The Tinguian by Fay-Cooper ColeSocial, Religious, and Economic Life of a Philippine Tribe (page 3)

but is found in the Igorot villages farther south, it seems likely that it is an importation from that region.

The members of the family gather in the afternoon, and kill a small pig by cutting off its head. A part of the blood is saved, and the balance is sprinkled against the house posts and ladder. The pig itself is hung from one round of the ladder, so that its blood will drip to the ground. The medium has been standing quietly to one side watching, but now she calls upon the spirits, “You (calling one or more by name), come out; be vomited up, for now you are being fed.” She allows them a few minutes for their repast, then cuts open the carcass and removes the liver. A bit is cut from the top, then she splits open the animal’s skull, and removes a little of the brain. This she places on a banana leaf; and, after adding a small piece of gold, wraps it up and buries it beside the center post of the dwelling. The animal is now cooked and served to the guests, but liberal portions are placed on the house rafters and other places convenient for the spirits.

Next morning a piece is cut from a dog’s ear, is smeared with blood, and is placed in a small split bamboo, together with two stalks of rice. A clout is tied to a spear, and all are rubbed on the body of the patient, while the medium explains that this is the betel-nut of the spirits, and that, when she takes it from the village, they will go also, and the recovery be assured. The family follows her to the gate of the town, and watches closely, as she thrusts the spear and pole into the ground; for if they are firmly set in the ground, yet lean away from the village, it is certain that the spirits have departed, and the sick will recover.

Following the ceremony, members of the family may not work for five days, neither may they lead a horse or carabao, or eat of wild meat. Should they do any of the things forbidden, they will be struck by lightning.

_Sapata the Oath_.–If a theft has been committed, and it has been impossible to detect the guilty person, the following procedure takes place. A rice-mortar is placed in the yard, and on it a dish of _basi_. All the people are summoned to gather, and one by one they drink of the liquor, meanwhile calling on the snakes to bite them, the lightning to strike them, or their abdomens to swell up and burst if they are guilty. Soon the people will know the culprit, for one of these disasters will befall him. When that occurs, his family will be compelled to make good the theft, as well as the expense of this gathering.

SECTION 2

The Great Ceremonies

In addition to the ceremonies and rites which may be celebrated by all the people there are a number of more elaborate observances, which can only be given by those who have the hereditary right, or who have gained the privilege by a certain definite procedure.

In general these ceremonies are restricted to the villages in or close to the valley of the Abra, the lower reaches of the Tineg, Malanas, and Sinalong rivers. As one proceeds up the tributary streams into such settlements as Baay, Likuan, and Lakub, it is noticeable that the typical spirit houses become fewer in number, while the participants in the accompanying ceremonies are limited to recent emigrants from the lower valleys. The same thing is found to be true on the western side of the coast range of mountains, as one goes north or south from the Abra river, although there is evidence here that some of the settlements formerly had these rites, but have allowed them to fall into disuse, as a result of Ilocano influence.

This distribution of the great ceremonies seems to give a hint that they are intrusive; that they probably were at one time restricted to the families of emigrants and even to-day are barred from a part of the people. They have not yet extended far into the interior, despite the fact that in the lower valleys they almost completely dominate the life of the people during a portion of the year.

In all the valley towns one sees little houses and platforms, apparently of no practical value, yet occupying important places, while in the period following the rice-harvest elaborate festivals are carried on about them. Soon it develops that each of these structures has a definite name, is associated with a particular ceremony, and is built and kept in repair in honor of certain powerful spirits.

The culmination of these rites is the great _Sayang_ ceremony which extends over seventeen days and nights. When this is held, it includes all the minor events of this class, and the smaller spirit structures are then built or repaired. This supreme event can only be celebrated by a few families, but all the townpeople are welcome guests, and all, regardless of age and sex, may witness or take part in the proceedings.

Since all the great events occur after the harvest, a time of leisure and plenty, they become the great social events of the year. A person who does not have the hereditary right to the ceremonies may gain the liberty if he be warned in a dream or be notified by the spirits that it is their wish. Since all the expenses of such a gathering fall on the giver, it is imperative that he be well-to-do. Such a one gives the ceremonies, in order, during a term of years, and eventually obtains the right to the _Sayang_, the greatest social and religious event in Tinguian life.

Adoption entitles an individual to all the privileges of the family, and as the writer and his wife were adopted into a family possessing the right to all the ceremonies, they became at once participants in all the events which are here described. In this way it was possible to obtain information and instruction on many points which observation alone could scarcely afford.

The _Pala-an_ ceremony is the first round on the social and religious ladder. It is here given in some detail, and is then followed by others, in the order of their importance.

_Pala-an_.–The _Pala-an_ is held when some member of the family is ill, or when the structure of that name needs repair. Many spirits visit the people during this rite, but the one chiefly interested is Idadaya, the spirit of the east. He and his ten grandchildren wear in their hair the notched tail-feathers of a rooster, which are known as _igam._ From time to time these lose their luster, and they can only be refreshed by having some mortal celebrate _Pala-an_.

When it appears that these ornaments need attention, the Idadaya will notify some family, either through a medium or by sending illness to them.

A family having received such a notification summons a medium, and she at once begins to gather _saklag_ (_Justicia gendarussa_ L.) and _sikag_ (_Lygodium_ sp. near _scandens_) and a grass known as _bildis_, while the men secure the bamboo and other materials used in building the spirit structure. One corner of the living room is screened off with a large white blanket called _tabing_, and behind it the medium places unthreshed rice and jars which she has decked with vines and leaves.

While she is thus engaged, the men are busy building the _pala-an_ (Plate XXIV). This consists of four long poles–three of bamboo and one of a resinous tree, _anteng_, [143] set in a square and supporting, near the top, a platform of bamboo.

A number of women have been invited to assist the family, and they now proceed to beat out sufficient rice to serve the guests. When the pounding is finished, a rice-mortar is set out in the open, and a little rice is placed in it. The women, armed with long pestles, gather around and, keeping time to the music of copper gongs, they circle the mortar contra-clockwise, striking its edge three times in regular beats of 1, 2, 3; on the next beat the leader strikes the bottom of her pestle against that of her neighbor, on the first and second beats, but on the third she pounds the rice in the mortar. This is repeated by the woman on her right and so on around the circle. Then the leader strikes the top of her pestle against the top of the one held by the women next her on two beats and on the third pounds rice, and this is repeated by all. The music now becomes much faster, and, keeping time with it, the leader strikes first into the rice, then whirls clear around and strikes the pestle of the woman on her left; again she turns and strikes that of the woman on her right. Each follows her in turn, and soon all are in motion about the mortar, alternately pounding the rice and clashing pestles. This is known as _kitong_, and is the method prescribed by the great spirit Kaboniyan for the breaking of a part of the rice to be used in this and other ceremonies (Plate XXXI).

As soon as the pounding is finished, the medium places some of the newly broken rice in a bamboo dish, and places this on a rice winnower. She also adds a skirt, five pieces of betel-nut, two piper leaves, and a little dish of oil, and carries the collection below the _pala-an_, where a bound pig lies. The betel-nut and leaf are placed on the animal, then the medium dips her fingers in the oil, and strokes its side while she recites the following _diam_:–

“The spirit who lives in Dadaya lies in bed; he looks at his _igam_, and they are dull. He looks again, ‘Why are my _igam_ dull? Ala, let us go to Sudipan, where the Tinguian live, and let us take our _igam_, so that some one may make them bright again.’ After that they laid them (the _igam_) on the house of the Ipogau, and they are all sick who live in that house. Kaboniyan looked down on them. ‘Ala, I shall go down to the Ipogau,’ He truly went down to them, ‘What is the matter with you?’ ‘We are all sick who live in the same place,’ said those sick ones. ‘That is true, and the cause of your sickness is that they (the spirits) laid down their _igam_ on you. It is best that you make _Pala-an_, since you have received their _igam_, for that is the cause of your illness,’ After that they made _Pala-an_, and they recovered from their sickness, those who lived in the same place. (Here the medium calls the spirits of Dadaya by name and then continues.) ‘Now those who live in the same place make bright again those _igam_ which you left in their house. Make them well again, if you please’.”

As soon as she finishes her recital, the pig is stabbed in the throat, its blood is collected, and is mixed with cooked rice. The carcass is singed at once. Five men then carry it to the top of the _pala-an_, where it is cut up. The suet and the hind legs are handed to the medium, who places them behind the screen in the room, and the family may then rest assured that the spirits thus remembered will free them from headache and sore eyes. After the flesh has been cut into small pieces, most of it is carried into the dwelling to be cooked for the guests, but a portion is placed in a bamboo tube, and is cooked beneath the _pala-an_. When it is ready to serve, the five men again go to the top of the structure and eat it, together with cooked rice, then they take the bamboo cooking tube, tie some of the sacred vines from behind the curtain about it, and fasten it to one pole of the _pala-an_. The men in the house are free to eat, and when they are finished, the women dine.

In the cool of the afternoon, the people begin to assemble in the yard, where they are soon joined by the medium carrying a spear in one hand, a rooster in the other, and with a rice winnower atop her head. She places the latter on a rice-mortar close to the _pala-an_, and uncovering it reveals a small head-axe, notched chicken feathers, her shells, five pieces of betel-nut and two leaves, a jar cover, a dish of oil, and a coconut shell filled with rice and blood.

At the command of the medium, four or five men begin to play on copper gongs, while the wife of the host comes forward and receives the spear and rooster in one hand. The medium takes the head-axe, and then the two women take hold of the winnower with their free hands. Keeping time to the music, they lift it from the mortar, take one step, then stop, strike the spear and head-axe together, then step and stop again. At each halt the medium takes a little of the rice and blood from the winnower and sprinkles it on the ground for the spirits to eat. [144] When they have made half the circuit of the mortar, they change places and retrace their steps; for “as they take the gifts partly away and then replace them, in the same manner the spirits will return that part of the patient’s life which they had removed, and he will become well and strong again.”

The blood and rice which remain after this dance is placed on nine pieces of banana bark. Five of these are carried to the _pala-an_; one to the east and one to the west gate of the town; one is put on the _talagan_, a miniature seat erected near by for the convenience of visiting spirits, and one in a little spirit house known as _tangpap_ (cf.p.311). For an hour or more, the medium makes _dawak_, and summons many spirits into her body. When the last of superior beings has made his call, the medium goes to her home, carrying her payment for the day’s work, [145] but the townspeople remain to drink _basi_ and to sing _da-eng_ until well into the night.

Early the next morning, the medium goes to the house, and removing the jars and the bundle of decorated rice from the _tabing_, carries them to the family’s rice granary, and places them in the center of that structure, covering them with six bundles of rice. This is an offering to the spirit residing there, and for the next five days the granary must not be opened.

Nothing more of importance takes place during the morning, but late in the afternoon the people assemble in the dwelling to drink _basi_, while one or more mediums summon the spirits. After a time a sterile female pig is brought in and placed in the center of the room. Two men armed with long knives slice the animal open along the length of its stomach. An old man quickly slips in his hand, draws out the still palpitating heart, and hands it to a medium, who in turn strokes the stomachs of members of the family, thus protecting them from intestinal troubles. She also touches the guests and the articles which have been used during the day. For this second day this medium receives, as pay, the head and two legs of the pig, a hundred fathoms of thread, a dish of broken rice, and five bundles of unthreshed rice. She also is given a small present in exchange for each bead she received when the spirits entered her body.

Following the ceremony, the members of the family are barred from work, usually for one moon, and during this period they may not eat of wild pig or carabao, of lobsters or eels. An infraction of this rule would incur, the wrath of the spirits and result in sickness and disaster.

_Tangpap_.–In many of the valley towns Tangpap is only a part of _Sayang_ (cf.p.345), and is never given alone, but in Manabo, Lagangilang, and nearby settlements it is recognized as one of the ceremonies which must be celebrated before a family acquires the right to _Sayang_. In these villages it follows _Pala-an_ after a lapse of two or three years. It was during the progress of this ceremony in the village of Manabo, in 1908, that the writer and his wife were made members of the tribe, and since the mediums were particularly anxious that we know all the details, the information in this instance is unusually complete. It is here given in full, as an excellent example of how all are conducted.

A Manabo woman, the wife of Sagasag, was seized with an illness which deprived her of the use of her limbs, and when other means of relief failed, was told by the spirits to give the _Tangpap_ ceremony, to which she already had a hereditary right. A medium was summoned, and she, with two assistants, began to prepare many presents for the spirits who were expected to attend the ceremony. From previous experience it was known the sort of gift each would appreciate, and by the end of the second day the following things were in readiness.

For the spirits Bakod and Olak, [146] a rice winnower was loaded with a shield, a clay dish, a coconut shell filled with _basi_, a string of beads, a small basket, two bundles of rice, and leaves of the _atilwag_ (_Breynia acuminata_), later the half of a slain pig was also added.

Cords were attached at each corner of the living room, and beneath the points where they crossed was a mat on which the mediums were to sit when summoning the spirits. On the cords were leaves, grasses, and vines, the whole forming a decoration pleasing to the superior beings, I-anayan and I-angawan.

For Gapas they provided two small baskets of rice, a shell called _gosipeng_, and a rattan-like vine, _tanobong_, betel-nuts and piper-leaf.

Bogewan received a basket of rice, some white thread, sections of _posel_–a variety of bamboo–, _atilwag_ leaves, and some beads. For Bognitan, a jar was partly filled with _tanobong_, and for Gilin, a jar of _basi_. Cooked rice was moulded into the form of an alligator, and was spotted with red, betel saliva. This, when placed on a basket of rice, was intended for Bolandan.

Soyan was provided with a basket which contained the medium’s shells and a cloth, while Ibaka received a jar cover filled with salt. Dandawila had to be content with a stem of young betel-nuts, and Bakoki with two fish baskets filled with pounded rice, also a spear. A large white blanket was folded into a neat square, and on it was laid a lead sinker for the use of Mamonglo.

As a rule, three spirits named Mabeyan attended this ceremony. For the first, a bamboo frame was constructed, and on it was placed a female pig, runo (a reed), and prepared betel nut. For the second, a shield, fish net, rice and a rice winnower, and a bit of string; while for the third, a rice winnower was set with eight coconut shells, a small dish, and a gourd dipper.

During a considerable portion of the time that these articles were being prepared, several men sat in the yard and played on the _tongatong_, but when the mediums finally gave the signal that everything was in readiness, they moved their instrument up on the porch of the dwelling, where they continued playing softly.

One of the mediums took her place in the mat in the middle of the room, and raising a Chinese plate above her head, began to strike against it with her shells, in order to notify the spirits that the ceremony was about to begin. Next she placed two dishes on the mat in front of her, and as she sang a monotonous chant, she touched each one with a small stick. The host was then ordered to shuffle his feet between the lines of dishes and to step over each one. As soon as he did so, the medium pulled the mat from beneath them, rolled it up, and used it as a whip with which she struck the head of each member of the family. The spirit who had caused the woman’s illness was supposed to be near by, and after he witnessed this whipping, he would be afraid to remain longer. As a promise of future reward to the well-disposed immortals, a bound pig was then placed beside the door of the dwelling.

Going to the hearth, the medium withdrew burning sticks, and placed them in a jar, and held this over the head of the sick woman, for “a spirit has made her sick, but the fire will frighten him away, and she will get well.” After she had made the circuit of the family, she held a bundle of rice above the flames, and with it again went to each person in the room; then she did the same thing with broken rice and with the _atilwag_ vine.

Two mediums then seated themselves on the mat, and covering their faces with their hands, began to chant and wail, beseeching the spirits to enter their bodies. One after another the spirits came and possesed the mediums, so that they were no longer regarded as human beings, but as the spirits themselves. First came Kakalonan, also known as Boboyonan, a friendly being whose chief duty it is to find the cause of troubles. Addressing the sick woman, he said, “Now you make this ceremony, and I come to make friends and to tell you the cause of your trouble. I do not think it was necessary for you to hold this ceremony now, for you built your _balaua_ only two years ago; yet it is best that you do so, for you can do nothing else. You are not like the spirits. If we die, we come to life again; if you die, you do not.” At this point an old man interrupted, and offered him a drink of _basi_. At first Kakalonan refused, saying he did not want to accept any payment; but finally he yielded and drained the coconut shell of liquor. After assuring the family that all would be well with them when the ceremony was complete, he took his departure.

The next spirit to come was Sagangan [147] of Anayan. He appeared to be in a rage, because the proper present had not been prepared for his coming, and was expressing himself vigorously when a passing woman happened to touch him, and he at once departed. The medium chanted for a long time, urging him to return, and finally he did so. At once he demanded that two bundles of rice have wax heads moulded on them, and that black beads be inserted for eyes. These, he assured them, would serve him as well as the woman’s life, so he would make the exchange, and she would get well.

When the dolls were prepared, he addressed the husband, “My other name is Ingalit, and I live in the sky. What is the matter with the woman?” “I do not know,” replied the man. “We ask you.” “You ask me, what is the matter with this woman, and I will tell you. How does it happen that Americans are attending the ceremony?” The husband replied that the Americans wished to learn the Tinguian customs, and this finally seemed to satisfy the superior being. Turning toward the door where the men were still softly playing on the _tongatong_, he called out peevishly, “Tell the people not to play on the _tongatong_, for the spirits who wish to hear it are not present, and we are ashamed to have the Americans hear it. You make this ceremony now because you are sick and do not wish to die, but you could have waited two years.”

While this spirit was talking, another, who said he lived in Langbosan, and had been sent by Gilen, came to the body of the second medium. Paying no attention to the other spirit, he began to give instructions for the conduct of the ceremony. The _tangpap_ was to be build the next morning, also two _balags_ (p.308), and for them they were to prepare one pig. “Do not fail to prepare this pig, but you may use it for both _tangpap_ and _balag_. You will also make a _taltalabong_ (p.311). For this you must prepare a different pig, for this is for the sons and servants of Kadaklan.”

After the departure of these beings, ten other spirits came in quick succession. Two of the latter claimed to be Igorot spirits, and both talked with the peculiar stacatto accent of the people who live along the Kalinga-Igorot border. [148]

After the departure of the Igorot spirits, both mediums were possessed, one by Sanadan, a male spirit, and the other by the female spirit of Pangpangdan. At their request the men began again to play on the _tongatong_, and the spirits danced. Soon Sanadan began to fondle the woman, to rub her face with his, to feel of her body and at last of her privates. Other spirits, who stayed only long enough to drink, followed them, and then Gonay appeared. The spectators had been openly bored by the last few visitors, but the name of Gonay quickly revived their interest. She began to sing a wailing song in which she told of her sad plight. Time after time she repeated the sentence, “Gongay has no husband, for her mother put a stone in her vagina, yet she loves all young men.” From time to time she would pause, and make ludicrous attempts to fondle the young boys, and then when they resisted her, she again took up her plaint. At last she succeeded in getting one young fellow to exchange cigars and headbands with her, and began to rub her hands on his body, urging him not to leave her. Just when she seemed on the verge of success in winning him, another spirit Baliwaga came to the medium, and the fun-maker had to depart. The newcomer placed an agate bead in a dish, and held it high above his head while he danced. Finally he called out that the bead had vanished, but when he lowered the plate, it was still there, and he left in chagrin. He was succeeded by a dumb female spirit named Damolan, who undertook to do the trick in which her predecessor had failed. Holding the plate high above her head, she danced furiously, and from time to time struck against the side of the dish with the medium’s shells. Twice when she lowered the dish, the bead was there, but on the third attempt it had vanished. The trick was so cleverly done that, although we were beside her and watching closely, we did not detect the final movement. With much satisfaction, the medium assured us that the bead would be found in the hair of the man who broke the first ground for the _tangpap_, a boast which was made good the following morning.

Adadog came next, and not finding the chicken which should have been placed on the mat for him, he broke out in a great fury and tried to seize a man in its place. He was restrained from doing injury to his victim, and soon left, still highly indignant. Seven other spirits stopped only for a drink, and then Daliwaya appeared. Upon her arrival, one of the headmen gravely informed her that the people wished to adopt four Americans, but that only one was then present. The spirit bade the writer to arise from the mat, where he was lying, and after stroking his head for a time, said, “You wish to make this American an _Itneg_, [149] but before you can do anything, the spirits must approve and give him a name. I will give him a name now, and then to-morrow all the people must say if they wish to give him another name and make him Ipogau. [150] His name shall be Agonan, for that is the name of the spirit who knows many languages.” Again she stroked the writer’s head, and then taking a large porcelain platter, she filled it with _basi_, and together we drank the liquor, alternately, a swallow at a time.

After her departure, an Alzado [151] came and danced with high knee action, meantime saying, she was there to make some one ill, and that she would do so unless the American gave her a cloth for her clout when she returned the following day.

The next visitor was Sanadan, the spirit who owns and guards the deer and wild pig. Up to this time the people had been mildly interested in the arrivals, but when this important being appeared, the men at once became alert; they told him of their troubles in the hunts, of the scarcity of deer, and urged him to send more of them to Mt. Posoey, where they were accustomed to hunt. He offered much good advice concerning the methods of hunting, but refused to take any action regarding the game on the nearby mountain, for, he said, the spirit Dapwanay who owns Posoey was watching the game there. Just before he departed, he called to the headmen, “I am very rich and very bold. I am not afraid to go anywhere. I can become the sunset sky. I am going to Asbinan in Kalaskigan to have him make me a shoe of gold. To-morrow you must not use any of the things you have had out-of-doors, but you may make use of them when you build the _taltalabong_.”

The last spirit to come that night was Ablalansa who keeps guard over the sons of Kadaklan. He paused only for a drink and to tell the people that America was very near to the place, where the big birds live who eat people.

It was midnight when the medium informed us that no more spirits would come that evening, and we went to rest.

About six o’clock the next morning, the women began the ceremonial pounding of the rice known as _kitong_ (cf. p. 329) in the yard, while one of the mediums went to the bound pig lying in the dwelling and recited a _diam_ as she stroked its side; she also poured a little _basi_ through the slits in the floor for the use of any visiting spirits. While the women were thus engaged, the men were busy constructing spirit houses in the yard. Of greatest importance was the _tangpap_ (Plate XXVII), a small bamboo structure with a slanting roof, resting on four poles, and an interwoven bamboo floor fastened about three feet above the ground. [152] Near one of the house poles a funnel-shaped basket was tied, and in it was set a forked stick, within the crotch of which was a little floor and roof, the whole forming a resting place for the Igorot spirits of Talegteg. The _pala-an_ needed a few repairs, and two of the old men looked after these, while others made two long covered bamboo benches which might be used either by visiting men or spirits. [153] Four long bamboo poles were set in the ground, and a roof placed over them to form the _bang-bangsal_, a shelter always provided for the spirits of Soyau.

By ten o’clock all was in readiness, and the people then gathered in the dwelling, where the mediums began summoning the spirits. The first to arrive was Omgbawan, a female spirit whose conversation ran as follows: “I come now because you people ought to make this ceremony. I did not come last night, for there were many spirits here, and I was busy. You people who build _tangpap_ must provide all the necessary things, even though they are costly. It is good that the Americans are here. I never talked with one before.”

Manaldek [154] was the next arrival, and as he was one of the spirits who was supposed to have caused the patient’s illness, his visit was of considerable importance. He was presented with a spear and prepared betel-nut. The latter was attached to the point of the weapon, and this was pressed against the body of the pig, then the spirit touched each member of the family in order to drive the sickness from them.

Mamonglo ordered the family under a white blanket, and then touched the head of each person with a lead sinker, while his companion spirit waved a bundle of rice and a firebrand over them, “To take away the sickness which they had sent.” Six other spirits came long enough to drink, then Bisangolan occupied the attention of all for a time. He is an old man, a giant who lives near the river, and with his head-axe keeps the trees and driftwood from jamming, and thus prevents floods. For quite a time he chatted about himself, then finally blew smoke over the people, at the same time assuring them that the sickness would now vanish like the smoke. Just before departing he informed the family that a spirit named Imalbi had caused the trouble in the patient’s eyes, and that on the next morning they must build a little house, called _balitang_, among the banana trees, and place in it a live chicken.

Gayangayan, a female spirit from Lagayan, followed, rubbed the head of each person, blew smoke over them, and then announced thus: “The people of Layogan [155] must not close their doors when it rains, or it will stop.”

The attitude of the people toward the weaker and less important spirits was well shown when Ambayau, a wild female spirit, arrived. She demanded to know where she could secure heads, and immediately the people began to tell her all sorts of impossible places, and made jests about her and her family. Finally they told her to take the head of a certain Christianized native; but she refused, since she had short hair, and it would be hard for her to carry the skull. While she was still talking, the men started to carry the pig from the room, but she detained them, to explain that the people cut the meat into too large pieces, for “we spirits eat only so much,” indicating a pinch. The spirit Soyau came for a drink, and then all the people went out to the _tangpap_, where the pig was killed, singed, and cut up. A small pig was laid beside the _pala-an_, and for a time was guarded by the son of the sick woman, who for this event had placed the notched chicken-feathers in his hair, and had put on bracelets of boar’s tusks. As soon as she had finished at the _tangpap_, the medium came to the _pala-an_, and having recited the proper _diam_ over the pig lying there, ordered it killed in the manner already described for this structure (cf. p. 329). Both animals were then cooked, and soon all the guests were eating, drinking and jesting.

Late in the afternoon, the spirit mat was spread in the yard near to the _tangpap_, and the mediums began summoning the spirits. The first to come was Mamabeyan, an Igorot spirit for whom the people showed the utmost contempt. They guyed him, threw dirty water on his body, and in other ways insulted him, until in his fury he tried to climb the house posts to punish a group of girls, the worst offenders, but men and women rushed up with sticks and clubs, and drove him back. After a time he calmed down, and going to a bound pig, he addressed it as “a pretty lady,” and tried to caress it.

While this clown spirit was amusing the crowd, a second medium brought out ten coconut shells, one of which was filled with blood and rice. These she placed on a winnower, which in turn was set on a rice-mortar. Soon the spirit Ilongbosan entered her body, and commanded the son of the patient to take some of the blood and rice from the one dish, place it in all the others, and then put it back again, “for when the spirits make a man sick, they take part of his life, and when they make him well, they put it back. So the boy takes a part of the blood and rice away, and gives it to the spirits, then puts it back.” The spirit was followed, by Gilen, who bade the lad take hold of one side of the winnower, while he held the other. Raising it in the air, they danced half way round the mortar, then retraced their steps. “This is because the spirits only partially took the life away. Now they put it back.” As they finished dancing, Gilen struck his spear against the boy’s head-axe and departed.

The medium, now with her own personality, leaned a shield against the rice-mortar, and in the [Lambda] thus formed she hung a small bundle of rice and a burning cord, while over the whole she spread a fish net. Scarcely had she completed this task, when she was possessed by the spirit of Kibayen, this being walked round and round the net, seeking for an opening, but without success. Later the medium explained, “The rice and fire represent the woman’s life, which the spirit wishes to take; but she cannot, since she is unable to pass through the fish net.”

The next visitor was Yangayang, who began to boast of his power to make persons ill. Suddenly the medium fell to the ground in convulsions, and then stretched out in a dead faint. The writer examined her closely, but could not detect her breathing. After a moment, the second medium seized a rooster and waved it over the prostrate form, while an old man gave a sharp stroke on a gong close to her head. The medium awoke from her faint and thus “the death was frightened away.”

Mamonglo, who had been present during the morning, returned for a moment to again rub the family and guests with his lead sinker. While he was thus engaged, the second medium was possessed by Baniyat, a female who made a bit of fun by trying to steal the beads of the young girls, “so the men would love her.” Several times she tried to scale the house ladder, but was always repulsed, and each failure was greeted with jeers and ridicule.

Gomogopos, who causes stomach troubles, came, and after dancing before the rice-mortar, demanded that a small pig be laid before the _tangpap_. Scarcely had the animal been deposited, when the spirit seized a head-axe and cut it in two at one blow. Then he dipped the weapon in its blood and applied it to the stomach of each member of the family. “The pig is his pay, and now he takes away his kind of sickness.”

The second medium secured a live rooster, and using its wings as a brush, she took up the blood and the two halves of the pig, and put them in the _tangpap_. “The rooster is the spirits’ brush, and when the dirt In front of the _tangpap_ is cleaned up, then the people will be clean and well inside their bodies.” At the command of the medium, the husband of the patient went to the opposite side of the _tangpap_; then she threw a bundle of rice over the structure to him. He caught it, and immediately threw it back. This was repeated six times, but on the seventh the bundle lighted on the roof, where it was allowed to remain. “The spirit threw away the lives of the people, but the man returned them. The bundle is now on the _tangpap_, so now the people’s lives will remain safe.”

An unnamed spirit was next to appear, and at his command the fore part of the pig was stood upright in the winnower, and a stick was placed in each nostril. These were seized by the spirit, who pumped them up and down, then withdrew them, and stroked each member of the family, while he chanted, “I did this to your lives, so now I must do it to you.”

Saking, a lame spirit, called for one of the pig’s legs, and with it rubbed the limbs of each member of the family, “so that they will not become ill in their legs.”

One of the mediums now became possessed by Mangamian, who carried a feather which he used as a fighting knife. The onlookers seized similar weapons and defended themselves, or drove the spirit away by threatening him with a small dog. A fire had been built near the _tangpap_, and from time to time the spirit would rush up to this, thrust his feather into the flames, and then put it into his mouth. Later it was explained, “He is an evil spirit who tries to kill people. The feather is his bolo. He is like a blacksmith, and when his knife gets dull, he puts it in the fire, then puts it in his mouth to wet it, so as to make it ring.” Three spirits now appeared in quick succession, and discussed with the old men the advisability of adopting the Americans [156] as Ipogau. Finally the leader Ilabdangan called them to the mat before him and told them their names, and also recited a list of their relations. Then, filling a coconut shell with _basi_, he drank half and presented the shell to each candidate, who had to drain it to the last drop. A circle was formed, and for the balance of the afternoon the new members of the tribe had to dance _tadek_ with their relations.

Just before dusk, the Igorot spirit Daliwaya, who had been present the night before, appeared and demanded that the American give her cloth for her clout. When she received this, she sang and then instructed the men how to dance in Igorot fashion. When finally they were doing her bidding, she danced beside them with outstretched arms in the manner of the Igorot women. Later, when the medium was again herself, we questioned her concerning her knowledge of this dance, but she professed absolute ignorance.

That evening the people danced _tadek_, for a short time, near to the _pala-an_, then a fire was built beside the _tangpap_, and by its light the visitors danced _da-eng_ until far into the night (cf.p. 440).

Early the next morning, the men went to some banana trees near to a rice granary, and there constructed a little spirit house, which resembled the _pala-an_, except that it was only about four feet high. This was called _balitang_, and was made in fulfilment of the orders given by the spirit Imalbi on the previous evening. When it was finished, the medium placed a dish of broken rice on it, and then tied a rooster with a belt close enough, so that the fowl could eat of the rice. Returning to the dwelling, she took down a small shield which was attached to the wall, placed new leaves and a dish of oil on it. Then as she stirred the oil, she sang the _Talatal_ (Plate XXXII). The significance of this song, which consists only of mentioning the names of prominent men of various villages, seems to be lost. The _kalang_, or spirit box, was then redecorated, food was dropped through the slits in the floor for visiting spirits, and finally the medium held the shield over the heads of the family, beat upon it with a head-axe, while in a loud voice she asked the spirits that, since the family was now celebrating _tangpap_, they would please make them well again. The shield was fastened to the wall, new offerings of _basi_ were placed in the _kalang_, and after it had been swung over the head of the patient, it was again fastened above the house beam near to the roof.

For the next hour the mediums summoned spirits to them. The first five had little of interest to offer, except that each demanded that his liquor be served to him on a head-axe. When the spirit Amangau arrived, he spent the time boasting of his head-hunting exploits; he told of how he had gone to one village, and had killed all the people, except one pregnant woman, and of the dance which followed. Finally he claimed the credit of having killed a man who had recently died in Manabo, and assured the people that his friends were then dancing about the head. The spirit Banbanyalan, who followed, disclaimed any part in the killing just mentioned, but verified the statement of his predecessor.

Tomakdeg came, and after filling his mouth with rice, blew it out over the people, in the same way that the sickness was to be spit out. Meanwhile Bebeka-an, armed with a wooden spoon, tried to dig up the floor and the people on it, “for that is the way she digs up sickness.” Awa-an, a spirit of the water, came to inform the people that the spirit of a man recently drowned was just passing the house. Everything else was abandoned for a few moments, while _basi_ was poured out of the window, so that the dead might receive drink.

Two female spirits, Dalimayawan and Ginlawan, came at the same time and danced together, while they informed the people of their beauty and their expertness in dancing. Suddenly they stopped, and said that Andayau, the mother of Lakgangan, was near by; then they instructed the host that he should wrap a gourd in a cloth and tell Andayau that it was her son’s head, and that he had been killed, because he had stolen carabao. Scarcely had the two visitors departed, when the mother appeared, and being informed of her son’s death, she began to wail, “He is lost. No one works the fields, where we planted calabasa. Lakgangan is lost, he who has been killed. Why did you go to steal carabao? We have put Lakgangan in a hammock; we take him to Tomakdang. The _basi_ put out for Lakgangan is good. He is lost whom they went to kill. Lakgangan is lost. We take him to Tomakdang.”

The song was interrupted by a head-hunting spirit, who demanded the heads of two visiting girls from Patok, but she finally went away satisfied with a piece of cloth which they gave her. Blood and oil were sprinkled liberally over the ground and the gathering broken up for the morning.

All the forenoon, a small group of men and women, had been constructing a small covered bamboo raft, and had placed in it a sack of rice, which had been contributed by all the people. [157]

By four o’clock a large number of people had gathered in the yard near the house, and soon the spirit mats were spread on an old bedstead, and the mediums started again to summon the superior beings. The first two to appear were Esteban from Cagayan and Maria from Spain. They wore gay handkerchiefs about their shoulders, and when they danced, gave an imitation of the Spanish dances now seen among the Christianized natives of the coast. It was quite evident that these foreign spirits were not popular with the people, and they were distinctly relieved when Mananako replaced them. This spirit has the reputation of being a thief, and the guests had great sport preventing him from stealing the gifts intended for other spirits.

In the midst of this revelry, the other medium was suddenly possessed by Kadaklan–the supreme being. The laughter and jesting ceased, and breathlessly the people listened, while the most powerful being said, “I am Kadaklan. Here in this town where I talk, you must do the things you ought to do. I hear what you say you desire, and I see what you are able to do. Something ill will befall you unless you quickly celebrate _Sagobay_ (cf. p. 324), when there are no strangers or Christians in your town. Where is the _basi_ which should have been in the place where I first came?” [158] Without awaiting an answer he vanished, and his wife Agemem took his place and repeated his remarks with little variation.

Sopo, a gambler, next appeared and tossed handfuls of coins into a blanket. He stated that if heads came up, the people won and would have good health, but if they lost, their lives were his. As soon as he threw, the people rushed up, and if they saw any tails they were quickly turned, and the spirit was informed that he had lost.

Kimat, lightning, came and demanded a drink, which was given. As he is usually considered as a dog, the writer inquired why he had appeared as a man, but was rewarded only by a shrug of the shoulders and the word–_kadauyan_ (“custom”).

Another spirit, Andeles, quickly replaced lightning, and with Sopo danced on the spirit raft, while the old men put dishes of water and coins inside, and fastened a small live chicken to the roof. The people then tried to induce the spirits to leave, but they refused. Suddenly they were flung aside, and two strong men seized the raft and started to run with it. Immediately the two spirits gave chase and fought viciously all who tried to get in their way, but when, finally, their opponents were joined by an old woman carrying a bundle of burning rice straw and an old man beating a drum, they gave up the chase and vanished. The party proceeded on to the Abra river, where they waded out into deep water and set the raft afloat (Plate XXVI).

That evening the guests danced _da-eng_, and the ceremony was over.

Throughout the three days, the mediums had been constantly drinking of _basi_, and while under the strain of the ceremony, they had not appeared intoxicated, but at its conclusion both were hopelessly drunk. The payment for the service was one half of the largest pig, unthreshed rice, and about two pesos in money, which was given in exchange for the beads which different spirits had demanded.

Kalangan.–In Manabo and the villages of that vicinity a period of about seven years elapses between the building of _tangpap_ and the celebration of _Kalangan_, but in most of the valley towns the latter ceremony follows _Pala-an_ after two or three years. [159] The ceremony is so similar to the _Tangpap_ just described that only the barest outline will be given here. The chief difference in the two is the type of structure built for the spirits. _Kalangan_ has four supporting timbers to which the flooring is lashed, and from which kingposts go to ridge poles. A bamboo frame rests on this and, in turn, supports an overhanging grass roof (Plate XXIII).

The procedure is as follows: Late in the afternoon, all the necessary articles are brought to the house, then the mediums dance for a time to the music of the _tongatong_. _Basi_ is served to the guests, and for an hour or more the spirits are summoned. Next morning the _kalangan_ is built, and two pigs are sacrificed beside it. Their blood mixed with oil is offered to the spirits, and many acts, such as distributing the rice into ten dishes and then replacing it in the original container, the churning of sticks in the nose of a slaughtered animal and the like, are performed. Spirits are summoned in the afternoon, and in the evening _da-eng_ is danced. On the third day new offerings are placed on the spirit shield and hanger; offerings are made at the new structure, numerous spirits appear, talk to and amuse the people, and finally _da-eng_ is danced until late evening.

Following the ceremony, all members of the family are barred from work for about one month. They may not eat the meat of the wild carabao, wild hog, beef, eels, nor may they use peppers in their food. Wild fowl are barred for a period of one year.

_Kalangan_ is much more widespread than either _Tangpap_ or the _Sayang_ ceremony, and this spirit structure is often found in villages, where the other great ceremonies are lacking.

_Sayang_.–The greatest of all the ceremonies is the _Sayang_, the ability to celebrate which proclaims the family as one of wealth and importance. In most cases the right is hereditary, but, as already indicated, a person may gain the privilege by giving, in order, and through a term of years, all the minor ceremonies. In such circumstances _Sayang_ follows _Kalangan_ after a lapse of from four to eight years. Otherwise the ceremony will be held about once in seven years, or when the spirit structure known as _balaua_ is in need of repairs.

Originally this appears to have been a seventeen-day ceremony, as it still is in Manabo, Patok, Lagangilang, and neighboring villages, but in San Juan, Lagayan, Danglas, and some other settlements it now lasts only five or seven days. However, even in those towns where it occupies full time, the first twelve days are preliminary in nature.

On the first day, the mediums go to the family dwelling and take great pains to see that all forbidden articles are removed, for wild ginger, peppers, shrimps, carabao flesh, and wild pork are tabooed, both during the ceremony and for the month following. The next duty is to construct a woven bamboo frame known as _talapitap_ on which the spirits are fed, and to prepare two sticks known as _dakidak_, one being a thin slender bamboo called _bolo_, the other a reed. These are split at one end, so they will rattle when struck on the ground, and thus call the attention of the spirit for whom food is placed on the rack.

That evening a fire is built in the yard, and beside it the mediums dance _da-eng_ alone. Meanwhile a number of women gather in the yard and pound rice out of the straw. This pounding of rice continues each evening of the first five days. The first night they beat out ten bundles, the second, twenty, and so on, until they clean fifty on the fifth day.

Little occurs during the second and third days, but on these evenings the young men and girls join the mediums and dance _da-eng_ by the fire in the yard. The fourth and fifth nights are known as _ginitbet_ (“dark”), for then no fires are lighted, and the mediums dance alone. It is supposed that the black spirits, those who are deformed, or who are too shy to appear before the people, will come out at this time and enjoy the ceremony.

Beginning with the sixth day the women pound rice in the early morning. Starting with ten bundles, they increase the number by ten each day until on the thirteenth morning they pound out eighty bundles. A fire is lighted in the yard on the sixth day, and is kept burning continuously through the eighth, but the ninth and tenth are nights of darkness. When the fire is burning, it is a sign for all who wish, to come and dance, and each evening finds a jolly party of young people gathered in the yard, where they take part in the festivities, or watch the mediums, as they offer rice to the superior beings.

On the eleventh day, a long white blanket (_tabing_) is stretched across one corner of the room, making a private compartment for the use of visiting spirits. That evening, as it grows dark, a jar of _basi_ is carried up into the house. All lights are extinguished both in the yard and the dwelling, so that the guests have to grope their way about. After the liquor is consumed, they go down into the yard, where, in darkness, they join the medium in dancing _da-eng._ The twelfth day is known as _Pasa-ad_–“the building.” During the preliminary days, the men have been bringing materials for use in constructing the great spirit-house called _balaua_, and on this morning the actual work is started. In form the _balaua_ resembles the _kalangan_, but it is large enough to accommodate a dozen or more people, and the supporting posts are trunks of small trees (Plate XXI). After the framework is complete, one side of the roof is covered with cogon grass, but the other is left incomplete. Meanwhile the women gather near by and pound rice in the ceremonial manner described in the _Pala-an_ ceremony (cf. p. 329).

As soon as the building is over for the day, a jar of _basi_ is carried into the structure, a little of the liquor is poured into bamboo tubes and tied to each of the corner poles. The balance of the liquor is then served to the men who sit in the _balaua_ and play on copper gongs. Next, a bound pig is brought in, and is tied to a post decorated with leaves and vines. Soon the medium appears, and after placing prepared betel-nut and lime on the animal, she squats beside it, dips her fingers into coconut oil, and strokes its side, then later dips a miniature head-axe into the oil, and again strokes the animal, while she repeats a _diam_. This is a recital of how in ancient times Kadaklan and Agemen instructed the Tinguian as to the proper method of celebrating the _Sayang_ ceremony. [160] A little later the pig is removed from the _balaua_, and its throat is cut, first with a metal blade, but the deep, mortal thrust is made with a bamboo spike. The animal is then singed, but its blood is carefully saved for future use (Plate XXXIII). While all this is taking place, the men in the _balaua_ drink _basi_ and sing _dalengs_ in which they praise the liberality of their hosts, tell of the importance of the family, and express hope for their continued prosperity. As they sing, the chief medium goes from one to another of the guests, and after dipping a piece of lead in coconut oil, holds it to their nostrils as a protection against evil. When finally the pig has been singed and scraped, it is again brought into the _balaua_, and its body is opened by a transverse cut at the throat and two slits lengthwise of its abdomen. The intestines are removed and placed in a tray, but the liver is carefully examined for an omen. If the signs are favorable, the liver is cooked and is cut up, a part is eaten by the old men, and the balance is attached to the corner pole of the spirit structure. The head, one thigh, and two legs are laid on a crossbeam for the spirits, after which the balance of the meat is cooked and served with rice to the guests. That evening many friends gather in the yard to dance _da-eng_, to drink _basi_, or to sing _daleng_. According to tradition, it was formerly the custom to send golden betel-nuts to invite guests whom they wished especially to honor. [161] Nowadays one or more leading men from other villages may be especially invited by being presented with a bit of gold, a golden earring or bead. When such a one arrives at the edge of the yard, he is placed in a chair, is covered with a blanket, and is carried to the center of the dancing space by a number of women singing _diwas_ (cf. p. 452). At frequent intervals the merry-making is interrupted by one of the mediums who places the _talapitap_ on the ground, puts rice and water on it, and then summons the spirits with the split sticks. Once during the evening, she places eight dishes and two coconut shells of water on the rack. Reaching into one of the dishes which contains rice, she takes out a handful and transfers it, a little at a time, into each of the others, then extracting a few grains from each, she throws it on the ground and sprinkles it with water from the two cups. The remaining rice is returned to the original holder, and the act is repeated eight times. The significance of this seems to be the same as in the _Tangpap_ ceremony, where the life of the individual is symbolized by the rice, which is only partially taken away and is again returned. The next act is always carried out, but its meaning appears to be lost. The eight dishes are filled with rice, and are placed on the frame together with sixteen coconut shells of water, and eight men and eight women seat themselves on opposite sides. First they eat a little of the food, then taking a small amount in their fingers, they dip it into the water and place it in the mouth of the person opposite.

The fourteenth day is known as _Palay-lay_–“the seasoning”–and during the next twenty-four hours the people remain quietly in the village while the bamboo used in the _balaua_ “becomes good.”

Next day is one of great activity. The roofing of the _balaua_ is completed, all necessary repairs are made to the dwelling, for dire results would follow should any part of the house break through during the concluding days of the ceremony. The balance of the day is taken up in dancing and in the construction of the following spirit-houses: the _Aligang, Balabago, Talagan, Idasan, Balag, Batog, Alalot, Pangkew_ and _Sogayob_ (cf. pp. 308-311). Also a little bench is built near the hearth, and on it are placed coconut shell cups and drinks for the use of the Igorot spirits who usually come this night.

The evening of this day is known as _Libon_–“plenty” or “abundance.” Toward nightfall the mediums, and their helpers enter the dwelling and decorate it in a manner already described for the great ceremonies. Cords cross the room from opposite corners and beneath, where they meet, the medium’s mat is spread. On the cords are hung grasses, flowers, girdles, and wreaths of young coconut leaves. When all is ready, a small pig is brought into the room, while the men play frantically on their gongs and drums. On the medium’s mat are many articles, _alangtin_ leaves, a rooster, a branch filled with young betel-nuts, cooked rice moulded into the form of an alligator, but with a wax head and seeds for eyes, a spear, and a bundle of rice straw. Taking up a dish of water, the medium pours a part of it into the pig’s ear; then, as the animal shakes its head, she again catches it in the dish. Rolling up a mat, she dips it into the water, and with it touches the heads of all members of the family, for in the same manner that the pig has thrown the water out of its ear, so in a like fashion will illness and misfortune be thrown from all the family who have been sprinkled with it. This act finished, the medium dances before the doors and windows, while she waves the chicken, betel-nuts, or other objects taken from the mat.

At her invitation, the host and his wife join her, but previously they have dressed themselves in good garments, and on their heads and at their waists they wear girdles and wreaths of _alangtin_, or wild grasses. The host is handed a long knife, and is instructed to cut the throat of the pig. His wife takes a rice winnower and a stick, and going to each window strikes the winnower five times, then drops it to the floor, at the same time crying, “Wa-hui.” Next, she strikes a jar of liquor with the winnower, then shakes a coconut shell filled with rice against her abdomen; when finished she is handed a live chicken and again she approaches the jar. Soon she is joined by her husband, armed with a spear and head-axe. As he passes the liquor, he stamps on the ground, while his wife waves the fowl, and all this time the medium continues to sprinkle them with a grass brush dipped in water. No explanation is given for the individual acts, but the purpose of the whole is to drive away sickness, “just as the rooster flaps his wings.” Ten dishes are placed on the spirit mat, and as the medium sings, she touches each one in turn with a split bamboo; after which she piles the dishes up and has the host come and squat over them three times. Another sprinkling with water follows this act, and then the medium swings a bundle of rice and a lighted torch over the head of each member of the family, while she assures them that all evil spirits will now depart.

The guests go down to the yard, where they are served with liquor, and where they dance _da-eng_ and _tadek_. On all former occasions, the liquor has been served in shell cups, but on this night a sort of pan-pipe, made of bamboo tubes, is filled with liquor. The guest drinks from the lowest of the series, and as he does so, the liquor falls from one to another, so that he really drinks from all at one time. Bamboo tubes attached to poles by means of cords are likewise filled with _basi_ and served to the dancers.

While the others are enjoying themselves, the mediums and the hosts are attending strictly to the business in hand. Dressed in their best garments, the husband and wife go to each one of the spirit houses, and touch them with their feet, a circuit which has to be repeated ten times. Each time as they pass the little porch-like addition, known as _sogayob_, the mediums sprinkle them with water. When they have completed their task, the mediums spread a mat in front of the pig, which lies below the _sogayob_, and on it they dance, pausing now and then to give the animal a vicious kick or to throw broken rice over it. And so the night is passed without sleep or rest for any of the principals in the ceremony.

The sixteenth day is _Kadaklan_,–“the greatest.” Soon after daybreak, the people accompany the medium to the guardian stones near the gate of the village, and watch her in silence, while she anoints the head of each stone with oil, and places a new yellow bark band around its “neck.” As soon as she finishes, the musicians begin to play vigorously on their gongs and drums, while two old men kill a small pig and collect its blood. The carcass is brought to the medium, who places it beside four dishes, one filled with _basi_, one with salt, one with vinegar, and the last with the pig’s blood. She drinks of the liquor, dips her fingers in coconut oil, and strokes the pig’s stomach, after which it is cut up in the usual manner. The liver is studied eagerly, for by the markings on it the fate of the host can be foretold. Should the signs be unfavorable, a chicken will be sacrificed in the hope that the additional offering may induce the spirits to change their verdict; but if the omens are good, the ceremony proceeds without a halt. The intestines and some pieces of meat are placed on the _ansi-silit,_–a small spirit frame or table near the stones. The host, who has been watching from a distance, is summoned, and is given a piece of the flesh to take back to his house for food, and then the rest of the meat is cooked and served to the guests. But before anything is eaten, the medium places prepared betel-nuts before the stones, mixes blood with rice, and scatters it broadcast, meanwhile calling the spirits from near and far to come and eat, and to go with her to the village, where she is to continue the ceremony. As the company approaches the _balaua_, the musicians begin to beat on their gongs, while women in the yard pound rice in ceremonial fashion. When they have finished, the family goes up into the _balaua_ and dances to the music of the gongs until the medium bids them stop.

The pig which has been lying in front of the _sogayob_, and another from the yard, are killed, and are laid side by side near to the _balaua_ in a spot indicated by the medium. She places a bamboo tube of water between them, on their backs she lays several pieces of prepared betel-nut, then strokes their sides with oiled fingers. Her next duty is to sprinkle _basi_ from the jar onto the ground with a small head-axe, at the same time calling the spirits to come and drink. (Plate XXXIV). A bundle which has been lying beside the animals is opened, and from it the medium takes a red and yellow headband with chicken feathers attached, and boar’s tusk armlets. These she places on the host, then hands him a blanket. Holding the latter in his outstretched arms, as he would do if dancing _tadek_, he squats repeatedly over a dish of water. As he finishes, the medium takes the tube of water from between the pigs, and pouring a little of it on her hand, she applies it to the abdomen of the man’s wife and children. The animals are now cooked in yard, while a quantity of rice is made ready in the house. During the preparation of the meal, the musicians play incessantly, but as the food is brought out, they cease and join the others in the feast.

It is late in the afternoon before much activity is again manifest. At first a few gather and begin to dance _tadek_; little by little others come in until by nightfall the yard is full. _Basi_ is served to all, and soon, above the noisy laughter of the crowd, is heard the voice of some leading man singing the _daleng_. The visitors listen respectfully to the song and to the reply, then resume the music and dancing. After a time a huge fire is built in the yard, and by the flickering light two lines of boys and girls or older people will form to sing and dance the _daeng._ [162]

On the morning of the seventeenth day, the men kill two pigs, usually by chasing them through the brush and spearing them to death. They are prepared in the usual way, and are placed, one in the _balaua_, the other in the _sogayob_, where they are cut up. A bit of the flesh is left in each structure, the fore half of one animal is carried into the yard, but the rest is prepared for food.

On an inverted rice-mortar, in the yard, is placed a jar of _basi_, notched chicken feathers, and boar’s tusks. The man and his wife are summoned before this, are decorated as on the day before, and are instructed to dance three times around the mortar. While this is going on, a shield and a rice winnower are leaned against each other so as to form an arch on which lies a sheaf of rice. From the middle hangs a piece of burning wood, while over all a fish net is thrown. As in a former ceremony (cf. p. 347), the rice and fire represent the life of some member of the family, which the evil spirits may desire to seize, but they are prevented, since they are unable to pass through the meshes of the net. Going to the half of the pig, which stands upright in a rice winnower, the medium places a string of beads–agate and gold–around its neck and attaches bits of gold to its legs. Then she places a thin stick in each nostril and pumps them alternately up and down, as a smith would work his forge. After a little she removes the plungers, and with them strokes the bodies of members of the family. Near to the pig stands a dish of water in which the heart is lying. The host goes to this, removes the heart, and placing it on his head-axe, takes it in front of the animal, where it lies, while he pumps the nostril-sticks up and down ten times. Meanwhile his wife is decorated with wreathes of leaves and vines; a leaf containing the pig’s tail and some of the flesh is placed on her head, and a spear is put in her left hand. As her husband completes his task, she goes to the mortar, where she finds one dish full of blood and rice and the empty coconut shells. The rice and blood represent the lives of the family, and following the instructions of the medium, she takes these lives and places them little by little on the shells, but before all is gone, the medium bids her return them to the big dish. In a like manner the spirits may take a part of the life of the family, but will return it again. This act is repeated ten times. Next she takes a piece of woven bamboo, shaped like two triangles set end on end [163], and goes to the _batog_, where her daughter sits under a fish-net holding a similar “shield.” They press these together, and the mother returns to the mortar eight times. The mediums who have gathered beneath the _sogayob_ begin to sing, while one of them beats time with a split bamboo stick. At the conclusion of the song, one of them offers _basi_ to the spirits and guests, and then placing a bundle of green leaves on the ground, she pours water over it, while the host and his wife are made to tramp in the mud. The man is now carrying the spear, while the woman holds a cock in one hand, and an empty dish in the other. As they are stamping on the damp leaves, old women stand near by showering them with rice and water.

Since early morning a dog has been tied at the end of the house. It is now brought up to the bundle of leaves, and is knocked on the head with a club, its throat is cut, and some of its blood is applied with a head-axe to the backs of the man and woman. More water is poured on the bundle, again they tramp in the mud, and again they are showered with rice and water. The man goes to one side of the _balaua_, and throws a bundle of rice over it to his wife, who returns it eight times.

A strange procession now forms and winds its way to the stream. In the lead is the host armed with spear, shield, and head-axe; next comes the medium carrying the bamboo rack–_talapitap_–like a shield, and the split bamboo–_dakidak_–as a spear; next is an old woman with a coconut shell dish, then another with a bundle of burning rice straw; behind her is the wife followed by a man who drags the dead dog. They stop outside of the village, while the medium hides the rack and split bamboo near the trail. Soon the man with the dog leaves the line and drags the animal to a distant tree, where he ties it in the branches. As they arrive at the stream, the people pause, while the medium holds the shell cup beside the burning straw, and recites a _diam_. The writer tried on two occasions to get this _diam_, but it was given so low and indistinctly that its full content was not secured, neither was it possible to get the medium to repeat it after the ceremony. From what was heard it seems probable it is the _dawak diam_, [164] a guess made more probable by the killing of the dog and the bathing which follows. As soon as the medium finishes, the whole party disrobes and bathes.

Upon their return to the village, they are met by a company of men and boys who assail them by throwing small green nuts. The host secures the spirit rack which the medium had hidden, and with it attempts to ward off the missiles. Despite this show of hostility, the company proceeds to the _sogayob_, where the man and his wife wash their faces in water containing pieces of coconut leaves. During all the morning a number of women have been preparing food, and this is now served to the guests, a considerable company of whom have collected. Late in the afternoon, all the spirits are remembered in a great offering of food. A framework is constructed in the yard, [165] and on it are placed eggs, meat, fish, rice cakes, sugar, betel-nut, tobacco, _basi_, and rice mixed with blood. After allowing the superior beings a few moments to finish their repast, the viands are removed, and from then until sunset all the guests dance _tadek_. As darkness comes, a great fire is lighted in the yard, and within the circle of its light the company gathers, while the more important men sing _daleng_.

In some of the villages men gather the next morning to do any necessary work on the _balaua_, and then the mediums celebrate the _dawak_, [166] which always forms a part of this ceremony. In Manabo the _dawak_ follows after an interval of three days.

This great and final event is so much like the procedure which makes up the _Tangpap_ ceremony that it seems necessary to give it only in skeleton form, adding explanations whenever they appear to be necessary. In the _balaua_ is spread a mat covered with gifts for the spirits who are expected. Here also is the spirit shield from the dwelling, and a great heap of refuse made up of the leaves, vines and other articles used in the preceding days.

When all is ready, a medium seats herself by the mat, dips oil from a shallow dish with a small head-axe, and lets it drip onto the ground; then she does the same with _basi_, and finally strokes a rooster which lies beside the jar, all the while reciting the proper _diam_.

Taking the spirit shield, which belongs in the dwelling, she puts oil at each corner, and then touches the heads of all the family with it. Beads and betel-leaf are added, and the shield is carried to the house, where it is again fastened to the wall, as a testimony to all passing spirits that the ceremony has been made, and food provided for them.

The time has now arrived for the spirits to appear. Seating herself beside the mat, the medium strikes on a plate with her shells or a piece of lead, and then starts her song. She rubs her hands together with a revolving motion, swings her arms, and begins to tremble from head to foot. Suddenly she is possessed by a spirit, and under his direction holds oil to the nostrils of the host, and beats him with a small whip of braided betel-leaf. This done, she drinks for the spirit, and it departs. Again she sings, and again she is possessed. One spirit takes the rooster, and with its wings cleans up the rubbish in the _balaua_ and in the yard, empties it in a tray, and orders it taken from the village. In the same way all sickness and misfortune will be removed from the settlement.

Several spirits follow, and as the morning wears on, the medium becomes more and more intense. The muscles of her neck and the veins of her forehead stand out like cords, while perspiration streams from her bod. Taking a shield and head-axe in her hand, she does a sort of muscle dance, then goes to each member of the family, and strikes the weapons together over their heads; from them she goes to the doors and windows, and strikes at them with the axe. Finally she returns to the mat, balances a cup of _basi_ on the weapon, and causes the host to drink. Another attack on the doors follows, and then in exhaustion she sinks beside the mat. After a short rest, she dips beads in oil, and with them touches the heads of the family. The musicians strike up a lively tattoo at this point, and again seizing her weapons, the medium dances in front of the spirit shield. Going to the rooster on the mat, she cuts off a part of its comb, and presses the bloody fowl against the back or leg of each person in the room. The spirit drinks and disappears.

The next visitor dances with the host, and then wrestles with him, but upon getting the worst of the match takes leave. As in the _Tangpap_, large number of minor beings call for a moment or two and pass on. One spirit places the family beneath a blanket, cuts a coconut in two above their heads, and first allows the water to run over them; then finally the halves are allowed to drop. She waves burning rice-straw above them, and removes the blanket. It is explained that the water washes all evil away, and that as the shells fall from the family, so will sickness leave them. Evil spirits are afraid of the fire, and leave when the burning rice-straw is waved about the blanket.

As a final act the members of the family are instructed to hold, in their hands the head-axe, chicken feathers, agate beads, and other articles, and then to mount the rice-mortar in the yard. Soon one or more of the mediums is possessed by spirits, who rush toward the mortar, and strive to seize the prized objects. Before they can accomplish their design, they are met by old men and women, who fight them off. At last they abandon the attempt and, together with the host and his wife, go to the edge of the town, where they pick sweet smelling leaves and vines. These they carry back to the village to give to the guests, and to place in the house and spirit dwellings.

As a final act _basi_ is served to all, and _tadek_ is danced until the guests are ready to return to their homes.

In San Juan they make the spirit raft–_taltalabong_–as in _Tangpap_, and set it afloat at sunset.

The mediums are paid off in rice, a portion of the slaughtered animals, beads, one or two blankets, and perhaps a weapon or piece of money.

During the succeeding month the family is prevented from doing any work, from approaching a dead body, or entering the house of death. Wild carabao, pig, beef, eels, and wild peppers may not be eaten during this period, and wild chickens are taboo for one year.

SECTION 3

Special Ceremonies

The two ceremonies which follow do not have a wide distribution, neither are they hereditary. They are given at this time because of their similarity to the great ceremonies just described.

_Pinasal_.–This rather elaborate rite seems to be confined to San Juan and nearby settlements. The right to it is not hereditary, and any one who can afford the expense involved may celebrate it. However, it usually follows the _Sayang_, if some member of the family is ill, and is not benefited by that ceremony, for “all the spirits are not present at each ceremony, and so it may be necessary to give others, until the one who caused the sickness is found.”

On the first day the house is decorated as in _Tangpap_ and _Sayang;_ a bound pig is placed beside the door, and over it the mediums recite a _diam_ and later summon several spirits. Liquor is served to the guests, who dance _tadek_ or sing songs in praise of the family.

Early the next day, the pig is killed and, after its intestines have been removed, it is covered with a colored blanket, and is carried into the dwelling. Here it is met by the mediums who wave rain coats above the animal, and then wail over the carcass. “The pig and its covering are in part payment for the life of the sick person. They cry for the pig, so they will not need to cry for the patient.” Later the pig is cut up and prepared as food, only the head and feet being left for the spirits.

_Gipas_, the dividing, follows. A Chinese jar is placed on its side, and on each end a spear is laid, so that they nearly meet above the center of the jar. Next a rolled mat is laid on the spears, and finally four beads and a headband are added. The mat then is cut through the middle, so as to leave equal parts of the headband and two beads on each half. “This shows that the spirit is now paid, and is separated from the house.”

The next act is to stretch a rattan cord across the center of the room and to place on it many blankets and skirts. A man and a woman, who represent the good spirits Iwaginan and Gimbagon, are dressed in fine garments, and hold in their hands pieces of gold, a fine spear, and other prized articles. They are placed on one side of the cord, and in front of them stand a number of men with their hands on each others’ shoulders. Now the mediums enter the other end of the room, spread a mat, and begin to summon the spirits. Soon they are possessed by evil beings who notice the couple representing the good spirits, and seizing sticks or other objects, rush toward them endeavoring to seize their wealth. When they reach the line of men, they strive to break through, but to no avail. Finally they give this up, but now attempt to seize the objects hanging on the line. Again they are thwarted. “If the evil spirits get these things, they will come often, their children will marry, and they also will harm the family; but if the good beings keep their wealth, their children will marry, and will aid the owner of the house.”

Later one of the mediums and an old woman count the colors in a fine blanket. Usually there are five colors, so “the spirit is powerless to injure the people for five years.” Next the couple gamble, but the medium always loses. Finally the spirit becomes discouraged and departs. The decorations are now taken from the room, and the sick person is carried down to the river by the members of the family. Arrived at the water’s edge, the oldest relative will cut off a dog’s head as final payment for the life of the invalid. Since the act is carried on beside the river, the spirits will either witness the act, or see the blood as it floats away, and hence will not need to visit the town. The rattan cord and vines used in the dwelling are thrown onto the water for the same reason.

The whole family is covered with a large blanket, and a medium swings a coconut over them, then resting the halves on the head of each one for a moment, she releases them, meanwhile calling to the spirit, “You see this; this is your share; do not come any more.” After assuring them that the sickness will now fall away from them, she waves burning _cogon_ grass over their heads while she cries, “Go away, sickness.” The blanket is removed, and the family bathes. While they are still in the water, the medium takes a spear and shield in her hands, and going to the edge of the stream, she begins to summon spirits, but all the while she keeps sharp watch of the old man who killed the dog, for he is now armed and appears to be her enemy. However, she is not molested until she starts toward the village. When quite near to the settlement, she is suddenly attacked by many people carrying banana stalks which they hurl at her. She succeeds in warding these off, but while she is thus engaged, an old man runs in and touches her with a spear. Immediately she falls as if dead, and it is several moments before she again regains consciousness. This attack is made to show the spirit how unwelcome it is, and in hopes that such bad treatment will induce it to stay away.

After the return of the family to the village, the guests drink _basi_, sing and dance, and usually several spirits are summoned by the mediums.

The next morning two _Pinalasang_ [167] are constructed in the yard. Each supports a plate containing beads, a string of beads is suspended from one of the poles, and a jar of _basi_ is placed beneath. In front of them the mediums call the spirits, then offer the heart, livers, and intestines, while they call out, “Take me and do not injure the people.” The final act of the ceremony is to construct the spirit raft _taltalabong_, load it with food, and set it afloat on the river, “so that all the spirits may see and know what has been done.”

In addition to the regular pay for their services, the mediums divide the jaw of a pig and carry the portions home with them, as their protection against lightning, and the spirits whose hostility they may have incurred.

_Binikwau_.–This ceremony, like the one just described, seems to be limited to the San Juan region, and is given under similar circumstances.

The room is decorated as usual, and a bound pig is laid in the center. This is known as “the exchange,” since it is given in place of the patient’s life. Two mediums place betel-nut on the animal, then stroke it with oil, saying, “You make the liver favorable,” i.e., give a good omen. After a time they begin summoning the spirits, and from then until late evening the guests divide their time between the mediums and the liquor jars. Soon all are in a jovial mood, and before long are singing the praises of their hosts, or are greeting visiting spirits as old time friends.

The pig is killed early next morning, and its liver is eagerly examined to learn whether or no the patient is destined to recover. A part of the flesh is placed on the house rafters, for the use of the spirits, while the balance is cooked and served. Following the meal, the gongs and drums are brought up into the house, and the people dance or sing until the mediums appear, ready to summon the spirits. The first to come is Sabian, the guardian of the dogs. He demands that eight plates and a coconut shell be filled with blood and rice; another shell is to be filled with uncooked rice, in which a silver coin is hidden; and finally a bamboo dog-trough must be provided. When his demands are met, he begins to call, “Come, my dogs, come and eat.” Later the blood and rice are placed in the trough, and are carried to the edge of the town, where they are left. This done, the spirit pierces the pig’s liver with a spear and, placing it on a shield, dances about the room. Finally, stopping beside the mat, he lays them on the patient’s stomach. The next and final act is to scrape up a little of the liver with a small head-axe, and to place this, mixed with oil, on the sick person.

On the third and last day, the medium leads a big dog to the edge of the village, and then kills it with a club. A piece of the animal’s ear is cut off, is wrapped in a cloth, and is hung around the patient’s neck as a protection against evil, and as a sign to all spirits that this ceremony has been held.

Throughout the rest of the day many spirits visit the mediums, and at such a time Kakalonan is sure to appear to give friendly advice. The final act is to set the spirit raft afloat on the stream.

CHAPTER VI

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION. GOVERNMENT. THE VILLAGE

The village is the social unit within which there are no clans, no political, or other divisions. The Tinguian are familiar with the Igorot town, made up of several _ato_ [168] but there is no indication that they have ever had such an institution.

The head of the village is known as _lakay_. He is usually a man past middle age whose wealth and superior knowledge have given him the confidence of his people. He is chosen by the older men of the village, and holds his position for life unless he is removed for cause. It is possible that, at his death, his son may succeed him, but this is by no means certain.

The _lakay_ is supposed to be well versed in the customs of the ancestors, and all matters of dispute or questions of policy are brought to him. If the case is one of special importance he will summon the other old men, who will deliberate and decide the question at issue. They have no means of enforcing their decisions other than the force of public opinion, but since an offender is ostracised, until he has met the conditions imposed by the elders, their authority is actually very great. Should a _lakay_ deal unjustly with the people, or attempt to alter long established customs, he would be removed from office and another be selected in his stead. No salary or fees are connected with this office, the holder receiving his reward solely through the esteem in which he is held by his people.

In former times two or three villages would occasionally unite to form a loose union, the better to resist a powerful enemy, but with the coming of more peaceful times such beginnings of confederacies have vanished. During the Spanish regime attempts were made to organize the pagan communities and to give titles to their officers, but these efforts met with little success. Under American rule local self government, accompanied by several elective offices, has been established in many towns. The contest for office and government recognition of the officials is tending to break down the old system and to concentrate the power in the _presidente_ or mayor.

It is probable that the early Tinguian settlement consisted of one or more closely related groups. Even to-day the family ties are so strong that it was found possible, in compiling the genealogical tables, to trace back the family history five or six generations.

These families are not distinguished by any totems, guardian spirits, or stories of supernatural origin, but the right to conduct the more important ceremonies is hereditary. Descent is traced through both the male and female lines, and inheritance is likewise through both sexes. There are no distinguishing terms for relations on the father’s or mother’s side, nor are there other traces of matriarchal institutions.

Families of means attain a social standing above that of their less fortunate townsmen, but there is no sharp stratification of the community into noble and serf, such as was coming into vogue along many parts of the coast at the time of the Spanish conquest, neither has slavery ever gained a foothold with this people. The wealthy often loan rice to the poor, and exact usury of about fifty per cent. Payment is made in service during the period of planting and harvesting, so that the labor problem is, to a large extent, solved for the land-holders. However, they customarily join the workers in the fields and take their share in all kinds of labor.

The concubines, known as _pota_ (cf. p. 283), are deprived of certain rights, and they are held somewhat in contempt by the other women, but they are in no sense slaves. They may possess property, and their children may become leaders in Tinguian society.

The only group which is sharply separated from the mass is composed of the mediums, and they are distinctive only during the ceremonial periods. At other times they are treated in all respects as other members of the community.

On three occasions the writer has found men dressing like women, doing women’s work, and spending their time with members of that sex. Information concerning these individuals has always come by accident, the people seeming to be exceedingly reticent to talk about them. In Plate XXXVI is shown a man in woman’s dress, who has become an expert potter. The explanation given for the disavowal of his sex is that he donned women’s clothes during the Spanish regime to escape road work, and has since then retained their garb. Equally unsatisfactory and unlikely reasons were advanced for the other cases mentioned.

It should be noted that similar individuals have been described from Zambales, Panay, from the Subanun of Mindanao, and from Borneo. [169] It has been suggested, with considerable probability, that at least a part of these are hermaphrodites, but in Borneo, where they act as priests, _Roth_ states that they are unsexed before assuming their roles.

_Laws_.–Law, government, and custom are synonymous. Whatever the ancestors did is right, and hence has religious sanction. The _lakay_ and his advisors will give their decisions according to the decrees of the past, if that is possible, but when precedent is lacking, they will deliberate and decide on a course. The following may be taken as typical of the laws or customs which regulate the actions of the people, within a group, toward one another.

_Rules governing the family._–A man may have only one wife, but he may keep concubines. If the wife’s relatives suspect that a mistress is causing the husband’s affections to wane, they may hold the _Nagkakalonan_ or “trial of affection” (cf. p. 282), and if their charges are sustained, the husband must pay them a considerable amount, and, in addition, stand all the expenses of the gathering. If it is shown that they are not justified in their suspicions, the expense falls on the accusers.

The wife may bring a charge of cruelty or laziness against her husband, and if it is substantiated, he will be compelled to complete the marriage agreement and give the woman her freedom. Unfaithfulness on the part of a wife, or a betrothed girl, justifies the aggrieved in killing one or both of the offenders. He may, however, be satisfied by having the marriage gift returned to him, together with a fine and a decree of divorce.

A man who has a child by an unmarried woman, not a _pota_, must give the girl’s people about one hundred pesos, and must support the infant. Later the child comes into his keeping, and is recognized as an heir to his estate.

Marriage is prohibited between cousins, between a man and his adopted sister, his sister-in-law, or mother-in-law. Union with a second cousin is also tabooed. It is said that offenders would be cut off from the village; no one would associate with them, and their children would be disinherited.

A widow may remarry after the _Layog_ ceremony (cf. p. 290), but all the property of her first husband goes to his children.

If a wife has neglected her husband during his final illness, she may be compelled to remain under two blankets, while the body is in the house (cf. p. 286), unless she pays a fine of ten or fifteen pesos to his family.

Children must care for and support infirm parents. Should there be no children, this duty falls upon the nearest relative.

_Inheritance_.–Although a price is paid for the bride, the Tinguian woman is in no sense a slave. She may inherit property from her parents, hold it through life, and pass it on to her children.

Following the death of a man, enough is taken from his estate to pay up any part of the marriage agreement which may still be due, and the balance is divided among his children. If there are no children, it is probable that his personal possessions will go to his father or mother, if they are still living; otherwise, to his brothers and sisters. However, the old men in council may decide that the wife is entitled to a share. Should she remarry and bear children to her second husband, she cannot give any part of this property to them, but upon her death it goes to the offspring of the first marriage, or reverts to the relatives. Land is divided about equally between boys and girls, but the boys receive the major part of the animals, and the girls their mother’s beads. Oftentimes the old men will give the oldest child the largest share, “since he has helped his parents longest.”

Whatever the husband and wife have accumulated in common during their married life is divided, and the man’s portion is disposed of, as just indicated. Illegitimate children and those of a _pota_ receive a share of their father’s property, but not in the same proportion as the children of the wife. No part of the estate goes to a concubine unless, in the judgment of the old men, it is necessary to provide for her, because of sickness or infirmity.

_Transfer and sharing of property._–Land and houses are seldom transferred, except at the death of the owner, but should a sale or trade be desired, the parties to the contract will make the bargain before the _lakay_ and old men, who thus become witnesses. A feast is given at such a time, and is paid for by either the seller or the buyer. The sale or barter of carabao, horses, valuable jars, and beads may be witnessed in this manner, but the transfer of personal property is purely a matter between the parties concerned.

If a man works the property of another, he furnishes the seed and labor, and the crop is divided. If an owner places his animals in the care of another, the first of the increase goes to him, the second to the caretaker. Should an animal die, the caretaker must skin it, and give the hide to the owner, after which he is freed from responsibility, but he is liable for the loss, theft, or injury to his charges.

_Murder and Theft._–The relatives of a murdered man may kill his assailant without fear of punishment, but, if they are willing, the guilty party may settle with them by paying in Chinese jars, carabao, or money. The usual payment varies from fifty to one hundred pesos. A thief is compelled to make restitution, and is also subject to a small fine.

The practice of evil magic, and the breaking of a taboo, are considered serious crimes, but as they have been treated under Religion and Magic, they will not be repeated here.

_Lying, Cheating, Breaches of Etiquette._–Falling outside the realm of law are those things which may be considered right and wrong, but the infraction of which carries with it no penalty. Lying, for instance, is not bad, if it is done to protect yourself or a friend, but falsifying without purpose is mean and to be despised. Cheating is not wrong. Your ability to outwit the other person is proof that you are the smarter man.

It is bad manners for a man to sit with his legs far apart or to expose all of his clout, or for a woman to sit on the floor with one leg drawn up. A person should not walk about while others are singing or dancing. Basi should never be drunk, until it has been offered to every one present, especially the elders.

Before eating, a person should invite all in the room to join him, even though he does not expect them to accept. A visitor should never eat with the wife of another during his absence.

Always call before entering a house. Never enter a dwelling, when the owner is away, and has removed the ladder from the door. Never enter a village dirty; stop and bathe at the spring before going up. Only dogs enter the houses without bathing.

_The Village_ (Plate XXXVIII).–A village generally consists of two or three settlements, situated near together, and under the authority of a single _lakay_ or headman. There is no plan or set arrangement for the dwellings or other structures, but, as a rule, the house, spirit structure, and perhaps corrals are clustered closely together, while at the edge of the settlement are the rice granaries and garden plots. Formerly a double bamboo stockade surrounded each settlement, but in recent years these have disappeared, and at the time of our visit only one town, Abang, was so protected.

The dwellings vary in size and shape. They conform in general to two types. The first and most common is a single room with a door at one end opening off from an uncovered porch (Plate XXXIX). The second consists of three rooms, or rather two rooms, between which is a porch or entry way, all under one roof. There is seldom an outer door to this entry way, but each room has its own door, and oftentimes windows opening on to it, so that one has the feeling that we have here two houses joined by the covered porch. In such buildings this entry way is a convenient place for hanging nets or for drying tobacco.

In one room is the hearth, the water pots, and dishes, while the other is the family sleeping-room.

The construction of the dwelling is shown in Plates XL-XLI. A number of heavy hard-wood posts are sunk deeply into the ground and project upward 10 or more feet. At a height of 4 or 5 feet above the ground, crossbeams are lashed or pegged to form the floor supports, while at the tops are other beams on which the roof rests. Plate XL shows the skeleton of this roof so plainly that further description is unnecessary. This framework, generally constructed on the ground, is raised on to the upright timbers, and is lashed in place. A closely woven mat of bamboo strips, or of bamboo beaten flat, covers each side of the roof, and on this the thatch is laid. Bundles of _cogon_ grass are spread clear across the roof, a strip of bamboo is laid at the upper ends, and is lashed to the mat below. A second row of thatch overlaps the top of the first, and thus a waterproof covering is provided.

Another type of roofing is made by splitting long bamboo poles, removing the sectional divisions and then lashing them to the framework. The first set is placed with the concave sides up, and runs from the ridge pole to a point a few inches below the framework, so as to overhang it somewhat. A second series of halved bamboos is laid convex side up, the edges resting in the concavity of those below, thus making an arrangement similar to a tiled roof.

For the side walls this tiled type of construction is commonly used (Plate LXXVIII). A coarse bamboo mat is likewise employed, while a crude interweaving of bamboo strips is by no means uncommon. Such a wall affords little protection against a driving rain or wind, but the others are quite effective. Well-to-do families often have the side walls and floors of their houses made of hard-wood boards. Since planks are, or have been until recently, cut out with knives, head-axes, or adzes, much time and wealth is consumed in constructing such a dwelling. When completed, it is less well adapted to the needs of the people than the structures just described, but its possession is a source of gratification to the owner, and aids in establishing him as a man of affairs in his town.

The floor is made of poles tied to the side-beams, and on these strips of bamboo are laid so as to leave small cracks between them. This assists in the house-cleaning, as all dirt and refuse is swept through the openings on to the ground. When the floor is made of wood, it is customary to leave one corner to be finished off in the bamboo slits, and it is here that the mother gives birth to her children. This is not compulsory, but it is custom, and indicates clearly that the planked floor is a recent introduction.

Entrance to the dwelling is by means of a bamboo ladder which is raised at night, or when the family is away. Windows are merely square holes over which a bamboo mat is fitted at night, but the door is a bamboo-covered framework which turns in wooden sockets.

Such a house offers no barriers to mosquitoes, flies, flying roaches, or white ants, while rats, scorpions, and centipedes find friendly shelter in the thatch roof. Quite commonly large but harmless snakes are encouraged to take up their residence in the cook room, as their presence induces the rats to move elsewhere. Little house lizards are always present, and not infrequently a large lizard makes its home on the ridge pole, and from time to time gives its weird cry.

The ground beneath the house is often enclosed with bamboo slats, and is used for storage purposes, or a portion may be used as a chicken coop. It is also customary to bury the dead beneath the dwelling, and above the grave are the boxes in which are placed supplies for the spirits of the deceased.

With some modification this description of the Tinguian house and village would apply to those of the western Kalinga and the Apayao, [170] and likewise the Christian natives of the coast, but a very different type of dwelling and grouping is found among the neighboring Igorot. [171] It is also to be noted that we do not find to-day any trace of tree dwellings, such as were described by _La Gironiere_ [172] at the time of his visit scarcely a century ago. Elevated watch-houses are placed near to the mountain fields, and it is possible that in times of great danger people might have had similar places of refuge in or near to their villages, but the old men emphatically deny that they were ever tree-dwellers, and there is nothing in the folk-tales to justify such a belief; on the contrary, the tales-indicate that the type of dwelling found to-day, was that of former times. [173]

_House Furnishings_.–The average house has only one room. Inside the door, at the left, one usually finds the stove, three stones sunk in a box of ashes or dirt, or a similar device of clay (Fig 5, No. 1). Above the fire is suspended a hanger on which are placed dishes and food, in order that they may not be disturbed by insects. Along the wall stands a small caldron, jars for water and rice, and the large Chinese jars, tke latter as a general rule heirlooms or marriage gifts. These are sometimes used for _basi_, but more often they contain broken rice, cotton, or small articles. Above the jars is a rack or hangar on which dishes or coconut shells are placed. At one end of the room a set of pegs, deer horns, or a cord supports a variety of clothes, blankets, a woman’s switch, and perhaps a man’s belt. The sleeping-mats either hang here or occupy a rack of their own. Below the cord stand chests secured in early years through trade with the Chinese. In these are the family treasures, valuable beads, coins, blankets, ceremonial objects, and the like. Piled on the boxes is a variety of pillows, for no Tinguian house is complete without a number of these (Plate LXVI). The other house furnishings, consisting of a spinning wheel, loom, coconut rasp, and clothes beater (Fig. 5, No. 10) find space along the other wall. Behind the door, except in the valley towns, stand the man’s spear and shield; above or near the door will be the spirit offering in the form of a small hanger or a miniature shield fastened against the wall. The center of the floor affords a place for working, eating, and sleeping. If there are small children in the family a cradle or jumper will be found suspended from a beam or a bamboo pole placed across one corner of the room (cf. p. 272).

The type of jars made by the Tinguian is shown in Fig. 5, No. 7, while those of foreign introduction have been fully described in a previous publication. [174]

The native jars are used both for cooking and as water containers. With them will be found pot rings and lifters. The first is a simple ring of plaited bamboo, which fits on the head or sets on the floor, and forms a support for the rounded bottom of the jar. The second (Figure 5, No. 3) consists of a large rattan loop, which is placed over the neck of the jar. The hands are drawn apart, and the weight closes the loop, causing it to grip the jar. Long bamboo tubes with sections removed are used as water containers, while smaller sections often serve as cups or dippers. Gourds are also used in this manner (Fig. 5, Nos. 8-9).

Food is removed from the jars with spoons and ladles (Fig. 6) made of wood or coconut shells, but they are never put to the mouth. Meat is cut up into small pieces, and is served in its own juice. The diner takes a little cooked rice in his fingers, and with this dips or scoops the meat and broth into his mouth. Greens are eaten in the same manner.

Halved coconut shells serve both as cups and as dishes (Fig. 5, No. 6). Wooden dishes are likewise used, but they are employed chiefly in ceremonies for the feeding of the spirits or to hold the rice from which a bride and groom receive the augury of the future (Fig. 5, Nos. 4-5).

Baskets, varying considerably in material, size and type, are much used, and are often scattered about the dwelling or, as in the case of the men’s carrying baskets, are hung on pegs set into the walls. Somewhere about the house will be found a coconut rasp (Fig. 5, No. 11). When this is used, the operator kneels on the wooden standard, and draws the half coconut toward her over the teeth of the blade. The inside of the shell is thus cleaned and prepared for use as an eating or drinking dish. Torches or bamboo lamps formerly supplied the dwellings with light. Lamps consisting of a section of bamboo filled with oil and fitted with a cord wick are still in use, but for the most part they have been superseded by tin lamps of Chinese manufacture. Oil for them is extracted from crushed seeds of the _tau-tau_ (_Jatropha grandulifera_ Roxb.)

A very necessary article of house furnishing is the fire-making device. In many instances, the housewife will go to a neighboring dwelling and borrow a light rather than go to the trouble of building a fire, but if that is not convenient, a light may be secured by one or two methods. The first is by flint and steel, a method which is probably of comparatively recent introduction. The second and older is one which the Tinguian shares with all the neighboring tribes. Two notches are cut through a section of bamboo, and tree cotton is placed below them. A second section of bamboo is cut to a sharp edge, and this is rubbed rapidly back and forth in the notches until the friction produces a spark, which when caught on tinder can be blown into a flame. [175] At the door of the house will be found a foot wiper (Fig. 5, No. 12) made of rice-straw drawn through an opening cut in a stick, or it may consist of coconut husks fastened together to make a crude mat, while near by is the broom made of rice-straw or grass. Rice-mortars, pestles, and similar objects are found beneath the dwellings.

_The Village Spring_.–Each village is situated near to a spring or on the banks of a stream. In the latter case deep holes are dug in the sands, and the water that seeps in is used for household purposes. In the morning, a number of women and girls gather at the springs, carrying with them the plates and dishes used in the meals, also garments which need to be laundered. The pots and dishes are thoroughly scoured with sand and water, applied with a bundle of rice-straw or grass. The garments to be washed are laid in the water, generally in a little pool near to the main spring or beside the stream. Ashes from rice-straw are then mixed with water and, after being strained through a bunch of grass, are applied to the cloth in place of soap. After being thoroughly soaked, the cloth is laid on a clean stone, and is beaten with a stick or wooden paddle. The garment is again rinsed, and later is hung up on the fence near the dwelling to dry.

Before returning to her home, the woman fills her pots with water, and then takes her bath in a pool below the main spring (Plate XLII). All garments are removed except the girdle and clout, and then water, dipped up in a coconut shell, is poured on to the face, shoulders, and body. In some cases sand is applied to the body, and is rubbed in with the hand or a stone; rinsing water is applied and the garments are put back on without drying the body. Every one, men, women, and children, takes a daily bath, and visitors will always stop to bathe at the spring or river before entering a village. Promiscuous bathing is common, and is accepted as a matter of course, but there is no indication of embarrassment or self-consciousness. When she returns to the village, the woman will often be seen carrying one or two jars of water on her head, her washing under her arm, while a child sets astride her hip or lies against her back (Plate XLIII).

CHAPTER VII

WARFARE, HUNTING, AND FISHING

Head-hunting and warfare are practically synonymous. To-day both are suffering a rapid decline, and a head is seldom taken in the valley of the Abra. In the mountain district old feuds are still maintained, and sometimes lead to a killing, and here too the ancient funerary rites are still carried out in their entirety on rare occasions. However, this peaceful condition is not of long standing. In every village the older men tell with pride of their youthful exploits, of the raids they indulged in, the heads they captured; and they are still held in high esteem as men “who fought in the villages of their enemies.”

During the time of our stay in Abra, the villages of the Buklok valley were on bad terms with the people of the neighboring Ikmin valley, and were openly hostile to the Igorot on the eastern side of the mountain range. Manabo and Abang were likewise hostile to their Igorot neighbors, and the latter village was surrounded with a double bamboo stockade, to guard against a surprise attack. Manabo at this time anticipated trouble with the warriors of Balatok and Besao, as a result of their having killed six men from those towns. The victims had ostensibly come down to the Abra river to fish, but, judging by previous experience, the Tinguian believed them to be in search of heads, and acted accordingly. This feud is of old standing and appears to have grown out of a dispute over the hunting grounds on Mt. Posoey, the great peak which rises only a few miles from Manabo. There have been many clashes between the rival hunters, the most serious of which occurred in 1889, when the Tinguian had twenty-nine of their number killed, and lost twenty-five heads to the Igorot of Besao.

The people of Agsimo and Balantai suffered defeat in a raid carried on against Dagara in 1907, and at the time of our visit a number of the warriors still bore open wounds received in that fight. In the same year at least three unsuccessful attacks, probably by lone warriors, were made against individuals of Lagangilang, Likuan, and Lakub.

Accounts of earlier travelers offer undoubted proof that head-hunting was rampant a generation ago; while the folk-tales feature the taking of heads as one of the most important events in Tinguian life.

The first incentive for head-taking is in connection with funeral rites. According to ancient custom it was necessary, following the death of an adult, for the men of the village to go out on a headhunt, and until they had done so, the relatives of the deceased were barred from wearing good clothing, from taking part in any pastimes or festivals, and their food was of the poorest and meanest quality. To remove this ban, the warriors would don white head-bands, arm themselves, and sally forth either to attack a hostile village or to ambush an unsuspecting foe. Neighboring villages were, out of necessity, usually on good terms, but friendly relations seldom extended beyond the second or third settlement, a distance of ten or fifteen miles. Beyond these limits most of the people were considered enemies and subject to attack.

While such a raid was both justifiable and necessary to the village in which a death had occurred, it was considered an unprovoked attack by the raided settlement; a challenge and an insult which had to be avenged. Thus feuds were established, some of which ran through many years, and resulted in considerable loss of life. A town, which had lost to another a greater number of heads than they had secured, was in honor bound to even the score, and thus another cause for battle was furnished. The man who actually succeeded in taking a head was received with great acclaim upon his return to the village; he was the hero in the festival which followed, and thereafter was held in high esteem, and so another motive was furnished. [176]

There is an indication in the _Saloko_ ceremony that heads may have been taken to cure headache and similar ills (cf. p. 319); while the presence of the head-basket, of the same name, in the fields suggests a possible connection between head-hunting and the rice culture, such as still exists among the neighboring Kalinga. [177]

The Tinguian do not now, and apparently never have practised human sacrifice, but this custom and head-hunting seem to be closely related, and to have as a primary cause the desire to furnish slaves or companions for the dead. This idea was found among the ancient Tagalog, Visayan, and Zambal, and still exists among the Apayao of Northern Luzon; the Bagobo, Mandaya, Bila-an, and Tagakaola of Mindanao; as well as in Borneo and the islands to the south. [178] That it once had a strong hold on the Ilocano of the coast is made evident by the mysterious cult known as _axibrong_, which at times terrifies whole communities. In 1907 the region about Bangui, in Ilocos Norte, was greatly excited over several attempts to kill people of that settlement, and it was whispered that when a leading man, who had recently died, was placed in his coffin, his right hand had suddenly raised up with four fingers extended. This, it was said, was a demand on the part of the dead for four companions, and the subsequent attacks on the villagers were thought to be due to the activities of the bereaved family in complying with the wishes of the deceased.

The raids following a death were usually carried out as a village affair, and many warriors participated, but it seems that by far the greater number of heads were secured by individuals or couples, who would lie in ambush near to the trails, or to the places, where the women had to pass in carrying water from the streams to the village.

While the Tinguian always chose to attack from ambush, yet he did not hesitate to fight in the open when occasion demanded it. For a distance of fifteen or twenty feet he depended on his spear, but for close quarters he relied on his shield and head-axe. An examination of Plate XLIV will show that the shield has three prongs at the top. These the warrior seeks to slip between the legs of his enemy to trip him up, then one stroke downward with the axe, and the opponent is put out of the fight. The two lower prongs are meant to be slipped about the neck. One more stroke of the head-axe, and the victor takes his trophy and starts for home, while the relatives of the dead man seek to secure the remains to carry them back to their village. As the loss of a head reflects on the whole party, and in a like manner its acquisition adds distinction to the victors, a hot fight usually develops over a man who is stricken down, and only ceases when the enemy is beaten off, or has been successful in getting away with the trophy.

If a war party finds it necessary to make a night camp, or if they are hard pressed by the foe, they plant long, thin strips of bamboo or _palma brava_ [179] in the grass. The ends of these are cut to sharp points, and they are so cleverly concealed that pursuers must use great care, and consequently lose much time, or they will have their legs and feet pierced with these needle-like blades.

Upon their return to the village, the warriors were formerly met at the gate by their relatives, who held two ladders in A shape, thus forming a pathway over which each had to climb. Once inside the town, the heads were placed on a bamboo spike known as _sagang_ (cf. p. 310), or in the _saloko_ (cf. p. 310), and for three days were exhibited beside the gate. In the meantime messages were sent to friendly villages to invite the people to the celebration.

On the morning of the last day, the heads were carried up to the center of the village, where, amid great rejoicing, the men sang the praises of the victors or examined the skulls of the victims. Sometime during the morning, the men who had taken the heads split them open with their axes and removed the brains. To these they added the lobes of the ears and joints of the little fingers, and they placed the whole in the liquor which was afterwards served to the dancers. There seems to be no idea here of eating the brains of the slain as food. They are consumed solely to secure a part of their valor, an idea widespread among the tribes of Mindanao. [180] The writer does not believe that any people of the Philippines indulges in cannibalism, if that term