Dutchmen, broke it of at his motion, and upon ye conditions by him shortly after propounded. He did this in his love I know, but things appeare not answerable from him hitherto. That he should have first have put in his moneys, is thought by many to have been but fitt, but yt I can well excuse, he being a marchante and haveing use of it to his benefite; whereas others, if it had been in their hands, would have consumed it. But yt he should not but have had either shipping ready before this time, or at least certaine means, and course, and ye same knowne to us for it, or have taken other order otherwise, cannot in my conscience be excused. I have heard yt wen he hath been moved in the bussines, he hath put it of from him selfe, and referred it to ye others; and would come to Georg Morton [in London] & enquire news of him aboute things, as if he had scarce been some accessarie unto it. Wlether he hath failed of some helps from others which he expected, and so be not well able to goe through with things, or whether he hath feared least you should be ready too soone & so encrease ye charge of shiping above yt is meete, or whether he hath thought by withhoulding to put us upon straits, thinking yt therby Mr. Brewer and Mr. Pickering would be drawne by importunitie to doe more, or what other misterie is in it, we know not; but sure we are yt things are not answerable to such an occasion. Mr. Weston maks himselfe mery with our endeavors aboute buying a ship, [the SPEEDWELL], but we have done nothing in this but with good reason, as I am perswaded, nor yet that I know in any thing els, save in those tow: ye one, that we imployed Robart Cushman, who is known (though a good man & of spetiall abilities in his kind, yet) most unfitt to deale for other by reason of his singularitie, and too great indifferancie for any conditions, and for (to speak truly) that we have had nothing from him but termes & presumptions. The other, yt we have so much relyed, by implicite faith as it were, upon generalities, without seeing ye perticuler course & means for so waghtie an affaire set down unto us. For shiping, Mr. Weston, it should seeme, is set upon hireing, which yet I wish he may presently effecte; but I see litle hope of help from hence if so it be. Of Mr. [Thomas] Brewer, you know what to expecte. I doe not thinke Mr. Pickering will ingage, excepte in ye course of buying [ships?] in former letters specified. Aboute ye conditions, you have our reason for our judgments of what is agreed. And let this spetially be borne in minde, yt the greatest pane of ye Collonie is like to be imployed constantly, not upon dressing they perticuler land & building houses, but upon fishing, trading, &c. So as ye land & house will be but a trifell for advantage to ye adventurers, and yet the devission of it a great discouragmente to ye planters, who would with singuler care make it comfortable with borowed houres from their sleep. The same consideration of comone imploymente constantly by the most is a good reason not to have ye 2, daies in a week denyed ye few planters for private use, which yet is subordinate to comone good. Consider also how much unfite that you & your liks must serve a new prentishipe of 7. years, and not a daies freedome from taske. Send me word what persons are to goe, who of usefull faculties, & how many, & perticulerly of every thing. I know you wante not a minde. I am sorie you have not been at London all this while, but ye provissions could not want you. Time will suffer me to write no more; fare, you & yours well allways in ye Lord, in whom I rest.
Yours to use,
JOHN’ ROBINSON.
VII
THE LETTER OF THE PLANTERS TO THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS (FROM SOUTHAMPTON)
Aug. 3. Ano. 1620.
Beloved freinds, sory we are that ther should be occasion of writing at all unto you, partly because we ever expected to see ye most of you hear, but espetially because ther should any difference at all be conceived betweene us. But seing it faleth out that we cannot conferr togeather, we thinke it meete (though brefly) to show you ye just cause & reason of our differing from those articles last made by Robert Cushman, without our comission or knowledg.
And though he might propound good ends to himselfe, yet it no way justifies his doing it. Our maine diference is in ye 5.& 9. article, concerning ye deviding or holding of house and lands; the injoying whereof some of your selves well know, was one spetiall motive, amongst many other, to provoke us to goe. This was thought so reasonable, yt when ye greatest of you in adventure (whom we have much cause to respecte), when he propounded conditions to us freely of his owne accorde, he set this downe for one; a coppy wherof we have sent unto you, with some additions then added by us; which being liked on both sids, and a day set for ye paimente of moneys, those in Holland paid in theirs. After yt, Robert Cushman, Mr. [John] Pierce, & Mr. [Christopher] Martine, brought them into a better forme, & write them in a booke now extante; and upon Robarts [Cushmans] shewing them and delivering Mr. [William] Mullins a coppy thereof under his hand (which we have), he payed in his money. And we of Holland had never seen other before our coming to Hamton, but only as one got for him selfe a private coppy of them; upon sight wherof we manyfested uter dislike, but had put of our estats & were ready to come, and therfore was too late to rejecte ye vioage. Judge therefore we beseech you indifferently of things, and if a faulte have bene comited, lay it where it is, & not upon us, who have more cause to stand for ye one, then you have for ye other. We never gave Robart Cushman comission to make any one article for us, but only sent him to receive moneys upon articles before agreed on, and to further ye provissions till John Carver came, and to assiste him in it. Yet since you conceive your selves wronged as well as we, we thought meete to add a branch to ye end of our 9. article, as will allmost heale that wound of it selfe, which you conceive to be in it. But that it may appeare to all men yt we are not lovers of our selves only, but desire also ye good & inriching of our freinds who have adventured your moneys with our persons, we have added our last article to ye rest, promising you againe by leters in ye behalfe of the whole company, that if large profits should not arise within ye 7. years, yt we will continue togeather longer with you, if ye Lord give a blessing.–[Bradford adds in a note, “It is well for them yt this was not accepted.”]–This we hope is sufficente to satisfie any in this case, espetialy freinds, since we are asured yt if the whole charge was devided into 4. parts, 3. of them will not stand upon it, nether doe regarde it, &c. We are in shuch a streate at presente, as we are forced to sell away 60li. worth of our provissions to cleare ye Haven [Southampton] & withall put our selves upon great extremities, scarce haveing any butter, no oyle, not a sole to mend a shoe, nor every man a sword to his side, wanting many muskets, much armoure, etc. And yet we are willing to expose our selves to shuch eminente dangers as are like to insue, & trust to ye good providence of God, rather then his name & truth should be evill spoken of for us. Thus saluting all of you in love, and beseeching ye Lord to give a blesing to our endeavore, and keepe all our harts in ye bonds of peace & love, we take leave & rest,
Yours, &c
Aug. 3. 1620.
[“It was subscribed with many names of ye cheefest of ye company.” –Bradford, “Historie,” Mass. ed. p. 77.]
VIII
THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN (FROM SOUTHAMPTON) TO EDWARD SOUTHWORTH
To his loving friend Ed[ward] S[outhworth] at Henige House, in ye Duks Place [London], these, &c.
Dartmouth [Thursday] Aug. 17, [Anno 1620.]
Loving friend, my most kind remembrance to you & your wife, with loving E. M. &c. whom in this world I never looke to see againe. For besids ye eminente dangers of this viage, which are no less then deadly, an infirmitie of body Hath seased me, which will not in all licelyhoode leave me till death. What to call it I know not, but it it is a bundle of lead, as it were, crushing my harte more & more these 14. days, as that allthough I doe ye acctions of a liveing man, yet I am but as dead; but ye will of God be done. Our pinass [the SPEEDWELL] will not cease leaking, els I thinke we had been halfe way at Virginia, our viage hither hath been as full of crosses, as our, selves have been of crokednes. We put in hear to trime her, & I thinke, as others also, if we had stayed at sea but 3. or 4. howers more, shee would have sunke right downe. And though she was twice trimed at Hamton, yet now shee is open and lekie as a seine; and ther was a borde, a man might have puld of with his fingers, 2 foote longe, wher ye water came in as at a mole hole. We lay at Hamton 7. days, in fair weather, waiting for her, and now we lye hear waiting for her in as faire a wind as can blowe, and so have done these 4. days, and are like to lye 4. more, and by yt time ye wind will happily turne as it did at Hamton. Our victualls will be halfe eaten up, I thinke, before we goe from the coaste of England, and if our viage last longe, we shall not have a months victialls when we come in ye countrie. Near 700li. hath bene bestowed at Hamton upon what I know not. Mr. Martin saith he neither can nor will give any accounte of it, and if he be called upon for accounts he crieth out of unthankfulness for his paines & care, that we are susspitious of him, and flings away, and will end nothing. Also he so insulteh over our poore people with shuch scorne and contempte, as if they were not good enough to wipe his shoes. It would break your hart to see his dealing, and ye mourning of our people. They complaine to me, & alass! I can doe nothing for them; if I speake to him, he flies in my face, as mutinous, and saith no complaints shall be heard or received but by him selfe, and saith they are forwarde, & waspish, discontented people, & I doe ill to hear them. Ther are others yt would lose all they have put in, or make satisfaction for what they have had, that they might departe; but he will not hear them, nor suffer them to goe ashore, least they should rune away. The sailors also are so offended at his ignorante bouldnes, in medling & controuling in things he knows not what belongs too, as yt some threaten to misscheefe him, others say they will leave ye shipe & goe their way. But at ye best this cometh of it, yt he maks him selfe a scorne & laughing stock unto them. As for Mr. Weston, excepte grace doe greatly swaye with him, he will hate us ten times more then ever he loved us, for not confirming ye conditions. But now, since some pinches have taken them, they begine to reveile ye trueth, and say Mr. Robinson was in ye falte who charged them never to consente to those conditions, nor chuse me into office, but indeede apointed them to chose them they did chose. But he and they will rue too late, they may now see, & all be ashamed when it is too late, that they were so ignorante, yea, & so inordinate in their courses. I am sure as they were resolved not to seale those conditions, I was not so resolute at Hamton to have left ye whole bussines, excepte they would seale them, and better ye vioage to have bene broken of then, then to have brought such miserie to our selves, dishonour to God, & detrimente to our loving freinds, as now it is like to doe. 4. or 5. of ye cheefe of them which came from Leyden, came resolved never to goe on those conditions. And Mr. Martine, he said he never received no money on those conditions, he was not beholden to ye marchants, for a pine [pennie], they were bloudsuckers, & I know not what. Simple man, he indeed never made any conditions wth the marchants, nor ever spake with them.
But did all that money flie to Hamton, or was it his owne? Who will goe lay out money so rashly & lavishly as he did, and never know how he comes by it, or on what conditions? I tould him of ye alteration longe agoe, & he was contente; but now he dominires, & said I had betrayed them into ye hands of slaves; he is not beholden to them, he can set out 2 ships him selfe to a viage. When, good man? He hath but 50li. in, & if he should give up his accounts he would not have a penie left him, –[“This was found true afterwards.] W[illiam] B”[radford]]–as I am persuaded, &c. Freind, if ever we make a plantation, God works a mirakle; especially considering how scante we shall be of victualls, and most of all ununited amongst our selves, & devoyd of good tutors and regimente. Violence will break all. Wher is ye meek & humble spirite of Moyses? & of Nehemiah who reedified ye wals of Jerusalem, and ye state of Israell? Is not ye sound of Rehoboams braggs daly hear amongst us? Have not ye philosophers and all wise men observed yt, even in setled comone welths, violente governours bring either them selves, or people, or boath, to ruine; how much more in ye raising of comone wealths, when ye mortar is yet scarce tempered yt should bind ye wales [walls]. If I should write to you of all things which promiscuously forerune our ruine, I should over charge my weake head and greeve your tender hart; only this, I pray you prepare for evill tidings of us every day. But pray for us instantly, it may be ye Lord will be yet entreated one way or other to make for us. I see not in reason how we shall escape even ye gasping of hunger starved persons; but God can doe much, & his will be done. It is better for me to dye, then now for me to bear it, which I doe daly, & expect it howerly; haveing received ye sentance of death, both within me & with out me. Poore William Ring & my selfe doe strive who shall be meate first for ye fishes; but we looke for a glorious resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus after ye flesh no more, but looking unto ye joye yt is before us, we will endure all these things and accounte them light in comparison of ye joye we hope for. Remember me in all love to our freinds as if I named them, whose praiers I desire earnestly, & wish againe to see, but not till I can with more comforte looke them in ye face. The Lord give us that true comforte which none can take from us. I had a desire to make a breefe relation of our estate to some freind. I doubte not but your wisdome will teach you seasonably to utter things as here after you shall be called to it. That which I have writen is treue, & many things more which I have for borne. I write it as upon my life, and last confession in England. What is of use to be spoken of presently, you may speake of it, and what is fitt to conceile, conceall. Pass by my weake maner, for my head is weake, and my body feeble, ye Lord make me strong in him, and keepe both you & yours. Your loving freind,
ROBART CUSHMAN.
Dartmouth, Aug. 17, 1620.
IX
THE MAY-FLOWER COMPACT
In ye name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwriten, the loyall subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King James, by ye grace of God, of Great Britaine, Franc, & Ireland king, defender of ye faith, &c., haveing under taken, for ye glorie of God, and advancemente of ye Christian faith, and honour of our king & countrie, a voyage to plant ye first colonie in ye Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by these presents solemnly & mutualy in ye presence of God, and one of another, covenant & combine our selves together into a civill body politick, for our better ordering & preservation & furtherance of ye ends aforesaid: and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and frame such just & equall lawes, ordinances, actes, constitutions, & offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meete & convenient for ye generall good of ye Colonie, unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witnes wherof we have here under subscribed our names at Cape-Codd ye 11. of November, in ye year of ye raigne of our soveraigne lord, King James, of England, France, & Ireland ye eighteenth, and of Scotland ye fiftie fourth. Ano. Dom. 1620
X
A COPY OF THE NUNCUPATIVE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM MULLENS
[Undoubtedly taken by Governor Carver on board the MAY-FLOWER.]
[Although the dictation must, apparently, have been taken on the day of Master Mullens’s death, February 21/March 3, 1620, Governor Carver evidently did not write out his notes, and have them witnessed, till April 2, 1621, some weeks later.]
“April, 1621.
In the name of God, Amen: I comfit my Soule to God that gave it and my bodie to the earth from whence it came. Alsoe I give my goodes as followeth: That fforty poundes wch is in the hand of good-man Woodes I give my wife tenn poundes, my sonne Joseph tenn poundes, my daughter Priscilla tenn poundes, and my eldest sonne tenn poundes. Alsoe I give to my eldest sonne all my debtes, bonds, bills (onelye yt forty poundes excepted in the handes of goodman Wood) given as aforesaid wth all the stock in his owne handes. To my eldest daughter I give ten shillinges to be paied out of my sonnes stock Furthermore that goodes I have in Virginia as followeth To my wife Alice halfe my goodes. 2. to Joseph and Priscilla the other halfe equallie to be devided betweene them. Alsoe I have xxi dozen of shoes, and thirteene paire of bootes wch I give into the Companies handes for forty poundes at seaven years end if they like them at that rate. If it be thought to deare as my Overseers shall thinck good. And if they like them at that rate at the devident I shall have nyne shares whereof I give as followeth twoe to my wife, twoe to my sonne William, twoe to my sonne Joseph, towe to my daughter Priscilla, and one to the Companie. Allsoe if my sonne William will come to Virginia I give him my share of land furdermore I give to my two Overseers Mr. John Carver and Mr. Williamson, twentye shillinges apeece to see this my will performed desiringe them that he would have an eye over my wife and children to be as fathers and freindes to them, Allsoe to have a speciall eye to my man Robert wch hathe not so approved himselfe as I would he should have done.
This is a Coppye of Mr. Mullens his Will of all particulars he hathe given. In witnes whereof I have sette my hande John Carver, Giles Heale, Christopher Joanes.”
XI
THE LETTER OF “ONE OF THE CHIEFE OF YE COMPANIE” [THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS]
DATED AT LONDON, APRIL 9, 1623
Loving friend, when I write my last leter, I hope to have received one from you well-nigh by this time. But when I write in Des: I little thought to have seen Mr. John Pierce till he had brought some good tidings from you. But it pleased God, he brought us ye wofull tidings of his returne when he was half-way over, by extraime tempest, werin ye goodnes & mercie of God appeared in sparing their lives, being 109. souls. The loss is so great to Mr. Pierce &c., and ye companie put upon so great charge, as veryly, &c. Now with great trouble & loss, we have got Mr. John Pierce to assigne over ye grand patente to ye companie, which he had taken in his owne name, and made quite voyd our former grante. I am sorie to writ how many hear thinke yt the hand of God was justly against him, both ye first and 2. time of his returne; in regard he, whom you and we so confidently trusted, but only to use his name for ye company, should aspire to be lord over us all, and so make you & us tenants at his will and pleasure, our assurance or patente being quite voyd & disanuled by his means. I desire to judg charitably of him. But his unwillingness to part with his royall lordship, and ye high rate he set it at, which was 500li. which cost him but 50li., maks many speake and judg hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his ship, with charge aboute ye passengers, 640li., &c.
We have agreed with 2 merchants for a ship of 140 tunes, caled ye Anne, which is to be ready ye last of this month, to bring 60 passengers & 60 tune of goods, &c–[Bradford, Historie, Mass. ed. p. 167.]
ADDENDA
Governor Winslow, in his “Hypocrisie Unmasked” (pp. 89,90), indicates that the representatives of the Leyden congregation (Cushman and Carver) sought the First (or London) Virginia Company as early as 1613. It is beyond doubt that preliminary steps toward securing the favor, both of the King and others, were taken as early as 1617, and that the Wincob Patent was granted in their interest, June 9/19, 1619. But the Leyden people were but little advanced by the issue of this Patent. They became discouraged, and began early in 1620 (perhaps earlier) negotiations with the Dutch, which were in progress when, at the instance of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Thomas Weston undertook (February 2/12, April 1/11, 1620) to secure the Leyden party, avowedly for the London Virginia Company, but really for its rival, the Second Virginia Company, soon to be merged in the “Council of Affairs for New England.” It was then, and under these influences, that the Leyden leaders “broke off,” as Bradford puts it, their negotiations with the Dutch authorities, who, however, apparently about the same time, determined to reject their propositions. While the renewal of the Leyden leaders’ negotiations, through Weston, were, “on their face” (and so far as the Pilgrims were concerned), with the First Virginia Company, with whom, through Sir Edwin Sandys and other friends, their original efforts were made, they were, as stated, subverted by Gorges’s plans and Weston’s cooperation, in the interest of the Second Virginia Company. The Merchant Adventurers were represented, in the direct negotiations for the Patent only, by John Pierce, who, at that time, was apparently dealing honestly, and was not, so far as appears, in Gorges’s confidence, though later he proved a traitor and a consummate rascal, albeit he always acted, apparently, alone. The so-called “Pierce Patent” (which displaced the Wincob) was rendered worthless by the landing of the Pilgrims north of 41 deg. north latitude. The third Patent (Pierce’s second) was from the Council for New England to Pierce, for the colonists, but was exchanged by him for a “deed-pole” to himself, though at last surrendered to the colony under stress.
ETEXT EDITOR’S BOOKMARKS:
All business without any agreement in writing Anxiety to get English clothes upon their red brethren As 1620 did not begin until March 25
Borowed houres from their sleep
Crime–for such it was, in inception, nature, and results Forks there were none
Genius,–proverbially indifferent to detail Lanterns–only “serving to make darkness visible” Malevolence rarely exercised except toward those one has wronged Meat was held by the napkin while being cut with the knife Not to be too bussie in answering matters, before they know them Old Style and the New Style dates
Personal inference rather than a verity Redier to goe to dispute, then to sett forwarde Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare it The old adage, “second thief best owner” Theft of the MAY-FLOWER colony
Thinke ye best of all, and bear with patience what is wanting Transplantation to the “northern parts of Virginia” Welcome lies acquired a hold on the public mind