteen acres and an elevation of twenty feet.–_Vide Harbor Com. Report, 1873.]
_H_. A sort of pond of salt water, where there are many shell-fish, and, among others, quantities of oysters. [Note: This is now called the Mill Pond.]
_I_. Sandy downs on a narrow tongue of land. _L_. Arm of the sea.
_M_. Roadstead before the harbor where we anchored. [Note: Chatham Roads, or Old Stage Harbor.]
_N_. Entrance to the harbor.
_O_. The harbor and place where our barque was. _P_. The cross we planted.
_Q_. Little brook.
_R_. Mountain which is seen at a great distance. [Note: A moderate elevation, by no means a mountain in our sense of the word.] _S_. Sea-shore.
_T_. Little river.
_V_. Way we went in their country among their dwellings: it is indicated by small dots. [Note: The circuit here indicated is about four or five miles. Another path is indicated in the same manner on the extreme northern end of the map, which shows that their excursions had been extensive.]
_X_. Banks and shoals.
_Y_. Small mountain seen in the interior. [Note: This is now called the Great Chatham Hill, and is a conspicuous landmark.] _Z_. Small brooks.
_9_. Spot near the cross where the savages killed our men. [Note: This is a creek up which the tide sets. The other brook figured on the map a little south of the cross has been artificially filled up, but the marshes which it drained are still to be seen. These landmarks enable us to fix upon the locality of the cross within a few feet.]
* * * * *
We saw in this place some five to six hundred savages, all naked except their sexual parts, which they cover with a small piece of doe or seal-skin. The women are also naked, and, like the men, cover theirs with skins or leaves. They wear their hair carefully combed and twisted in various ways, both men and women, after the manner of the savages of Choüacoet. [220] Their bodies are well-proportioned, and their skin olive-colored. They adorn themselves with feathers, beads of shell, and other gewgaws, which they arrange very neatly in embroidery work. As weapons, they have bows, arrows, and clubs. They are not so much great hunters as good fishermen and tillers of the land.
In regard to their police, government, and belief, we have been unable to form a judgment; but I suppose that they are not different in this respect from our savages, the Souriquois and Canadians, who worship neither the moon nor the sun, nor any thing else, and pray no more than the beasts. [221] There are, however, among them some persons, who, as they say, are in concert with the devil, in whom they have great faith. They tell them all that is to happen to them, but in so doing lie for the most part. Sometimes they succeed in hitting the mark very well, and tell them things similar to those which actually happen to them. For this reason, they have faith in them, as if they were prophets; while they are only impostors who delude them, as the Egyptians and Bohemians do the simple villagers. They have chiefs, whom they obey in matters of war, but not otherwise, and who engage in labor, and hold no higher rank than their companions. Each one has only so much land as he needs for his support.
Their dwellings are separate from each other, according to the land which each one occupies. They are large, of a circular shape, and covered with thatch made of grasses or the husks of Indian corn. [222] They are furnished only with a bed or two, raised a foot from the ground, made of a number of little pieces of wood pressed against each other, on which they arrange a reed mat, after the Spanish style, which is a kind of matting two or three fingers thick: on these they sleep. [223] They have a great many fleas in summer, even in the fields. One day as we went out walking, we were beset by so many of them that we were obliged to change our clothes.
All the harbors, bays, and coasts from Choüacoet are filled with every variety of fish, like those which we have before our habitation, and in such abundance that I can confidently assert that there was not a day or night when we did not see and hear pass by our barque more than a thousand porpoises, which were chasing the smaller fry. There are also many shell-fish of various sorts, principally oysters. Game birds are very plenty.
It would be an excellent place to erect buildings and lay the foundations of a State, if the harbor were somewhat deeper and the entrance safer. Before leaving the harbor, the rudder was repaired; and we had some bread made from flour, which we had brought for our subsistence, in case our biscuit should give out. Meanwhile, we sent the shallop with five or six men and a savage to see whether a passage might be found more favorable for our departure than that by which we had entered.
After they had gone five or six leagues and were near the land, the savage made his escape [224], since he was afraid of being taken to other savages farther south, the enemies of his tribe, as he gave those to understand who were in the shallop. The latter, upon their return, reported that, as far as they had advanced, there were at least three fathoms of water, and that farther on there were neither shallows nor reefs.
We accordingly made haste to repair our barque, and make a supply of bread for fifteen days. Meanwhile, Sieur de Poutrincourt, accompanied by ten or twelve arquebusiers, visited all the neighboring country, which is very fine, as I have said before, and where we saw here and there a large number of little houses.
Some eight or nine days after, while Sieur de Poutrincourt was walking out, as he had previously done, [225] we observed the Savages taking down their cabins and sending their women, children, provisions, and other necessaries of life into the woods. This made us suspect some evil intention, and that they purposed to attack those of our company who were working on shore, where they stayed at night in order to guard that which could not be embarked at evening except with much trouble. This proved to be true; for they determined among themselves, after all their effects had been put in a place of security, to come and surprise those on land, taking advantage of them as much as possible, and to carry off all they had. But, if by chance they should find them on their guard, they resolved to come with signs of friendship, as they were wont to do, leaving behind their bows and arrows.
Now, in view of what Sieur de Poutrincourt had seen, and the order which it had been told him they observed when they wished to play some bad trick, when we passed by some cabins, where there was a large number of women, we gave them some bracelets and rings to keep them quiet and free from fear, and to most of the old and distinguished men hatchets, knives, and other things which they desired. This pleased them greatly, and they repaid it all in dances, gambols, and harangues, which we did not understand at all. We went wherever we chose without their having the assurance to say any thing to us. It pleased us greatly to see them; show themselves so simple in appearance.
We returned very quietly to our barque, accompanied by some of the savages. On the way, we met several small troops of them, who gradually gathered together with their arms, and were greatly astonished to see us so far in the interior, and did not suppose that we had just made a circuit of nearly four or five leagues about their territory. Passing near us, they trembled with fear, lest harm should be done them, as it was in our power to do. But we did them none, although we knew their evil intentions. Having arrived where our men were working, Sieur de Poutrincourt inquired if every thing was in readiness to resist the designs of this rabble.
He ordered every thing on shore to be embarked. This was done, except that he who was making the bread stayed to finish a baking, and two others with him. They were told that the savages had some evil intent, and that they should make haste to embark the coming evening, since they carried their plans into execution only at night, or at daybreak, which in their plots is generally the hour for making a surprise.
Evening having come, Sieur de Poutrincourt gave orders that the shallop should be sent ashore to get the men who remained. This was done as soon as the tide would permit, and those on shore were told that they must embark for the reason assigned. This they refused in spite of the remonstrances that were made setting forth the risks they ran and the disobedience to their chief. They paid no attention to it, with the exception of a servant of Sieur de Poutrincourt, who embarked. Two others disembarked from the shallop and went to the three on shore, who had stayed to eat some cakes made at the same time with the bread.
But, as they were unwilling to do as they were told, the shallop returned to the vessel. It was not mentioned to Sieur de Poutrincourt, who had retired, thinking that all were on board.
The next day, in the morning, the 15th of October, the savages did not fail to come and see in what condition our men were, whom they found asleep, except one, who was near the fire. When they saw them in this condition, they came, to the number of four hundred, softly over a little hill, and sent them such a volley of arrows that to rise up was death. Fleeing the best they could towards our barque, shouting, “Help! they are killing us!” a part fell dead in the water; the others were all pierced with arrows, and one died in consequence a short time after. The savages made a desperate noise with roarings, which it was terrible to hear.
* * * * *
CHAMPLAIN’S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.
THE ATTACK AT PORT FORTUNE.
The figures indicate fathoms of water.
_A_. Place where the French were making bread. _B_. The savages surprising the French, and shooting their arrows at them. _C_. French burned by the Savages.
_D_. The French fleeing to the barque, completely covered with arrows. _E_. Troops of savages burning the French whom they had killed. _F_. Mountain bordering on the harbor.
_G_. Cabins of the savages.
_H_. French on the shore charging upon the Savages. _I_. Savages routed by the French.
_L_. Shallop in which were the French. _M_. Savages around our shallop, who were surprised by our men. _N_. Barque of Sieur de Poutrincourt.
_O_. The harbor.
_P_. Small brook.
_Q_. French who fell dead in the water as they were trying to flee to the barque.
_R_. Brook coming from certain marshes. _S_. Woods under cover of which the savages came.
* * * * *
Upon the occurrence of this noise and that of our men, the sentinel, on our vessel, exclaimed, “To arms! They are killing our men!” Consequently, each one immediately seized his arms; and we embarked in the shallop, some fifteen or sixteen of us, in order to go ashore. But, being unable to get there on account of a sand-bank between us and the land, we threw ourselves into the water, and waded from this bank to the shore, the distance of a musket-shot. As soon as we were there, the savages, seeing us within arrow range, fled into the interior. To pursue them was fruitless, for they are marvellously swift. All that we could do was to carry away the dead bodies and bury them near a cross, which had been set up the day before, and then to go here and there to see if we could get sight of any of them. But it was time wasted, therefore we came back. Three hours afterwards, they returned to us on the sea-shore. We discharged at them several shots from our little brass cannon; and, when they heard the noise, they crouched down on the ground to avoid the fire. In mockery of us, they beat down the cross and disinterred the dead, which displeased us greatly, and caused us to go for them a second time; but they fled, as they had done before. We set up again the cross, and reinterred the dead, whom they had thrown here and there amid the heath, where they kindled a fire to burn them. We returned without any result, as we had done before, well aware that there was scarcely hope of avenging ourselves this time, and that we should have to renew the undertaking when it should please God.
On the 16th of the month, we set out from Port Fortuné, to which we had given this name on account of the misfortune which happened to us there. This place is in latitude 41° 20′, and some twelve or thirteen leagues from Mallebarre. [226]
ENDNOTES:
210. Clearly a mistake. Champlain here says they “continued their course north,” whereas, the whole context shows that they must have gone south.
211. “The sandy point” running out nearly three leagues was evidently the island of Monomoy, or its representative, which at that time may have been only a continuation of the main land. Champlain does not delineate on his map an island, but a sand-bank nearly in the shape of an isosceles triangle, which extends far to the south-east. Very great changes have undoubtedly taken place on this part of the coast since the visit of Champlain. The sand-bar figured by him has apparently been swept from the south-east round to the south-west, and is perhaps not very much changed in its general features except as to its position. “We know from our studies of such shoals,” says Prof. Mitchell, Chief of Physical Hydrography, U. S. Coast Survey, “that the relative order of banks and beaches remains about the same, however the system as a whole may change its location.”–_Mass. Harbor Commissioners’ Report_. 1873, p. 99.
212. _Batturier_. This word is an adjective, formed with the proper termination from the noun, _batture_, which means a bank upon which the sea beats, reef or sand-bank. _Cap Batturier_ may therefore be rendered sand-bank cape, or the cape of the sand-banks. _Batturier_ does not appear in the dictionaries, and was doubtless coined by Champlain himself, as he makes, farther on, the adjective _truitière_, in the expression _la rivière truitière_, from the noun, _truite_.
213. The distances here given appear to be greatly overstated. From Nauset to the southern point of Monomoy, as it is to-day, the distance is not more than six leagues. But, as the sea was rough, and they were apparently much delayed, the distance might naturally enough be overestimated.
214. The anchorage was in Chatham Roads, or Old Stage Harbor.
215. Harding’s Beach Point.
216. They were now in Stage Harbor, in Chatham, to which Champlain, farther on gives the name of Port Fortuné.
217. This is the narrow bay that stretches from Morris Island to the north, parallel with the sea, separated from it only by a sand-bank, and now reaching beyond Chatham into the town of Orleans. By comparing Champlain’s map of Port Fortuné with modern charts, it will be seen that the “bay extending back on the north some three leagues” terminated, in 1606, a little below Chatham Old Harbor. The island on Champlain’s map marked G. was a little above the harbor, but has been entirely swept away, together with the neck north of it, represented on Champlain’s map as covered with trees. The bay now extends, as we have stated above, into the town of Orleans. The island G, known in modern times as Ram Island, disappeared in 1851, although it still continued to figure on Walling’s map of 1858: The two other little bays mentioned in the text scarcely appear on Champlain’s map; and he may have inadvertently included in this bay the two that are farther north, viz. Crow’s Pond and Pleasant Bay, although they do not fall within the limits of his map.
218. _Vide antea_, notes 168, 204, 205.
219. Indian corn, _Zea mays_, is a plant of American origin. Columbus saw it among the natives of the West Indies, “a sort of grain they call Maiz, which was well tasted, bak’d, or dry’d and made into flour.”– _Vide History of the Life and Actions of Chris. Columbus by his Son Ferdinand Columbus, Churchill’s Voyages_, Vol. II. p. 510.
It is now cultivated more or less extensively in nearly every part of the world where the climate is suitable. Champlain is the first who has left a record of the method of its cultivation in New England, _vide antea_, p. 64, and of its preservation through the winter. The Pilgrims, in 1620, found it deposited by the Indians in the ground after the manner described in the text. Bradford says they found “heaps of sand newly padled with their hands, which they, digging up, found in them diverce faire Indean baskets filled with corne, and some in eares, faire and good, of diverce collours, which seemed to them a very goodly sight, haveing never seen any such before:”–_His. Plym. Plantation_, p. 82. Squanto taught the English how to “set it, and after how to dress and tend it”–_Idem_, p. 100.
“The women,” says Roger Williams, “set or plant, weede and hill, and gather and barne all the corne and Fruites of the field,” and of drying the corn, he adds, “which they doe carefully upon heapes and Mats many dayes, they barne it up, covering it up with Mats at night, and opening when the Sun is hot”
The following are testimonies as to the use made by the natives of the Indian corn as food:–
“They brought with them in a thing like a Bow-case, which the principall of them had about his wast, a little of their Corne powdered to Powder, which put to a little water they eate.”–_Mourts Relation_, London, 1622, Dexter’s ed., p. 88.
“Giving us a kinde of bread called by them _Maizium_.”–_Idem_, p. 101.
“They seldome or never make bread of their _Indian_ corne, but seeth it whole like beanes, eating three or four cornes with a mouthfull of fish or flesh, sometimes eating meate first and cornes after, filling chinckes with their broth.”–_Wood’s New Eng. Prospect_, London, 1634. Prince Society’s ed., pp. 75, 76.
“Nonkekich. _Parch’d meal_, which is a readie very wholesome, food, which they eate with a little water hot or cold: … With _spoonfull_ of this _meale_ and a spoonfull of water from the _Brooke_, have I made many a good dinner and supper.”–_Roger Williams’s Key_, London, 1643, Trumbull’s ed., pp. 39, 40.
“Their food is generally boiled maize, or Indian corn, mixed with kidney beans or Sometimes without…. Also they mix with the said pottage several sorts of roots, as Jerusalem artichokes, and ground nuts, and other roots, and pompions, and squashes, and also several sorts of nuts or masts, as oak-acorns, chesnuts, walnuts: These husked and dried, and powdered, they thicken their pottage therewith.”– _Historical Collections of the Indians_, by Daniel Gookin, 1674, Boston, 1792. p. 10.
220. The character of the Indian dress, as here described, does not differ widely from that of a later period.–_Vide Mourt’s Relation_, 1622, Dexter’s ed., p. 135: _Roger Williams’s Key_, 1643, Trumbull’s ed., p. 143, _et seq.; History of New England_, by Edward Johnson, 1654, Poole’s ed., pp. 224, 225.
Champlain’s observations were made in the autumn before the approach of the winter frosts.
Thomas Morton, writing in 1632, says that the mantle which the women “use to cover their nakednesse with is much longer then that which the men use; for as the men have one Deeres skinn, the women haue two soed together at the full length, and it is so lardge that it trailes after them, like a great Ladies trane, and in time,” he sportively adds, “I thinke they may have their Pages to beare them up.”–_New Eng. Canaan_, 1632, in Force’s Tracts, Vol. II, p. 23.
221. This conclusion harmonizes with the opinion of Thomas Morton, who says that the natives of New England are “_sine fide, sine lege, et sine rege_, and that they have no worship nor religion at all.”–_New Eng. Canaan_, 1632, in Force’s Tracts, Vol. II. p. 21.
Winslow was at first of the same opinion, but afterward saw cause for changing his mind.–_Vide Winslow’s Relation_, 1624, in Young’s Chronicles, P 355. See also _Roger Williams’s Key_, Trumbull’s ed., p. 159.
222. “Their houses, or wigwams,” says Gookin, “are built with small poles fixed in the ground, bent and fastened together with barks of trees, oval or arborwise on the top. The best sort of their houses are covered very neatly, tight, and warm with the bark of trees, stripped from their bodies at such seasons when the sap is up; and made into great flakes with pressures of weighty timbers, when they are green; and so becoming dry, they will retain a form suitable for the use they prepare them for. The meaner sort of wigwams are covered with mats they make of a kind of bulrush, which are also indifferent tight and warm, but not so good as the former.”–_Vide Historical Collections_, 1674, Boston, 1792, p. 9.
223. The construction of the Indian couch, or bed, at a much later period may be seen by the following excerpts: “So we desired to goe to rest: he layd us on the bed with himselfe and his wife, they at one end and we at the other, it being only plancks layd a foot from the ground, and a thin mat upon them.”–_Mourt’s Relation_, London. 1622, Dexter’s ed., pp. 107, 108. “In their wigwams, they make a kind of couch or mattresses, firm and strong, raised about a foot high from the earth; first covered with boards that they split out of trees; and upon the boards they spread mats generally, and sometimes bear skins and deer skins. These are large enough for three or four persons to lodge upon: and one may either draw nearer or keep at a more distance from the heat of the fire, as they please; for their mattresses are six or eight feet broad.”–_Gookin’s Historical Collections_, 1674, Boston, 1792, p. 10.
224. This exploration appears to have extended about as far as Point Gammon, where, being “near the land,” their Indian guide left them, as stated in the text.
225. On the map of Port Fortuné, or Chatham, the course of one of these excursions is marked by a dotted line, to which the reader is referred.–_Vide_ notes on the map of Port Fortuné.
226. _Port Fortuné_, perhaps here used, to signify the port of chance or hazard; referring particularly to the dangers they encountered in passing round Monomoy to reach it. The latitude of Stage Harbor in Chatham is 41° 40′. The distance from Mallebarre or Nauset to Port Fortuné, or Stage Harbor, by water round the Southern point of Monomoy is at the present time about nine leagues. The distance may possibly have been greater in 1606, or Champlain may have increased the distance by giving a wide berth to Monomoy in passing round it.
CHAPTER XV.
THE INCLEMENCY OF THE WEATHER NOT PERMITTING US AT THAT TIME TO CONTINUE OUR DISCOVERIES, WE RESOLVED TO RETURN TO OUR SETTLEMENT. WHAT HAPPENED TO US UNTIL WE REACHED IT.
After having gone some six or seven leagues, we sighted an island, which we named La Soupçonneuse, [227] because in the distance we had several times thought it was not an island. Then the wind became contrary, which caused us to put back to the place whence we had set out, where we stayed two or three days, no savage during this time presenting himself to us.
On the 20th, we set out anew and coasted along to the south-west nearly twelve leagues, [228] where we passed near a river which is small and difficult of access in consequence of the shoals and rocks at its mouth, and which I called after my own name. [229] This coast is, so far as we saw, low and sandy. The wind again grew contrary and very strong, which caused us to put out to sea, as we were unable to advance on one tack or the other; it, however, finally abated a little and grew favorable. But all we could do was to return again to Port Fortuné, where the coast, though low, is fine and good, yet difficult of access, there being no harbors, many reefs, and shallow water for the distance of nearly two leagues from land. The most that we found was seven or eight fathoms in some channels, which, however, continued only a cable’s length, when there were suddenly only two or three fathoms; but one should not trust the water who has not well examined the depth with the lead in hand.
Some hours after we had returned to port, a son of Pont Gravé, named Robert, lost a hand in firing a musket, which burst in several pieces, but without injuring any one near him.
Seeing now the wind continuing contrary, and being unable to put to sea, we resolved meanwhile to get possession of some savages of this place, and, taking them to our settlement, put them to grinding corn at the hand-mill, as punishment for the deadly assault which they had committed on five or six of our company. But it was very difficult to do this when we were armed, since, if we went to them prepared to fight, they would turn and flee into the woods, where they were not to be caught. It was necessary, accordingly, to have recourse to artifice, and this is what we planned: when they should come to seek friendship with us, to coax them by showing them beads and other gewgaws, and assure them repeatedly of our good faith; then to take the shallop well armed, and conduct on shore the most robust and strong men we had, each one having a chain of beads and a fathom of match on his arm; [230] and there, while pretending to smoke with them (each one having an end of his match lighted so as not to excite suspicion, it being customary to have fire at the end of a cord in order to light the tobacco), coax them with pleasing words so as to draw them into the shallop; and, if they should be unwilling to enter, each one approaching should choose his man, and, putting the beads about his neck, should at the same time put the rope on him to draw him by force. But, if they should be too boisterous, and it should not be possible to succeed, they should be stabbed, the rope being firmly held; and, if by chance any of them should get away, there should be men on land to charge upon them with swords. Meanwhile, the little cannon on our barque were to be kept ready to fire upon their companions in case they should come to assist them, under cover of which firearms the shallop could withdraw in security. The plan above-mentioned was well carried out as it had been arranged.
Some days after these events had transpired, there came savages by threes and fours to the shore, making signs to us to go to them. But we saw their main body in ambuscade under a hillock behind some bushes, and I suppose that they were only desirous of beguiling us into the shallop in order to discharge a shower of arrows upon us, and then take to flight. Nevertheless, Sieur de Poutrincourt did not hesitate to go to them with ten of us, well equipped and determined to fight them, if occasion offered. We landed at a place beyond their ambuscade, as we thought, and where they could not surprise us. There three or four of us went ashore together with Sieur de Poutrincourt: the others did not leave the shallop, in order to protect it and be ready for an emergency. We ascended a knoll and went about the woods to see if we could not discover more plainly the ambuscade. When they saw us going so unconcernedly to them, they left and went to other places, which we could not see, and of the four savages we saw only two, who went away very slowly. As they withdrew, they made signs to us to take our shallop to another place, thinking that it was not favorable for the carrying out of their plan. And, when we also saw that they had no desire to come to us, we re-embarked and went to the place they indicated, which was the second ambuscade they had made, in their endeavor to draw us unarmed to themselves by signs of friendship. But this we were not permitted to do at that time, yet we approached very near them without seeing this ambuscade, which we supposed was not far off. As our shallop approached the shore, they took to flight, as also those in ambush, after whom we fired some musket-shots, since we saw that their intention was only to deceive us by flattery, in which they were disappointed; for we recognized clearly what their purpose was, which had only mischief in view. We retired to our barque after having done all we could.
On the same day, Sieur de Poutrincourt resolved to return to our settlement on account of four or five sick and wounded men, whose wounds were growing worse through lack of salves, of which our surgeon, by a great mistake on his part, had brought but a small provision, to the detriment of the sick and our own discomfort, as the stench from their wounds was so great, in a little vessel like our own, that one could scarcely endure it. Moreover, we were afraid that they would generate disease. Also we had provisions only for going eight or ten days farther, however much economy might be practised; and we knew not whether the return would last as long as the advance, which was nearly two months.
At any rate, our resolution being formed, we withdrew, but with the satisfaction that God had not left unpunished the misdeeds of these barbarians. [231] We advanced no farther than to latitude 41° 30′, which was only half a degree farther than Sieur de Monts had gone on his voyage of discovery. We set out accordingly from this harbor. [232]
On the next day, we anchored near Mallebarre, where we remained until the 28th of the month, when we set sail. On that day the air was very cold, and there was a little snow. We took a direct course for Norumbegue or Isle Haute. Heading east-north-east, we were two days at sea without seeing land, being kept back by bad weather. On the following night, we sighted the islands, which are between Quinibequy and Norumbegue. [233] The wind was so strong that we were obliged, to put to sea until daybreak; but we went so far from land, although we used very little sail, that we could not see it again until the next day, when we saw Isle Haute, of which we were abreast.
On the last day of October, between the Island of Monts Déserts and Cap Corneille, [234] our rudder broke in several pieces, without our knowing the reason. Each one expressed his opinion about it. On the following night, with a fresh breeze, we came among a large number of islands and rocks, whither the wind drove us; and we resolved to take refuge, if possible, on the first land we should find.
We were for some time at the mercy of the wind and sea, with only the foresail set. But the worst of it was that the night was dark, and we did not know where we were going; for our barque could not be steered at all, although we did all that was possible, holding in our hands the sheets of the foresail, which sometimes enabled us to steer it a little. We kept continually sounding, to see if it were possible to find a bottom for anchoring, and to prepare ourselves for what might happen. But we found none. Finally, as we were going faster than we wished, it was recommended to put an oar astern together with some men, so as to steer to an island which we saw, in order to shelter ourselves from the wind. Two other oars also were put over the sides in the after part of the barque, to assist those who were steering, in order to make the vessel bear up on one tack and the other. This device served us so well, that we headed where we wished, and ran in behind the point of the island we had seen, anchoring in twenty-one fathoms of water until daybreak, when we proposed to reconnoitre our position and seek for a place to make another rudder. The wind abated. At daybreak, we found ourselves near the Isles Rangées, [235] entirely surrounded by breakers, and we praised God for having preserved us so wonderfully amid so many perils.
On the 1st of November, we went to a place which we deemed favorable for beaching our vessel and repairing our helm. On this day, I landed, and saw some ice two inches thick, it having frozen perhaps eight or ten days before. I observed also that the temperature of the place differed very much from that of Mallebarre and Port Fortuné; for the leaves of the trees were not yet dead, and had not begun to fall when we set out, while here they had all fallen, and it was much colder than at Port Fortuné.
On the next day, as we were beaching our barque, a canoe came containing Etechemin savages, who told the savage Secondon in our barque that Iouaniscou, with his companions, had killed some other savages, and carried off some women as prisoners, whom they had executed near the Island of Monts Déserts.
On the 9th of the month, we set out from near Cap Corneille, and anchored the same day in the little passage [236] of Sainte Croix River.
On the morning of the next day, we landed our savage with some supplies which we gave him. He was well pleased and satisfied at having made this voyage with us, and took away with him some heads of the savages that had been killed at Port Fortuné. [237] The same day we anchored in a very pretty cove [238] on the south of the Island of Manan.
On the 12th of the month, we made sail; and, when under way, the shallop, which we were towing astern, struck against our barque so violently and roughly that it made an opening and stove in her upper works, and again in the recoil broke the iron fastenings of our rudder. At first, we thought that the first blow had stove in some planks in the lower part, which would have sunk us; for the wind was so high that all we could do was to carry our foresail. But finding that the damage was slight, and that there was no danger, we managed with ropes to repair the rudder as well as we could, so as to serve us to the end of our voyage. This was not until the 14th of November, when, at the entrance to Port Royal, we came near being lost on a point; but God delivered us from this danger as well as from many others to which we had been exposed. [239]
ENDNOTES:
227. _La Soupçonneuse_, the doubtful, Martha’s Vineyard. Champlain and Poutrincourt, in the little French barque, lying low on the water, creeping along the shore from Chatham to Point Gammon, could hardly fail to be doubtful whether Martha’s Vineyard were an island or a part of the main land. Lescarbot, speaking of it, says, _et fut appelée l’Ile Douteuse_.
228. Nearly twelve leagues in a southwesterly direction from their anchorage at Stage Harbor in Chatham would bring them to Nobska Point, at the entrance of the Vineyard Sound. This was the limit of Champlain’s explorations towards the south.
229. “Called after my own name.” viz. _Rivière de Champlain_.–_Vide_ map, 1612. This river appears to be a tidal passage connecting the Vineyard Sound and Buzzard’s Bay, having Nouamesset and Uncatena Islands on the south-west, and Nobska Point, Wood’s Boll, and Long Neck on the north-east. On our Coast Survey Charts, it is called Hadley River. Its length is nearly two miles, in a winding course. The mouth of this passage is full of boulders, and in a receding tide the current is rough and boisterous, and would answer well to the description in the text, as no other river does on the coast from Chatham to Wood’s Holl. On the small French barque, elevated but a little above the surface of the water, its source in Buzzard’s Bay could not be discovered, especially if they passed round Nobska Point, under the lee of which they probably obtained a view of the “shoals, and rocks” which they saw at the mouth of the river.
230. _A fathom of match on his arm_. This was a rope, made of the tow of hemp or flax, loosely twisted, and prepared to retain the fire, so that, when once lighted, it would burn till the whole was consumed. It was employed in connection with the match-lock, the arm then in common use. The wheel-lock followed in order of time, which was discharged by means of a notched wheel of steel, so arranged that its friction, when in motion, threw sparks of fire into the pan that contained the powder. The snaphance was a slight improvement upon the wheel-lock. The flint-lock followed, now half a century since superseded by the percussion lock and cap.
231. They did not capture any of the Indians, to be reduced to a species of slavery, as they intended; but, as will appear further on, inhumanly butchered several of them, which would seem to have been an act of revenge rather than of punishment. The intercourse of the French with the natives of Cape Cod was, on the whole, less satisfactory than that with the northern tribes along the shores of Maine, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia. With the latter they had no hostile conflicts whatever, although the Indians were sufficiently implacable and revengeful towards their enemies. Those inhabiting the peninsula of Cape Cod, and as far north as Cape Anne, were more suspicious, and had apparently less clear conceptions of personal rights, especially the rights of property. Might and right were to them identical. Whatever they desired, they thought they had a right to have, if they had the power or wit to obtain it. The French came in contact with only two of the many subordinate tribes that were in possession of the peninsula; viz., the Monomoyicks at Chatham, and the Nausets at Eastham. The conflict in both instances grew out of an attempt on the part of the natives to commit a petty theft. But it is quite possible that the invasion of their territory by strangers, an unpardonable offence among civilized people, may have created a feeling of hostility that found a partial gratification in stealing their property; and, had not this occasion offered, the stifled feeling of hostility may have broken out in some other form. In general, they were not subsequently unfriendly in their intercourse with the English. The Nausets were, however, the same that sent a shower of arrows upon the Pilgrims in 1620, at the place called by them the “First Encounter,” and not more than three miles from the spot where the same tribe, in 1605, had attacked the French, and Slain one of De Monts’s men. It must, however, be said that, beside the invasion of their country, the Pilgrims had, some days before, rifled the granaries of the natives dwelling a few miles north of the Nausets, and taken away without leave a generous quantity of their winter’s supply of corn; and this may have inspired them with a desire to be rid of visitors who helped themselves to their provisions, the fruit of their summer’s toil, their dependence for the winter already upon them, with so little ceremony and such unscrupulous selfishness; for such it must have appeared to the Nausets in their savage and unenlightened state. It is to be regretted that these excellent men, the Pilgrims, did not more fully comprehend the moral character of their conduct in this instance. They lost at the outset a golden opportunity for impressing upon the minds of the natives the great practical principle enunciated by our Lord, the foundation of all good neighborhood, [Greek: Panta oun osa an thelaete ina poiosin hymin hoi anthropoi, houto kai hymeis poieite autois. Matth]. vii 12.–_Vide Bradford’s Hist. Plym. Plantation_, pp. 82, 83; _Mourt’s Relation_, London, 1622, Dexter’s ed., pp. 21, 22, 30, 31, 55.
232. The latitude of Nobska Point, the most southern limit of their voyage, is 41° 31′, while the latitude of Nauset Harbor, the southern limit of that of De Monts on the previous year, 1605, is 41° 49′. They consequently advanced but 18′, or eighteen nautical miles, further south than they did the year before. Had they commenced this year’s explorations where those of the preceding terminated, as Champlain had advised, they might have explored the whole coast as far as Long Island Sound. _Vide antea_, pp. 109, 110.
233. Between the Kennebec and Penobscot.
234. _Vide antea_, note 177.
235. _Isles Rangées_, the small islands along the coast south-west of Machias. _Vide_ map of 1612.
236. _Petit passage de la Rivière Saincte Croix_, the southern strait leading into Eastport Harbor. This anchorage appears to have been in Quoddy Roads between Quoddy Head and Lubeck.
237. In reporting the stratagem resorted to for decoying the Indians into the hands of the French at Port Fortuné, Champlain passes over the details of the bloody encounter, doubtless to spare himself and the reader the painful record; but its results are here distinctly stated. Compare _antea_, pp. 132, 133.
238. Sailing from Quoddy Head to Annapolis Bay, they would in their course pass round the northern point of the Grand Manan; and they probably anchored in Whale Cove, or perhaps in Long Island Bay, a little further south. Champlain’s map is so oriented that both of these bays would appear to be on the south of the Grand Manan. _Vide_ map of 1612.
239. Champlain had now completed his survey south of the Bay of Fundy. He had traced the shore-line with its sinuosities and its numberless islands far beyond the two distinguished headlands, Cape sable and Cape Cod, which respectively mark the entrance to the Gulf of Maine. The priority of these observations, particularly with reference to the habits, mode of life, and character of the aborigines, invests them with an unusual interest and value. Anterior to the visits of Champlain, the natives on this coast had come in contact with Europeans but rarely and incidentally, altogether too little certainly, if we except those residing on the southern coast of Nova Scotia, to have any modifying effect upon their manners, customs, or mode of life. What Champlain reports, therefore, of the Indians, is true of them in their purely savage state, untouched by any influences of European civilization. This distinguishes the record, and gives to it a special importance.
CHAPTER XVI.
RETURN FROM THE FOREGOING DISCOVERIES, AND WHAT TRANSPIRED DURING THE WINTER.
Upon our arrival, Lescarbot, who had remained at the settlement, assisted by the others who had stayed there, welcomed us with a humorous entertainment. [240]
Having landed and had time to take breath, each one began to make little gardens, I among the rest attending to mine, in order in the spring to sow several kinds of seeds which had been brought from France, and which grew very well in all the gardens.
Sieur de Poutrincourt, moreover, had a water-mill built nearly a league and a half from our settlement, near the point where grain had been planted. This mill [241] was built at a fall, on a little river which is not navigable on account of the large number of rocks in it, and which falls into a small lake. In this place, there is such an abundance of herring in their season that shallops could be loaded with them, if one were to take the trouble to bring the requisite apparatus. The savages also of this region come here sometimes to fish. A quantity of charcoal was made by us for our forge. During the winter, in order not to remain idle, I undertook the building of a road along the wood to a little, river or brook, which we named La Truitière, [242] there being many trout there. I asked Sieur de Poutrincourt for two or three men, which he gave me to assist in making this passage-way. I got along so well that in a little while I had the road through. It extends through to trout-brook, and measures nearly two thousand paces. It served us as a walk under the shelter of the trees, which I had left on both sides. This led Sieur de Poutrincourt to determine to make another through the woods, in order that we might go straight to the mouth of Port Royal, it being a distance of nearly three leagues and a half by land from our settlement. He had this commenced and continued for about half a league from La Truitière; but he did not finish it, as the undertaking was too laborious, and he was occupied by other things at the time more necessary. Some time after our arrival, we saw a shallop containing savages, who told us that a savage, who was one of our friends, had been killed by those belonging to the place whence they came, which was Norumbegue, in revenge for the killing of the men of Norumbegue and Quinibequy by Iouaniscou, also a savage, and his followers, as I have before related; and that some Etechemins had informed the savage Secondon, who was with us at that time.
The commander of the shallop was the savage named Ouagimou, who was on terms of friendship with Bessabez, chief of the river Norumbegue, of whom he asked the body of Panounias, [243] who had been killed. The latter granted it to him, begging him to tell his friends that he was very sorry for his death, and assuring him that it was without his knowledge that he had been killed, and that, inasmuch as it was not his fault, he begged him to tell them that he desired they might continue to live as friends. This Ouagimou promised to do upon his return. He said to us that he was very uneasy until he got away from them, whatever friendship they might show him, since they were liable to change; and he feared that they would treat him in the same manner as they had the one who had been killed. Accordingly, he did not tarry long after being dismissed. He took the body in his shallop from Norumbegue to our settlement, a distance of fifty leagues.
As soon as the body was brought on shore, his relatives and friends began to shout by his side, having painted their entire face with black, which is their mode of mourning. After lamenting much, they took a quantity of tobacco and two or three dogs and other things belonging to the deceased, and burned them some thousand paces from our settlement on the sea-shore. Their cries continued until they returned to their cabin.
The next day they took the body of the deceased and wrapped it in a red covering, which Mabretou, chief of this place, urgently implored me to give him, since it was handsome and large. He gave it to the relatives of the deceased, who thanked me very much for it. After thus; wrapping up the body, they decorated it with several kinds of _matachiats_; that is, strings of beads and bracelets of diverse colors. They painted the face, and put on the head many feathers and other things, the finest they had. Then they placed the body on its knees between two sticks, with another under the arms to sustain it. Around the body were the mother, wife, and others of the relatives and friends of the deceased, both women and girls, howling like dogs.
While the women and girls were shrieking, the savage named Mabretou made an address to his companions on the death of the deceased, urging all to take vengeance for the wickedness and treachery committed by the subjects of Bessabez, and to make war upon them as speedily as possible. All agreed to do so in the spring.
After the harangue was finished and the cries had ceased, they carried the body of the deceased to another cabin. After smoking tobacco together, they wrapped it in an elk-skin likewise; and, binding it very securely, they kept it until there should be a larger number of savages present, from each one of whom the brother of the deceased expected to receive presents, it being their custom to give them to those who have lost fathers, mothers, wives, brothers, or sisters.
On the night of the 26th of December, there was a southeast wind, which blew down several trees. On the last day of December, it began to snow, which continued until the morning of the next day. On the both of January following, 1607, Sieur de Poutrincourt, desiring to ascend the river Équille, [244] found it at a distance of some two leagues from our settlement sealed with ice, which caused him to return, not being able to advance any farther. On the 8th of February, some pieces of ice began to flow down from the upper part of the river into the harbor, which only freezes along the shore. On the both of May following, it snowed all night; and, towards the end of the month, there were heavy hoar-frosts, which lasted until the 10th or 12th of June, when all the trees were covered with leaves, except the oaks, which do not leaf out until about the 15th. The winter was not so severe as on the preceding years, nor did the snow continue so long on the ground. It rained very often, so that the savages suffered a severe famine, owing to the small quantity of snow. Sieur de Poutrincourt supported a part of them who were with us; namely, Mabretou, his wife and children, and some others.
We spent this winter very pleasantly, and fared generously by means of the ORDRE DE BON TEMPS, which I introduced. This all found useful for their health, and more advantageous than all the medicines that could have been used. By the rules of the order, a chain was put, with some little ceremonies, on the neck of one of our company, commissioning him for the day to go a hunting. The next day it was conferred upon another, and thus in succession. All exerted themselves to the utmost to see who would do the best and bring home the finest game. We found this a very good arrangement, as did also the savages who were with us. [245]
There were some cases of _mal de la terre_ among us, which was, however, not so violent as in the previous years. Nevertheless, seven died from it, and another from an arrow wound, which he had received from the savages at Port Fortuné. [246]
Our surgeon, named Master Estienne, opened some of the bodies, as we did the previous years, and found almost all the interior parts affected. Eight or ten of the sick got well by spring.
At the beginning of March and of April, all began to prepare gardens, so as to plant seeds in May, which is the proper time for it. They grew as well as in France, but were somewhat later. I think France is at least a month and a half more forward. As I have stated, the time to plant is in May, although one can sometimes do so in April; yet the seeds planted then do not come forward any faster than those planted in May, when the cold can no longer damage the plants except those which are very tender, since there are many which cannot endure the hoar-frosts, unless great care and attention be exercised.
On the 24th of May, we perceived a small barque [247] of six or seven tons’ burthen, which we sent men to reconnoitre; and it was found to be a young man from St. Malo, named Chevalier, who brought letters from Sieur de Monts to Sieur de Poutrincourt, by which he directed him to bring back his company to France. [248] He also announced to us the birth of Monseigneur, the Duke of Orleans, to our delight, in honor of which event we made bonfires and chanted the _Te Deum_. [249]
Between the beginning and the 20th of June, some thirty or forty savages assembled in this place in order to make war upon the Almouchiquois, and revenge the death of Panounias, who was interred by the savages according to their custom, who gave afterwards a quantity of peltry to a brother of his.[250] The presents being made, all of them set out from this place on the 29th of June for Choüacoet, which is the country of the Almouchiquois, to engage in the war.
Some days after the arrival of the above Chevalier, Sieur de Poutrincourt sent him to the rivers St. John [251] and St. Croix [252] to trade for furs. But he did not permit him to go without men to bring back the barque, since some had reported that he desired to return to France with the vessel in which he had come, and leave us in our settlement. Lescarbot was one of those who accompanied him, who up to this time had not left Port Royal. This is the farthest he went, only fourteen or fifteen leagues beyond Port Royal.
While awaiting the return of Chevalier, Sieur de Poutrincourt went to the head of Baye Françoise in a shallop with seven or eight men. Leaving the harbor and heading northeast a quarter east for some twenty-five leagues along the coast, we arrived at a cape where Sieur de Poutrincourt desired to ascend a cliff more than thirty fathoms high, in doing which he came near losing his life. For, having reached the top of the rock which is very narrow, and which he had ascended with much difficulty, the summit trembled beneath him. The reason was that, in course of time, moss had gathered there four or five feet in thickness, and, not being solid, trembled when one was on top of it, and very often when one stepped on a stone three or four others fell down. Accordingly, having gone up with difficulty, he experienced still greater in coming down, although some sailors, men very dexterous in climbing, carried him a hawser, a rope of medium size, by means of which he descended, This place was named Cap de Poutrincourt, [253] and is in latitude 45° 40′.
We went as far as the head of this bay, but saw nothing but certain white stones suitable for making lime, yet they are found only in small quantities. We saw also on some islands a great number of gulls. We captured as many of them as we wished. We made the tour of the bay, in order to go to the Port aux Mines where I had previously been, [254] and whither I conducted Sieur de Poutrincourt, who collected some little pieces of copper with great difficulty. All this bay has a circuit of perhaps twenty leagues, with a little river at its head, which is very sluggish and contains but little water. There are many other little brooks, and some places where there are good harbors at high tide, which rises here five fathoms. In one of these harbors three or four leagues north of Cap de Poutrincourt, we found a very old cross all covered with moss and almost all rotten, a plain indication that before this there had been Christians there. All of this country is covered with dense forests, and with some exceptions is not very attractive. [255]
From the Port aux Mines [256] we returned to our settlement. In this bay there are strong tidal currents running in a south-westerly direction.
On the 12th of July, Ralleau, secretary of Sieur de Monts, arrived with three others in a shallop from a place called Niganis, [257] distant from Port Royal some hundred and sixty or hundred and seventy leagues, confirming the report which Chevalier had brought to Sieur de Poutrincourt.
On the 3d of July, [258] three barques were fitted out to send the men and supplies, which were at our settlement, to Canseau, distant one hundred and fifteen leagues from our settlement, and in latitude 45° 20′, where the vessel [259] was engaged in fishing, which was to carry us back to France.
Sieur de Poutrincourt sent back all his companions, but remained with eight others at the settlement, so as to carry to France some grain not yet quite ripe. [260]
On the 10th of August, Mabretou arrived from the war, who told us that he had been at Choüacoet, and had killed twenty savages and wounded ten or twelve; also that Onemechin, chief of that place, Marchin, and one other, had been killed by Sasinou, chief of the river of Quinibequy, who was afterwards killed by the companions of Onemechin and Marchin. All this war was simply on account of the savage Panounias, one of our friends who, as I have said above, had been killed at Norumbegue by the followers of Onemechin and Marchin. At present, the chiefs in place of Onemechin, Marchin, and Sasinou are their sons: namely, for Sasinou, Pememen; Abriou for his father, Marchin; and for Onemechin, Queconsicq. The two latter were wounded by the followers of Mabretou, who seized them under pretence of friendship, as is their fashion, something which both sides have to guard against. [261]
ENDNOTES:
240. Lescarbot, the author of a History of New France often referred to in our notes, published a volume entitled “LES MUSES DE LA NOUVELLE FRANCE,” in which may be found the play entitled LE THEATRE DE NEPTUNE, which he composed to celebrate the return of this expedition.
241. The mill is represented on Champlain’s map of Port Royal as situated on the stream which he calls _Rivière du Moulin_, the River of the Mill. This is Allen River; and the site of the mill was a short distance south-east of the “point where corn had been planted,” which was on the spot now occupied by the village of Annapolis.
242. _Vide antea_, note 212. see also the map of Port Royal, where the road is delineated, p. 24.
243. This Indian Panounias and his wife had accompanied De Monts in 1605, on his expedition to Cape Cod.–_Vide_ antea, p. 55.
244. Now the Annapolis River.
245. The conceit of this novel order was a happy one, as it served to dispel the gloom of a long winter in the forests of La Cadie, as well as to improve the quality and variety of their diet. The _noblesse_, or gentlemen of the party, were fifteen, who served in turn and for a single day as caterer or steward, the turn of each recurring once in fifteen days. It was their duty to add to the ordinary fare such delicate fish or game as could be captured or secured by each for his particular day. They always had some delicacy at breakfast; but the dinner was the great banquet, when the most imposing ceremony was observed.
246. Champlain does not inform us how many of Poutrincourt’s party were killed in the affray at Chatham. He mentions one as killed on the spot. He speaks of carrying away the “dead bodies” for burial. He also says they made a “deadly assault” upon “five or six of our company;” and another appears to have died of his wounds after their return to Port Royal, as stated in the text.
247. _Une petite barque_. The French barque was a small vessel or large boat, rigged with two masts; and those employed by De Monts along our coast varied from six to eighteen tons burden, and must not be confounded with our modern bark, which is generally much larger.
The _vaisseau_, often mentioned by Champlain, included all large vessels, those used for fishing, the fur-trade, and the transportation of men and supplies for the colony.
The _chaloupe_ was a row-boat of convenient size for penetrating shallow places, was dragged behind the barque in the explorations of our coast, and used for minor investigations of rivers and estuaries.
The _patache_, an advice-boat, is rarely used by Champlain, and then in the place of the shallop.
248. It Seems that young Chevalier had come out in the “Jonas,” the same ship that had brought out Poutrincourt, Lescarbot, and others, the year before. It had stopped at Canseau to fish for cod. It brought the unwelcome news that the company of De Monts had been broken up; that the Hollanders, conducted by a “French traitor named La Jeunesse,” had destroyed the fur-trading establishments on the St. Lawrence, which rendered it impracticable to sustain, as heretofore, the expenses of the company. The monopoly of the fur-trade, granted to De Monts for ten years, had been rescinded by the King’s Council. “We were very sad,” says Lescarbot, “to see so fine and holy an undertaking broken off, and that so many labors and perils endured had resulted in nothing: and that the hope of establishing there the name of God and the Catholic Faith had disappeared. Notwithstanding, after M. de Poutrincourt had a long while mused hereupon, he said that, although he should have none to come with him, except his family, he would not forsake the enterprise.”–_His. Nou. France_, par M. Lescarbot. Paris, 1612. pp. 591-2.
249. On the 16th of April, 1607, was born the second son of Henry IV. by Marie de Medicis, who received the title, Le Duc d’Orléans. In France, public rejoicings were universal. On the 22d of the month, he was invested with the insignia of the Order of St. Michael and the Holy Ghost with great pomp, on which occasion a banquet was given by the King in the great hall at Fontainebleau, and in the evening the park was illuminated by bonfires and a pyrotechnic display, which was witnessed by a vast concourse of people. The young prince was baptized privately by the Cardinal de Gondy, but the state ceremonies of his christening were delayed, and appear never to have taken place: he died in the fifth year of his age, never having received any Christian name.–_Vide the Life of Marie de Medicis_, by Miss Pardoe, London, 1852, Vol. I. p. 416; _Memoirs of the Duke of Sully_, Lennox, trans., Phila., 1817, Vol. IV. p. 140. In New France, the little colony at Port Royal attested their loyalty by suitable manifestations of joy. “As the day declined,” Says Lescarbot, “we made bonfires to celebrate the birth of Monseigneur le Duc d’Orléans, and caused our cannon and falconets to thunder forth again, accompanied with plenty of musket-shots, having before for this purpose chanted a _Te Deum_.” –_Vide His. Nou. France_, Paris, 1612, p.594.
250. Lescarbot says that about four hundred set out for the war against the Almouchiquois, at Choüacoet, or Saco. The savages were nearly two months in assembling themselves together. Mabretou had sent out his two sons, Actaudin and Actaudinech, to summon them to come to Port Royal as a rendezvous. They came from the river St. John, and from the region of Gaspé. Their purpose was accomplished, as will appear in the sequel.
251. At St. John, they visited the cabin of Secondon, the Sagamore, with whom they bartered for some furs. Lescarbot, who was in the expedition, says, “The town of Ouïgoudy was a great enclosure upon a hill, compassed about with high and small trees, tied one against another; and within it many cabins, great and small, one of which was as large as a market-hall, wherein many households resided.” In the cabin of Secondon. they saw some eighty or a hundred savages, all nearly naked. They were celebrating a feast which they call _Tabagie_. Their chief made his warriors pass in review before his guests.–_Vide His. Nou. France_, par M. Lescarbot. Paris, 1612. p. 598.
252. They found sack at St. Croix that had been left there by De Monts’s colony three years before, of which they drank. Casks were still lying in the deserted court-yard: and others had been used as fuel by mariners, who had chanced to come there.
253. De Laet’s map has C. de Poutrincourt; the map of the English and French Commissaries, C. Fendu or split Cape. Halliburton has Split Cape, so likewise has the Admiralty map of 1860.
It is situated at the entrance of the Basin of Mines, and about eight miles southwest of Parrsborough. The point of this cape is in latitude 45° 20′.
254. _Vide antea_, p. 26.
255. The author is here speaking of the country about the Basin of Mines. The river at the head of the bay is the Shubenacadie. It is not easy to determine where the moss-covered cross was found. The distance from Cap de Poutrincourt is indefinite, and the direction could not have been exactly north. There is too much uncertainty to warrant even a conjecture as to its locality.
256. The port aux Mines is Advocate’s Harbor.–_Vide antea_, p. 26, and note 67.
257. Niganis is a small Bay in the Island of Cape Breton, south of Cape North: by De Laet called _Ninganis_; English, and French Commissaries, _Niganishe_; modern maps, _Niganish_.
258. The _3d of July_ was doubtless an error of the printer for the 30th, as appears from the later date in the preceding paragraph, and the statement of Lescarbot, that he left on the 30th of July. He says they had one large barque, two small ones, and a shallop. One of the small ones was sent before, while the other two followed on the 30th; and he adds that Poutrincourt remained eleven days longer to await the ripening of their grain, which agrees with Champlain’s subsequent statement, that he left with Poutrincourt on the 11th of August.–_Vide His. Nou. France_, 1612, p. 603.
259. The “Jonas.”–_Vide antea_, p. 146.
260. _Vide antea_, note 258.
261. The implacable character of the American Indian is well illustrated in this skirmish which took place at Saco. The old chief Mabretou, whose life had been prolonged through several generations, had inspired his allies to revenge, and had been present at the conflict. The Indian Panounias had been killed in an affray, the particular cause of which is not stated. To avenge his death, many lives were lost on both sides. The two chiefs of Saco were slain, and in turn the author of their death perished by the hand of their friends. Lescarbot informs us that Champdoré, under Poutrincourt, subsequently visited Saco, and concluded a formal peace between the belligerent parties, emphasizing its importance by impressive forms, and ceremonies.
CHAPTER XVII.
THE SETTLEMENT ABANDONED.–RETURN TO FRANCE OF SIEUR DE POUTRINCOURT AND ALL HIS COMPANY.
On the 11th of August, we set out from our settlement in a shallop, and coasted along as far as Cape Fourchu, where I had previously been.
Continuing our course along the coast as far as Cap de la Hève, where we first landed with Sieur de Monts, on the 8th of May, 1604, [262] we examined the coast from this place as far as Canseau, a distance of nearly sixty leagues. This I had not yet done, and I observed it very carefully, making a map of it as of the other coasts.
Departing from Cap de la Hève, we went as far as Sesambre, an island so called by some people from St. Malo, [263] and distant fifteen leagues from La Hève. Along the route are a large number of islands, which we named Les Martyres, [264] since some Frenchmen were once killed there by the savages. These islands lie in several inlets and bays. In one of them is a river named St. Marguerite, [265] distant seven leagues from Sesambre, which is in latitude 44° 25′. The islands and coasts are thickly covered with pines, firs, birches, and other trees of inferior quality. Fish and also fowl are abundant.
After leaving Sesambre, we passed a bay which is unobstructed, of seven or eight leagues in extent, with no islands except at the extremity, where is the mouth of a small river, containing but little water. [266] Then, heading north-east a quarter east, we arrived at a harbor distant eight leagues from Sesambre, which is very suitable for vessels of a hundred or a hundred and twenty tons. At its entrance is an island from which one can walk to the main land at low tide. We named this place Port Saincte Helaine, [267] which is in latitude 44° 40′ more or less.
From this place we proceeded to a bay called La Baye de Toutes Isles, [268] of some fourteen or fifteen leagues in extent, a dangerous place on account of the presence of banks, shoals, and reefs. The country presents a very unfavorable appearance, being filled with the same kind of trees which I have mentioned before. Here we encountered bad weather.
Hence we passed on near a river, six leagues distant, called Rivière de l’Isle Verte,[269] there being a green island at its entrance. This short distance which we traversed is filled with numerous rocks extending nearly a league out to sea, where the breakers are high, the latitude being 45° 15′.
Thence we went to a place where there is an inlet, with two or three islands, and a very good harbor, [270] distant three leagues from l’Isle Verte. We passed also by several islands near and in a line with each other, which we named Isles Rangées, [271] and which are distant six or seven leagues from l’Isle Verte. Afterwards we passed by another bay [272] containing several islands, and proceeded to a place where we found a vessel engaged in fishing between some islands, which are a short distance from the main land, and distant four leagues from the Rangées. This place we named Port de Savalette, [273] the name of the master of the vessel engaged in fishing, a Basque, who entertained us bountifully; and was very glad to see us, since there were savages there who purposed some harm to him, which we prevented. [274]
Leaving this place, we arrived on the 27th of the month at Canseau, distant six leagues from Port de Savalette, having passed on our way a large number of islands. At Canseau, we found that the three barques had arrived at port in safety. Champdoré and Lescarbot came out to receive us. We also found the vessel ready to sail, having finished its fishing and awaiting only fair weather to return. Meanwhile, we had much enjoyment among these islands, where we found the greatest possible quantity of raspberries.
All the coast which we passed along from Cape Sable to this place is moderately high and rocky, in most places bordered by numerous islands and breakers, which extend out to sea nearly two leagues in places, and are very unfavorable for the approach of vessels. Yet there cannot but be good harbors and roadsteads along the coasts and islands, if they were explored. As to the country, it is worse and less promising than in other places which we had seen, except on some rivers or brooks, where it is very pleasant; but there is no doubt that the winter in these regions is cold, lasting from six to seven months.
The harbor of Canseau [275] is a place surrounded by islands, to which the approach is very difficult, except in fair weather, on account of the rocks and breakers about it. Fishing, both green and dry, is carried on here.
From this place to the Island of Cape Breton, which is in latitude 45° 45′ and 14° 50′ of the deflection of the magnetic needle, [276] it is eight leagues, and to Cape Breton twenty-five. Between the two there is a large bay, [277] extending Some nine or ten leagues into the interior and making a passage between the Island of Cape Breton and the main land through to the great Bay of St. Lawrence, by which they go to Gaspé and Isle Percée, where fishing is carried on. This passage along the Island of Cape Breton is very narrow. Although there is water enough, large vessels do not pass there at all on account of the strong currents and the impetuosity of the tides which prevail. This we named Le Passage Courant, [278] and it is in latitude 45° 45′.
The Island of Cape Breton is of a triangular shape, with a circuit of about eighty leagues. Most of the country is mountainous, yet in some parts very pleasant. In the centre of it there is a kind of lake, [279] where the sea enters by the north a quarter north-west, and also by the south a quarter Southeast. [280] Here are many islands filled with plenty of game, and shell-fish of various kinds, including oysters, which, however, are not of very good flavor. In this place there are two harbors, where fishing is carried on; namely, Le Port aux Anglois, [281] distant from Cape Breton some two or three leagues, and Niganis, eighteen or twenty leagues north a quarter north-west. The Portuguese once made an attempt to settle this island, and spent a winter here; but the inclemency of the season and the cold caused them to abandon their settlement.
On the 3rd of September, we set out from Canseau. On the 4th, we were off Sable Island. On the 6th, we reached the Grand Bank, where the catching of green fish is carried on, in latitude 45° 30′. On the 26th, we entered the sound near the shores of Brittany and England, in sixty-five fathoms of water and in latitude 49° 30′. On the 28th, we put in at Roscou, [282] in lower Brittany, where we were detained by bad weather until the last day of September, when, the wind coming round favorable, we put to sea in order to pursue our route to St. Malo, [283] which formed the termination of these voyages, in which God had guided us without shipwreck or danger.
END OF THE VOYAGES FROM THE YEAR 1604 TO 1608.
ENDNOTES:
262. _Vide antea_, p. 9 and note 22.
263. Sesambre. This name was probably suggested by the little islet, _Cézembre_, one of several on which are military works for the defence of St. Malo. On De Laet’s map of 1633, it is written _Sesembre_; on that of Charlevoix. 1744, _Sincenibre_. It now appears on the Admiralty maps corrupted into Sambro. There is a cape and a harbor near this island which bear the same name.
264. The islands stretching along from Cap de la Hève to Sambro Island are called the _Martyres Iles_ on De Laet’s map, 1633.
265. The bay into which this river empties still retains the name of St. Margaret.
266. Halifax Harbor. Its Indian name was Chebucto, written on the map of the English and French Commissaries _Shebûctû_. On Champlain’s map, 1612, as likewise on that of De Laet, 1633, it is called “_Baye Senne_,” perhaps from _saine_, signifying the unobstructed bay.
267. Eight leagues from the Island Sesambre or Sambro Island would take them to Perpisawick Inlet, which is doubtless _Le Port Saincte Helaine_ of Champlain. The latitude of this harbor is 44° 41′, differing but a single minute from that of the text, which is extraordinary, the usual variation being from ten to thirty minutes.
268. Nicomtau Bay is fifteen leagues from Perpisawick Inlet, but _La Baye de Toutes Isles_ is, more strictly speaking, an archipelago, extending along the coast, say from Clam Bay to Liscomb Point, as may be seen by reference to Champlain’s map, 1612, and that of De Laet, 1633, Cruxius, 1660, and of Charlevoix, 1744. The north-eastern portion of this archipelago is now called, according to Laverdière, Island Bay.
269. _Rivière de l’Isle Verte_, or Green Island River, is the River St. Mary; and Green Island is Wedge Island near its mouth. The latitude at the mouth of the river is 45° 3′. This little island is called _I. Verte_ on De Laet’s map, and likewise on that of Charlevoix; on the map of the English and French Commissaries, Liscomb or Green Island.
270. This inlet has now the incongruous name of Country Harbor: the three islands at its mouth are Harbor, Goose, and Green Islands. The inlet is called Mocodome on Charlevoix’s map.
271. There are several islets on the east of St. Catharine’s River, near the shore, which Laverdière suggests are the _Isles Rangées_. They are exceedingly small, and no name is given them on the Admiralty charts.
272. Tor Bay.
273. _Le Port de Savalette_. Obviously White Haven, which is four leagues from the Rangées and six from Canseau, as stated in the text.