unsafe to base any conclusion on the solitary folk-tale about the _Iew Ksih_ table-stone; but the tale certainly furnishes food for reflection. The Khasis borrowed their religious customs largely from the Synteng inhabitants of Jaintia, and it is possible that they may have obtained the custom of erecting the table-stones from the Syntengs also, and that the latter were originally used by both of them for sacrificing human victims. Sometimes, immediately on either side of the _mawkni_, or large central stone, there are two much smaller stones called _mawksing_, or the stone of the drum, and _mawkait_, the stone of the plantain; the drum being used in all religious ceremonies by the Khasis, and the plantain relating to their custom of feeding young children on plantains. The _mawnan_ must be described separately from the _mawbynna_, because they differ from them in an important particular, i.e. that the former may be erected to commemorate the father, while the latter are set up to perpetuate the memory of the ancestors on the female side of the family. _Mawnam_ consist of three upright stones and one flat table-stone in front. The large central stone is called _u maw thawlang_, or the stone of the father, and the upright stones on either side are meant to represent the father’s brothers or nephews. The flat table-stone is _ka Iawbei_, i.e. the grandmother of the father, not the first grandmother of the clan, as in the case of the _mawbynna_.
(_c_) The _maw umkoi_ have already been described. They use erected to mark the sites of purificatory tanks, which have been dug so that the remains of deceased persons may be cleansed from the impurities attending an unnatural death, and to counteract the adverse influence upon the clan of _Ka Tyrut_, or the goddess of death. These stones are sometimes called _mawtyrut_.
(_d_) _Maw-shongthait_, or stones upon which weary travellers sit, are to be found alongside all the principal lines of communication in the district. It may serve as an example of these stones to describe the very interesting collection of stones at Nartiang _hat_, or market. A reference is invited to the plate which gives a representation of some of the Nartiang stones. The great height of the upright stone will at once be seen; it is 27 ft. in height and 2 1/2 ft. thick. This stone is the largest erect stone in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills at the present day, and is a very fine specimen. The upright stones and the flat table-stones at Nartiang are called “_ki maw jong Siem_.” There is no separate designation for each of them. These stones are popularly supposed to have been erected long ago by two men, U Lah Laskor and U Mar Phalyngki, to commemorate the establishment of Nartiang market, which is called Iew Mawlong. “Laskor” is the Synteng equivalent of the Khasi _lyngskor_, or prime minister. “Mar” is a Synteng word meaning a giant, the idea amongst the people being that in the olden days there were giants in the land who performed marvellous feats of strength, e.g. the erection of the megalithic remains at Nartiang and elsewhere. A puja is performed upon a great flat stone by the _doloi_ and his officers in honour of the founders of the market, but no animals are sacrificed, rice and _rynsi_ (balls of rice) only being offered. In the days of the Jaintia kings only the Raja could sit upon the great flat stone; hence the name _maw jong Siem_ (or Siem’s stone). The great upright stone is said to have been brought by U Lah Laskor and a great number of people from Suriang, a place near Nartiang. With reference to the Nartiang stones I would refer to my theory, formulated above, that they were originally connected with human sacrifices. It may be mentioned that at Nartiang there is a bridge constructed out of a single stone, which is also said to have been set in position by U Lah Laskor. Near Suhtnga there is a group of stones, said to have been originally thirty in number, together with _maw shongthait_, or stones to seat the weary, which were erected to the memory of a woman, Ka Kampatwat, who in generations past is alleged to have had no less than _thirty_ husbands. The lady is not supposed to have been polyandrous, nor nine-lived, but to have divorced one husband after another. As she probably established a record for divorce, her descendants afterwards commemorated her in the manner described. There is another very large atone at Nongkeeh, which unfortunately fell to the ground in the great earthquake shock of 1897. This stone must have stood over 20 ft. above the ground. It is called _u mawkni Siem_, the stone of the Siem’s maternal uncle, and it used to form the central stone, or _mawkni_, of a line of stones. These stones belong to the clan of the _basans_ of Nongkseh, which furnishes the _sohblei_, or head sacrificer, of the Siems of Khyrim. The stones at Mawsmai; which in ancient days used to be the headquarters of a Siem, are some of the best carved in the hills. At Mawrongjong, in the Jaintia sub-division, is a stone upon which a figure, evidently of a Hindu god, has been carved, without doubt after the erection of the stone. Here we have a striking parallel case to the painted and carved menhir near Tregastel in Brittany, upon which has been carved the representation of a crucifix. There are also some carved stones near Nartiang (said to represent two women) called _mawthawdur briew_.
The Khasis say that these great stones were brought sometimes from considerable distances. After being hewn, the stones were laid on a large, wooden trolley and dragged across country by means of ropes of cane, of which plenty can be bad from the War country on the southern side of the district, and then placed in position by means of ropes and levers. It seems little short of marvellous that these stones, which sometimes weighed many tons, were placed in position by such primitive means, especially when we consider the great trouble there was to re-erect one of the fallen stones at Stonehenge lately. Nowadays only comparatively small stones are erected, which are generally hewn and erected on the spot, so that there is no necessity for any conveyance.
In conclusion, it may be remarked that the subject of the Khasi monoliths is in reality a large one, on which a great deal could be written, but owing to considerations of space it has been found necessary to compress the account within its present limits.
Festivities, Domestic and Tribal.
Dancing forms the principal part of all the Khasi festivities, and is an important adjunct of some of their religious ceremonies. One of the greatest festivals in the Khasi Hills is the Nongkrem dance; it may be said to be as important an event to the Khasis as the _Beh dieng-khlam_ festivities are to the Syntengs.
The Nongkrem dance is really part of what is known as the _pom-blang_, or goat-killing ceremony, performed by the Siem of Khyrim (or Nongkrem)) with the aid of his _soh-blei_ (high priest) and the various _lyngdohs_ (or priests) to Ka Blei Synshar (the ruling goddess), that the crops may prosper and that there may be a successful era in store for the people of the State. The goddess on this occasion may be regarded as a Khasi Demeter, although no mysteries form part of her services as at the Grecian Eleusis. The Nongkrem ceremony and dance (now held at Smit) take place in the late spring, generally in the month of May. A lucky day having been fixed; the Siem sends a ring of cane (_kyrwoh_) by way of a summons to the people of every village in the State, at the same time informing them of the date of the puja and requesting them to attend with their offerings, consisting of goats and different articles of food. In the meantime various pujas have been taking place in the house of _Ka Siem Sad_, the Siem priestess, which it would be tedious to describe in detail. The more interesting points only will be mentioned. A fortnight before the puja and dance at Smit the _soh-blei_, or high priest, pours out libations of liquor in the _kyram-blang_, or place where the sacrificial goats are kept, and in front of the great post (of _dieng sning_, or Khasi oak), in the house of the Siem priestess. Dancing then takes place in front of the post. Later on the Siem, with the high priest and other attendant priests, walks with extremely slow gait to a small hill where a stone altar has been prepared, and sacrifices a cock in honour of _u’lei Shillong_, or the god of the Shillong Peak. A silver dish with powdered rice, liquor in a gourd, (_ka’iad um_), betel-nut, and some leaves of the Khasi oak (_dieng sning_), are also necessary adjuncts of the puja. A goat is then sacrificed, and the sacrifice is followed by a dance of twenty two men armed with swords and shields and chowries (fly-flaps). Having danced before the altar, the party returns to the house of the Siem priestess and executes another dance in the great courtyard. The Siem and certain selected persons dance in front of the _rishot blei_, or holy post of Khasi oak inside the house of the Siam priestess, the dancers being entertained with dried fish and ginger. Then follows the great dance of girls and men in front of her house. The girls dance in the centre, taking such tiny steps, that the lifting of their feet from the ground is hardly perceptible, the arms held down to the sides and the eyes demurely downcast. It is on this occasion that they wear the peculiar silver (and sometimes gold) crowns illustrated in the plate. The hair is worn tied in a knot behind the head, but with a long tail hanging down the back. Rich silk cloths are worn by the girls, who present the appearance of being, if anything, over-clothed, or, as Yule aptly puts it, of “perfect parallelograms.” They wear a profusion of gold and coral bead necklaces, silver and gold chains, bracelets, ear-rings of gold, and any other jewellery they can lay hands on. Not only is the whole of the family jewellery, requisitioned by the fair _debutante_ (it is only the unmarried who dance), but she borrows from her friends. The men dance round the outside of the circle, waving fly-flaps, and prancing (often nowadays, wearing huge boots) with ungainly strides. The music necessary for the dance consists of _tangmuri_ (pipes), drums, and cymbals. This is _ka shad kynthei_, or the dance of the women. Then there _is ka shad mastieh_, or the dance of the men, who are gaily dressed, wearing plumes of black and white cock’s feathers (_u thuiyah_) and hold swords and shields. After gyrating for some time, two men at a time rapidly approach one another and clash their swords together in mock combat. They then retire, and, after again revolving for a period, repeat the process; then other couples follow and take their place. This goes on, until the dancers get tired or are told to stop.
The above description, may be taken as applicable to all the Khasi dances. Dancing forms part of the ceremony of placing the ashes in the sepulchre of the clan. Dancing also forms a part of certain ceremonies performed at market for the prosperity of the State and for the good of trade.
When I was at Mawsynram, at the time of the appointment of a Siem, I witnessed a very pretty dance called _ka shad lymmoh_, performed by men who held the leafy branches of trees in their hands. This is most effective. Then followed a dance of some forty young girls, very well dressed, covered with the usual gold and coral beads and silver chains, and wearing the silver crown, or _pansngiat_. The young women danced with great spirit, and with an absence of all shyness, but still with the greatest decorum. Many of the women, spectators as well as dancers, were observed to be without the usual _tap moh khlih_, or head-cloth, the absence of which is always a sign amongst the Khasi women of merry-making. There were women from the War country, wearing their picturesque dress amongst whom was the wife of the Siem of Bohwal with her little daughter. The dance was a pretty sight, and I have seldom seen such evidence of unaffected happiness as was exhibited by the people on this occasion. Dancing may be described as one of the characteristic features of Khasi life.
The Synteng _Beh-diang-khlam_ festival takes place annually at Jowai and elsewhere in the Jaintia Hills in the deep water moon month (_u Jyllieu_, or June). _Khlam_ is the Khasi word for plague or pestilence and _beh-dieng_ signifies to drive away with sticks. The festival may be described as follows:–The males rise betimes on the day fixed and beat the roof with sticks, calling upon the plague-demon to leave the house. Having done this, later on in the day they go down to the stream where the goddess “Aitan” dwells. Then poles of great length, which have been newly cut, are held across the stream. The people jump on the poles and try to break them; when they succeed in doing so, a great shout is given. After all these poles have been broken, a very large pole is fixed across the stream. The people then divide themselves into two parties, and contend for the possession of the tree. The contest, however, is a good-humoured one, and although many buffets are given and received, these are not regarded seriously, and there are seldom any fights. Col. Bivar says the contending villagers in their excitement, sometimes relapse into a state of almost complete nudity. The party which succeeds in obtaining possession of the post is supposed to gain health and prosperity during the coming year. Col. Bivar remarks that the origin of this so-called ceremony is said to be that the god of thunder, “_u’lei pyrthat_,” and Ka Aitan, the goddess of the stream, enjoined its performance. Many innovations, however, have crept in. People disguise themselves as giants and wild beasts, they also parade images of serpents, elephants, tigers, peacocks, &c. Dancing is carried on with enthusiasm by the males, the girls, clad in their best attire, remaining on-lookers. Before the meeting breaks up the males play a sort of game of hockey with wooden balls.
Genna
The word _genna_ is one in common use amongst the Naga tribes. It seems to be a matter of doubt whether the word belongs to any of the numerous languages or dialects spoken by these tribes; but for our purposes it may be taken to mean taboo. The Khasi word _sang_, which implies an interdiction either religious or social from doing any particular thing, might have been employed; but as the word _genna_ is so commonly used when speaking of taboos amongst the hill tribes of this province, I have thought fit to employ it here. The word _genna_, or taboo, may be held to include the Khasi _sang_. Taboos amongst the Khasis, Wars and Lynngams may be divided into two sections; (_a_) general, and (_b_) special. Instances of general taboo have not been found amongst the Khasis, but the following taboo called _Ka sang kla_ amongst the War villages of Sohbar and Nongjri is peculiar, and therefore worthy of description. Its chief peculiarity is that during the time the _sang kla_ continues, the inhabitants of these two villages are not allowed to associate with foreigners. This _genna_ takes place twice a year, in the months of June and November, and lasts for a month each time. During the _genna_ foreigners are not allowed to stay the night in these two villages, and the villagers must not sleep the night outside their villages. If they do not return home for the night, they are subjected to a fine. There is a prohibition against eating, smoking, or chewing betel-nut with foreigners during the period. The above is the only instance of general taboo that I have been able to find amongst the Wars, but in the Lynngam villages there is a taboo on all outsiders at the time of the village pujas. Such a taboo amongst the Lynngams is not to be wondered at, as they have probably imbibed the notion from their Garo mothers, intermarriages between Lynngams and Garos being common. The Garos, like other Thibeto-Burmans, have numerous taboos. There are numerous instances of special taboos among the Khasis. _Kaba shong sang_, or marrying within the _kur_ or clan, is the most important taboo of all, and is regarded as the most serious offence a Khasi can commit. It admits of no expiation, and the bones and ashes of the offender cannot be placed in the family tomb. There are special taboos for certain clans, of which the following are some examples. The clan Nongtathiang cannot eat the lemon, the Khar-umnuid clan must abstain from pork, the Cherra Siem family cannot eat dried fish, and the Siem family of Mylliem taboo the pumpkin. Possibly these taboos may be relics of totemism amongst these communities. The following are some of the other taboos, although some of them are but lightly regarded now-a-days.
(i.) To build a house with stone walls on all four sides.
(ii.) To use nails in building a house.
(iii.) To use more than one kind of timber in building the hearth.
(iv.) To build a house with resinous timber. Only the Siem family can use such timber.
(v.) To cut trees from a sacred forest.
(vi.) To take or give anything with the left hand.
(vii.) To step over any one’s body.
(viii.) To kill any animal or bird without first throwing rice over its body. . .
(ix.) To drink the milk of a cow or goat.
(x.) To talk with any one, except with one of a man’s or woman’s fellow-workers, when the thrashing of paddy is going on.
There are the following special taboos for pregnant women.
(_a_) To Accompany a funeral procession.
(_b_) To finish any sewing she may have commenced before she became _enceinte_. There is a similar prohibition regarding the finishing of the plaiting of wicker baskets.
(_c_) It is _sang_ for the husband of a pregnant woman to thatch the ridge of the house at such a time, or to fix a handle to an axe or a _dao_.
CHAPTER V
Folk-Tales, Traditions and Superstitions
Folk-Tales.
The Khasis possess a considerable amount of folk-lore. The tales which will be found reproduced in the original Khasi have been obtained from a collection which was in the possession of the Rev. Dr. Roberts, of Cherrapunji, who very kindly placed it at my disposal. The translations are by U Nissor Singh, Sub-Inspector of Schools, and the author of a Khasi English Dictionary as well as certain other educational works in that language. Dr. Roberts’s collections would fill a book; so I have selected only a few of what I consider typical tales. At the instance of Sir Charles Lyall, I have given the Khasi and English side by side. The stories will speak for themselves, but I add a few explanatory notes. The water-fall of Ka Likai is a magnificent cascade in the rainy season; it can best be viewed from the heights of Laitkynsew. The water-fall is situated close to the village of Nongriat, which is approached by a succession of stone steps from the village of Tyrna, just below the Charrapunji Laitkynsew bridle-path. “Dingiei,” which is mentioned in the second tale, is the high hill to be seen on the right-hand side of the Shillong-Cherrapunji road soon after leaving Shillong. The highest point of the range is over 6,000 ft. The third tale contains the well-known story of Ka Pah Syntiew, the fabled ancestress of the Khyrim and Mylliem Siem families. The cave where Ka Pah Syntiew is said to have made her abode is still to be seen in the neighbourhood of Nongkrem. The story of the origin of the Siems of Suhtnga, who afterwards became the Rajas of Jaintiapur, is a well-known tale in the Jaintia Hills. A description of the wonderful mass of granite known by the name of the Kyllang Rock will be found in the section of the monograph which deals with geographical distribution. I have also added a photograph of the rock. The Syntengs have a story that when the strong west wind blows in the spring this is due to the advent of _U Kyllang_, who comes to visit his wife, the river _Umngot_, at that season: amongst the Khasis hills are all of them masculine, but to rivers is usually attributed the feminine gender. U Symper is another isolated rocky eminence rising from the Maharam plain close to the village of K’mawan. The best view of the hill is obtainable from Laitmawsiang on the path to Mawsynram. The village of Mawsmai every traveller from Therria to Cherrapunji knows. It is chiefly remarkable for a fairly large limestone cave, and its fine memorial stones. The Khasi theory to explain how the moon got its spots is, I believe, original, but is no more extraordinary than our own nursery tale about the “man in the moon.” The _Sohpet Byneng_ hill is the first hill of any size that the traveller sees on the Gauhati road when journeying to Shillong. It is close to Umsning Dak Bungalow. There are caves in the hill which are tenanted by bears. Strange to say, according to Khasi ideas, this is one of the highest points in the hills; in reality _Sophet Byneng_ is some 2,000 ft. lower than the Shillong Peak. As mentioned elsewhere, the Khasis are very fond of dogs; so I have given their version of how the dog came to live with man. The well-known _thlen_ superstition will be found fully described under the heading of “Human sacrifices.” I have, however, thought the tale of sufficient interest to reproduce at length here. The story of the river Rupatylli is a pretty tale, and is just such a one as would appeal to the imagination of mountaineers like the Khasis. The Kopili story is important, in that it indicates the origin of human sacrifices in the Jaintia Hills; it also throws, perhaps, some light on the question of the use to which the flat table memorial stones were put in years gone by. The superstition about the crossing of the Kopili can be vouched for by many, who have taken the journey from the Jaintia Hills to North Cachar by the Kopili route. Mawpunkyrtiang is a small village close to Cherrapunji. The weird tale about the Siem of Malyniang is the pride of the Maskut people, for in olden days their King, i.e. the Siem of Malyniang, is supposed to have been a very powerful monarch amongst the Khasis. The story of Manick Raitong is interesting, in that it explains the origin of the use of the _sharati_, a bamboo flute of special make which is played only at funerals. The pool of water, which was formed after U Manick and the erring queen were burnt, may be connected with the _Umkoi_, or tank, which is dug to cleanse the souls of those who have died violent deaths. The idea of the bamboo, which bore leaves that grew upside-down, springing up from the buried flute, is also to be found in the Synteng tale regarding U Loh Ryndi’s fishing rod. Owing to considerations of space, I have had to curtail largely the folk-lore section. I have, however, kept the materials by me, and if at any future time there is reason to believe that the reproduction of more Khasi folk-lore is called for, I shall be glad to try to arrange that some of the other folk-tales be printed.
The Water-Fall of Ka Likai.
The water-fall of Ka Likai is one of the most beautiful water-falls in the Khasi Hills. Its stream flows from a certain river from the village of Rangjirteh and passes by the village of Nongriat. The fall can be seen distinctly from the village of Laitkynsew. What a beautiful fall it is when viewed in the autumn. It is also a very high fall. There was in olden days in the village of Rangjirteh a woman called Ka Likai. She was a poor woman who had a husband. When she had given birth to a child, the husband died. Whilst the child was yet a baby, she experienced much trouble in taking care of it on account of her poverty. After the child was able to walk, what a pleasure it was to her to see it growing, and able to play with other children. Then that woman married another man; but he did not love the little child, and many a time he got angry because she could not take care of him more, on account of that child.
One day when she went to carry iron ore, her husband took the child and killed it. When he had cut up the body into pieces, he prepared curry with it and placed the curry where the mother would come and eat it. When he had finished doing so, he threw the head and the bones of the child far away, but he forgot to throw away the fingers, which he had placed in a basket where the betel-nut was kept. When the mother returned from her journey, she inquired “Where is the child?” “She has just gone somewhere, I don’t know where,” he said. She remained silent awhile; then she said, “Is there any rice and curry?” He said “Yes, it is ready,” and went out at the same time. When she ate, she found the curry very tasty, and she thought that he had got the flesh of a young pig from some one who had performed a sacrifice. When she had finished eating, she took up the betel-nut basket, but found the fingers of her child there. She shrieked and threw herself down, and then ran to the precipice and cast herself down it. All the villagers wondered, but no one ventured to prevent her as she held a _da_ in her hand. From that time the waterfall was called the “Fall of Ka Likai.”
Ka Kshaid Ka Likai.
Ka kshaid-ka-Likai ka long kawei ka kshaid ha ri Khasi kaba itynnad shibun eh. Ka wan tuid na kawei ka wah ha ka shnong Rangjirteh kaba wan hap ha ka shnong Nongriat. Ia kane ka kshaid lah ban ioh-i bha na ka shnong Laitkynsew. Katno ka long kaba i-tynnad lada khmih ia ka ha ka por synrai. Ka long ruh kaba jrong shibun eh. La don kawei ka briew ha ka shnong Rangjirteh hyndai kaba kyrteng ka Likai. Kane ka briew ka long kaba duk bad ka la don u tnga, te ynda la kha iwei i khun kynthei uta i tnga u la iap noh. Hamar ka por ha dang lung ita I khun ka la shitom shibun ban sumar ha ka jinglong duk jong ka. Te ynda i la nangiaid katno, ka la sngewbha ban ioh-i ia la i khun ba i la shait, bad ba i la nang ba’n leh kai bad ki para khynnah. Te kane ka briew ka la shongkurim bad uwei pat u briew; hynrei uta u’m ieit ia ita i khun, bad katno ba u la jiw sngew bitar ba ka’m lah ban khreh ba’n sumar ia u na ka bynta ita i khun.
Te ha kawei ka sngi ba ka leit kit nongnar, uta u tnga u la shim ia ita i khun bad u la pyniap noh. Bad haba u la ot u la shet jintah ia ka doh jong i, u la buh ruh ha ka jaka ba ka’n wan bam ka kmie; bad ynda u la dep kumta baroh u la leit bred noh ia ka khlih bad ki shyieng sha jngai, hynrei ia ki shimpriahti ba u la buh ha ka shang kwai u’m kynmaw shuh ban leit bred. Haba la wan ka kmie na kata ka jingleit ka la kylli, “hangno ka khun”? “Tip ei, u ong, shano ka leit kai myntan.” Ka shu sngap noh bad ka ong “La don ja don jintah ne em” u ong, “la don,” bad hamar kata ka por u leit kai noh. Te haba ka la bam ja, ka sngew bang shibun, bad ka la tharai ba u ioh doh khun sniang na kino-kino kiba knia, bad haba ka la lah bam ja ka la shim ka shang kwai ba’n bam kwai, ka shem pynban da ki shimpriahti ita i khun bad ka la lyniar la lympat ia lade kat ba lah, bad ka la mareh sha katei ka riat bad ka la pynnoh ia lade. Kumta lyngngoh ki shnong-ki-thaw baroh bad y’m lah ba’n khang mano-mano ruh, ka bat la ka wait ha ka kti. Te naduh kata ka por ki khot “ka kshaid-noh-ka-Likai.”
The Dingiei Hill.
Dingiei Hill is one of the highest peaks in the Khasi country, resembling in height and size the Shillong “Peak” which lies opposite and to the north of it. There are many villages on this hill belonging to the Shillong Siem. In olden days on the top of this hill grew a gigantic tree overshadowing the whole world, the name of that tree was “ka Dingiei.” The Khasis came to a determination that if this tree were cut down (lit. destroyed) the world would become good and would have light, for as long as it (the tree) remained standing, the world remained dark and unfruitful. They accordingly came to an unanimous decision to fell it. When they cut (the tree) during the day and went back next morning, they found that the marks of cutting had been obliterated. Thus they cut each day, and next morning they found that the marks had disappeared. This was the case always. Then they marvelled why this thing was thus. They asked questions and they investigated; ka phreid (a very small bird) said “all this has happened because a tiger comes every night to (the foot of) the tree and licks the part of the tree which has been cut.” Thereupon the men, having plied their axes and knives the whole day in cutting the tree (instead of carrying them away as usual), tied them to the incisions, with their edges pointing outwards. So when the tiger went as usual at night to lick the incisions, the sharp blades of the axes and knives cut his tongue. Thenceforth the tiger ceased to go to the tree; and as the tiger ceased to lick the incisions, the mark was not obliterated as before. So their work went on progressing every day until ka Dingiei fell. Thus the world received light, and cultivation throve, and there was nothing more to stand in the way of the light of the sun and the moon. It was for that reason that the name of “U Lum Dingiei” was given to the hill. Nobody knows what became of the tree, for since the time it fell its species has died out and there is no seed of it (to be found) anywhere on the earth from which it can be grown.
U Lum Dingiei.
U lum Dingiei u long u wei u lum uba jrong shibun ha ri Khasi. U syrim ha ka jing jrong bad jingkhraw ia u lum Shillong, bad u long marpyrshah jong u shaphang Shatei. Halor une u lum don bun ki shnong hapoh u Siem Shillong. Mynhyndai halor une u lum don kawei ka dieng kaba khraw shibuin eh haduh ba ka la kah dum ia ka pyrthei baroli kawei, ka kyrteng kata ka dieng ki khot ka Dingiei. Ki khun Khasi ki la ia kut jingmut ba lada yn ioh pynduh noh ia kane ka dieng ka’n bha ka’n shai ka pyrthei, namar katba ka dang ieng, ka pyrthei ka dum bad ka’m lah ban seisoh. Kumta ki la ia ieng da kawei ka jingmut ba’n ia khet noh ia ka. Te ynda ki la pom ia ka mynsngi, ki leit pat mynstep ki shem ba la dam noh ka dien pom. Kumta ki pom biang sa ha kawei ka sngi, ynda lashai mynstep ka dam-pa-dam biang. Shu kumta barabor ka long. Hangta ki la lyngngoh, hato balei ka long kumne. Ki ia kylli ki ia tohkit; ong ka phreid (ka sim kaba rit shibun) “kane ka jinglong ha dam kumne haba phi la pom ka long namar u khla mynmiet mynmiet u wan jliah ia ka dien ba phi la pom.” Te kumta ki khun bynriew ynda ki la lah pom mynsngi baroh shi sngi, mynmiet ki teh pyn-ang da ki wait ki sdi ka kata ka jaka ba ki la lah pom . Kumta u khla haba u wan mynmiet u jliah phot u thyllied haba kynduh ha kita ki syrti wait syrti sdi. Kumtah naduh kata ka por um wan shuh; bad ynda um ioh shuh ban jliah kata ka dien pom u khun bynriew, ruh kam dam shuh. Shu nangdep ka jingtrei man ka sngi haduh ba la kyllon ka Dingiei. Kumta sa shai pher ka pyrthei bad sa manbha ka thung ka tep ka rep ka sei ynda ymdon ba shar shuh ia ka sngi ia u buai. Namarkata ki sa ioh ban khot kyrteng ia une a lum “u Lum Dingiei.” Ia ka jinglong kane ka Dingiei ym don ba tip ei-ei naduh kata ka por haduh mynta, namar naduh ba la kyllon ka iapduh [32] bad ym don symbai ba kan pynmih haei-haei ha ka pyrthei haduh kane ka sngi.
Concerning the Origin of the Siems of Shillong.
The Siem of Shillong is a very great and powerful chief in the Khasi Hills. He is generally known throughout the Khasi Hills as the “god king”. By the term “god king” is meant that God has been pleased to give over to him the largest portion of the Khasi country, i.e. the kingdom of Shillong, to rule. If you seek for the origin of these “god kings,” you will find there is great uncertainty about it. At any rate there is a tradition amongst the Khasis to the following effect. In olden days a rumour got abroad that there was a woman in a cave called Marai, which is situated near the present village of Pomlakrai, at the source of the river Umiew or Umiam. She was a young and very beautiful damsel. Of the reality of the damsel’s existence there is no question. Many tried to catch her, but they could not, owing to the narrowness of the cave. There came, however, a certain very clever man who went to entice her by showing her a flower called “u tiew-jalyngkteng.” The damsel then came (out) near to snatch the flower, but the man went on holding back his hand until she came out into a more open place, when he seized her. He then brought her to his house and carefully tended her, and afterwards he married her. That damsel was called “_Ka Pah Syntiew_, the flower-lured one,” because that man caught her by coaxing and enticing her with a flower. That man, who came from the village of Nongjri in the Bhoi country, was called the Nongjri Kongor. After she had given birth to daughters and sons, she returned, to the same place whence she had been captured, and from that time forth she never came out again, however much her husband and children called and implored her. Her children increased in stature and in wisdom and the people hearing of the wonderful origin of their mother, came from all parts of the country to look at them. The children also were very clever at showing their humility and good manners in the presence of the elders. All the people (in return) loved them and considered them to be the children of the gods and did homage to them. It occurred to the nobles and leaders of the Shillong Raj to appoint them Siems, because (they said) the children had been born of a wonderful woman, who, it seemed very clear, was the daughter of the “god Shillong.” Therefore they gladly decided to appoint them Siems in the country of Shillong, (i.e., the present Khyrim and Mylliem States). The children thus became Siems, and they were called “Ki Siem-Blei” (the god kings) of Shilong. [33]
Shaphang ba long U Siem Shillong.
U Siem Shillong u long uwei u Siem uba khraw shibun bad uba don bor ruh ha kane ka ri lum Khasi. Ia une u Siem la jiw bna baroh kawei ka ri ba u long u Siem-Blei. Haba ong Siem-Blei ka mut ba U Blei u la i mon sngewbha ba’n aiti ha u ban synshar ia kawei ka bynta kaba khraw ha ri Khasi. Ha une la ai ba’n synshar ha ri Shillong. Haba wad ia ka jingsdang jong kine ki Siem Blei don shibun ka jingb’ym thikna. La kumno-kumno ka don ka jingiathu-khana kum kane kaba harum ha pydeng ki Khasi haduh kane ka sngi. Ha kaba nyngkong eh la byna ha don kawei ka briew ha ka krem Marai, kaba hajan ka shnong Pomlakrai mynta, ha tyllong ka wah Umiew ne Umiam. Kata ka briew kaba dang met samla kaba bhabriew shibun eh. Ia kaba ka don, ka don hangta barabor, bad bun ki ia pyrshang ban kem ia ka, kim lah namar ka long ka krem kaba khim. Te ynda la mih uwei u briew uba kham sian u la leit khroh ia ka da kaba pyni da u syntiew uba ki khot u tiew-ja-lyngkteng. Kumta katno ka briew ka la wan hajan ba’n kynieh ia uta u syntiew, te uta u briew u nangring da kaba pynran ia la ka kti khyndiat khyndiat haduh ka’n da mih ha kaba kham kylluid ka jaka, u sa kem ia ka. Hangta u la wallam sha la ieng, u ri u sumar bha ia ka, bad hadien-hadien u la shongkurim ia ka. Te la khot kyrteng ia kata ka briew ka Pah-syntiew, namar ba uta u briew u ioh kem ia ka da kaba khroh ba pah da u syntiew. Uta u briew u long uba na Nongjri Bhoi, bad ki jiw khot u Kongor Nongjri ia u. Te ynda ka la kha ki khun, kynthei bad shynrang, ka la leit phet sha kajuh ka jaka na kaba u la ioh kem ia ka, bad naduh kata ka por ka’m wan shuh, la’u tnga ki khun ki leit khot leit pyrta katno-katno ruh. Kita ki khun ki la nangshait nang sian, bad ki briew ruh, haba ki la bna ia ka jinglong kaba phylla ka jong ku kmie jong ki, ki la wan khnang na kylleng ki jaka ba’n khmih ia kita ki khynnah. Te kita ki khynnah ki la nang shibun ba’n leh rit ba’n leh don akor ha khmat ki tymmen briew, ki briew ruh baroh ki a ieit ia ki bad ki tharai ba ki long ki khun Blei. Kumta ki la ia nguh ki la ia dem ia kita ki khynnah bad hadien kata ka la jia ha ki dohnud kiba khraw-batri, ki tymmen-ki-san ha ka ri Shillong ban thung Siem ia ki namar ki khynnah ki long kiba la wan kha da ka briew kaba phylla shibun, kaba imat eh ba ka long ka khun u Blei Shillong. Te kumta ki la ia kut da ka mon snowbha baroh ba’n thung Siem ia ki ha ka hima Shillong, bad kumta la long Siem kita ki khynnah, ki synshah bad ki khot ruh ia ki Siem-Blei-Siem-Shillong.
U Loh Ryndi and Ka Lim Dohkha.
The Syntengs give the following explanation of the origin of Siems of Suhtnga. There was a man from War Umwi named U Loh Ryndi. He went one day to fish in the Umwi stream. When he had caught only one fish, he returned home. He roasted the fish and placed it on the _tyngir_ (a swinging shelf above the hearth). He forgot that it was there, and did not remember to eat it. The next morning he went out for a walk to the hill. When he returned home in the evening, he found his house had been swept and looked after, and that the rice had been cooked. He was much surprised at this. The next day the same thing happened. When this state of things continued to occur, he made a pretence of going for a walk to the hill and he called his dog. But he concealed himself the whole day outside the village, and when it was time for cooking rice (evening), he returned home. When he saw that smoke was rising from the house, he crept up stealthily in order that he might suddenly enter the house. Finding a woman there, he said, “Who art thou?” She replied, “I am Ka Lih Dohkha. I am the fish whom thou didst catch and forget to eat. She forthwith added, “Thou must not let any one know. I have many relatives. Come, let us go and fetch them to come here.” So Ka Loh Ryndi bade his mother take care of the house until his return from his journey. They went together and arrived at the place where he had caught her, and she jumped into the water and he remained on the dry land. After a while she returned, bringing with her her relatives, but how many of them there were is not known. They all went to the house of U Loh Ryndi. When Ka Lih Dohkha began to enter the house, and was about to cross the threshold, she saw a broom which his mother had placed on the threshold. She therefore abruptly turned back with all her relatives to the river. After that U Loh Ryndi saw in a dream that Ka Lih Dohkha had gone by the river Umwai Khyrwi to a village called Suhtnga. (Since that time all the fish have left the river up to the present day.) He accordingly went to angle for her in that stream, and when he had caught her, he found that she looked after him just the same as before. After that he married Ka Lih Dohkha and she bore him twelve daughters and a son. When the children of U Loh Ryndi and Ka Lih Dohkha grew up, both of them returned to the stream Umwai Khyrwi. It is said that from the fishing rod of U Loh Ryndi, which he left on the bank of the stream, there grew up bamboos, the joints and leaves of which grow upside down to the present day.
U Loh Ryndi bad Ka Lim Dohkha.
Ki Synteng ki batai ia ka jinglong tynrai ki Siem Suhtnga kumne. La don u wei U War Umwi, uba kyrteng U Loh Ryndi, uba la leit khwai dohkha na ka Wah Umwi; te ynda la ngat tang kata kawai u la wan noh sba la ieng. Ynda u la syang u la buh noh halor tyngir ha ka ruh. Hangta u la klet bad um kynmaw shuh ban bam ia ka. Kumta ynda la-shai mynstep u la leit kai pat sha lum, te haba u la wan noh la jan miet u la shem ia ka iing jong u ba la sar la sumar bad ka ja ba la ih. Mynkata u la lyngngeh shiban ba ka long kumne. Te kum la-shai ka la long kumjuh. Ynda ka shu dem iailong kumne-pa-kumne la ban sin eh, ynda kumta u la leh ia lade kum u ban sa leit lum, u da ting ia u ksew. Hinrei u la rih noh baroh shi sngi harud nong, bad ynda la poi ka por shet ja u la wan noh sha iing. Te mynba u la ioh-i ba la tydem ding ha ieng u la syntiat bha biang ba un ioh rung kynsan bluit hapoh. Hynda kumta u la shem ia ka kynthei hangta. U la ong ia ka, “Pha kaei”? Ka la ong ia u, “nga long Ka Lih-dohkha, ma nga, nga long kata ka dohkha ba me la ngat bad me la klet ban bam.” Ynda kumta ka la ong ia u “me wat pyntip iano iano ruh, nga don ki kur shibun eh, ngin ia leit shaw ia ki ban wan noh shane.” Kumta U Loh Ryndi u la buh ia la ka kmie ban sumar ia ka iing tad ynda un wan na ka jingleit jong u. Ynda ki la ia leit ki la poi ha kata ka jaka ba u la ngat ia ka. Ynda kumta ka la sid ha ka um, u te u nang sah ha ka ryngkew. Te la shibit ka la wan pat sha u bad ka wallam lem bad ka ia ki kur, hinrei ki long katno ngut ym lah banong, bad ki la leit baroh sha ka iing U Loh Ryndi. Te mynba Ka Lih Dohkha ka la sydang rung ha iing, hamar be kan sa jam ia ka shahksew ka la ioh-i ia u synsar ba la buh ka kmie jong u hapoh kata ka shahksew; namarkata ka la kylla din bak bad ki kur jong ka sha kata ka wah. Hadin kata U Loh Ryndi u la phohsniw, u la ioh-i ha kata ka jingphohsniw ia Ka Lih Dohkha ba ka la leit noh sha ka shnong ba ki khot ka Suhtnga ha ka Umwai-khyrwi (naduh kata la jah noh ki dohkha ha ka wah Umwi haduh mynta). Te u ruh u la leit sha kata ka wah ban khwai ia ka, bad ynda u la ngat u la shem ba ka sumar ia u kumjuh. Ynda nangta u la shongkurim bad Ka Lih Dohkha, bad u la ioh khun khadar ngut ki kynthei uwei u shynrang. Ynda la rangbah kita ki khun u Loh Ryndi bad Ka Lih Dohkha ki la leit noh baroh ar ngut ha kata ka Umwai Khyrwi. Te ki ong ba na u ryngwiang khwai jong U Loh Ryndi, harud um ba u la ieh noh, la long ki shken kiba ka mat ka long khongpong bad ka sla de kumjuh jen haduh mynta.
Kyllang and Symper.
Kyllang is a hill which is near the village of Mawnai in Khadsawphra, and Symper is a hill which is situated in the Siemship of Maharam. The old folks say that there are gods which inhabit these hills, which are called U Kyllang and U Symper. These gods had a quarrel for some reason that we mortals do not know. They fought by throwing mud at one another. After they had fought, once or twice, U Kyllang proved victorious. So U Symper, having been humiliated, sits quietly in his own place to this day, and U Kyllang sits very proudly because be was victorious in the fight. The holes which are like tanks in U Symper’s sides remain to this day; it is said that U Kyllang made those holes during the battle.
U Kyllang [34] bad U Symper.
U Kyllang u long u lum uba hajan ka shnong Mawnai ha Khadsawphra bad U Symper u dei u lum uba long ha ri Maharam. Ha kine ki lum ki tymmen ki jiw tharai ba don ki blei kiba shong hangto kiba kyrteng U Kyllang bad U Symper. Kine ki blei baroh ar ngut ki la ia kajia namar kano kano ka daw kaba ngi u bynriw ngim lah ban tip. Te ki la ialeh baroh ar ngut da kaba ia khawoh ktih. Ynda ki la ialeh shi por ar por jop U Kyllang. Kumta U Symper u shong pynrit ia lade ha la ka jaka jar-jar haduh mynta, bad U Kyllang u shong da kaba sngew khraw sngew sarong shibun ba u la jop ha ka jingialeh. Ki thliw kiba long kum ki pukri kiba don ha ki krung u lum Symper ki sah haduh mynta; ki ong ba la pynlong ia kito ki thliw da U Kyllang ha ka por ialeh.
The Siem creating stone at Mawsmai.
On the outskirts of Mawsmai village, and to the west of it, stands a hill; it is a very beautiful hill. From a distance it looks like the hump of a bull. It has big trees growing on it, as people are afraid to cut them because they believe that the god “Ryngkew” is there, who takes care of and protects the country. This hill has two names, U Mawlong Siem and U Lyngkrem. U Mawlong Siem is the smaller (peak) on the southern side, and U Lyngkrem the taller one, in which there is a cave. The Mawsmai people sacrifice once or twice a year according to the god’s demand. The Mawsmai people have, besides U Mawlong Siem, other village gods (called “Ryngkew”). The name of the one is “U Rangjadong,” and the name of the other “U Ramsong.” Sacrifices are offered to these two also. U Mawlong Siem is a very great and stern god. The other gods dare not engage in battle with him. He has a daughter called “Ka Khmat Kharai” (i.e. the mouth of the abyss). The god of the Umwai people fell in love with this daughter, but he was unable to obtain her in marrage, as U Mawlong Siem did not like him. It is not possible to know the exact reason why the name of U Mawlong Siem was given to him, but at any rate it appears that the name arose from the fact that in olden days before the death of a Siem there used to be heard at “Mawlong Siem” a great noise of beating of drums. The Mawsmai and the Mawmluh people used to hear it, and they attributed it to the god “Mawlong Siem,” who beat the drum for his children to dance to. At any rate, when this sound is heard, it never fails to portend the death of a Siem. It appears that this hill was called “Mawlong Siem” for that reason.
U Mawlong Siem ha Mawsmai.
Harud ‘nong Mawsmai don u wei u lum uba shaphang sepngi na ka shnong. Une u lum uba i-tynnad shibun. Ban khymih na sha jingngai u long kum u syntai masi kyrtong. U don ki dieng kiba khraw ki bym jiw don ba nud ban thoh ban dain namar ba ki niew ba u long U Ryngkew u blei uba sumar uba da ia ka muluk ka jaka. Ia une u lum ki khot ar kyrteng, U Mawlong Siem bad U Lyngkrem, U Mawlong Siem u long uta uba kham lyngkot shaphang shathi, bad U Lyngkrem u long uta uba jerong eh bad uba don ka krem Pubon hapoh. Ia une U Mawlong Siem ki Mawsmai ki jiw ai jingknia da u blang shisin shi snem ne shi sin ar snem katba u pan. Ki Mawmluh ruh ki leh kumjuh na la shnong. Nalor une U Mawlong Siem ki Mawsmai ki don shuh ki Ryngkew hajan shgong, uwei U Rangjadong bad uwei pat U Ramsong. Ia kine ki knia. Une U Mawlong Siem u long u blei uba khraw shibun bad uba eh. Ki para blei kim nud ban ia leh thyma ia ki. U don kawai ka khun kaba kyrteng “Ka Khymat Kharai,” u blei ki Umwai u i-bha ia ka, hinrei um lah poi namar U Mawlong Siem um sngewbha ia u. Ban tip thikna ia ka daw balei ba khot kyrteng Mawlong Siem ia u ym lah ban tip; hinrei la kumno kumno i-mat ba kane ka kyrteng ka la mih namar ba mynhyndai haba yn sa iap Siem la jiw ioh sngew hangta ha U Mawlong Siem ba don ka jingsawa tem ksing kaba khraw shibun. Ki Mawsmai bad ki Mawmluh ki jiw ioh sngew, bad ki jiw tharai ba u blei Mawlong Siem u tem ksing ban pynshad khun. Lei lei haba la ioh sngew kum kata ka jingsawa ym jiw pep ia ka ban iap Siem, bad i-mat ba na kata ka daw la khot kyrteng ia une u lum Mawlong Siem.
Why There Are Spots On The Moon.
In olden days there was a woman who had four children, three girls and one boy. Their names were these, Ka Sngi (sun), Ka Um (water), Ka Ding (fire), and U Bynai (moon). These four children belonged to rich gentle folk. The Moon was a wicked young man, for he began to make love to his elder sister, Ka Sngi. In the beginning the Moon was as bright as the Sun. When the Sun became aware of his bad intentions, she was very angry. She took some ashes in her hand and said to him, “do you harbour such an incestuous and wicked intention against me, your elder sister, who has taken care of you and held you in her arms, and carried you on her back like a mother does; now I will cover your brow with ashes, you wicked and shameless one; begone from the house.” Then the Moon felt very much ashamed, and from that time he gave out a white light because the Sun had covered him with ashes. What we see like a cloud (on the Moon) when it is full, are the ashes which adhered from the time the Sun covered him with them. The three daughters, however, remained at home to take care of their mother, until she grow old and died.
Kumno ba la Thoh dak U Bynai.
La don kawei ka briew mynhyndai kaba don saw ngut ki khun, lai ngut ki kynthei bad u wei u shynrang. Ki kyrteng jong ki ki long kine, Ka Sngi, Ka Um, Ka Ding, bad U Bynai. Kine baroh saw ngut ki la long ki khun riwbba khun don burom shisha shisha. Te une U Bynai u la long u briew uba riwnar, u sydang ban i-bha ia la ka hynmen, Ka Sngi. Une U Bynai ruh ha kaba mynnyngkong u long uba phyrnai hi ryngkat Ka Sngi. Te ynda ka Sngi ka la sngewthuh ia ka jingmut riwnar jong u ka la sngew bittar shibun bad ka la shim u dypei ha la ka kti bad ka la ong ia u, “da kum kane ka kam kaba sang kaba sniw phi thew ia nga ka hynmen kaba la thum la bah, la sumar sukher kum ka kymie ryngkat; mynta ngan tep da u dypei ia ka shyllang-mat jong me u riwnar u khlem rain,–khie phet noh na iing.” Te U Bynai u la sngew rem sngew rain shibun eh. Bad naduh kata ka por U Bynai u kylla da ka jinghai kaba lih namar ba tep Ka Sngi da u dypei. Bad uta uba ngi ioh-i ha U Bynai kum u l’oh ha ka por ba u pyllun u long u dypei kein uba sah naduh ba tep Ka Sngi. Te ki sah lai ngut ki para kynthei kiba sumar ia la ka kmie ba la sydot la tymmen haduh ba kan da iap.
“Sohpet Byneng” Hill.
In olden days, when the earth was very young, they say that heaven and earth were very near to one another, because the navel-string of heaven drew the earth very close to it. This navel-string of heaven, resembling flesh, linked a hill near Sumer with heaven. At that time all the subjects of the Siem of Mylliem throughout his kingdom came to one decision, i.e. to sever the navel-string from that hill. After they had cut it, the navel-string became short; and, as soon as it shortened, heaven then ascended high. It was since that time that heaven became so high, and it is for that reason that they call that hill which is near Sumer “U Sohpet Byneng.”
U Lum Sohpet Byneng.
Mynhyndai mynba dang lung ka pyrthei ki ong ba ka byneng bad ka khyndew ki ia jan sbibun namar ba U Sohpet Byneng u ring ia ka byneng ba’n wan kham hajan. Une U Sohpet Byneng u long kum ka doh kaba snoh na u wei u lum uba hajan Sumer bad ka snoh ruh ia ka byneng. Te mynkata ka por ki khun ki raiot U Siem Mylliem baroh kawei ka hima ki ia ryntieh kawei ka buit ban ia ieng ba’n khet noh ia uta U Sohpet Byneng na uta u lum. Te ynda ki la ialeh ba’n khet ia u u la dykut, bad tang u shu dykut ka byneng ka la kiw theng sha jerong. Kumta ka shu jngai kumne ka byneng naduh kata ka por ba dykut U Sohpet Byneng nalor uta u lum. Kane ruh ka long ka daw namar balei ba la khot ia uta u lum uba don hajan Sumer “U Lum Sohpet Byneng.”
How the Dog came to live with Man.
In olden days, when the world was young, all the beasts lived happily together, and they bought and sold together, and they jointly built markets. The largest market where all the beasts used to take their articles for sale was “Luri-Lura,” in the Bhoi country. To that market the dog came to sell rotten peas. No animal would buy that stinking stuff. Whenever any beast passed by his stall, he used to say “Please buy this stuff.” When they looked at it and smelt it, it gave out a bad odour. When many animals had collected together near the stall of the dog, they took offence at him, and they said to him, “Why have you come to sell this evil smelling, dirty stuff?” They then kicked his ware and trampled it under foot. The dog then complained to the principal beasts and also to the tiger, who was at that time the priest of the market. But they condemned him, saying, “You will be fined for coming to sell such dirty stuff in the market.” So they acted despitefully towards him by kicking and trampling upon his wares. When the dog perceived that there was no one to give ear to his complaint, he went to man, who said, “Come and live with me, and I will arise with you to seek revenge on all the animals who have wronged you.” The dog agreed and went to live with man from that time. Then man began to hunt with the assistance of the dog. The dog knows well also how to follow the tracks of the animals, because he can scent in their footprints the smell of the rotten pea stuff which they trod under foot at Luri-Lura market.
Kumno u Kseq u la wan Shong bad u Briew.
Mynhyndai, mynba dang lung ka pyrthei shibit, ki mrad ki mreng lai phew jaid ki ia suk ki ia lok para mrad, bad ki ju ia-die-ia-thied, ia thaw iew thaw hat ryngkat. Te ka iew kaba khraw tam eh kaba poi baroh ki lai phew mrad ba’n wallam la ki jingkhaii pateng ka long ka Iew “Luri-Lura” ba ri Bhoi. Ha kata ka iew u ksew u wan die ‘tung rymbai, te ym man don ba pan thied satia ia kata ka ktung. La iaid kawei ka mrad u tyrwa, “To thied kane ka ktung.” Haba ka la khmih bad ka la iw, kaba iwtung pynban, la iaid kawei pat ruh shu shem ba ka long kumta, kaba sniew bad kaba iwtung ka jingdie jong u ksew. Te haba ki la ialang kham bun ha ka basa jong u ki la phoi ia u ksew, ki ong “balei me wan die ia ka ktung kaba iw jakhlia?” bad ki la kynjat ia ka jingdie jong u bad ki la iuh hapoh slajat. Te u ksew u la mudui ha ki para mrad kiba kham rangbah bad ha u khla uba long lyngdoh, ha kata ka iew. Pynban ki la pynrem ia u, bad ki la ong, “yn dain kuna ia me uba wan die ia ka jakhlia ha ka iew ka hat.” Kumta ki la leh bein ia u da kaba iuh kaba kynjat ia kata ka ktung. Te u ksew haba u ioh-i b’ym don ba sngap ia ka jingmudui jong u, u la wan sha u bynriew, bad u bynriew u la ong “To wan shong noh bad nga nga’n ieng ryngkat bad me ba’n wad kyput ia ki lai phew mrad kiba leh bein ia me.” Te kumta u ksew u la kohnguh bad u la wan shong bad u bynriew naduh kata ka por. Nangta sa long ka beh mrad u bynriew ryngkat bad ka jingiarap u ksew. U ksew ruh u tip ba’n bud dien ia ki mrad, namar u sngewthuh ba ka dien ka khnap ka mrad baroh ka don ka jingiw-khong ba la sah ka jingiw naduh kata ka por ba ki iuh ia ka ktung rymbai jong u ha ka Iew Luri-Lura.
The “Thlen.”
In olden days there was a market in the village of Langhiang Kongkhen, and there was a bridge sacred to the gods there. All the children of men used to frequent that heavenly market. They used to pass by Rangjirteh, where there is a cave which was tenanted by a gigantic “thlen.” When they went to that market, as soon as they arrived at Rangjirteh they were swallowed up by the “thlen.” The “thlen” did this in obedience to an order he had received. If ten people went there, five of them were swallowed up; half of them he devoured, and half of them he let go. But any one who went alone was not touched by the “thlen,” for it was necessary for him to leave untouched half (of the number of those who went). When many people had been devoured, and when they saw that all the children of men would be destroyed, whether they were Khasis or plains people, they held a great durbar at Sunnai market to which both Khasis and plains people went. They considered together as to how to devise a means by which they could slay the “thlen” which had devoured the children of men. After they had deliberated for a long time they decided to adopt the following plan. In the grove that is close to Laitryngew, which is called “the grove of U Suidnoh,” there was a man called “U Suidnoh.” They counselled together to get “U Suidnoh” to make friends with the “thlen.” This Suidnoh was a courageous man who did not care for any one. He used always to walk alone; so when he went to the “thlen,” the latter did not eat him because there was no one else with him who could be let go. The people advised U Suidnoh that he should go and give the “thlen” flesh every day, either goats, or pigs, or cattle. After he had done this for a long time, the “thlen” became tame, and was great friends with U Suidnoh. When both of them became very intimate thus, the children of men advised U Suidnoh to build a smelting house. So he built a smelting house and made the iron red-hot, and, holding it with a pair of tongs, took it to the “thlen.” When he arrived he said to the “thlen,” “Open your mouth, open your mouth, brother-in-law, here is some flesh.” As soon as he opened his mouth, he threw the red-hot iron down his throat. The monster then struggled and wriggled so violently in its death agony that the earth shook as if there had been an earthquake. When U Suidnoh saw the death struggle of the “thlen,” he fainted (from excitement). The quaking of the earth startled all the children of men, and they thought that something had happened. When U Suidnoh did not return home his family went to look for him, for they knew that he had gone to feed the “thlen” with red-hot iron. They found him there lying in a faint. When they had revived him, they asked him why he had fainted thus. He replied, “When I was feeding the ‘thlen’ with red-hot iron, he struggled and wriggled and I fainted. Come, let us go and see what has become of him.” They then went and found that the “thlen” was dead. They then published abroad all over the world that the “thlen” was dead, and they convened a durbar to decide about eating him. In the durbar they came to the following understanding, i.e. that the Khasis should eat half, and the plains people half (of the body). After they had come to this decision in the durbar, they then went to take him out of the cave, and they lifted him on to a rock. They there cut into pieces the “thlen’s” carcase. The plains people from the East, being more numerous, ate up their share entirely, not leaving anything–for this reason there are no “thlens” in the plains; but the Khasis from the West, being fewer in numbers, could not eat up the whole of their share; they left a little of it. Thus, because they did not eat it all, the “thlen” has remained with them. U Suidnoh gained for himself fame and honour, which he enjoys up to the present day. The Khasis, therefore, when they find that the hair or the clothes of any one belonging to them have been cut, refer the matter to U Suidnoh, and they sacrifice to him. The Syntengs also have their “thlen,” but he differs much from the Khasi “thlen.” The Syntengs also believe he is a kind of serpent, and there are some families and clans who keep him and worship him like a god. They sacrifice to him a pig only; they do not propitiate him with human blood as the Khasis do. [35]
Shaphang U Thlen.
Mynhyndai la don ka iew ha Langhiang Kongkhen, ba don ka jingkieng blei hangta. Baroh ki khun bynriw ki ia wan ha kane ka iew blei. Ki iaid lynti na Rangjirteh, kaba don ka krem u thlen uba khraw eh. Te katba ki leit sha kane ka iew blei tang shu poi ha Rangjirteh la nguid noh u thlen. U ieh kum ha kane ka rukom kat kum ka hukum ba u la ioh. Lada iaid shiphaw ngut, san ngut la nguid noh; shiteng shiteng la bam, shiteng shiteng la pyllait noh. Hinrei ia uba iaid wei briew ym bit ba’n bam. Ka dei ba’n da pyllait shiteng shiteng. Te ynda la lut than eh ki briew, ki i ruh kum ba’n sa duh ki khun bynriew baroh, bad Khasi bad Dykhar, hangta ki la sydang ba’n lum ka dorbar bah ha ka iew Sunnai, u Dykhar u hangta u Khasi ruh hangta. Ki ia pyrkhat ba’n ioh ka buit ka lad da kumno ki lah ba’n pyniap noh ia u thlen uba la bam duh ia u khun bynriew. Ynda ki la dorbar kham slem ki la ioh ka lad kaba biang kumne. Ha kata ka khlaw hajan Laitryngew kaba ki khot ‘law Suidnoh la don uwei uba kyrteng “U Suidnoh” ki la ong ba’n pynialok ia U Suidnoh bad U Thlen. Une U Suidnoh u long uba riwnar u b’ym jiw iaid ryngkat briew. Wei briw, wei briw, u iaid. Kumte haba u leit sha U Thlen ruh u’m bam satia namar ba U Thlen hi ruh u’m jiw bam ha b’ym don jingpyllait. Ki briew ki la sylla ia U Suidnoh ba un leit ai doh ia u hala ka sngi; u ai da ki blang, ki sniang, ki massi. Haba la leh kumta kham slem U Thlen u la juh, u la ia lok bha bad “U Suidnoh.” Te ynda kine ki la ia juh bha, u khun bynriew u la bythah pat ia U Suidnoh ba u’n shna shlem, bad u la shna shlem ba’n pyrsut nar-wah. Ynda u la pyrsut ia u nar haduh ba u la saw bha hain u la khap na ka lawar ding bak bad katba u dang saw dang khluid bha u la leit lam ha U Thlen. Tang shu poi u ong “Ko kynum ang, ang, kane ka doh,” bad iang u shu ang u la thep jluk ha u pydot. Hangta U Thlen u la khih u la lympat u la kyrhtat u la ksaid iap baduh ba la win ka khyndew kumba khih u jumai. Hangta U Suidnoh, haba u ioh-i ia ka jingksaid iap U Thlen, u ruh u la iapler b’ym tip briew shuh. Te kata ka jingwin ka khyndew ka la pynkyndit ia u khun bynriew baroh ha ka pyrthei, bad ki la pyrkhat ba la jia ei ei. U Suidnoh u’m poi shuh sha la iing, te kiba ha iing jong u ki la leit wad, namar ki la tip ba u la leit ai jingbam ha U Thlen da u nar saw: hangta ki la shem ba u la iap ler, bad ki la pynkyndit ia u bad ki la kylli ia u “Balei me iapler kumne?” U ong, “Hamar ba nga dang ai jingbam ia U Thlen da u nar saw ba la pyrsut bha, u la kyrthat, khih lympat U Thlen bad nga la iap ler. “Ia, ia leit khymih kumno u la long.” Ynda ki la ia leit khymih ki shem ba la iap U Thlen. Hangta la pynbyna haw ia ka pyrthei baroh be la lah iap U Thlen, bad u lum ka dorbar ba’n bam noh ia u. Hangta ha ka dorbar ki la ia kut kumne: ki Khasi ki’n bam shiteng bad ki Dykhar ki’n bam shiteng. Ynda la ia kut kumta ha ka dorbar ki la ieng ba’n leit sei noh na ka krem, bad ki la rah halor u mawsiang. Hangta ki la ia shain ia dain ia ka doh U Thlen lyngkhot lyngkhot. Ki Dykhar na mih-ngi, namar ba ki kham bun briew ki la bam lut ia la ka bynta, kim shym pynaah ei ei, kumta ym don Thlen shuh ha pyddeng ki Dylhar. Hinrei ki Khasi, na sepngi namar ba ki kham duna briew ki’m shym lah ba’n bam lut ia la ka bynta, ki la pynsah katto katne. Kumta namar ba ki’m shym bam lut, U Thlen u dang sah. U Suidnoh u la ioh la ka nam la ka burom haduh mynta. Namar haba ki Khasi ki shem ba la ot shniuh ne ot jain ki pynkit halor U Suidnoh bad ki ai jingknia ia u. Ki Synteng ruh ki don la U Thlen hinrei u pher shibun na U Thlen Khasi. Ki Synteng ruh ki ngeit ba u long u kynja bysein, bad don ki iing bad ki jaid kiba jiw ri ia u bad ki mane kum u blei. Ki ai jingknia ia u tang da u sniang, hinrei kim ai da ka snam briew kumba ai ki Khasi kiba ri ia u.
About the River “Rupatylli” at Duwara.
In ancient times, when the world was still young, there were two river goddesses who lived on the Shillong Peak; perhaps really they were the daughters of the god of the Peak. These two wagered one against the other that each would be the first to arrive in the Sylhet plains by cutting a channel for herself. They agreed to start from Shillong Peak. One followed the channel of the Umngot, and the other that of Umiew or Umiam. The one that followed the channel of Umngot chose a soft and easy bed, and although the way was a longer one, she did not find it a trouble to go by a circuitous route. When she reached the Sylhet plains she was called “Shengurkhat,” and she then flowed past Chhatak, and so reached Duwara. She looked round to see where Umiam was, but she could not descry her anywhere. So out of playfulness she flowed slowly, and she formed a channel like a necklace (_rupatylli_) by way of waiting to see where Umiam was. Umiew was very proud, she felt strong enough to make the channel she chose, and although it was through the midst of hills and rocks, she cared not a bit; so she wasted time by digging through the hills and boulders. When she reached Shella, she thought she could easily beat Umngot, for the course she had taken was a very straight one. When she got a little below Shella she saw Umngot shouting for joy with foaming waves in the Rupatylli channel at Duwara. She was covered with shame, and she slackened her speed and split herself up into 5 branches, namely, ka Umtong, ka Torasa, ka Pasbiria ka Kumarjani, and ka Duwara. Umiam did this so as to hide her shame from Umngot. This is how the river Rupatylli was formed at Duwara, to be a token that Umngot had been victorious in her contest with Umiew. [36]
Shaphang ka wah. Rupatylli ha Duwara.
Hyndai mynba dang lung ka pyrthei la don ar ngut ki blei um kiba shong ha lum Shillong. Lehse shisha ki long ki khun u blei Shillong. Kine ki la ia kop ba’n ia mareh ba’n ia pynpoi kloi sha ri madan Shilot da kaba ia pom mar kawei ka wah. Kumta ki la ia kut bad ki la ia mih na Shillong kawei ka Umngot bad kawei ka Umiew ne Umiam. Kata ka Umngot ka bud ia ka lynti na ba, jem ba jem, la ka long kham jingngai ruh kam sngew salia ba’n iaid kyllain. Kumta ka la poi ha Shilot ba’n khot ka wah Shengurkhat bad ka iaid haduh Shattok, bad ka poi ha Duwara. Ka khymih ia ka Umiam haei-haei-ruh, te ym ioh-i. Kumta ka la leh suki kai, ka thaw ka rupa tylli hangto ba’n long kumba sangeh ba’n ioh-i ia ka Umiam. Ka Umiew ka long kaba kham sarong, ka sngew khlain ba’n iaid na ka lynti kaba bit la ka long da ki lum ne ki maw, ka’m suidniew, kumta ka la pynlut por ha kaba tih ia ki lum bad ki maw. Ynda ka la poi ha Shella ka la shu mut ba’n jop ia ka Umngot namar ka lynti jong ka ka long kaba beit eh, te ynda ka la poi harum Shella khyndiat ka la ioh-i ia ka Umngot ba ka la risa da ka jingkhie dew ha ka wah Rupatylli ha Duwara. Kumta ka la sngew rain suin bad ka la leh suki noh da kaba pynpait tynat ia lade san tylli, kawai ka Umtang; ar ka Umtarasa; lai ka Pasbiria; saw ka wah Kumarjani; san ka wah Duwara. Kumne ka la leh khnang ba’n buh riah ia la ka jingkhein burom ha khymat ka Umngot. Kumta sa long ka wah Rupatylli ha Duwara namar ka long ka dak ka jingjop ka Umngot ia ka Umiew.
The Kupli (Kopili).
The Kopili river rises in the “Black Mountains,” [37] and flows northwards into the Brahmaputra. It is the boundary between the country of the Syntengs and that of the Hadems. [38] Any traveller who wishes to cross this river must leave behind him the rice which he has taken for his journey, and any other food that he may have taken with him. If he does not do so, even if he crosses the river at an unforbidden point, he is liable to offer a sacrifice to the Kopili goddess. The people offer to her three fowls and three goats outside the village, i.e. one to the goddess herself, and the other two to her sons, U Shyngkram and U Jali; and five fowls, that they may all three feast together; this is the case of one transgression only. But in the case of a man who has committed more than one, it is not possible to say how many goats and fowls must be sacrificed, because the river often demands offerings on account of a man’s parents or relatives having crossed the river at some time or other.
From the time of the old Siem to that of U Ram Singh Siem, they used to sacrifice to this great goddess two persons during the months of November and December at the time of offering: a sacrifice at Jaintiapur. After a ceremony performed by the Brahmins at Jaintiapur, the victims are led to the Mawshai (Shangpung) market, where they are allowed to take and eat anything they like. After that they conduct them to Sumer; but some say that the stone on which the victims are beheaded is situated below the village of Ka Lew Kai, near a stream which falls into the Kopili, and where there is a _mawkynthei_ (flat table-stone) close to that sacred river.
They place the victims on that stone, where the executioner beheads them with a terrible sword. After that they throw the dead bodies their heads into the river. But in the days of U Markuhain (U Raj Indro Singh) “who was our contemporary” they have ceased to do so out of fear of East India Company. The victims are known by the name of “Mugha Khara.”
At the time all the people of the territory of the twelve dolois were in great state of terror. It is said that the victim-catchers, when they inquired about the clan (of their intended victims), conducted themselves as if they did not intend to do anything. When the people told their clan, then they caught them. When they heard that the people belonged to clans from which _kongngors_ [39] were selected, they did not arrest them. When it was impossible to get hold of any one else, they sacrificed some of the (king’s) slaves.
Shaphang Ka Kupli, U Shyngkram bad U Jali, ki Khun jong ka.
Ka Kupli ka long ka wah na ki lum baiong bad ka tuid da artet ha ka wah Brahmaputra. Ka long ka pud ia ka ri Synteng bad ka ri. Hadem ha mihngi. Uno-uno u nongleit jingleit uba kwah ban jam ia kane ka wah Blei-Kupli u don kam ba’n bred noh ia la u khaw-ryneng ha shiliang wah, bad ia ki kynja jingbam baroh phar, te un sa klan ia ka. Lada u’m da leb kumta, la’u klan na ka jaka ka b’ym sang ruh un hap jingainguh ha ka. Ki khun-ki-hajar ia ka ha lum lai s’iar, lai blang kawei ia ka, marmar uwei ia U Shyngkram bad U Jali; bad san s’iar ba ki’n ia bam sngewbha baroh lai ngut shi khun shi kymie, kata ka long haba long tang kawei ka lait, hinrei haba ka’n long katba shong ka lait u briew lei-lei, ngam tip ka’n long katno blang katno siar namar haba dei ka’n wan pan ka jingknia namar ba la klan ia ka na khlieh lane na kyjat da u kynie u kypa kano-kano ka iing lane kano-kano ka kur. Naduh ki sngi ki Siem Tymmen haduh ki sngi U Ram Singh Siem ia kane ka blei bah ka kymai u lei ba khraw ki knia da ki briew ar-ngut shi snem shi snem hamar u bynai ba ki puja ne ai nguh ha Jaintiapur. kata, hamar u ‘nai wieng bad u ‘nai nohprah. Ynda ki la knia ha Jaintiapur da ki Bramon, ki sa ia lam ia ki sha ka iew Mawshai ne ka iew Shangpung ba ki’n bam shiwa katba mon na kata ka iew. Nangta pat sha Sumer, kiwei pat ki ong ba u maw ba ki khrai khlieh ia ki Muga Khara u don harum ka shnong Iewksi hajan kawei ka wah kaba tuid sha ka Kupli– sha ka jaka ba don ka maw kynthei harud kata ka wah blei Kumta ki sa kyntiw halor kata ka maw kynthei ia ki; nangta pat wan sa u nongkhrai khlieh bad ka wait ba i-shyrkhei, u khrai ia ki hangta. Hadin kata ki sa shat ia ki met-iap sha um bad ia ki khlieh jong ki ruh de. Hinrei ha ki sngi U Markuhain ne U Raj-Indro Singh uba ha Khyjong ngi mynta ym long shuh kumta namar ba u tieng ia ka Kompani. Ia kine ki briew ba ki knia ki khot kyrteng ia ki ki Muga Khara.
Mynkata ki bynriew shi khadar doloi sngew tieng, ki ong ba ki nongkem ki da kylli shiwa ia ka jaid, ki da leh ia lade kum ki bym mut ba’n leh ei-ei-ruh, te ynda kita ki briw ia kibe ki mut ba’n kem ki la ia thuh ia la ka jaid ki sa kem ia ki. Haba ki sngew ba ki long na ka jaid kaba jiw long kongngor ki’m jiw kem. Te haba ym ioh eh ki knia da ki mraw Siem.
The Village of Mawpun-ka-Rytiang (Mawpunkyrtiang).
There was in olden days a woman called Ka Rytiang of the Siem clan. Whilst she was still a spinster, she used to go to catch fish in a stream over which there is to the present day a bridge made of a single stone, called Mawpun ka Rytiang. Whilst she was catching fish in the midst of the stream a fit of drowsiness overtook her. At that very moment there approached her a very handsome young man, who thus addressed her; “Take this drumful of money; do not marry, and thou shalt nevertheless bear children. Thou must throw a bridge built of a single stone across this stream, thou must build thy house entirely of stone, the beams must be all of stone. Thou must spend all the money I have given thee, and if it does not suffice for thy expenditure, I shall bring more. Thou wilt remember all that I say?” She replied “yes.” As soon as he had finished speaking to her, she awoke from her fit of drowsiness, and found herself holding a drumful of money. On her way home she pondered over what he had said to her, and her heart was full of joy that she had met a god who had given her so much money, and who had spoken such words to her. She then constructed a bridge over that stream, with a single stone, which remains till this day. [40] When she was about to build her house, it happened that she got married notwithstanding; she gave birth to a blind child, and died shortly afterwards. So the people called the village “Mawpun-ka-Rytiang,” or, when abbreviated, “Mawpunkyrtiang.”
Ka Shnong Mawpun-ka-Rytiang (Mawpunkyrtiang).
Te la don mynhyndai kawei ka briew kaba kyrteng ka Rytiang, ka jaid Siem. Mynba ka dangsamla ka leit tong sher na kata ka wah kaba don u Mawpun uba ki khot haduh mynta u Mawpun ka-Rytiang. Hamar ba ka dang tong sher ha pyddeng um ka lamshoh sam thiah hangta. Hamarkata ka por la mih u wei u briew uba bhabriew shibun eh, bad u ong ha ka, “Heh kane ka tyngka shi sing nalai; te pha wat shongkurim shuh ho; koit, ki khun pha’n ioh hi, bad pha’n pun uwei u mawpun na Shilliang sha shilliang kane ka wah, bad thaw iing ba phan shong da ki maw suda ki rijid ki rishot, kiei kiei baroh thaw da ki maw. Pha’n pynlut kane ka tyngka baroh, bad lada ym dap ruh ngan sa wallam pat. Phan kynmaw ho ia kaba nga la ong baroh.” Ka ong “haoid.” Te kumne-kumne, tang shu la dep kine ki ktin baroh ba u kren, ka la kyndit na kata ka jingshoh samthiah, bad ka tyngka ka don ha ka kti jong ka shi’sing nalai. Te ynda ka la wan sha la iing, artat artat ka lynti ka la puson ha la ka mynsim da kaba kymen ba ka la iashem ia u blei uba la ai katne ki tyngka bad uba la kren kum kine ki ktin. Te kumta ka la ring u mawpun uba don baduh mynta. Bad hamar ba ka dang sydang ba’n thaw sa ka iing ka lap ba ioh tynga noh pynban; kumta ka kha u khun da uba matlah bad tang shibit ka iap noh. Kumta ki ioh ban khot ka shnong Mawpun-ka-Rytiang, lane haba kren lyngkot Mawpunkyrtiang.
The Siem of Malyniang.
The Siem of Malyniang was one of those kings who, people said, was one of the “god-kings.” He lived in the village of Madur, which is now in the Maskut doloiship. There arose from the royal family of Malyniang a king whose name was Kyllong Raja. His manner was very peculiar, but he was at the same time both stern and courageous. He made up his mind to conquer the whole of the Synteng country as well as the territory of the Siem of Shillong, in order to extend his own kingdom of Madur. This Kyllong did not require many followers when he went to war because he was a very strong man and a man whom nobody could kill, for, if he was killed he came to life again immediately. The Synteng king once chopped him up into pieces and threw his hands and feet far away, and thought he would not come to life again. Nevertheless, next morning he came to life just the same, and he walked along all the paths and by-ways to intercept his enemies. The Synteng king was in great trouble on his account, and was at a loss for a plan how to overcome him, because, having been killed once or twice, he came to life again.
When the Synteng king had thought well over matter, he hit on a device which he thought a very good one, by which he could ascertain by what manner of means he came to life again after having once been killed. The Synteng king’s stratagem was the following. He selected the most beautiful girl in the Synteng country, he put on her ornaments of gold and of silver and royal raiment of great price, and he said to her, “All these will I give thee, and more besides, if thou canst obtain for me the secret of Kyllong Raja, and canst inform me how he brings himself to life again after being killed. Now I will send thee to the market there, and if Kyllong Raja takes a fancy to thee, and if he is willing to take thee to wife, thou wilt go, and thou wilt pretend to love him as far as is in thy power. Afterwards thou wilt inquire regarding all his secrets and wisdom, i.e. how he comes to life again after he has been killed; and after thou hast found out all these things, thou wilt inform me, so that I may overcome him. Then, if thou art successful in thy mission, I will give thee a great reward.” He then sent her to the market. Kyllong Raja saw her and fell in love with her, and he took her to wife and kept her at Madur. Then that damsel pretended to love him exceedingly, and she repeatedly asked him his secret, how he came to life again. Then Kyllong Raja, fancying that she really loved him, confessed all to her. He said, “My life depends upon these things. I must bathe every day and must wash my entrails” (hence the appellation of “the king who washes his inside” which they gave him), “after that I take my food, and there is no one on earth who can kill me unless he obtains possession of my entrails. Thus my life hangs only on my entrails.”
When, therefore, that damsel who had become his wife had learnt all these things, she sent word to the Synteng king that he should send one of his elders, to whom she might reveal the secret of U Kyllong’s existence. When the Synteng king heard this, he sent his elders to her. She then told all those things that U Kyllong had confessed to her. When the Synteng king had heard everything, he gave orders to the people to be on the watch so as to get hold of U Kyllong Raja. They found him one day bathing, with his entrails placed on one side of the bathing-place, so that afterwards he might wash them. Thereupon a man from Ralliang seized the entrails and killed him. He cut the entrails into little pieces and gave them to the dogs. Thenceforth U Kyllong Raja was not able to come to life again. Madur was conquered, and all the members of the royal family of Malyniang were scattered from that time. Seven generations have passed since then. [41]
Shaphang U Siem Malyniang
U Siem Malyniang u la long uwei u Siem ba jiw byna ba u long u kynja Siem blei. Une u la shong ha ka shnong Madur kaba long mynta ha ka ilaka u doloi Maskut. Ha ka jaid Siem Malyniang la mih uwei uba kyrteng U Kyllong Raja. Une u Siem uba phylla shibun ha la ka jinglong, u briew uba eh uba shlur. U la thymu ban job ia ka ri Synteng baroh bad ia ka ri Shillong ban pynkhraw ia la ka hima Madur. Une u Kylong u’m donkam shibun ki nongbud ban leit ia leh ia kano-kano ka thyma, namar u long u briew uba khlain shibun bad u by’m jiw don uba lah ba’n pyniap ia u. La ki pyniap ruh u im pat kumne-kumne. U Siem Synteng u la pom ia u tukra-tukra, u la bred ia ki kyjat ki kti sha jingngai, bad u la tharai ba u’n ym im shuh, pynban tang la mynstep u la im hi kumjuh, u la iaid ia ki lad ki dong ban sywait ia ki nongshun. U Siem Synteng u la shitom shibun ia u bad u la duh buit ruh da kumno yn leh ba’n jop ia u, haba shi sin ar sin la pyniap u shu im pat kumjuh pakumjuh. Te haba u Siem Synteng u la pyrkhat bha u la shem kawei ka buit kaba u tharai ba ka long kaba bha tam bad kaba u lah ban tip da kano ka rukom ne ka jingstad ba u im pat haba la pyniap ia u. Ka buit jong u Siem Synteng ka la long kumne. U la shim kawei ka samla kaba bhabriew tam na ka ri Synteng baroh, u pyndeng ki jingdeng ksiar ki jingdeng rupa, bad u pynkup ki jain Siem kiba kordor eh, bad u ong ha ka “ngan ai ia pha kine baroh, bad ngan ai shuh ruh nalor kine lada pha’n ioh ia ka buit u Kyllong Raja ban iathuh ha nga da kumno u lah ban pynim pat ia lade haba pom ia u. Te mynia nga’n phah ia pha sha ieu shato, lada une u Kyllong Raja u i-bha ia pha, bad u’n shim ia-pha ban long ka tynga jong u, phan leit, bad phan leh ieit ia u katba lah. Hadin sa kylli ia ka buit ka jingstad baroh, da kumno u im pat haba la pom ruh, bad ynda pha la tip ia kita baroh sa pyntip sha nga ba nga’n sa jop ia u. Te lada pha’n leh kumta nga’n ai buskit ia pha shibun ho. Kumta u pbah iew soit ia ka. Te une U Kyllong Raja u la iohih ia ka, bad u la i-bha shisha ia ka, bad u shim iaka ba’n long ka tynga jong u. U buh ia ka ha Madur. Te kata ka samla ka la leh ieit ia u shibun eh bad ka kylli byniah ia ka buit ka jingstad ba u im pat. Hangta une u Kyllong Raja, haba u iohih ba ka leh ieit shibun u phla ia kiei-kiei baroh hak-a. U ong, “Ka jing im jong-nga ka long kumne:– nga dei ban sum ha la ka sngi bad ban sait ia la ki snir (nangta la khot ia u “U Siem sait-snir”). Hadin kata ngan sa bam ja, bad y’m don mano-mano ba lah ban pyniap ia nga lada ki’m ioh ia ki snir. Kumta ka jing-im jong nga ka sydin tang ha ki snir hi.” Kumta, ynda kata ka samla, ka tynga jong u, ka la ioh tip ia kata baroh ka phah ktin sha u Siem Synteng ba’n wan uno-uno u rangbah ba ka’n iathuh ia ka jingim bad ka jingiap u Kyllong Raja. Te u Siem Synteng ynda u la sngow ia kata ka ktin shi syndon u la phah ia la ki rangbah sha ka. Te ka la iathuh ia kiei-kiei baroh katba u Kyllong Raja u la phla. Te u Siem Synteng ynda u la tip ia kane baroh u la ai hukum ia ki briew ba ki’n khiar ban ioh ia u Kyllong Raja. Te ha kawei ka sngi ki la lap ia u ba u sum bad u la buh ia ki snir ha kata ka jaka ba u sum ba u mut ban sait ia ki. Hangta uwei u briew uba na Ralliang u la shim ia ki snir jong u bad u pom ia u; ia kita ki snir u la pyndykut lyngkot lyngkhai bad u la ai ha ki ksew. Naduh kata ka por u Kyllong Raja u’m lah shuh ba’n im pat, bad kumta la jop ia ka Madur, la pynsakyma ia ka jaid Siem Malyniang naduh kata ka por. Te naduh kata haduh mynta la duh hinniew kyrteng bynriw.
U Manik Raitong and his Flute
In the northern portion of the Khasi Hills which borders on the Bhoi country there lived a man, by name U Manik. The people nicknamed him “U Manik Raitong,” because he was an orphan, his parents, his brothers and sisters, and the whole of his clansfolk having died. He was very poor in addition. U Manik Raitong was filled with grief night and day. He used to weep and deeply groan on account of his orphanhood and state of beggary. He did not care about going out for a walk, or playing like his fellow youths. He used to smear himself with ashes and dust. He used to pass his days only in weeping and groaning, because he felt the strain of his misery to such an extent. He made a flute upon which to play a pathetic and mournful tune. By day he used to work as a ploughman, whenever he was called upon to do so. If nobody called him, he used to sit inactive at home, weeping and groaning and smearing his rags with dust and ashes. At night he used to bathe and dress himself well, and, after having eaten his food, he used to take his flute and play on it till morning. This was always his practice. He was a very skilful player. He had twelve principal tunes. There lived in the same village a queen. Her husband, the Siem, used to be absent from home for long intervals in connection with his public duties. One night, when the queen heard the strains of U Raitong’s flute, she listened to them with very great pleasure, and she felt so much compassion for him that she arose from her couch at midnight and went to visit him. When she reached his house, she asked him to open the door, so that she might pay him a call. U Raitong said “I can’t open the door, as this is not the time to pay visits,” and he went on playing his flute and dancing to the music, with tears in his eyes. Then the queen peeped through one of the chinks of the wall and saw him, and she was beside herself, and breaking open the door she entered in. Then U Raitong, having stopped playing, was annoyed that, to add to his misfortunes, this woman had come to trouble him thus. When she tried to beguile him, U Raitong admonished her and sent her away. She departed just before daybreak. U Raitong then took off his fine clothes, and putting on his rags, sprinkled himself with dust and ashes, and went to plough as was his wont. The queen, however, ensnared him by another device, and whilst the king was still away in the plains, she gave birth to a male child. When the Siem returned, he was much surprised to find that she had borne a child during his absence, and however much he asked her to confess, she would not do so. So the king called the elders and young men to judge the case, and when no proof was found concerning this business, the king appointed another day, when all the males (in the State) should appear, each man holding a plantain. On the appointed day, all the males of the State having appeared, the king told them all to sit in a circle and to show their plantains, and said, “We will place this child in the midst, and to whomsoever the child goes, he is his father, and the adulterer. We will beat him to death with clubs according to the law.” Accordingly, when all the people sat in a circle, and the child was placed in the midst, he went to no one, and, although the king called and coaxed him much, he nevertheless refused to go. Then the king said, “Remember who is absent.” All replied, “There is no one else except U Manik Raitong.” The Siem replied, “Call, then, U Raitong.” Some of the people said, “It is useless to call that unfortunate, who is like a dog or a cat; leave him alone, oh king.” The king replied, “No, go and call him, for every man must come.” So they called him, and when he arrived and the child saw him, the child laughed and followed “U Raitong.” Then the people shouted that it was U Raitong who had committed adultery with the queen. The king and his ministers then ordered that U Raitong should be put to death outside the village. U Raitong said, “Be pleased to prepare a funeral pyre, and I will burn myself thereon, wicked man that I am.” They agreed to his request. U Raitong said to those who were preparing the funeral pyre, “When I arrive near the funeral pyre, set fire to it beforehand, and I will throw myself in, and you stand at a distance.” Then U Raitong went and bathed, dressed himself well, and, taking his flute, played on it as he walked backwards to the funeral pyre; and when he arrived close to it, they lighted it as he had told them to do. He walked three times round the pyre, and then planted his flute in the earth and threw himself into the flames. The queen, too, ran quickly and threw herself on the pyre also. After U Raitong and the queen had been burned, a pool of water formed in the foundations of the pyre, and a bamboo sprang up whose leaves grew upside-down. From U Raitong’s time it has become the practice to play the flute at funerals as a sign of mourning for the departed.
U Manik Raitong bad ka Sharati jong u.
La don uwei u briw shaphang shatei ha ka ri Khasi ha khap ri Bhoi uba kyrteng U Manik. Ki briw ki la sin ia u U Manik Raitong namar ba u long u khun swet uba la iap baroh ki kymi, ki kypa, ki hynmen, ki para bad ki kur ki jaid. U long ruh uba duk shibun. Une U Manik Raitong u dap da ki jingsngowsih synia sngi, u iam ud jilliw ha la ka mynsim namar la ka jinglong khun swet long pukir. Um jiw kwah ban iaid kai leh kai kum ki para samla; u sum da ka dypei da ka khyndew ia lade, u pynleit la ki sngi ki por tang ha ki jingud ki jingiam ba u sngowisynei ia ka pyrthei sngi ba shem shitom haduh katne. Te u la thaw kawei ka sharati ban put ka jingiam briw bad jingriwai sngowisynei. Mynsngi mynsngi u jiw leit bylla pynlur masi haba la don ba wer, haba ym don u shong khop-khop ha la iing, u iam u ud, u sum dypei sum khyndew halor la ki jain syrdep jot. Mynmiet mynmiet u sum u sleh, u kup bha kup khuid; bad ynda u la lah bam lah dih u shim ka sharati u put haduh ban da shai. Barobor u jiw leh kumta. Ha kaba put ruh u long uba nang shibun, u don khadar jaid ki jingput kiba kongsan tam ha ka jingput jong u. Te la don ka mahadei ha kata ka shnong kaba u tynga jong ka u long u Siem Rangbah ha ka Hima. Une u Siem u leit sha Dykhar ban pyndep bun jaid ki kam Siem jong u, bad u dei ban jah slem na la iing. Kane ka mahadei ha kawei ka miet haba ka la ioh sngow ba’riew ka sharati U Raitong ka la sngowbha shibun eh ban sngap, bad haba ka la sngap ka la sngow ieit sngowisynei ia U Raitong haduh ba ka la khie joit shiteng synia ban leit kai sha U Raitong. Te haba ka la poi tiap ha khymat ka iing jong u ka la phah plie ban wan kai. U Raitong u ong ym lah ban plie namar kam long ka por ba dei ban wan kai. Kumta u put la ka jingput bad la ka jingshad nohlyngngeb pynjem ryndang jaw ummat. Te ke mahadei, haba ka la khymih na kawei ka thliew kaba pei, ka la iohih ia u; hangta lei-lei kam don pyrthei shuh haduh ba ka la kyddiah ia ki jingkhang bad ka la rung shapoh iing. Kumta U Raitong u la wai noh la ka jingput bad u sngowsib, halor ba shem kat kane ka pyrthei sngi, sa kane ruh nang wan leh ih-bein kumne. Haba ka la lam pynsboi ia u, U Raitong u la sneng ia ka bad u la phah nob ia ka, te ka la leit noh haba ka sydang ban shai pher. U Raitong u la law la ki jain bha, u la shim la ki syrdep bad, u dypei ban leh kumta u jiw leh bad u la leit pynlur masi. Hinrei kane ka mahadei ka la riam ia u da kawei pat ka buit. Te katba u Siem u nangsah ha Dykhar ka la nang kha i wei i khun shinrang, bad haba u la wan u la sngow phylla shibun eh ba ka la ioh khun haba um don. La u kylli byniah katno-katno ruh kam phla satia. Kumta U Siem u la lum ia u tymmen u san, u khynraw khyndein, baroh ban bishar, te haba ym shem sabud ei ei shaphang kane ka kam, kumta u buh ha kawei ka sngi ba yn wan u shinrang briw baroh katha don, kin wallam bad lakait kawei-kawei man u briw. Ynda la poi kata ka sngi, baroh ki la wan na ka hima, bad U Siem u ong, phin shonq tawiar baroh, pynih la ka kait, ngin buh ia une u khunlung ha pyddeng, jar haba une a khunlung un leit uta dei u kypa bad uba klim, ia uta yn shoh tangon ha bynda iap kum ka ain ka jiw long. Kumta te haba la shong tawiar u paitbah byllin, la bah ia uta u khunlung ha pyddeng. Uta u khunlung um leit hano-hano ruh, la khot la khroh. U Siem katno katno ruh um treh. “To ia ia kynmaw sa man u bym don hangne” ong U Siem. Baroh ki ong, “ym don shuh, sa tang U Raitong.” “Khot te ia U Raitong,” ong U Siem. Don katto katne na pyddeng uta a paitbah kiba ong. “Ym khot makna ia uba pli, uba kum u ksew, u miaw, yn nai Siem.” “Em shu khot wei u kynja shinrang briw dei ban wan.” Te la khot is u, bad haba u la poi tiap uta u khunlung u khymih u sam rykhie bad u leit bud ia U Raitong. Kumta risa shar u paitbah baroh ba U Raitong u la klim ia ka mahadei. Te U Siem bad la ki Myntri ki la ai hukum ban leit pyniap noh ia U Raitong sharud nong. Te u ong “phi da sngowbha shu thaw da la ka jingthang ngan thang hi ia lade wei nga u riwnar ruser. Kumta ki la shah ia kata ka jingpan jong u. Te U Raitong u la ong ha kita kiba thaw jingthang. “Ynda nga poi sha jan jingthang sa nang ai ding lypa ngan sa nang thang hi, phi kynriah noh sha jingngai. Kumta U Raitong u wan sum wan sleh, u kup bha sem bha, u shim ka sharati u put, u leit da kaba iaid dadin shaduh jingthang. Te ynda u la poi ha jan ki la buh ding kumta u la ong; ynda poi ha jingthang u iaid tawiar lai sin ia ka, u sih ka sharati ha khyndew, bad u thang ia lade. Ka Mahadei ruh da kaba kyrkieh ka la mareh sha kata ka jingthang bad ka ruh ka la thang lem hangta ia lade. Kumta ynda la ing U Raitong bad kata Ka Mahadei, long da ka um ha kata ka nongrim jingthang, bad mih u shken uba long ka mat sha khongpong. Naduh U Raitong sa long ka sharati haduh mynta ban put iam briw ban pynih la ki jingsngowsih na ka bynta kiba la iap.
CHAPTER VI
Miscellaneous
Teknonomy.
The Khasis, like the Alfoors of Poso in Celebes, seem to be somewhat reluctant to utter the names of their own immediate relations, and of other people’s also. Parents are very frequently called the mother of so and so (the child’s name being mentioned), or the father of so and so, cf. _Ka kmi ka Weri, U kpa u Philip_. The actual names of the parents, after falling into desuetude, are often entirely forgotten. The origin of the practice may be that the Khasis, like the Alfoors, were reluctant to mention their parents by name for fear of attracting the notice of evil spirits. The practice of teknonomy, however, is not confined to the Khasis or the Alfoors of Celebes (see footnote to page 412 of the “Golden Bough”). The custom is also believed to have been prevalent to some extent not long ago in some parts of Ireland.
The advent of the Welsh Missionaries and the partial dissemination of English education has in some cases produced rather peculiar names. I quote some instances:–
U Water Kingdom, Ka Mediterranean Sea, Ka Red Sea; U Shakewell Bones, U Overland, Ka Brindisi, Ka Medina, Ka Mary Jones, U Mission, and Ka India.
Khasi Method of Calculating Time.
The Khasis adopt the lunar month, _u bynai_, twelve of which go to the year _ka snem_. They have no system of reckoning cycles, as is the custom with some of the Shan tribes. The following are the names of the months:–
_U kylla-lyngkot_, corresponding to January. This month in the Khasi Hills is the coldest in the year. The Khasis turn (_kylla_) the fire brand (_lyngkot_) in order to keep themselves warm in this month, hence its name _kylla-lyngkot_.
_U Rymphang_, the windy month, corresponding with February.
_U Lyber_, March. In this month the hills are again clothed with verdure, and the grass sprouts up (_lyber_), hence the name of the month, _u Lyber_.
_U Iaiong_, April. This name may possibly be a corruption of u _bynai-iong_, i.e. the black moon, the changeable weather month.
_U Jymmang_, May. This is the month when the plant called by the Khasis _ut’ieu jymmang_, or snake-plant, blooms, hence the name.
_U Jyllieu_. The deep water month, the word _jyllieu_ meaning deep. This corresponds to June.
_U naitung_. The evil-smelling month; when the vegetation rots owing to excessive moisture. This corresponds with July.
_U’nailar_. The month when the weather is supposed to become clear, _synlar_, and when the plant called _ja’nailar_ blooms. This is August.
_U’nai-lur_. September. The month for weeding the ground.
_U Ri-saw_. The month when the Autumn tints first appear, literally, when the country, _ri_, becomes red, _saw_. This is October.
_U’nai wieng_. The month when cultivators fry the produce of their fields in _wieng_ or earthen pots, corresponding with November.
_U Noh-prah_. The month when the _prah_ or baskets for carrying the crops are put away (_buh noh_). Another interpretation given by Bivar is “the month of the fall of the leaf.” December.
The Khasi week has the peculiarity that it almost universally consists of eight days. The reason of the eight-day week is because the markets are usually held every eighth day. The names of the days of the week are not those of planets, but of places where the principal markets are held, or used to be held, in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills. The following are the names of the days of the week and of the principal markets in the district:–
Khasi Hills. Jaintia Hills.
1. Lynkah (Barpani or Khawang) Kylino. (Suhtnga).
2. Nongkrem Pynaing.
3. Um-Iong (Maolong the hat at Maolong. (Nartiang). Luban)
4. Ranghop (Ieu-bah at Cherra) Maosiang. (Jowai). (Mawtawar in Mylliem)
(Unsaw in Nongkhlaw)
5. Shillong (Laitlyngkot) Maoshai. (Shangpung). 6. Pomtih or Pomtiah (Mawkhar, Pynkat. (Mynao). small market)
7. Umnih Thym-blein. 8. Yeo-duh (Mawkhar, large market) Ka-hat. (Jaintiapur).
In the War country, markets are usually held every fourth day, e.g. at Nongjri, Mawbang, Tyllap, and Shella. At Theria the market is held every Friday, and at Hat-majai, or Rholagunj, every Tuesday.
The Lynngams.
Although mention has been made incidentally in various parts of this monograph of Lynngam customs, it has been thought necessary to give the Lynngams a separate chapter, as these people differ so very greatly from the Khasis in their manner of life, and in their customs. _Lynngam_ is the Khasi name; the Garo name for the Lynngams is _Megam_. There are several _Megam_ villages in the north-eastern corner of the Garo Hills district, and there is regular communication kept up between these villages and the Lynngam inhabitants of the Khasi Hills district. The Lynngams must not be confused with the _Hana_ or _Namdaniya_ Garos who inhabit the low hills to the north of the Khasi Hills district, and are called by the Khasis _Dko_. All Lynngams claim to be Khasis, they dislike being called Garos; but although it is true they speak what may be called a dialect of Khasi, and observe some of the Khasi customs, the Lynngams are more Garo than Khasi. Before proceeding further, it should be stated that the Assamese of Boko call the Lynngams _Nuniya_ Garos, all hill people being Garos to the Assamese of that region, without distinction or difference. It is owing to these three different names being used for the same people that there has been so much confusion about Lynngams previously; e.g. at one census they were named _Lynngam_, at another they received the appellation of Garo, and at a third enumeration they were called Khasis. In Section I. the habitat of the Lynngams has been roughly defined. It is impossible to define the Lynngam country exactly, because these people are continually shifting their village sites owing to the exigencies of _jhum_ cultivation, which has been described in Section II. Some of the Lynngams preserve a tradition that they originally came from the Kamrup plains. It is interesting that a people, like the Garos in so many respects, should have the same idea as the Garos as to the hills on the south bank of the Brahmaputra not always having been their abode. The Garo legend is that they dwelt for some years in the Goalpara and Kamrup plains after they descended from Thibet, and before they moved to the Garo Hills; and there is unmistakable evidence of their occupation of both districts in the shape of certain Garo villages on both banks of the Brahmaputra for some little distance up the river. If, as I suspect, the Lynngams are an offshoot of the Garos, it is, perhaps, possible that they entered the Khasi Hills much in the same way as the Garos entered the hill district to which they have given their name. The Lynngams are much darker than the Khasis, and possess the Thibeto-Burman type of feature often to a marked degree. It is not extraordinary that they should have adopted some of the Khasi customs; for the Khasis, being the stronger people, would in course of time be bound to influence them in this respect. That the Lynngams observe the matriarchate and erect (some clans) memorial stones is not peculiar, because the Garos, like the Khasis, are also a matriarchal people (to a limited degree), and the custom of erecting memorial stones is not confined to the Khasis, for other hill tribes in Assam observe the practice, e.g. certain Naga tribes and the Mikirs; and the Garos themselves put up carved posts, called _kima_, in honour of the departed. Although there is not much intermarriage between the Khasis and the Lynngams nowadays, perhaps in days gone by there was a mixture of blood, the result being the hybrid race we are now considering. Some of the leading characteristics of the Lynngams will now be detailed. The Lynngams are by complexion swarthy, with features of Mongolian type. The men are of middle height and the women remarkably short, both sexes being not nearly so robust as the Khasis, a result due probably to climatic influences, for the Lynngams live in fever- haunted jungles. The men have very little hair about the face, although a scanty moustache is sometimes seen, the hairs in the centre being carefully plucked out, the result being two tufts on either side. Beards are never seen. The women are ill-favoured, and wear very little clothing. The men wear the sleeveless coat of the Khasi and Mikir pattern, called _phongmarong_, which is made of cotton dyed red, blue, and white. This custom may have been borrowed from the Khasi. They do not grow their own cotton, but obtain it from the plains. They make their own dyes, _changlong_ (red) and _hur sai-iong_ (black). A cotton cloth, barely enough for purposes of decency, is tied between the legs, the ends being allowed to hang down in front and behind. Sometimes an apron is worn in front. At the present day the men wear knitted woollen caps, generally black or red, of the Nongstoin pattern (a sort of fisherman’s cap), but the elderly men and head-men wear turbans. The females wear a cotton cloth about eighteen inches broad round the loins, sometimes striped red and blue, but more often only dark blue. A blue or red cloth is thrown loosely across the shoulders by unmarried girls, but married women only wear the waist-cloth, like the Garos. A cloth is tied round the head by married women, sometimes, Garo fashion. The women wear quantities of blue beads as necklaces, like their Garo sisters. They obtain the beads from the Garo markets at the foot of the hills. Brass ear-rings are worn by both sexes; the women, like the Garos, load their ears to such an extent with brass rings as to distend the lobes greatly. Silver armlets are worn by the head-men only, or by those who possess the means to give a great feast to the villagers. This is the custom of the Garo _nokmas_, or head-men. Both sexes wear bracelets. The men also wear necklaces of beads. The rich wear necklaces of cornelian and another stone which is thought by the Lynngams to be valuable. A necklace of such stones is called _u’pieng blei_ (god’s necklace). This stone is apparently some rough gem which may be picked up by the Lynngams in the river beds. A rich man amongst them, however, is one who possesses a number of metal gongs, which they call _wiang_. For these they pay very high prices, Rs. 100 being quite a moderate sum for one of them. Being curious to see one of these gongs, I asked a _sirdar_, or head-man, to show me one. He replied that he would do so, but it would take time, as he always buried his gongs in the jungle for fear of thieves. Next morning he brought me a gong of bell metal, with carvings of animals engraved thereon. The gong when struck gave out a rich deep note like that of Burmese or Thibetan gongs. These gongs have a regular currency in this part of the hills, and represent to the Lynngams “Bank of England” notes. It would be interesting to try to ascertain what is their history, for no one in the Lynngam country makes them in these days. Is it possible that the Garos brought them with them when they migrated from Thibet? The gongs are well known in the Garo Hills, and I hear that when a _nokma_, or head-man, there dies his corpse is laid out upon them. They thus possess also an element of sanctity, besides being valuable for what they will fetch to the Garos or Lynngams. We may hope to hear more about them in Captain Playfair’s account of the Garos.
The Lynngams do not tattoo. Their weapons are the large-headed Garo spear, the dao, and the shield. They do not usually carry bows and arrows, although there are some who possess them. They are by occupation cultivators. They sow two kinds of hill rice, red and white, on the hill-sides. They have no wet paddy cultivation, and they do not cultivate in terraces like the Nagas. They burn the jungle about February, after cutting down some of the trees and clearing away some of the debris, and then sow the paddy broadcast, without cultivating the ground in any way. They also cultivate millet and Jobs-tears in the same way. With the paddy chillies are sown the first year. The egg plant, arum, ginger, turmeric, and sweet potatoes of several varieties are grown by them in a similar manner. Those that rear the lac insect plant _landoo_ tress (Hindi _arhal dal_) in the forest clearings, and rear the insect thereon. Some of these people, however, are prohibited by a custom of their own from cultivating the _landoo_, in which case they plant certain other trees favourable to the growth of the lac insect. The villages are situated near their patches of cultivation in the forest. The villages are constantly shifting, owing to the necessity of burning fresh tracts of forest every two years. The houses are entirely built of bamboo, and, for such temporary structures, are very well built. In front, the houses are raised some 3 or 4 ft. from the ground on platforms, being generally built on the side of a fairly steep hill, one end of the house resting on the ground, and the other on bamboo posts. The back end of the house is sometimes some 8 or 9 ft. from the ground. At the end of the house farthest away from the village path is a platform used for sitting out in the evening, and for spreading chillies and other articles to dry. Some Lynngam houses have only one room in which men, women, and children an all huddled together, the hearth being in the centre, and, underneath the platform, the pigs. Well-to-do people, however, possess a retiring room, where husband and wife sleep. A house I measured at Nongsohbar village was of the following dimensions:–Length, 42 ft; breadth, 16 ft.; height of house from the ground to the eaves, front, 9 ft.; back 18 ft. Houses are built with a portion of the thatch hanging over the eaves in front. No explanation could be given me for this. It is probably a Garo custom. In some Lynngam villages there are houses in the centre of the village where the young unmarried men sleep, where male guests are accommodated, and where the village festivities go on. These are similar to the _dekachang_ or bachelors’ club-houses of the Mikirs, Garos, and Lalungs, and to the _morang_ of the Nagas. This is a custom of the Thibeto-Burman tribes in Assam, and is not a Khasi institution. There are also high platforms, some 12 ft. or 15 ft. in height, in Lynngam villages, where the elders sit of an evening in the hot weather and take the air. Lynngam houses and villages are usually much cleaner than the ordinary Khasi villages, and although the Lynngams keep pigs, they do not seems to be so much _en evidence_ as in the Khasi village. There is little or no furniture in a Lynngam house. The Lynngam sleeps on a mat on the floor, and in odd weather covers himself with a quilt, made out of the bark of a tree, which is beaten out and then carefully woven, several layers of flattened bark being used before the right thickness is attained. This quilt is called by the Lynngam “_Ka syllar_” (Garo _simpak_). Food is cooked in earthen pots, but no plates are used, the broad leaves of the _mariang_ tree taking their place. The leaves are thrown away after use, a fresh supply being required for each meal.
The Lynngams brew rice beer, they do no distil spirit; the beer is brewed according to the Khasi method. Games they have none, and there are no jovial archery meetings like those of the Khasis. The Lynngam methods of hunting are setting spring guns and digging pitfalls for game. The people say that now the Government and the Siem of Nongstoin have prohibited both of these methods of destroying game, they no longer employ them. But I came across a pitfall for deer not long ago in the neighbourhood of a village in the Lynngam country. The people declared it to be a very old one; but this I very much doubt, and I fear that these objectionable methods of hunting are still used. The Lynngams fish to a small extent with nets, but their idea of fishing, _par excellence_, is poisoning the streams, an account of which has already been given in this monograph. The Lynngams are omnivorous feeders, they may be said to eat everything except dogs, snakes, the _huluk_ monkey, and lizards. They like rice, when they can get it; for sometimes the out-turn of their fields does not last them more than a few months. They then have to fall back on Jobstears and millet. They eat arums largely, and for vegetables they cook wild plantains and the young shoots of bamboos and cane plants. The Lynngams are divided up into exogamous clans in the same manner as the Khasis. The clans are overgrown families. The Lynngams have some stories regarding the founders of these clans, of which the following is a specimen:–“A woman was asleep under a _sohbar_ tree in the jungle, a flower from which fell on her, and she conceived and bore a female child who was the ancestress of the Nongsohbar clan.” Some of the stories of the origins of other clans do not bear repeating. There do not appear to be any hypergamous groups. As with the Khasis, it is a deadly sin to marry any one belonging to your own _kur_, or clan. Unlike the Khasis, however, a Lynngam can marry two sisters at a time. The Lynngam marriages are arranged by _ksiangs_, or go-betweens much in the same way as Khasi marriages; but the ritual observed is less elaborate, and shows a mixture of Khasi and Garo customs (see section III.). The Lynngams intermarry with the Garos. It appears that sometimes the parents of girls exact bride-money, and marriages by capture have been heard of. Both of these customs are more characteristic of the Bodo tribes of the plains than of the Khasis. There are no special birth customs, as with the Khasis, except that when the umbilical cord falls a fowl is sacrificed, and the child is brought outside the house. Children are named without any special ceremony. The death customs of the Lynngams have been described in Section III. A peculiar characteristic is the keeping of the dead body in the house for days, sometimes even for several months, before it is burnt. The putrefying corpse inside the house seems to cause these people no inconvenience, for whilst it remains there, they eat, carry on their ordinary avocations, and sleep there, regardless of what would be considered by others an intolerable nuisance. The religion of these people consists of a mixture of ancestor-worship and the propitiation of the spirits of fell and fall, which are, most of them, believed to be of evil influence, as is the case with other savage races. As with the people of Nongstoin, the primaeval ancestress, “_ka Iaw bei_,” is worshipped for the welfare of the clan, a sow being sacrificed to her, with a gourd of rice-beer, and leaves of the oak, or _dieng-sning_ tree. The leaves of the oak are afterwards hung up inside the house, together with the jaw bone of the pig. Sacrifices are offered to a forest demon, _U Bang-jang_ (a god who brings illness), by the roadside; also to _Ka Miang Bylli U Majymma_, the god of cultivation, at seed time, on the path to the forest clearing where the seed is sown. Models of paddy stone-houses, baskets and agricultural implements are made, sand being used to indicate the grain. These are placed by the roadside, the skulls of the sacrificial animals and the feathers of fowls being hung up on bamboo about the place where the has been performed. There are no priests or _lyngdohs_, the fathers of the hamlet performing the various ceremonies. The Lynngams possess no head-hunting customs, as far as it has been possible to ascertain. These people are still wild and uncivilized. Although they do not, as a rule, give trouble, from an administrative point of view, a very serious dacoity, accompanied by murder, was committed by certain Lynngams at an Assamese village on the outskirts of the Lynngam country a few years ago. The victims were two Merwari merchants and their servant, as well as another man. These people were brutally murdered by the Lynngams, and robbed of their property. The offenders were, however, successfully traced and arrested by Inspector Raj Mohan Das, and several of them suffered capital punishment, the remainder being transported for life.
CHAPTER VII
Language
Before commencing to describe the more salient features of the Khasi language, its grammar, and syntax, it seems to be of importance to show how intimately connected Khasi is with some of the languages of Further India. In the middle of the last century Logan pointed out affinity between Khasi and these languages, but it has been left to Professor Kuhn to prove this connection to demonstration. The examples of comparative vocabularies which follow are taken from Kuhn’s “_Beitraege zur Sprachenkunde Hinterindiens_,” Sir George Scott’s “Upper Burma Gazetteer,” and Sir George Campbell’s lists. It will be seen from the collections of words that follow how Khasi possesses many words in common with Mon or Talaing, Khmer, Suk, Stieng, Bahnar, Annam, Khamen-Boram, Xong, Samre, Khmu, Lemet, Palaung, and Wa. There is some correspondence, although perhaps to a lesser degree, between Khasi and the Ho-Munda languages and those of Malacca and the Nancowry language of the Nicobar Islands.
Let us now examine the table of numerals. The Khasi word for 1 is _wei_, but in the Amwi dialect of Khasi it is _mi_. In Khmu the word is _mui_, also in Suk; in Mon _mwoi_ and in Xong _moi_. The word for 2 is identical in Khasi and Lemet, viz., _ar_. The word for 3, viz. _lai_, is identical in Khasi and Wa: also compare Lemet _lohe_. Khasi _saw_ and Lakadong _thaw_ for 4 are, however, deviating forms. In the case of 5, if we cut out the prefix _m_ in the Mon word _m’san_, we have fairly close agreement with the Khasi _san_. In the numeral 6, if we cut out the prefix _hin_ of the Khasi (_hin_)_riw_, and the initial _t_ of Mon and Suk _t’rou, trou_, we have close agreement. In the Khasi words for 7 and 8 the syllable _hin_ is but a prefix. This is also probably the case in the Khasi word (_khyn_)_dai_ for 9, and the _shi_ in the Khasi word _shiphew_, 10, merely means one.
Numerals.
Sue. Mon or Suk. Stieng. Bahnar. Annam. Khmen Xong. Samre. Talaing. Boran.
1 mue mwoi mui muoi moin, mot mnay moi moe ming
2 bar ba bar bar bar hai bar pra pra 3 pei pi pe pei peng ba peh pe pe 4 puon pan puon puon puon bon pon pon pon 5 sung m’sun sung pram (po)dam nam pram pram pram 6 thpat t’rou trou prou (to)trou sau krong dam kadon 7 thpol t’pah pho poh (to)po bay grul kanul kanul 8 thkol dc’am tam pham (to)ngam tam kati kati katai 9 thke d’ceit kin en (to)xin chin kansar kasa katea 10 muchit cah chit jemat min muoi uai rai rai jet jit chuk
Khan. Lomei. Palaung. Wa. Dialects of Khasi. Khasi. Lakadong. Amwi. Synteng. Mymar or Jirang.
1 mui mus(mos) le te wei bi mi wi mi 2 bar ar e(a) ra(a) ar a o ar ir 3 pe lohe oe lai lai loi la la lei 4 puon pun(pon) phun pon saw thaw sia so so 5 pfuong pan phan hpawn(fan) san than san san san 6 tol tal to laiya(lia) (hin)riw thro thrau ynro threi 7 kul pul phu a-laiya (hin)iew (hum)thloi ynthla ynniaw ynthlei (alia)
8 ti ta ta s’te(su’te) phra humpya humphyo phra humpyir 9 kash tim tim s’ti(su’ti) (khyn)dai hunsulai hunshia khyndo khyndai 10 kan kel ken(ko) kao (shi)phew shiphai shipho (shi)phaw shiphi
It will be seen that there is considerable similarity in the numerals of the different languages up to six, the correspondence being most strongly marked in the numerals 1, 2, 5, and 6. If we remember that primitive people seldom can count higher than the number of digits of one hand, the dissimilarity in the numerals, as the end of the decade is approached, is probably explained. As the different people speaking these languages advanced in civilization they learned to count further; but by this time they had become in some cases like those of the Khasis, the Palaungs, and Mons, widely separated from one another. As they advanced in civilization, and found the necessity of an improved notation, they manufactured numerals which differed from one another, although they retained the first few numerals they had made use of in their days of savagery. Let us now study some extracts from Kuhn’s interesting comparative vocabulary. [42] We find many instances of agreement. I give some examples:–
_Heaven_.–Palaung, _pleng_; Khmer, _plieng_ (rain); Xong, _pleng_; Khasi, _bneng_. Mynnar (Jirang) _phanliang_ seems to be very near Khmer _phlieng_, and Palaung, and Xong _pleng_.
_Day_ (Sun)–Khmer, _thngay_; Mon, _tuyai_; Annam; _ngay_; Lemet, _ngay pri_; Palaung, _sengei_; Khasi, _sngi_; Lakadong, _sngoi_; Kol _singi_.
_Year_.–Mon, _snam_; Annam, _nam_; Stieng, _so’nam_; Bahnar, _sandm_; Khasi, _snem_.
_Lightning_:–Mon, _l’li_; Khasi, _leilih_.
_Stone, Rock_.–Mon, _tma_, _k’maw_; Stieng, _to’mau_; Bahn, _tmo, temo_; Khmer, _thma_; Xong, _tmo_; Palaung, _mau_; Ba, _maou_; Khasi, _maw_; Wa, _hsi-mo_, _hsi-mao_. Also compare Mynnar (Jirang) _smaw_.
_Water_.–Palaung, _em_; Khasi, _um_; Lakadong, _am_; Amwi, _am_; Mynnar (Jirang), _um_; Rumai, _om_. Probably the Stieng _um_, to bathe, can be connected with the Khasi word for water.
_Sea, pond_, or _tank_–Khmer, _ping_; Khasi, _pung_.
_Rice_.–Mon, _sro_, paddy, seems to be in connection with Khmer, _srur_ (spoken _srau_ or _srou_). Xong _ruko_ is in Palaung _rekao, sakao_, or _takao_. These words remind us of the Khasi _khaw_, which seems to be borrowed from the Shan _khaw_ (_hkao hsau_).
_Dog_.–The common word for this animal will be found to be nearly the same in sound in many of these languages, e.g. Suk. _cho_; Stieng, _sou_; Bahnar, _ko, cho_; Annam, _cho_; Xong, _tcho_; Mi, _khmu_; Lemet, _so_; Palaung, _tsao, hsao_; Khasi; _ksew_. The Mon _khluiw_ is the same as the Khasi _ksew_, if _l_ is changed into _s_. The Lakadong and Synteng dialects of Khasi have _ksaw_, and Mynnar (Jirang) _ksow_.
_Rat, mouse_.–Mon, _kni, gni_; Stieng, _ko’nei_; Bahnar, _kone_; Khasi, _khnai_.
_Swine_.–Bahnar _niung_ is evidently Khasi _’niang_, the abbreviated form of _sniang_.
_Tiger_.–Mon, _kla_; Stieng, _klah_; Bahnar, _kla_; Khmer, _khla_ and Khasi, _khla_ are evidently the same. With this compare the Kol _kula, kula, kula_.
_Bird_.–Sue, _kiem_; Mon, _g’cem_, _ka-teim_; Hueei, _chiem_; Stieng, _chum_; Bahnar, Annam, _chim_; Xong, _chiem_; Palaung and Wa, _hsim_, and Khasi _sim_ are clearly the same. Also compare Mynnar (Jiraug), _ksem_ which is very near to Mon, _g’cem_.
_Fowl_.–Hueei, _kat, yar_; Suk, _yer_; Bahnar, _ir_;. Stieng _ier_; Khmu, _yer_; Lemet, _er_; Palaung, _her_, and Khasi, _siar_, abbreviated into _’iar_, are probably the same.
_Fish_.–The word _ka_ or _kha_ runs through the following languages:–Mon, Stieng, Bahnar, Annam, Khmu, Lemet, Palaung, Wa; and if we cut off the first syllable of the Khasi word for fish, _dohkha_, we find _’kha_, which is the same word as in the languages above mentioned, with an aspirate added. The Khasi _doh_ merely means flesh, and the word _dokkha_ is very frequently abbreviated, cf. _’kha saw, ‘kha iong_.
_Crab_.–Mon, _kh’tam_; Khmer, _ktam_; Khasi, _tham_. If we add the gender sign to the Khasi word, it becomes _ka tham_, and we have exact correspondence.
_Woman_.–Mon, _brou_ or _brao_. Is this the same as the Khasi (_ka_) _briw_?