and thrashed out on the spot, either by beating them against a stone (_shoh kba_), or by men and women treading them out (_iuh kba_). Cattle are not used for treading out the grain. The grain is then collected and placed in large bamboo receptacles (_ki thiar_). The paddy-fields are not manured. The Khasis, when cultivating high lands, select a clayey soil if they can. In the early part of the winter the sods are turned over with the hoe, and they are exposed to the action of the atmosphere for a period of about two months. When the sods are dry, they are placed in piles, which are generally in rows in the fields, and by means of ignited bunches of dry grass within the piles a slow fire is kept up, the piles of sods being gradually reduced to ashes. This is the “paring and burning process” used in England. The ashes so obtained are then carefully raked over the field. Sometimes other manure is also applied, but not when paddy is cultivated. The soil is now fit to receive the seed, either high-land paddy, millet, Job’s tears, or other crops, as the case may be. The homestead lands are plentifully manured, and consequently, with attention, produce good crops. They are cultivated with the hoe.
The cultivation of oranges in the southern portion of the district ranks equally in importance with that of the potato in the northern. The orange, which is known in Calcutta as the Chhatak or Sylhet orange, comes from the warm southern slopes of the hills in this district, where it is cultivated on an extensive scale. Although oranges do best when there is considerable heat, they have been known to do well as high as 3,000 ft.; but the usual limit of elevation for the growth of oranges in this district is probably about 1,000 to 1,500 ft. The orange of the Khasi Hills has always been famous for its excellence, and Sir George Birdwood, in his introduction to the “First Letter Book of the East India Company,” page 36, refers to the orange and lemon of Garhwal, Sikkim, and Khasia as having been carried by Arab traders into Syria, “whence the Crusaders helped to gradually propagate them throughout Southern Europe.” Therefore, whereas the potato was imported, the orange would appear to be indigenous in these hills.
_Nurseries_.–The seeds are collected and dried by being exposed to the sun. In the spring nurseries we prepared, the ground being thoroughly hoed and the soil pulverized as far as possible. The nursery is walled with stones. The seeds are then sown, a thin top layer of earth being applied. The nurseries are regularly watered, and are covered up with layers of leaves to ensure, as far as possible, the retention of the necessary moisture. When the plants are 3 or 4 in. high, they are transplanted to another and larger nursery, the soil of which has been previously well prepared for the reception of the young plants.
An orangery is prepared in the following manner:–
The shrubs, weeds and small trees are cut down, leaving only the big trees for the purpose of shade. The plants from the nurseries are planted from 6 ft. to 9 ft. apart. When they have become young trees, many of the branches of the sheltering trees mentioned above are lopped off, so as to admit the necessary amount of sunlight to the young orange trees. As the orange trees increase in size, the sheltering trees are gradually felled. The orchard requires clearing of jungle once in spring and once in autumn. The Khasis do not manure their orange trees, nor do they dig about and expose the roots. The price of orange plants is from 75 to 100 plants per rupee for plants from 1 to 2 ft. in height, and from fifty to seventy-five plants per rupee for plants from 2 to 5 ft. in height. Orange trees bear fruit when from five to eight years old in ordinary soils. In very fertile soils they sometimes bear after four years. A full-grown tree yields annually as many as 1,000 oranges, but a larger number is not unknown. The larger portion of the produce is exported from the district to the plains, and to fruit markets at the foot of the hills such as Theria, Mawdon, and Phali-Bazar, on the Shella river, whence it finds its way to the Calcutta and Eastern Bengal markets.
Potatoes are raised on all classes of land, except _hali_, or wet paddy land. When the land has been properly levelled and hoed, drains are dug about the field. A cultivator (generally a female), with a basket of seed potatoes on her back and with a small hoe in her right hand, digs holes and with the left hand drops two seed-potatoes into each hole. The holes are about 6 in. in diameter, 6 in. deep, and from 6 to 9 in. apart from one another. Another woman, with a load of manure in a basket on her back, throws a little manure over the seed in the hole, and then covers both up with earth. After the plants have attained the height of about 6 in., they are earthed up. When the leaves turn yellow, it is a sign that the potatoes are ripe. The different kinds of sweet potatoes grown and the yam and another kind of esculent root–_u sohphlang_ (_femingia vestita Benth_.) will be noticed under the head of “Crops.”
The Khasis possess very few agricultural sayings and proverbs, but the following may be quoted as examples:–
(1) _Wat ju ai thung jingthung ne bet symbai ha uba sniew kti_.
Do not allow plants to be planted or seeds to be sown by one who has a bad hand.
As elsewhere, there is a belief amongst the Khasis that some people’s touch as regards agriculture is unlucky.
(2) _Thung dieng ne bet symbai haba ngen bnai, ym haba shai u bnai_.
Plant trees or sow seeds not when the moon is waxing, but when it is on the wane.
(3) _Wei la saw bha ka bneng sepngi jan miet phin sa ioh jingrang lashai_.
A red sky in the west in the evening is the sign of fine weather to-morrow.
Cf. our English proverb “a red sky in the morning is a shepherd’s warning, a red sky at night is a shepherd’s delight.”
Crops.
The varieties of rice found in the Khasi Hills are divided into two main classes, one grown as a dry crop on high lands, and the other raised in valleys and hollows which are artificially irrigated from hill streams. The lowland rice is more productive than that grown on high lands, the average per acre of the former, according to the agricultural bulletin, as ascertained from the results of 817 experimental crop cuttings carried out during the fifteen years preceding the year 1898, being 11.7 maunds of paddy per acre, as against an average of 9.4 maunds per acre (resulting from 667 cuttings made during the same period) for the latter. [16] The average out-turn of both kinds is extremely poor, as compared with that of any description of rice grown in the plains. The rice grown in the hills is said by the Agricultural Department to be of inferior quality, the grain when cleaned being of a red colour, and extremely coarse. The cultivation of potatoes is practically confined to the Khasi Hills, there being little or none in the Jaintia Hills. The normal out-turn of the summer crop sown in February and harvested in June is reported by the Agricultural Department to be five times the quantity of seed used, and that of the winter crop, sown in August and September on the land from which the summer crop has been taken, and harvested in December, twice the quantity of seed. The winter crop is raised chiefly for the purpose of obtaining seed for the spring sowings, as it is found difficult to keep potatoes from the summer crop in good condition till the following spring. The usual quantity of seed used to the acre at each sowing is about 9 maunds, so that the gross out-turn of an acre of land cultivated with potatoes during the year may be taken at 63 maunds, and the net out-turn, after deducting the quantity of seed used, at 45 maunds. The above estimate of the Agricultural Department rests chiefly on the statements of the cultivators, and has not been adequately tested by experiment.
Since the appearance of the potato disease in 1885-86 there has been a great decrease in the area under potato cultivation. In 1881-82 the exports of potatoes from the district were as high as 126,981 maunds. From 1886-87 the exports began annually to decrease until in 1895-96 the very low figure of 8,296 maunds was reached. The figures of export for the last nine years are as follows:–
1896-97 16,726 maunds
1897-98 7,805 maunds
1898-99 9,272 maunds
1899-00 5,422 maunds
1900-01 29,142 maunds
1901-02 38,251 maunds
1902-03 36,047 maunds
1903-04 50,990 maunds
It will be seen that in the three years following the earthquake of 1897 the exports fell very low indeed. Since 1901 the trade has been steadily recovering, and the exports of 1904 reached half a lakh of maunds.
It will be observed that there has been some improvement, but the exports are still not half what they were in 1881-82. There are two kinds of sweet potatoes grown in the district, the Garo potato (_u phan Karo_), which appears to have been introduced from the Garo Hills, and _u phan sawlia_, the latter being distinguished from the Garo potato by its having a red skin, the Garo potato possessing a white skin. These kinds of potato are planted on all classes of land except _hali_, they do best on jhumed and homestead lands. The yam proper (_u phan shynreh_) is also largely grown. The small plant with an edible root called by the Khasis _u sohphang_ (_flemingia vestita Benth_.), is also largely grown. The roots of the plant after being peeled are eaten raw by the Khasis. As far as we know, this esculent is not cultivated in the adjoining hill districts. Job’s tears (_coix lachryma-Jobi_) [17] are extensively grown, and are planted frequently with the _sohphlang_ mentioned above. This cereal forms a substitute for rice amongst the poorer cultivators. Maize or Indian corn (_u riew hadem_) is grown frequently, thriving best on homestead land, and requires heavy manuring; it is grown in rotation with potatoes. Next in importance to rice comes the millet (_u krai_), as a staple of food amongst the Khasis. There are three varieties of millets generally to be seen in the Khasi Hills:–_u ‘rai-soh_ (_setaria Italica_), _u ‘rai-shan_ (_Paspalum sanguinale_), and _u ‘rai-truh_ (_Eleusine coracana_). _U ‘rai-shan_ is cultivated in rotation with the potato, _u ‘rai-soh_ and _u ‘rai-truh_ are generally cultivated on jhumed land, where they thrive well. Millet is sometimes used instead of rice in the manufacture of spirit by the Khasis; _u rymbai-ja_ (_phaseolus calcaratus_), and _u rymbai ktung_ (_glycine soja_) are beans which are cultivated occasionally: Khasis highly prize the fruit of the plantain, which they give to infants mashed up. The following are the best known varieties:–_Ka kait khun, ka kait siem, ka kait kulbuit, ka kait bamon, ka kait shyieng_.
The most important crop on the southern side of the hills is the orange, which has already been referred to in the paragraph dealing with agriculture.
The oranges are sold by the _spah_ or 100, which is not a 100 literally, but somewhat over 3,000 oranges. Different places have different _spahs_. At Phali Hat, on the Bogapani River, the _spah_ is computed as follows:–
1 Hali = 4 oranges.
8 Halis = 1 Bhar.
100 Bhars = shi spah (one hundred) = 3200 oranges.
At Shella the computation is slightly different, being as follows:–
1 Gai = 6 oranges.
5 Gais + 2 oranges = 32 oranges. 4 Bhars = 1 hola = 128 oranges
27 holas + 2 bhars = shi spah (100) = 3,520 oranges.
By another method of calculation the _spah_ consists of 3,240 oranges.
The price per _spah_ varies from about 10 rupees in good years to Rs. 40, when the orange harvest has been a poor one.
The lime is also cultivated, not separately, but along with the orange. The lime can be grown with success at a higher altitude than the orange. There is extensive betel-nut and _pan_ cultivation on the southern slopes of the hills. The betel-nut tree is cultivated in the same manner as in the plains, except that the trees are planted nearer to one another. The trees bear when eight to ten years old. A portion of the crop is sold just after it has been plucked; this is called _u ‘wai khaw_, and is for winter consumption. The remainder of the crop is kept in large baskets, which are placed in tanks containing water, the baskets being completely immersed. This kind of betel-nut is called _u ‘wai um_. The Khasis, like the Assamese; prefer the fresh betel-nut. They do not relish the dry _supari_ so much.
The principal _pan_ gardens are on the south side of the hills, _pan_ not being grown on the northern slopes, except in the neighbourhood of Jirang. The _pan_ creepers are raised from cuttings, the latter being planted close to the trees up which they are to be trained. The creeper is manured with leaf mould. The plant is watered by means of small bamboo aqueducts which are constructed along the hill-sides, the water being conducted along them often considerable distances. As in the plains, the leaves of the _pan_ creeper are collected throughout the year.
The bay leaf (_’la tyrpad_, or _tezpat_) is classified in the _Agricultural Bulletin_ as _Cinnamomum tamala_, and there is a note in the column of remarks that “this tree, as well as one or two others of the same genus, yields two distinct products, _tezpat_ (bay leaf) and cinnamon bark.” The bay leaf is gathered for export from the extensive gardens in Maharam, Malaisohmat, Mawsynram, and other Khasi States. The plants are raised from seed, although there are no regular nurseries, the young seedlings being transplanted from the jungle, where they have germinated, to regular gardens. Bay leaf gardens are cleared of jungle and weeds periodically; otherwise no care is taken of them. The leaf-gathering season is from November to March. The leaves are allowed to dry for a day or two in the sun, and then packed in large baskets for export. The gathering of bay leaf begins when the trees are about four years old.
The following are the other minor crops which are grown in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills:–
Pineapples, turmeric, ginger, pumpkins and gourds, the egg plant, chillies, sesamum, and a little sugar-cane. The arum [18] (_ka shiriw_) is also extensively grown in the hills, and forms one of the principal articles of food amongst the poorer classes; it is generally raised in rotation with potatoes, or is planted along with Job’s tears. The stem of the arum is sometimes used as a vegetable, also for feeding pigs.
In the Jowai Sub-Division, notably at Nartiang, there are fairly good mangoes, which are more free from worms than those grown in the plains of Assam.
The Bhois and Lynngams cultivate lac. They plant _arhar dal, u landoo_, in their fields, and rear the lac insect on this plant. Last year the price of lac at Gauhati and Palasbari markets rose as high as Rs. 50 per maund of 82 lbs., it is said, but the price at the outlying markets of Singra and Boko was about Rs. 30. The price of lac has risen a good deal of late years. Formerly the price was about Rs. 15 to Rs. 20 a maund. The lac trade in the Jaintia Hills and in the southern portion of the Khyrim State is a valuable one. The profits, however, go largely to middle-men, who in the Jaintia Hills are Syntengs from Jowai, who give out advances to the Bhoi cultivators on the condition that they will be repaid in lac. The Marwari merchants from the plains attend all the plains markets which are frequented by the hill-men, and buy up the lac and export it to Calcutta. The whole of the lac is of the kind known as stick lac.
Hunting.
The weapons used by the Khasis for hunting are bows and arrows, the latter with barbed iron heads, and spears which are used both for casting and thrusting. Before proceeding on a hunting expedition the hunters break eggs, in order to ascertain whether they will be successful or not, and to which jungle they should proceed. Offerings are also made to certain village deities, e.g. _U. Ryngkew, u Basa_, and _u Basa ki mrad_. A lucky day having been selected and the deities propitiated, the hunters start with a number of dogs trained to the chase, the latter being held on leashes by a party of men called _ki nongai-ksew_. When the dogs have picked up the scent some hunters are placed as “stops” (_ki ktem_), at points of vantage in the jungle, and the drive commences with loud shouts from the hunters, the same being continued until the object of the chase breaks into the open. The man who draws the first blood is called u _nongsiat_, and the second man who scores a hit _u nongban_. These two men get larger shares of the flesh than the others. The _nongsiat_ obtains the lower half of the body of the animal, thighs and feet excepted, called _ka tdong_, and the _nongban_ one of the forequarters called _ka tabla_. The other hunters obtain a string of flesh each, and each hound gets a string of flesh to itself. These hunting parties pursue deer sometimes for many miles, and are indefatigable in the chase, the latter lasting occasionally more than one day. In the Jaintia Hills, at the end of the chase, the quarry is carried to the house of the _nongsiat_, where a _puja_ is performed to some local deity, before the flesh is distributed. At Shangpung, when a tiger or a mithan is killed, the head is cut off, and is carried in triumph to a hill in the neighbourhood where there is a _duwan_, or altar, at the foot of an oak tree (_dieng sning_). The head is displayed on the altar, and worship offered to _u ‘lei lyngdoh_, the God of the doloiship.
The Khasis make use of an ingenious species of spring gun for killing game, the spring gun being laid alongside a deer path in the jungle. A string stretched across the path, when touched, releases a bolt and spring, which latter impels a bamboo arrow with great force across the path. This spring gun is called _ka riam siat_. A pit-fall, with bamboo spikes at the bottom, is called _u ‘liw lep_, and a trap of the pattern of the ordinary leopard trap is called _ka riam slung_. A noose attached to a long rope laid in a deer run is named _riam syrwiah_.
There is also _ka riam pap_, the principle of which is that an animal is attracted by a bait to walk on to a platform; the platform sinks under the weight of the animal, and a bolt is released which brings down a heavy roof from above weighted with stones, which crush the animal to death.
There are several means employed in snaring birds; one of the most common is to smear pieces of bamboo with the gum of the jack-tree, the former being tied to the branches of some wild fruit tree, upon which, when the fruit is ripe, the birds light and are caught by the bird lime. This is called _ka riam thit_. Another is a kind of spring bow made of bamboo which is laid on the ground in marshy places, such as are frequented by snipe and woodcock. This form of snare is unfortunately most common. A third is a cage into which birds are lured by means of a bait, the cage being hidden in the grass, and the entrance being so contrived that the birds can hop in but not out again. This is called _ka riam sim_.
Fishing.
Although there are some Khasis who fish with rod and line, it may be said that the national method of fishing is to poison the streams. Khasis, except the Wars and the people of Shella, unlike the Assamese and Bengalis, do not fish with nets, nor do they use the bamboo-work device known by the Assamese as _pala_ (pala) and _jakai_ (jakaaii). The method of fish-poisoning of the Khasis is the same as that described by Soppitt in his account of the tribes inhabiting North Cachar. The following is a description of how Khasis poison fish in the western portion of the district; it may be taken as a sample of the whole. A large quantity of the bark of the tree _ka mynta_ and the creeper _u khariew_ is first brought to the river-side to a place on the stream a little above the pool which it is proposed to poison, where it is thoroughly beaten with sticks till the juice exudes and flows into the water, the juice being of a milky white colour. In a few minutes the fish begin to rise and splash about, and, becoming stupefied, allow themselves to be caught in the shallows. If the beating of the bark has been well carried out, many of the fish soon die and after a time float on the surface of the water. A large number of Khasis stand on the banks armed with bamboo scoops shaped like small landing nets, to catch the fish, and fish traps (_ki khowar_) Assamese _khoka_ (khookaa) are laid between the stones in the rapids to secure any fish that may escape the fishing party. Another fish poison is the berry _u soh lew_, the juice of which is beaten out in the same manner as described above.
Soppitt says, certain fish do not appear to be susceptible to the poison, and not nearly the destruction takes place that is popularly supposed. The mahseer and the carp family generally do not suffer much, whereas, on the other hand, the river shark, the _bagh mas_ of the Bengalis, is killed in large numbers. It is impossible, however, in the opinion of the writer, that the mahseer fry, which abound in these hill rivers in the spring and early summer months, can escape being destroyed in great numbers when the streams are frequently poisoned. In the neighbourhood of lime quarries and other large works where dynamite is used for blasting, this explosive is sometimes employed for killing fish. The practice, however, has been strictly prohibited, and there have been some cases in which the offenders have been punished in the courts. Fish-poisoning is bad enough, but dynamiting is still worse, as with an effective cartridge all the fish within a certain area are killed, none escape. When poisons are used, however, some fish are not affected by them, and others are only stupefied for the time being and afterwards recover.
Food.
The Khasi and Syntengs ordinarily take two meals a day, one in the early morning and the other in the evening, but labourers and others who have to work hard in the open take a midday meal as well, consisting of cold boiled rice wrapped in a leaf (_ka ja-song_), cakes (_ki kpu_) and a tuberous root (_u sohphlang_) which is eaten raw. They are fond of all kinds of meat, especially pork and beef, although some of the Syntengs, owing to Hindu influence, abstain from eating the latter. Unlike the neighbouring Naga, Garo and Kuki tribes, the Khasis abstain from the flesh of the dog. Both Bivar and Shadwell say the reason why the Khasis do not eat the flesh of the dog is because he is in a certain sense a sacred animal amongst them. There is a Khasi folk-tale relating how the dog came to be regarded as the friend of man. It is, however, quite possible that the Khasis may never have eaten the flesh of the dog from remote times, and it is nothing extraordinary that the Khasis should differ in a detail of diet from the neighbouring Thibeto-Burman tribes which are so dissimilar to them in many respects. The Khasis, except some of the Christian community and some of the people of the Mawkhar, do not use milk, butter, or ghee as articles of food. In this respect they do not differ from the Kacharis and Rabhas of the plains or the Garos of the hills. The Mongolian race in its millions as a rule does not use milk for food, although the Tibetans and some of the Turcoman tribes are exceptions. Before fowls or animals are killed for food, prayers must be said, and rice sprinkled on the body of the animal. The staple food of the Khasis is rice and dried fish. When rice cannot be obtained or is scarce, millet or Job’s tears are used instead. The latter are boiled, and a sort of porridge is obtained, which is eaten either hot or cold according to fancy. Khasis eat the flesh of nearly all wild animals, they also eat field rats and one kind of monkey (_u shrih_). The Syntengs and Lynngams are fond of tadpoles, and the Khasis consider a curry made from a kind of green frog, called _ka japieh_, a _bonne bouche_. They, however, do not eat ordinary frogs (_jakoid_). The Khasis of Mariao, Maharam, Nongstoin and some other Siemships eat the hairy caterpillar, _u’niang phlang_.
A staple food which must not be forgotten is the inner portion of the bark of the sago palm tree, _ka tlai_, which grows wild in the forest and attains a large size. The tree is felled and the outer bark removed, the soft inner part is cut into slices, dried in the sun, pounded in a mortar and then passed through a fine bamboo sieve. A reddish flour is obtained, of sweet taste, which is boiled with rice. This flour is said to make good cakes and puddings.
Although the Khasis are such varied feeders, there are some clans amongst them which are prohibited by the ordinance of _sang_, or taboo, from eating certain articles. The following are some instances:–
The Cherra Siem family cannot eat dried fish (_’kha-piah_); the Siem of Mylliem must not eat the gourd (_u pathaw_); a fish called _ka’kha-lani_ is taboo to some of the _Siem-lih_ class. Some of the War people must not eat _ka ktung_ (preserved fish), and the clan _’khar-um-nuid_ in Khyrim is debarred from the pleasure of partaking of pork. The flesh of the sow is _sang_ to the _’dkhar_ clan, although that of the male pig may be eaten.
Drink.
The Khasis are in the habit of regularly drinking considerable quantities either of a spirit distilled from rice or millet (_ka’iad pudka_), or of rice-beer, which is of two kinds (1) _ka’iad hiar_, (2) _ka’iad um_. Both of these are made from rice and, in some places, from millet, and the root of a plant called _u khawiang_. _Ka’iad hiar_ is made by boiling the rice or millet. It is then taken out and spread over a mat, and, when it cools, fragments of the yeast (_u khawiang_) are sprinkled over it. After this it is placed in a basket, which is put in a wooden bowl. The basket is covered tightly with a cloth so as to be air-tight, and it is allowed to remain in this condition for a couple of days, during which time the liquor has oozed out into the bowl. To make _ka’iad um_ the material, the rice or millet from which the _ka’iad hiar_ was brewed, is made use of. It is placed in a large earthen pot and allowed to remain there for about five days to ferment, after which the liquor is strained off. _Ka’iad hiar_ is said to be stronger than _ka’iad um_. The former is used frequently by distillers of country spirit for mixing with the wort so as to set up fermentation. The people of the high plateaux generally prefer rice spirit, and the Wars of the southern slopes of the Khasi and Jaintia Hills customarily partake of it also. The Khasis of the western hills, e.g. of the Nongstoin Siemship, and the Lynngams, Bhois, Lalungs, and Hadems almost invariably drink rice-beer, but the Syntengs, like the Khasi uplanders, drink rice-spirit. Rice-beer (_ka’iad um_) is a necessary article for practically all Khasi and Synteng religious ceremonies of importance, it being the custom for the officiating priest to pour out libations of liquor from a hollow gourd (_u klong_) to the gods on these occasions. As there is no Excise in the district, except within a five-mile radius of Shillong, liquor of both the above descriptions can be possessed and sold without restriction.
According to some Khasi traditions the Khasis in ancient times used not to drink spirits, but confined themselves to rice-beer. It is only in the last couple of generations that the habit of drinking spirits has crept in, according to them. From Khasi accounts, the use of spirits is on the increase, but there is no means of testing these statements. There can be no doubt, however, that at the present time a very large amount of spirit is manufactured and consumed in the district. The spirit is distilled both for home consumption and for purposes of sale; in some villages, e.g. Mawlai and Marbisu, near Shillong, where there are fifty-nine and forty-nine stills respectively, there being a still almost in every house. Mawlai village supplies a great deal of the spirit which is drunk in Shillong, and from Marbisu spirit is carried for sale to various parts of the hills. Other large distilling centres are Cherrapunji, with forty-seven stills; Jowai, with thirty-one stills; Laitkynsew, with fifty-four stills; Nongwar, thirty-one stills; and Rangthang, thirty-seven stills.
From what has been stated above some idea may be gathered how very large the number of stills in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills is. I am not in a position to state with any degree of accuracy what is the amount of spirit manufactured or consumed in the year, but it is very considerable. The out-turn of a Khasi still has been reckoned at from four to eight bottles per day. From this estimate, and the fact that there are 1,530 stills in the district, it may be roughly calculated what is the consumption annually. Practically the whole of the spirit is consumed within the district. The liquor which is manufactured is far stronger than the spirit distilled in the ordinary out-stills in the plains. It has been stated by an expert analyst that the Khasi spirit contains 60 to 80 per cent. of proof spirit, and that it possesses “an exceptionally nice flavour and taste.” The usual price at which it is sold is 4 to 6 annas a quart bottle, a second quality being sometimes sold for 3 annas. It will be seen that the liquor is exceedingly cheap. A Khasi in the villages of the interior can get drunk for 2 annas, [19] or a quarter of an ordinary coolie’s daily wage. Drunkenness prevails on every market day at Cherrapunji, Jowai, and other large hats, and on occasions when there are gatherings of the people for various purposes. This cheap but strong spirit is demoralizing the people, and some restriction of its use would be welcomed by many. In the Khasi Welsh Methodist Church abstention from liquor is made a condition of Church membership, but the vast number of stills and the facilities with which liquor can be obtained are a constant source of temptation to the Christian community, and cause many defections.
Games.
The Khasis have many games, but their principal game is archery, this may be said to be the national game, and is a very popular form of recreation amongst them, the sport being indulged in from about the beginning of January to the end of May each year. The following is a description of a Khasi archery meeting, for the details of which I am largely indebted to U Job Solomon. By way of introduction it should be stated that the Khasis opine that arrow-shooting originated at the beginning of creation. The Khasi Eve (_Ka-mei-ka-nong-hukum_) had two sons to whom she taught the toxophilite art, at the same time she warned them never to lose their tempers over the game. At the present day villages have regular archery meetings, the men of one village challenging those of another. There are men on both sides called _nong khan khnam_ (lit., he who stops the arrow). This man, by uttering spells, and reciting the shortcomings of the opposite side, is supposed to possess the power of preventing the arrows of the opposing party hitting the mark. These men also, to some extent, may be said to perform the duties of umpires. They may be styled umpires for the sake of convenience in this account. Before the match commences conditions are laid down by the umpires of both sides, such as (_a_) the day on which the contest is to take place; (_b_) the place of the meeting; (_c_) the number of arrows to be shot by each archer; (_d_) the distinguishing marks to be given to the arrows of either side; (_e_) the amounts of the stakes on each side; (_f_) the number of times the competitors are to shoot on the day of the archery meeting, and many other conditions too numerous to mention here. The targets are generally small bundles of grass called “_u skum_,” about 1 ft. long by 4 in. in diameter, fastened on a small pole. Sometimes targets are made from the root of a plant called _ka soh pdung_. The distances from the point where the marksmen stand to the targets are some 40 to 50 yards. Each side has its own target, the different targets being placed in a line, and the competitors taking up their positions in a straight line at right angles to the line of fire, and facing the targets; each side in turn then shoots at its own target. Early in the morning of the day fixed for the contest the umpire of each side sits in front of his target with a hollow bamboo full of water in his hand, the bows and arrows being laid on the ground alongside the targets. The umpire then repeats all the conditions of the contest, invokes the aid of the primeval woman (_ka mei ka nong hukum_) aforesaid, goes through certain incantations freely referring to the many faults of the opposite side, and pours water at intervals from the bamboo in front of the target. This business lasts about two hours. Then they exhort the competitors of their respective sides, and the match commences amidst loud shouts. Every time there is a hit there are loud cheers, the competitors leaping high into the air, the umpires muttering their incantations all the while. At the end of each turn the number of hits are counted by representatives of both sides. At the close of the day the side with the greatest number of hits wins the match, the successful party returning home, dancing and shouting. The young women admirers of both sides assemble, and dispense refreshments to the competitors, taking a keen interest in the proceedings withal. Frequently large wagers are made on either side. In the _Khadar Blang_ portion of the Nongkrem State as much as Rs. 500 are occasionally wagered on either side. In Jowai the practice is also to bet a lump sum, the amount being raised by subscription from amongst the competitors. More usual bets are, however, about one anna a head. The _nong khang khnam_ and the men who prepare the targets receive presents from their respective sides. The Khasi bow carries a considerable distance, an arrow shot over 180 yards being within the personal knowledge of the writer. It is believed that Khasi bows wielded by experts carry up to 200 yards. The average range may be said, however, to be 150 to 180 yards.
Yule mentions peg-top spinning amongst Khasi children as being indigenous and not an importation, but Bivar thinks that the game is of foreign introduction. I am, however, inclined to agree with Yule that peg-top spinning is indigenous, inasmuch as this game could not have been copied from the Sylhetis or the Assamese of the plains, who do not indulge in it. As the British had only recently established themselves in the hills when Yule wrote, they would scarcely have had time or opportunity to introduce an English children’s game. Khasi children also play a kind of “hop Scotch” (_khyndat mala shito_ and _ia tiet hile_), and Yule writes, “Another of their recreations is an old acquaintance also, which we are surprised to meet with in the Far East. A very tall thick bamboo is planted in the ground, and well oiled. A silver ornament, or a few rupees placed at the top, reward the successful climber.” A leg of mutton, or a piece of pork fixed at the top of this pole would render the pastime identical with the “greasy-pole” climbing of English villages. The following are some other Khasi games:–
Wrestling; two persons grasping each other’s hands with the fingers interlocked, and then trying to push one another down; tug-of-war with a piece of stick, the two combatants placing their feet one against the other; butting at one another like bulls, and trying to upset each other (_ia tur masi_); long jump; high jump; blind-man’s buff; flying kites; pitching cowries into a hole in the ground; a game like marbles, only played with round pebbles, and others.
Manufactures.
The manufactures of the Khasis are few in number, and do not seem to show any tendency to increase. On the contrary, two of the most important industries, the smelting of iron ore and the forging of iron implements therefrom, and the cotton-spinning industries at Mynso and Suhtnga, show signs of dying out. Ploughshares and hoes and bill-hooks can now be obtained more cheaply from the plains than from the forges in the hills, and Manchester piece goods are largely taking the place of cloths of local manufacture. The iron industry in former days was an important one, and there is abundant evidence that the workings were on a considerable scale, e.g. at Nongkrem and Laitlyngkot, in the shape of large granite boulders which have fallen to the ground from the sides of the hills owing to the softer rock which filled the interstices between the boulders having been worked out by the ironworkers, their process being to dig out the softer ferruginous rock, and then extract the iron ore from it by means of washing. The softer rock having been removed, the heavier portions fell by their own weight, and rolled down to the bottom of the slopes, the result being the great number of boulders to be seen near the sites of these workings.
Colonel Lister, writing in 1853, estimated that 20,000 maunds of iron were exported from the hills in the shape of hoes to the Assam Valley, and in lumps of pig iron to the Surma Valley, where it was used by boat-builders for clamps. Nowadays the smelting of iron is carried on in very few places. There are still smelting-houses at Nongkrem and Nongsprung, but these are practically the only places left where smelting of iron ore goes on: there are many forges where rough iron brought from the plains is melted down and forged into billhooks and hoes. Messrs. Yule and Cracroft have described the native process of smelting iron, and it is only necessary to refer to their papers if information is required on the subject. Yule’s account is a very full one, and is to be found at page 853, vol. xi. part ii. of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. The system pursued, both in the extraction and in the subsequent smelting of the ore, is the same at the present day as that described by Yule. Dr. Oldham, writing in 1863, says, “The quality of this Khasi iron is excellent for all such purposes as Swedish iron is now used for. The impurity of the blooms (or masses of the metal in a molten state), however, as they are sent to market, is a great objection to its use, and the waste consequent thereon renders it expensive. It would also form steel or wootz (Indian steel) of excellent quality. I have no doubt that the manufacture could be greatly improved and possibly extended.” Dr. Oldham, however, goes on to remark that the manufacture of iron could not be very much extended, owing to the scanty dissemination of the ore in the rocks, and the consequent high cost of obtaining it. At present the want of any permanent supply of water prevents the natives from working for more than a few days during the year, whilst the rains are heavy, and they can readily obtain sufficient force of water for the washing of the ore from its matrix. The export of iron in any form from the district has now almost died out, only a few hoes being brought down by the Khasis from Laitdom, in Khadsawphra, to the Burdwar and Palasbari markets in the Kamrup District of the Assam Valley. Iron of English manufacture has, of course, much cheapened the market, but probably the fact that the parts of the country in the neighbourhood of the rocks which contain the metal have been denuded completely of timber, charcoal being necessary for smelting, has affected the production almost as much as the presence of cheap iron in the market.
Manufacture of Eri Silk Cloths and Cotton Cloths in the Jaintia Hills.
The number of weavers in the district at the last Census was 533. This number in the Census Report is ascribed to the cotton industry, no mention being made of weavers of silk. The spinning of Eri silk thread, and weaving it into cloths is, however, a fairly considerable industry amongst the Khyrwang and Nongtung villages of the Jaintia Hills. The Nongtungs and Khyrwangs rear their own Eri worms, and spin the silk from the cocoons. The late Mr. Stack, in his admirable note on silk in Assam, says, “Throughout the whole range of the southern hills, from the Mikir country, Eri thread is in great request for weaving those striped cloths, in which the mountaineers delight,” but this observation should have been confined to the Jaintia Hills portion of this district, the Khasis not weaving themselves either in silk or cotton. The Khasis obtain their silk cloths from the Assam Valley, and from the Nongtung or Khyrwang villages in Jaintia. The latter villages have given the name to the striped cloth, _ka jain Khyrwang_, which is almost invariably worn by the Syntengs. Mr. Stack has given in detail a description of the silk industry in Assam, and it is not therefore necessary to go over the same ground here. The Khyrwang cloth is red and white, mauve and white, or chocolate and white, the cloth being worn by both men and women. The Khyrwang cloths vary in price from Rs. 5 to Rs. 25, according to size and texture. These cloths are the handiwork of women alone, and a woman working every day regularly will take six months to manufacture a cloth valued at Rs. 25; but, as a rule, in the leisurely manner in which they work, it takes a year to complete it.
Cotton Cloths.
In the Jaintia Hills at Mynso cotton is spun into thread, and weaving is carried on there, but on a limited scale. The Mynso people weave the small strips of cloth worn by the men to serve the purpose of the Assamese _lengti_ or Hindi _languti_. In Suhtnga the people import cotton thread from Mynso and weave the (_ingki_) or sleeveless coat, peculiar to the district; these coats are dyed red and blue. The dark blue or black dye is obtained from the leaf of a plant called _u sybu_, which Mr. Rita has classified as _strobilanthus hoeditolius_, which grows in the gardens round the homesteads. The leaves are dried, then reduced to powder, mixed with hot water, and the skeins of thread are steeped in the liquid. The colour is permanent. The red dye is obtained from the mixture of the dry bark of two shrubs, _ka lapyndong_ (_symplocos racemosa_, Roxb.), and _ka ‘larnong_ (_morinda-tinctoria_, Roxb.), the latter being the same as the Assamese (aacukaa.th) _achukath_. The bark is dried, then pounded, and the two sorts are mixed together and made into a paste with hot water. The skeins are steeped in this mixture for twenty-four hours, then taken out and divided, and again steeped for another twenty-four hours. The Lalungs and Bhois and Lynngams all weave cotton cloths, which are generally dyed blue, sometimes striped blue and red. The Wars weave cotton cloths which are dyed red and yellow, the cloths being woven in checks. Mr. Darrah remarks that the cotton grown in the Jaintia Hills is said to be the best cotton produced in the province. Its thread can be more closely woven than that of other kinds. This statement, however, is not borne out by Mr. Allen, writing in 1858, who says that the cotton is of inferior quality, the staple being short and woolly. The cotton cloths woven by the Bhois are called _spua_.
Pottery.
The Census Report of 1901 gave the number of persons who are supported by the manufacture of pottery at 54 only. Pottery is manufactured at one place only in the Jaintia Hills, Larnai. The Larnai potters make many of the earthen pots to be found in the Khasi houses called _khiew ranei_, or sometimes _khiew Larnai_. Mr. Gait says, “These potters use two kinds of clay mixed; one is of a dark blue colour, _’dew-iong_, and the other of a greyish colour, _’dew khluid_. These clays seem to correspond closely with the _kumar mati_ and _hira mati_ of the Brahmaputra Valley.”
The clay at Larnai is well beaten out upon a hide, or upon a flat disc of wood; the women fashion the pots by hand, they do not use the potter’s wheel. The pots are sun-dried and then fired. They are painted black with an infusion of a bark called _sohliya_. The Larnai potters also make flower-pots which are sold in Shillong at from 2 annas to 4 annas each, the price of the ordinary pot or _khiew ranei_ varying from 2 pice to 4 annas each. A water-pot (_khiew um_) is also fashioned, which is sometimes used in the manufacture of liquor, price 4 annas to 6 annas each.
CHAPTER III
Laws and Customs
Tribal Organization.
The inhabitants of the Khasi and Jaintia Hills may be said to be divided into the following sections:–Khasi, Synteng or Pnar, War, Bhoi, and Lynngam. These divisions represent collections of people inhabiting several tracts of country and speaking dialects which, although often deriving their origin from the Khasi roots, are frequently so dissimilar to the standard language as to be almost unrecognizable. The above sections may be sub-divided as follows:–The Khasis into the inhabitants of the central high plateau, Cherra and Nongstoin, Maharam, Mario, Nongkhlaw, and the neighbouring Siemships. The Syntengs or Pnars may be divided as follows:–Into Syntengs proper, Nongtungs and Kharwangs; the Wars into War proper, and War Pnar; the Bhois into Jinthongs, Mynris, Ryngkhongs, and the Khasi-Bhois, i.e. Khasis who inhabit the low country to the north of the district, which is called generally the “Bhoi.” The Lynngams are a separate division. They must not be confused with the Dkos or Hanas who are Garos. It must, however, be remembered that the Jinthong, Mynri, and Ryngkhong Sub-divisions of the Bhoi division are not Khasi, but Mikir, i.e. they belong to the Bodo or Bara group. The Lynngams are half Khasis and half Garos, and the Dkos or Hanas are Garos who observe the Khasi custom of erecting memorial stones. The above tribes and sub-tribes are not strictly endogamous, nor are they strictly exogamous, but they are more endogamous than exogamous; for instance, Syntengs more often marry Syntengs than Khasis, and _vice versa_, and it would be usually considered derogatory for a Khasi of the Uplands to marry a Bhoi or War woman, and a disgrace to marry a Lynngam. These divisions are subdivided into a number of septs, taking Mr. Risley’s definition of “sept” as being the largest exogamous division of the tribe. It will, however, be more convenient to speak of these septs as “clans,” the word “clan” having been used in other parts of this Monograph and by other writers.
Many of the clans trace their descent from ancestresses or _kiaw_ (grandmothers), who are styled _ki Iawbei-Tynrai_, lit. grandmothers of the root (i.e. the root of the tree of the clan). In some of the clans, the name of this ancestress survives; take as instances the Mylliem-ngap and Mylliem-pdah clans of the Khyrim State, the names of the ancestresses of the clans being _ka ngap_ (honey, i.e. the sweet one), and _ka pdah_ respectively. This tribal ancestress, as will be seen in the paragraph of the monograph dealing with ancestor-worship, is greatly reverenced, in fact, she may almost be said to be deified. The descendants of one ancestress of the clan, _Ka Iawbei Tynrai_, are called _shi kur_ or one clan. We then come to the division of the _kpoh_ or sub-clan, all the descendants of one great grandmother (_ka Iawbei Tymmen_), being styled _shi kpoh_. The next division is the _iing_ (lit. house) or family. It is almost invariably the case that the grandmother, her daughters and the daughter’s children, live together under one roof, the grandmother during her life-time being the head of the house. The grandmother is styled _ka Iawbei Khynraw_, or the young grandmother, to distinguish her from the other two grandmothers, _ka Iawbei-tynrai_ and _ka Iawbei-tymmen_ who have been mentioned above. The young grandmother, her daughters and their children are said to belong to _shi iing_, one house, the word _iing_ in this instance possessing amongst the Khasis the same significance as the English word _family_.
We will now see how the Khasi clan (_kur_ or _jaid_) grew out of the Khasi family (_iing_). Let us take the example of the great Diengdoh clan of Cherra. Disregarding the myth that the Diengdohs are descended from a mermaid, it may be stated that there seems to be a fairly general belief amongst the Diengdohs that their first ancestress or _kiaw_ came from the country beyond the Kopili river (some go so far as to say that she came from the Assam Valley), to the Jaintia Hills, where she found a husband. Legend relates that it was one of the peculiarities of this woman that she was able to accommodate herself in an earthen jar or _lalu_, which fact gave rise to the name _Lalu_ by which she and her children were called by the Syntengs. The family prospered during the time when a powerful chief of the Malngiang clan held sway in the Jaintia Hills. On the death of this king a civil war arose, and the _Lalu_ family, together with many others, beat a retreat across the river Kopili. Here they lived in prosperity for some generations until a plague arose and carried off the whole family except one female, called _Ka Iaw-Iaw_, who became the sole owner of the family wealth. Many desired to marry her for her possessions, and it was owing to their importunities that she fled to Jowai to the house of a _lyngdoh_ or priest. The _lyngdoh_, under pressure from his wife, tried to sell Ka Iaw-Iaw as a slave, but no one would offer more than 20 _cowries_ for her (_shi-bdi_); this decided the _lyngdoh_ to keep her. Out of gratitude for this kindness, Ka Iaw-Iaw brought her wealth from beyond the Kopili to the _lyngdoh’s_ house, when the son of the _lyngdoh_ was given her in marriage. They lived happily for some time, when some adventurers from beyond the Kopili came to Jowai with the intention of carrying off this rich bride. The _lyngdoh_, however, received warning of their intent, arranged for the escape of Ka Iaw-Iaw, and they fled to Sohphohkynrum, a place near Nongkrem in the Khasi Hills, where she established a village. Here Ka Iaw-Iaw was called _Ka Iaw-shibdi_, because she paid every man who was engaged by her in founding a market there 20 cowries (_shi-bdi_) per day for their labours. Here also she is credited with having first introduced the art of smelting iron, and she is said to have made various iron implements which she exported to the plains. She is also said to have kept a huge herd of pigs which she fed in a large trough hollowed out of a _diengdoh_ tree; it is to this fact that the Diengdoh clan owes its name. After _Ka Iaw-shibdi_ and her children had lived for some years in prosperity at Sohphohkynrum, they were attacked by the Swarga Raja (the Ahom King), U long Raja (probably the Raja of Jaintia), and the Assamese Barphukan. They fled to a place called Lyndiangumthli, near Lyngkyrdem. Finding this place unsuitable as a home, the family split up into four divisions. One division returned to Jowai, where it increased and multiplied and afterwards grew into the Lalu clan, another went to Nongkhlaw and became the Diengdoh Kylla clan; another went to Mawiong and formed what is now known as the Pariong clan; the fourth, after some vicissitudes of fortune, went to Rangjyrteh and Cherra, at which place it established the powerful Diengdohbah clan, and became afterwards one of the chief _mantri_ or minister clans of this state. I have quoted the history of the origin of the Diengdoh clan at some length, to show what I consider to be an example of the Khasi conceptions of how the clan was formed, i.e. from a common ancestress, all of the clans having traditions more or less of descent from some particular _Kiaw_ or ancestress. This story moreover is remarkable as pointing to a Khasi migration from beyond the Kopili river to their present abode. The clans of the present day are nothing more or less than overgrown families, they are bound together by the religious tie of ancestor-worship in common, and of a common tribal sepulchre, except in cases of clans which have, owing to their size, spit up into several sub-divisions, like the Diengdoh clan; such sub-divisions possessing their own cromlechs. Ancestor-worship in common and tribal sepulchres in common seem to indicate that the original unit was the family and not the tribe, for there would be no reason for the members of a clan to worship the same household gods and to deposit the remains of the clan members in the same tomb unless there was some strong tie, such as that of consanguinity, binding them together. It has been already mentioned that each of these clans is strictly exogamous; this again supports the family origin theory. A Khasi can commit no greater sin than to marry within the tribe. Some of the clans are prohibited moreover from intermarriage with other clans, because of such clans being of common descent. If the titles (see Appendix) are carefully examined, it will be seen that some of them bear the names of animals, such as the _Shrieh_ or monkey clan, the _Tham_ or crab clan, or of trees, such as the Diengdoh clan (already referred to). The members of these clans do not apparently regard the animals or natural objects, from which they derive their names, as totems, inasmuch as they do not abstain from killing, eating or utilizing them. The names of these objects are connected generally with some story, concerning the history of the clan, but there is no evidence to show that the clans-folk ever regarded the above animals or objects as their tribal totems. If the lists of the Khyrim and Cherra clans are examined, it will be seen what a large number bear the name of _Dkhar_ or its abbreviation _’Khar_. The word _dkhar_ is that applied by a Khasi to an inhabitant of the plains. We come across names such as _’khar-mukhi, khar sowali_, the first word being an abbreviation of _dkhar_, and _mukhi_ being the common Bengali name which occurs in Chandra Mukhi, Surjya Mukhi, &c. Sowali (_chowali_) is the common Assamese word for a girl. The ancestresses of these tribes were plains women, carried off, no doubt, in the raids made by the Khasis over the border into Assam and Sylhet. The word _Jong_ in the list of tribes is a Synteng synonym of _kur_ or _jaid_, and the War word _khong_, which will often be found in the names of the tribes of the twenty-five villages of the Khyrim State, is merely a corruption of _jong_ or _iong_, the Synteng word for clan. Let us now see how the State or Khasi Siemship was formed out of a collection of these clans, how these clans obtained political powers, how some clans became more powerful than others, and how a Khasi King or Siem is appointed.
State Organization.
We have studied in the preceding chapter the formation of the clan from the family, and how the former established villages. Let us now turn to the constitution of the Khasi State, which, it will be seen, has been formed, in more than one instance, by the voluntary association of villages, or groups of villages. The head of the Khasi State is the Siem or chief. A Khasi state is a limited monarchy, the Siem’s powers being much circumscribed. According to custom, he can perform no act of any importance without first consulting and obtaining the approval of his durbar, upon which the state _mantris_ sit. This durbar must not be confused with the electoral durbar which will be referred to later. It is an executive council over which the Siem presides, and also possesses judicial powers (for a description of a judicial durbar, see page 91 of the monograph). The form of summons to appear before this durbar used to be a knotted piece of string or cane, the number of knots denoting the degrees of urgency of the summons, not a piece of pork, as one writer has said. Pork is a luxury which is not usually distributed gratis. The Siem manages the State business through his _mantris_, although it is true that in some States the members of the Siem family have been allowed a considerable share of the State management. This latter arrangement is, however, a departure from the ordinary rule in the Siemships, and is regarded as unconstitutional. In some States there are village headmen, styled Sirdars, who settle cases, collect labour, and assess and receive for the chief the _pynsuk_, which may be literally translated as “gratification.” In Nongstoin there is an official styled _lyngskor_, who is the superior of a number of village sirdars, and who acts as the Siem’s deputy-governor. In the Khasi Hills there is no land revenue, nor are there any tithes or other imposts levied upon the cultivator’s produce. The land, to a great extent, is the property of the different clans and villages, although in some instances there are estates owned by private persons. The chief is entitled to receive the income that arises from what are known as the _raj_ or State lands only. All that the Siem usually receives from his people in the way of direct revenue is the State subscription, or _pynsuk_, mentioned above. Even this is supposed to be a voluntary contribution, and it is not demanded in some States. This tax is nominally a collection to meet the expenses of the State ceremonies, but is really a means of increasing the chief’s private income. The contribution varies in amount according to the means of the villagers. The Siem’s principal source of income, however, in all the Khasi States is the toll (_khrong_), which he takes from those who sell at the markets in his territory. As the Khasis are great traders these tolls are often at the larger markets fairly valuable. The chief raises no excise revenue, the manufacture of both fermented and distilled liquor being subject to no fiscal restrictions whatsoever. In a few States the Siems are commencing to levy registration fees, but the amounts are insignificant. Judicial fines are divided between the chief and the members of the durbar. In some States the Siems’ incomes amount to a few hundreds a year only. Generally speaking, the Khasi chiefs are necessarily a very impecunious set of persons, and many of them are indebted to, comparatively speaking, large amounts. The Siem is appointed from the Siem family, there being such a family in each of the fifteen Khasi States. The most important States are Khyrim, Mylliem, Cherra, Nongstoin, and Nongkhlaw. There are a few other petty States presided over by Lyngdohs, Sirdars, or Wahadadars. A fact which is of universal application is, that heirship to the Siemship lies through the female side. The customary line of succession is uniform in all cases, except in Khyrim, save that in some instances cousins rank with brothers, or are preferred to grand-nephews, instead of being postponed to them. The difference between the rule of succession and the rule of inheritance to real property should be noted. In the former case the sons of the eldest uterine sister inherit in order of priority of birth, although it is true that this rule has sometimes been disregarded. In cases of succession to realty, however, the inheritance goes to the youngest daughter of the deceased’s mother, and after her to her youngest daughter. In successions to the Siemships, in the absence of male heirs from the eldest sister, the succession passes, by what has been aptly described as the “knight’s move,” to the male children of the next eldest sister. In Khyrim the custom of succession is peculiar, there being a High Priestess, and heirship being limited to her male relatives. Generally speaking, it would appear that succession was originally controlled by a small electoral body constituted of the heads (_lyngdohs_), of certain priestly clans, who, it is presumed, exercised their authority to reject candidates, when necessary, mainly on religious grounds. There has, however, been a distinct tendency towards the broadening of the elective basic. In the large State of Khyrim the number of the electoral body has been greatly increased by the inclusion of the representative headmen of certain dominant but non-priestly clans (_mantris_). In other States the Council has been widened by the addition to it of village headmen (_sirdars_), or the chief superintendents (_basans_) of the village markets, tolls from which constitute the chief item in the public receipts of these States. A further step towards the recognition of the public will in the nomination of a Siem has been the introduction of popular elections, at which all the adult males vote. Such popular elections were very greatly due to the views held by Colonel Bivar who was Deputy-Commissioner of the Khasi and Jaintia Hills from 1865 to 1877. These elections have been, in many States, an innovation which is hardly in accord with public sentiment, and in many cases the voters have done no more than confirm the selection of a special electoral body. It is, however, clear that the idea of popular elections is not one with which the people are unfamiliar, e.g. in Langrim State, where all the adult males customarily vote at an election of a Siem. Popular election has also customary in the Nobosohpoh and Bhowal States, in cases where a special electoral body has been unable to agree upon a nomination, and also in Nongspung, if a Council of five _lyngdohs_, which has in this State authority to declare who is the rightful heir, but not to disqualify him, cannot come to an unanimous decision. The Siems are appointed by an assembly, or _durbar_, which will be described later. The chiefs, having been thus chosen by the _durbar_, which is supposed by the people to be an institution of Divine origin, are styled, _ki Siem u blei_, or Siems of God. In most States the Siem is the religious as well as the secular head, e.g. in the Cherra State, where the Siem is also _lyngdoh_. In Khyrim State the Siem has sacerdotal duties to perform at different religious ceremonies, especially at the time of the annual Nongkrem dance. It is the custom for the Siem to consult the auspices with the soothsayers for the good of the State. The Siem in matters judicial acts as a judge, the whole body of the _durbar_ being the jury. In olden days the Siem marched to war at the head of his army. It is not customary to recognize an heir-apparent, and the young men of the Siem family pursue the ordinary avocations of a Khasi, not comporting themselves in the least like scions of royalty. In quite recent years there have been instances of Siems having been summoned, like the Roman Cincinnatus, from quite humble positions, to undertake the duties of chief. We will now turn to an examination of the systems in the different Siemships. In the Kyrim or Nongkrem State there is a spiritual head, i.e. a High Priestess, _Ka Siem Sad_, who is responsible for the due performance of the State religious ceremonies, although, as already stated, the Siem also performs some of these duties. The temporal power here is delegated by the High Priestess to a Siem, who is her son or her nephew, or occasionally some more distant male descendant. It is the duty of an official called a _lyngskor_, who is the official spokesman of the Siem’s _durbar_, to propose a new Siem to the six _lyngdohs_, or priests, and to the heads of the twenty-four _mantri_ clans. The latter then decide in _durbar_ whether the proposed Siem should be appointed. In the event of their disapproving of the _lyngskor’s_ nominations they proceed to elect another Siem. The High Priestess is appointed by the above electors, the order of succession to the post wing as follows:–She is succeeded by her eldest surviving daughter; failing daughters, by the eldest daughter of her eldest daughter; failing daughters of her eldest daughter; by the eldest daughter of her second daughter, and so on. If there are no daughters or grand-daughters, as above, she is succeeded by her eldest sister. In the absence of sisters, she is succeeded by the eldest daughter of her mother’s eldest sister, and so on. In this State the tradition runs that the first High Priestess was Ka Pah Syntiew, i.e. the flower-lured one. Ka Pah Syntiew was a beautiful maiden who had as her abode a cave at Marai, near Nongkrem, whence she was enticed by a man of the Mylliem-ngap clan by means of a flower. She was taken by him to be his bride, and she became not only the first High Priestess, but also the mother of the Siems of Nongkrem. [20] In Nongkrem the electors may disqualify the first, or any, heir to the Siemship for sufficient reason according to the Khasi religion and custom, such as bad character, physical disability, change of religion, etc. If the first heir be disqualified, the next in order must be appointed Siem, unless he be disqualified, and so on. In this State there are six divisions, each of which is known as a _raj_. In each _raj_ there is a _durbar_, to which are submitted for approval the elections of the heads of the _mantri_ clans. These elections are subject to the approval of the Siem. The Siem, sitting with the _durbar_ of the _raj_ concerned, may dismiss a _lyngdoh, lyngskor_, or _mantri_, for bad conduct, or on account of physical disability, in which case another _lyngdoh_, _lyngskor_, or _mantri_ would be appointed, as stated above. The Mylliem State originally formed a portion of the Nongkrem State, but owing to a quarrel between one of the Siems and his nephew there was a partition. In this State the electors are the heads of five _mantri_ clans, eleven _matabors_, or heads of clans, and certain _basans_, and other heads of clans. A majority of the electors is sufficient for the election of a Siem. A Siem is succeeded by the eldest of his uterine brothers; failing such brothers, by the eldest of his sisters’ sons; failing such nephews, by the eldest of the sons of his sisters daughters; failing such grandnephews, by the eldest of the sons of his mother’s sisters; and, failing such first cousins, by the eldest of his male cousins on the female side, other than first cousins, those nearest in degree of relationship having prior claim. If there were no heirs male, as above, he would be succeeded by the eldest of his uterine sisters; in the absence of such sisters, by the eldest of his sisters’ daughters: failing such nieces, by the eldest of the daughters of his sisters’ daughters; failing such grand-nieces, by the eldest of the daughters of his mother’s sisters; and failing such first cousins, by the eldest of his female cousins on the female side, other than first cousins, those nearest in degree of relationship having prior claim. A female Siem would be succeeded by her eldest son, and so on. As in the Khyrim State, the first, or any other subsequent heir, may be disqualified by the electors for sufficient reason. An elector is succeeded by the eldest of his brothers; failing brothers, by the eldest of the sons of his sisters, and so on. An elector can be dismissed by the Siem, but only for good cause and with the consent of his _durbar_.
In the Nongstoin State there is a tradition that the first Siem originally came from Simsong [21] Durgapur. The name, Sushong Durgapur, of the place at the foot of the Garo Hills in the Mymensing district, may be a corruption of the former. The Siems are supposed to be descended from a stag, possibly a relic of totemism in this family. In this State there is a large electoral durbar consisting of 2 _mantris_, 31 _lyngdohs_, 25 _sirdars_, 1 _lyngskor_, and 1 _basan_. The _lyndohs_ are the heads of the priestly clans, by whom they are chosen. The sirdars of villages are appointed by the Siem in conjunction with the adult males of the different villages. There are two _lyngskors_ and two _basans_ in the State, but one _lyngskor_ and one _basan_ only at present are members of the durbar which nominates the Siem. A _lyngskor_ is the Siem’s agent for the purpose of governing a collection of villages. He is appointed by the Siem with the consent of the adult males of the villages which he is to supervise. The Siem family of Nongkhlaw, or Khadsawphra, is believed to have been founded by a Synteng of the name of U Shajer, who left the Jowai hills with his sister, Ka Shaphlong, because she had failed to obtain her share of the family property in Jaintia. This man is said to have purchased certain lands in Bardwar in Kamrup. Apparently he did not obtain possession of this estate, for he came up into the Khasi Hills, and finding there certain villages without a ruler, he, at the wish of the _lyngdohs_ of these villages, consolidated them into a state over which he ruled as a Siem. He was succeeded by his sister’s son, U Syntiew who further extended his territories until he obtained possession of other villages. U Syntiew is said to have delegated a portion of his powers to his two sisters, Ka Jem and Ka Sanglar, who ruled at Sohiong and Nongkhlaw respectively. Succeeding rulers further extended the Nongkhlaw territory. In 1829, U Tirut Singh rebelled against the East India Company and carried on for four years a successful guerilla warfare. He was finally captured, and was imprisoned for life by the British Government. According to the statement of Raja Kine Singh, it would seem that formerly the heads of five clans had the right to appoint the Siem, i.e. the heads of 3 _lyngdoh_ clans and of the Jaid Dykhar, and Diengdoh clans. In the Cherra State the electors are the male adults of the State, who are represented on the State durbar by the _mantris_ of the 12 aristocratic clans, known as the _khadar kur_, and certain representative elders. This State is divided for electoral purposes into the following divisions:–
I. Cherra, or Sohra, consisting of 8 villages, inclusive of Cherra, which is the capital. These villages return the heads of the 12 tribes, as well as 5 elders, as their representativee on the electoral durbar.
II. The “five” villages, or 5 tribes. This division now consists of 17 villages, which return 5 representative elders.
III. The “twelve” villages, comprising now 38 villages, which return 12 representative elders.
IV. The “four” villages, comprising now 5 villages, which return 4 elders.
V. The “sixteen” villages, which return 6 representative elders.
VI. Three villages, which return 3 and 4 sirdars and 2 elders respectively.
In this State it is the custom for a Siem to cremate the body of his predecessor. Unless he performs the cremation ceremony, he is not considered to be Siem according to the Khasi religion. U Hajon Manik Siem failed to cremate the body of his predecessor, U Ram Singh whose remains still repose in a wooden coffin which is kept in the house of the Siem family. The remains of Siems in this state are preserved by a peculiar process of embalming which will be found described elsewhere in this monograph. U Hajan Manik died not long ago, and his body also is awaiting cremation. U Ram Singh’s remains, however, have been awaiting the funeral pyre for more than thirty years; but arrangements are being made by the present Siam U Roba Singh for the cremation ceremony. The cremation of Siems in the state is attended by a very great deal of expense, a large amount of money being spent on the feasting which then takes place. The Maharam State was ruled until 1875 by two Siems, called, respectively, the “white” and the “black” Siems. In this State originally there were five _lyngdohs_ who appointed the Siems, but as in certain other States the number of the electors has been expanded by the inclusion of _mantris_, _sirdars_, and _basans_. The electors now number seventy-two persons. There is much the same state of things in the Mariaw Siemship as regards the electorate. In Rambrai, on a vacancy occurring in the Siemship, three _lyngdohs_ and two _mantris_ assemble and decide who is to be Siem. They then summon the sirdars of villages to meet them in _durbar_ and obtain the approval of the latter to their nomination. If the sirdars do not approve, the combined durbar than decides who is to become Siem. In Nongspung there is a tradition that two sisters, Ka Jah and Ka Jem, came to the village of Nongspung, which was then ruled by two _lyngdohs_, and that the latter, having ascertained that the two sisters were of royal birth, married them. They then travelled to other villages and obtained the consent of the _lyngdohs_ of these villages to the formation of all their villages into a State, of which Nongspung became the capital, and over which U Sngi Shaflong, the son of Ka Jem, was appointed Siem by the five principal _lyngdohs_. After some generations the lyngdoh of Mairang with his villages became subject to the Siem of Nongkhlaw, an event which finds mention in the annals of the Nongkhlaw State as the conquest of the territory of the “Black” Siem of Nongspung. Another _lyngdoh_ was appointed in place of the one whose territory had been thus annexed.
In the Mawiong State the ancient custom was that six _basans_ appointed the Siem, subject to the approval of the people of the Siemship. In the Nobosohpoh State there are two Siem families, the “Black” and the “White” from either of which it has apparently been the custom for the people to select a Siem, as they wished. In Mawsynram the electors of the Siem are the heads of the four principal clans in the State. On a recent occasion, the electors being equally divided regarding the appointment of a Siem, it was necessary to appeal to the people of the State. In Langrin there are, as in Maharam and Nobosohpoh, two main branches of the Siem family, i.e. the “Black” and the “White” Siems. Here there is no special electoral body; all the adults of the state have the right to vote at the election of a Siem. In Bhawal State Siems are appointed by the heads of eight clans whose decision is apparently final, provided that it is unanimous. In Malai-Sohmat a bare majority of the heads of six clans would be sufficient for the election of a Siem. Presumably both in Bhawal and Malai-Sohmat, if the electors were equally divided, there would be an appeal to the people. Mention has been made above of States over which _lyngdohs_ possess temporal as well as spiritual powers. The States of Sobiong, Mawphlang, and Lyniong may be quoted as examples. Here the _lyngdoh_ is elected from the _lyngdoh_ clan by all the adult males of the state. Some small States, such as Maodon and Pomsanngut, are presided over by Sirdars, a name which has probably been introduced during the British era of supremacy in these hills. The Sirdar is elected by the adult males of the State. In Mawlong there are a Sirdar, a _lyngdoh_, and a _doloi_ who govern the State. These two latter officials are elected by the people as in the case of Sirdars. In the Shella Confederacy there are four officials who are styled _Wahadadars_, the name being probably a corruption of the Persian _’uhda-dar_. [22] These officials are elected for periods of three years each by the people.
The Jaintia Hills, which are British territory, are divided up into twenty doloiships, the doloi being an officer elected by the people, the Government reserving the right of approval or the reverse to the doloi’s appointment. The dolois, under the rules for the administration of justice in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills, as well as the Sirdars of the British villages in the Khasi Hills, possess certain judicial powers. They are assisted by officials known as _pators, basans_, and _sangots_ in the performance of their duties. This administration, on the whole, works well, and its success shows the wisdom of the Government in having made use of the indigenous agency it found to hand when the Jaintia territory was annexed. In the Jaintia Hills there are also three Sirdarships, the office being filled by election as in the case of dolois.
In conclusion it should be stated that it has been attempted here to give but a brief _resume_ of the Khasi political system as it exists at the present time. The above account of the procedure at elections is based on existing usage. The procedure should not, however, be regarded as stereotyped, for it will no doubt be open to such revision as may on occasion be suggested by the legitimate evolution of tribal customs.
Marriage.
It is proposed in this section to consider marriage from its social side, the religious aspect thereof being reserved for another paragraph. The most remarkable feature of the Khasi marriage is that it is usual for the husband to live with his wife in his mother-in-law’s house, and not for him to take his bride home, as is the case in other communities. This arrangement amongst the Khasis is no doubt due to the prevalence of the matriarchate. As long as the wife lives in her mother’s house, all her earnings go to her mother, who expends them on the maintenance of the family. Amongst the Khasis, after one or two children are born, and if a married couple get on well together, the husband frequently removes his wife and family to a house of his own, and from the time the wife leaves her mother’s house she and her husband pool their earnings, which are expended for the support of the family. Amongst the Syntengs, however, and the people of Maoshai, the case is different, for with them the husband does not go and live in his mother-in-law’s house, he only visits her there. In Jowai some people admitted to me that the husband came to his mother-in-law’s house only after dark, and that he did not eat, smoke, or even partake of betel-nut there, the idea being that because none of his earnings go to support this house, therefore it is not etiquette for him to partake of food or other refreshment there. If a Synteng house is visited, it is unusual to find the husbands of any of the married daughters there, although the sons of the family may be seen in the house when they have returned from work. Generally in the day-time you will find in a Synteng dwelling an old crone, who is the grandmother, or even the great-grandmother, of the family, also grandchildren or great-grandchildren; but the husbands of the married daughters are not there. The Syntengs seem to have more closely preserved the customs of the matriarchate than the Khasis, and the Syntengs claim that their _niam_ or religious ceremonies are purer, i.e. that they more closely correspond to what they were in ancient times than those of the Khasis. Amongst the Syntengs, occasionally, a widow is allowed to keep her husband’s bones after his death, on condition that she does not remarry; the idea being that as long as the bones remain in the widow’s keeping, the spirit of her husband is still with her. On this account many wives who revere their husband’s memories, and who do not contemplate remarriage, purposely keep the bones for a long time. If a widow marries, even after the customary taboo period of one year, whilst her deceased husband’s bones are still in her keeping, she is generally looked down upon. Her children in such a case perform the ceremony of handing over the bones of their father to his clan in a building specially erected for the purpose. The widow cannot enter therein, or even go near it, whilst the ceremony is proceeding, no matter whether the _jing sang_, or the price for removing the taboo after a husband’s death, has been paid to the husband’s clan or not. There is no evidence to show that polyandry ever existed amongst the Khasis. Unlike the Thibetans, the Khasi women seem to have contented themselves always with one husband, at any rate with one at a time. Certainly at the present day they are monandrists. Polygamy does not exist amongst the Khasis; such a practice would naturally not be in vogue amongst a people who observe the matriarchate. There are instances, however, of men having wives other than those they have regularly married, and in the War country children by such wives enjoy rights to their father’s acquired property equally with the children by the legally married wife. As the clans are strictly exogamous, a Khasi cannot take a wife from his own clan; to do this would entail the most disastrous religious, as well as social consequences. For to marry within the clan is the greatest sin a Khasi can commit, and would cause excommunication by his kinsfolk and the refusal of funeral ceremonies at death, and his bones would not be allowed a resting-place in the sepulchre of the clan. To give a list of all the Khasi exogamous clans would perhaps serve no useful purpose, but I have prepared from information, kindly furnished me by the Siems of Khyrim and Cherrapunji, a list of the clans in those States which will be found in Appendices A and B. These will suffice as examples. It will be seen from the Cherra list that the different divisions of the Diengdoh clan, viz. Lalu, Diengdoh-bah, Diengdoh-kylla, are prohibited from intermarriage; this is due to those branches of the clan being descended from a common ancestress. There are other instances of clans being connected with one another, such connection being called by the Khasis _iateh kur_. Whenever such connection exists, intermarriage is strictly prohibited, and is considered to be _sang_. There is no custom of hypergamy. A Khasi cannot marry his maternal uncle’s daughter during the lifetime of the maternal uncle. This is probably due to the fact that the maternal uncle, or _kni_, in a Khasi household is regarded more in the light of a father than of an uncle. His children, however, would belong to the clan of his wife, and there would, therefore, in ordinary cases be no bar to the nephew marrying one of them. Marriage with the daughters of a father’s sister is not allowed during the lifetime of the father, but after the latter’s death there is no religious ban, although such unions are looked upon with disfavour by the Khasis. In the War country, however, such marriages are totally prohibited. A Khasi cannot marry two sisters, but he can marry his deceased wife’s sister after the expiry of one year from the wife’s death, on payment of _jing sang_ (price of _sang_, or taboo) to the wife’s clan. A Khasi cannot marry the daughter of his father’s brother, she is his _para kha_ (lit. birth sister). Similarly he cannot marry the daughter of his father’s paternal uncle. He can, however, marry the daughter of his mother’s brother, provided that the brother is dead. This somewhat paradoxical state of affairs is explained by the fact that the children of the mother’s brother belong to a different clan to that of the mother, i.e. to the mother’s brother’s wife’s clan. The Khasi, Synteng, War, and Lynngam divisions are not strictly endogamous groups, and there is nothing to prevent intermarriage between them. For instance, it has been the custom in the Nongkhlaw Siem family to obtain husbands for the princesses of the state from the War country. There is no custom amongst the Khasis of two men exchanging daughters, i.e. each marrying his son to the other’s daughter. Notwithstanding the existence of the matriarchate, and the fact that all ancestral property is vested in the mother, it would be a mistake to suppose that the father is a nobody in the Khasi house. It is true that the _kni_, or mother’s elder brother, is the head of the house, but the father is the executive head of the new home, where, after children have been born to him, his wife and children live with him. It is he who faces the dangers of the jungles, and risks his life for wife and children. In his wife’s clan he occupies a very high place, he is second to none but _u kni_, the maternal uncle, while in his own family circle a father and husband is nearer to his children and his wife than _u kni_. The Khasi saying is, “_u kpa uba lah ban iai, u kni uba tang ha ka iap ka im_,” which may be translated freely as, “the father bears the heat and burden of the day, the maternal uncle only comes when it is a question of life or death.” The Khasi father is revered not only when living, but also after death as _U Thawlang_, and special ceremonies are performed to propitiate his shade. Further remarks on the subject of marriage will be found in the Section which deals with religion.
Divorce.
Divorce amongst the Khasis is common, and may occur for a variety of reasons, such as adultery, barrenness, incompatibility of temperament, &c. The rule amongst the Khasis is that both parties must agree, but amongst the Wars, especially the people of Shella, the party who divorces the other without his or her consent must pay compensation, which is called _ka mynrain_, or _ka thnem_. Amongst the Khasis it is not the custom to enforce restitution of conjugal rights; as a rule, when husband and wife cannot live together amicably, they agree to divorce one another; but occasionally it happens that either the husband or the wife will not agree to a divorce. Usually the husband would be willing to live with his wife; but when the latter consents neither to live with her husband nor to accept a divorce, a difficult situation arises, and it is in the event of such a contingency happening that the necessity of assessing _ka mynrain_, or _ka thnem_ (compensation), occurs. The latter is computed by the village elders. Parties who have been divorced cannot afterwards remarry one another, but they are at liberty to marry into other families. A woman cannot be divorced during pregnancy. The following description of the divorce ceremony is taken from U Jeebon Roy’s note on the Khasi religion. If the marriage has been celebrated according to the _pynhiar synjat_ rite, a _ksiang_ (go-between) is necessary on each side, also the _kni_, or maternal uncles of the parties, to witness the divorce. In other cases the presence of the _ksiang_ is unnecessary, but some acquaintances and friends as well as the relatives on both sides should witness the ceremony. The husband and the wife each bring five cowries (_sbai_), or, more commonly nowadays, five pice. The wife gives her five cowries or pice to her husband, who places them with his, and then returns the five cowries or coins to his wife, together with his own five. The wife then returns the ten shells or coins to the husband who throws them on the ground. A crier (_u nong pyria shnong_) then goes round the village to proclaim the divorce, using the following words:–“Kaw–hear, oh villagers, that U—-, and K—- have become separated in the presence of the elders. Hei: thou, oh, young man, canst go and make love to Ka—- for she is now unmarried (_khynraw_), and thou, oh, spinster, canst make love to U—-. Hei! there is no let or hindrance from henceforth.” Among the Khasis divorce must be by mutual consent, and the ceremony must take place in the open air. Until the divorce ceremony has been performed as above described, neither husband nor wife can marry again, but after it has taken place, either can remarry, but not within the family of the divorced husband or wife. In the event of a husband or wife being absent for a long period, say ten years, without any communication having been received from either of them, a divorce ceremony is performed by the relatives on his or her behalf. It is stated by U Jeebon Roy [23] that the rule of monogamy is not so strict for the husband as it is for the wife, he can contract an informal alliance with another woman, the only prohibition being that she must not belong to the original wife’s village. Such a wife is called _ka tynga tuk_, literally, stolen wife, in contradistinction to the legally married wife (_ka tynga trai_). The children by the unmarried wife are called _ki khum kliar_ (children from the top). By children from the top, is understood to mean children from the branches not from the root (_trai_) of the tree. Such children cannot claim ancestral property, except in the War country. In the event of a divorce the mother is always allowed the custody of the children. Divorces amongst both Khasis and Syntengs are of common occurrence, the result being that the children in many cases are ignorant of even the names of their fathers. For the mother, on the other hand, the children cherish a very strong affection, all their sympathies and affections binding them closely to the mother’s kin. Divorce amongst the Syntengs, though resting on the same principle as that of the Khasis, differs in detail, and must be described separately. It is as follows:–In the first place it is not necessary for both husband and wife to be consenting parties, as is the case with the Khasis. In the Nongkhlih doloiship divorce takes place before the relatives of the parties. The man has to give eight annas as a sign of the divorce, and clothes worth Rs. 3/- or Rs. 5/- to the wife. There is a similar custom in the Suhtnga and Amwi doloiships. In the Jowai doloiship the divorce takes place in the presence of a village official called _U basan_. The husband or the wife gives the _basan_ an eight anna piece, the latter gives this either to the wife or to the husband, as the case may be. The _basan’s_ share of the eight annas is two pice, the remainder being spent on liquor. The _basan_ is entitled to a further fee of one anna from the man. If a wife does not agree to accept divorce, she is entitled to receive two pieces of cloth from the husband to the value of Rs. 3/-. This compensation is called _thnem_. The divorce then takes place. If a wife wishes to divorce her husband, and the latter is unwilling, before she can obtain divorce, she must pay _thnem_ to the value of the whole amount the husband has spent on her and her children during the marriage. Divorce customs in Nartiang and Nongjinghi doloiships are much the same, only the amounts tendered by the parties and that of compensation differing.
In conclusion it should be stated that the great drawback attaching to divorce in ordinary communities, i.e. the effect that it has on the lives of the children of the marriage, does not apply to the Khasis, for with them the children always live with their mother and their mother’s family, which latter would be bound to maintain them in the event of a divorce.
Inheritance.
The Khasi and Synteng laws of inheritance are practically the same, although in some of the doloiships in the Jaintia Hills there are some slight differences. The War law of inheritance differs greatly from that of the Khasis, and the customs of the Bhois or Mikirs, who inhabit the Bhoi doloiship of the Jaintia Hills, are totally different from those of the Khasis, thereby supplying another link in the chain of evidence in support of the conclusion that the Bhois, or, more correctly speaking, the Mikirs, are of Bodo origin, and not Khasi or Mon-Anam. The Lynngams follow the Khasi law of inheritance. It will be convenient to describe the Khasi law first, and then to pass on to the special customs in vogue in the different doloiships in the Jaintia Hills, and, finally, to describe the War, Bhoi and Lynngam customs.
The Khasi saying is, “_long jaid na loa kynthei_” (from the woman sprang the clan). The Khasis, when reckoning descent; count from the mother only; they speak of a family of brothers and sisters, who are the great grandchildren of one great grandmother, as _shi kpoh_, which, being literally translated, is one womb; i.e. the issue of one womb. The man is nobody. If he is a brother, _u kur_, a brother being taken to mean an uterine brother, or a cousin-german, he will be lost to the family or clan directly he marries. If he be a husband, he is looked upon merely as a _u shong kha_, a begetter. In some of the War villages a newly married man is spoken of by the bride’s family as, “_u khun ki briew_,” some one else’s son. It is, perhaps, somewhat of a paradox under the circumstances that wives should address their husbands as “_kynrad_,” or lord. There is, however, no gainsaying the fact that the husband, at least in theory, is a stranger in his wife’s home, and it is certain that he can take no part in the rites and ceremonies of his wife’s family, and that his ashes after death can find no place within the wife’s family tomb, except, in certain cases, amongst the Syntengs. Further, the ceremonial religion amongst Khasis, especially that of the home, is in the hands of the women. It is, therefore, perhaps not to be wondered at, considering the important status assigned to women by the Khasis, that women should inherit the property and not men. The rule amongst the Khasis is that the youngest daughter “holds” the religion, “_ka bat ka niam_.” Her house is called, “_ka iing seng_” and it is here that the members of the family assemble to witness her performance of the family ceremonies. Hers is, therefore, the largest share of the family property, because it is she whose duty it is to perform the family ceremonies, and propitiate the family ancestors. The other daughters, however, on their mother’s death are entitled, each of them; to a share of their mother’s property, although the youngest daughter gets the lion’s share, e.g. the family jewellery, and the family house, and the greater part of what it contains. The youngest daughter cannot dispose of the house without the unanimous consent of her sisters. If the youngest daughter dies, she is succeeded by the next youngest daughter, and so on. All the daughters are bound to repair the house of the youngest daughter free of cost. In the event of the youngest daughter changing her religion, or committing an act of _sang_, or taboo, she loses her position in the family, and is succeeded, by her next youngest sister, as in the case of a death. Failing daughters, inheritance would pass by the “knight’s move” to the sister’s youngest daughter, who would be succeeded by her youngest daughter, and so on. Failing sister’s daughters succession would revert to the mother’s sisters and their female descendants. In the Jaintia Hills the inheritance of all real property passes from mother to youngest daughter. No man in the uplands of the Jaintia Hills can possess landed property, unless it is self-acquired property. In the Jaintia Hills, if a man dies and leaves acquired property, his heir will be his mother, if alive, excluding wife, sons, and daughters. If the wife, however, undertakes not to re-marry, she will inherit half of her husband’s property, which at her death will descend to her youngest daughter by him.
Amongst Khasis all property which has been acquired by a man before marriage is considered to belong to his mother; indeed it may be said to belong to the man’s _kur_, or clan, such property being called by Khasis, “_ka mai iing kur_” (the earnings of the house of the clan). After marriage, if there are children, the case is different, provided that the property has been acquired by the man after marriage. Here the wife and children would inherit the acquired property, the youngest daughter obtaining the largest share of such property on the death of the wife. If there were no daughter, the acquired property would be equally divided amongst the sons.
The following examples of the Synteng law of inheritance are taken from the exhaustive diaries recorded by the late Mr. Heath, who was for some years Sub-Divisional Officer of Jowai. In the Nongkli doloiship ancestral land passes from mother to her youngest daughter; again, if a youngest daughter who has so acquired dies, the next youngest in point of age succeeds. Should such direct female succession fail, the family tree has to be looked up for the nearest branch, in which the youngest female, or her youngest female descendant, succeeds. Thus, respecting ancestral land, the youngest daughter, or youngest female descendant of youngest female heir, is virtually heir to entailed property. If a woman dies leaving acquired property, her youngest daughter or youngest granddaughter of that youngest daughter succeeds to all. In default, next youngest daughter, and so on. In default of daughters, the youngest son inherits. A man can hardly, in any circumstances, possess ancestral land; his property must almost necessarily be self-acquired. If a man dies leaving acquired property, his heir will be his mother, if alive, excluding wife, sons, and daughters. If the wife undertakes, however, not to marry again, she will get half, which will descend to her youngest daughter by her deceased husband. The mother, who thus gets the whole or half of her son’s property, leaves it to her youngest daughter, or youngest daughter of that daughter, and so on, as described above in the ease of a woman leaving ancestral or acquired property. If there is no mother, the man’s youngest sister stands next heir with the same right as her mother. If there is no mother or sister, then the sister’s female descendants stand in the man’s mother’s place. If there are none of these, then the man’s youngest daughter succeeds to all. Ancestral property cannot be alienated without the consent of all the heirs in the entail. A gift of self-acquired property to any amount can be made by a donor during his lifetime. Acquired property cannot, however, be left by will out of the course sanctioned by custom. In the Amwi doloiship a widow who consents to pay the costs of her husband’s funeral, provided she agrees not to re-marry, inherits half of her husband’s acquired property.
In the War country the children inherit both ancestral and acquired property in equal shares, both males and females, with the exception that the youngest daughter is given something in addition to her share, although not such a large share of the property as amongst the Khasis. Amongst the Mikir-Bhois, i.e. the Mikirs who inhabit the Bhoi doloiship of the Jaintia Hills, the law of inheritance is totally different from that of the Khasis, for males succeed to all property, whether ancestral or acquired. Thus, if a man dies, leaving son, mother, wife, and daughters, the son takes all. If there are several sons, they divide. If there are no sons, the property goes to the nearest male heir. If a woman dies, leaving husband and children, the husband takes all. If the husband is dead, and there are sons and daughters, the former inherit. The great difference in the custom of inheritance between Khasis and Bhois is, as I have already pointed out, part of the evidence that these people are of different origin.
The Lynngam law of inheritance is the same as that of the Khasis. The youngest daughter obtains the largest share of the ancestral property, the remainder being divided between the remaining daughters. The sons do not get any share. The rule is also said to apply with regard to acquired property.
Adoption.
Both Khasis and Syntengs observe a custom known as _’rap iing_ (an abbreviation for _ia rap iing_, literally, to help the house). This is practically adoption. If in a family the female members have died out, the male members of the family are allowed by custom to call (_khot_) a girl from some other family, to act as _ka’rap iing_, and to perform the family religious ceremonies, and therefore to inherit the family ancestral property. The female so introduced into the family then takes her place as _ka khun khadduh_, or youngest daughter, and becomes the head of the house (_ka trai iing_). The adoption of a female obviates the family dying out (_iap duh_), which to the Khasi is a very serious matter, inasmuch as there will then be no one qualified to place the bones of its members within the family tomb (_ka ba thep shieng mawbah_), and to perform the requisite funeral ceremonies. Amongst the Khasis no particular ceremonies are performed at the time of adoption; but some of the Syntengs observe a religious ceremony which consists largely of a feast to the clans-folk, at which liquor, rice, dried fish, and ginger are partaken of. Before the feast commences, each clansman is provided with a small gourd (_u klong_) filled with liquor, a little of the latter is then thrown on the ground from the gourd, and the following words are uttered:–“Oh, God! oh, Lord! oh, ruling king Biskurom, now the _pynrap iing_ ceremony is about to be performed, let the ceremony be propitious, and let males and females (of the clan) increase in numbers, so that the clan may become great, and respected, and that intelligent male members may spring up.” No such ceremony is, however, observed, it is understood, in the Nartiang and Raliang doloiships.
In the case of a family being _iap duh_ (extinct), the family property, according to Khasi custom, passes to the Siem. Therefore it is to the interest of the members of families to adopt a female, when such necessity arises. As there is no religious ceremony which is compulsory to the Khasis on the occasion of an adoption, perhaps we are almost justified in concluding that in former times the adoption custom did not exist, more especially as the Khasis possess a special word, _iap duh_, for describing a family the females of which have all died out; and it is admittedly the custom for the Siem to succeed to the property of such a family. The Synteng custom of _’rap iing_ may have been borrowed from the Hindus, when the Rajas of Jaintia became converts to that religion.
Tenure of Land and Laws Regarding Land.
Land in the Khasi Hills proper, i.e. land in the high plateau, is held somewhat differently from land in the Jaintia Hills and the War country; it will be necessary to describe the land tenures and laws regarding land of each of these divisions separately. As land is always jhumed by the Bhois and Lynngams from year to year, customs regarding land with these people are naturally very simple. Taking land in the high plateau of the Khasi Hills first:–The lands are classified under two main divisions, (_a_) public and (_b_) private lands. The following are the different descriptions of lands in the first division:–
_Ka ri Raj_, or _ka ri Siem_, which are Siem’s, or Crown lands. These lands are intended for the support of the Siem family, they cannot be alienated. The Siems are, however, precluded by custom from levying a land tax on persons who cultivate such lands, the relation of landlord and tenant between the latter and their chiefs being unknown.
_Ka ri Lyngdoh_.–These lands are for the support of the Lyngdohs or priests of the State. In some Siemships, as in Mawiang Siemship, paddy is grown on these lands from which rice is obtained for the State pujas.
_Ri shnong_, or village lands.–These lands are set apart to provide a supply of firewood, thatching grass, &c., and are the property of the village. The inhabitants of other villages are not allowed to enjoy the produce of such lands. Such lands can be cultivated by ryots of the village, but the latter possess only occupancy rights, and cannot transfer them.
_Ki ‘lawkyntang_.–These are sacred groves, situated generally near the summit of hills, composed of oak and rhododendron trees, which are held sacred (_kyntang_), it being an offence, or _sang_, for any one to cut timber in the grove, except for cremation purposes. These groves are the property of the villages.
(_b_.) Private Lands. These may he subdivided into _ri-kur_ or lands which are the property of the clan, and _ri kynti_, family, or acquired landed property. In the Khasi Hills proper a very large proportion, certainly of the high lands, is the property of the clan; for instance, the high lands at Laitkor; which are the property of the Khar kungor and Kur kulang clans, whose ancestors the large memorial stones close to the Laitkor road commemorate, also the lands of the Thang khiew clan, and many others. It has been explained, in a previous paragraph, how the clan grew out of the family. The clan lands originally, when population was sparse, were owned by families, but as the members of the family increased and a clan was formed, the lands became the property of the clan instead of the family. Such clan lands are properly demarcated by stone boundary marks. The manager of the clan lands is the _kni_ (maternal uncle of the youngest daughter of the main family, or branch of the clan), whose house “_ka iing khadduh_,” or last house, is the place for performing all the religious ceremonies of the clan, and is also called _ka iing seng_. All the members of the clan are, however, entitled to share in the produce of any of the clan lands they may cultivate. No clan lands can be alienated without the consent of a durbar of the whole clan.
_Ri kynti_ are private lands which have been either acquired by a man or woman individually, or, in the case of a woman, inherited from her mother; such lands must he entirely distinguished from the lands of the clan. In portions of the Jaintia Hills, if a man purchases a piece of land, at his death it passes to his mother, to the exclusion of his children; but in the Khasi Hills nowadays a man may leave such lands, provided they were acquired after marriage, either formally by will, or informally, to his children for their support. In land customs as well as other customs the Syntengs seem to preserve more closely than the Khasis what are probably the ancient usages of the race. It must be clearly understood, however, that all land acquired by inheritance must follow the Khasi law of entail, by which property descends from the mother to the youngest daughter, and again from the latter to her youngest daughter. Ancestral landed property must therefore be always owned by women. The male members of the family may cultivate such lands, but they must carry all the produce to the house of their mother, who will divide it amongst the members of the family. Daughters, other than youngest daughters, are entitled to maintenance from the produce of such family lands.
In the Jaintia Hills lands are classified as follows:–
Hali Lands or Irrigated Paddy Lands.
(1) _Raj_ lands, which used to be the property of the Raja of Jaintiapur, now the property of Government, which are assessed to land revenue.
(2) Service lands, which are lands given rent free to dolois, pators, and other officers who carry on the administration.
(3) Village puja lands, being land the occupants of which pay rent to the doloi or lyngdoh, which are set apart in each village for purposes of worship. These lands are not assessed to revenue.
(4) Private lands held by individuals and which have been transferred from time to time by mortgage sale or otherwise at the will of the owner. These lands are not assessed to revenue.
High lands are sub-divided into (1) Private lands, held like _hali_ private lands. (2) Unclaimed land, or Government Waste.
Up till now the Government has not assessed revenue on the high lands which are its own property. Surveys have been made from time to time of the Government _Raj hali_ lands in the Jaintia Hills, but the maps require bringing up to date. The revenue on such lands is assessed at an uniform rate, viz. at 10 annas a bigha, and the leases have been issued so as to expire contemporaneously. A list of service lands of dolois and others, showing the number of plots held by each official and their approximate total area in bighas, is kept in the Deputy Commissioner’s Office. Puja lands are plots of lands set apart entirely for the support of the lyngdohs and other persons who perform the pujas of the doloiships. These lands are generally leased out by the dolois, but in some doloiships they are under the management of the lyngdohs. The occupants of the puja lands have either to present annually sacrificial animals or objects, e.g. bulls, goats, fowls, or pigs, rice, liquor, &c., or make a payment in cash. In the War country in the Jaintia Hills, orange, _pan_, and betel-nut gardens, are held as private property except in a few villages where there are some Raj _pan_ gardens which have been assessed to land revenue at the same rates as Government _hali_ lands. The various gardens are distinguishable by means of boundary stones or stone cairns, by prominent trees on the boundary lines, or by natural boundaries such as streams.
In the War country to the West of Cherra, notably the country between the heights of Laitkynsew and the plains, considerable portions of the hill-sides are the property of communities known as _sengs_. A _seng_ may be defined as a collection of families sprung from some common ancestress or ancestor. As an instance of these _sengs_ I may describe the community known as the _lai seng_ which owns land in the neighbourhood of Laitkynsew, the area owned being known as the “_ri lai seng_,” or land of the three clans. These clans are descended from three men, U Kynta, U Nabein, and U Tangrai, it being remarkable that in this case descent is traced originally from male ancestors and not from females. The three ancestors are said to have owned a large tract of land, and they had as their abode the village of Laitmawria close to Laitkynsew; but owing to an epidemic, or some such cause, they deserted the village of Laitmawria and went with their families to live in some of the surrounding War villages, viz. in Tyrna, Nongkroh, Nongwar, Mastoh, and Mawlong. The descendants of the three men above-mentioned possess a genealogical table, showing their descent from the original three founders of the _sengs_. They claim a large tract of country lying to the south and south-east of the Laitkynsew plateau, containing not only orange gardens, but also valuable lime quarries. There are other _seng_ communities also in the neighbourhood, e.g. the _hinriew phew seng_, or sixty _sengs_, who put forward claims to other tracts of land. The boundaries of the _ri lai seng_ are identifiable on the ground. The business of the _seng_ community is managed by a durbar, an elder or other influential person being chosen as president.
In the country of the Lynngams the crop belongs to the person who cultivates it, but the land belongs to the _kur_ or family. The Lynngam villages; like those in the Khasi Siemships, do not pay any rent to the Siem. If outsiders cultivate within the areas set apart for the different Lynngam villages, all of them, including women, have to pay eight annas each to the people of the village in whose circle they cultivate. There is usually a mutual understanding between inhabitants of Lynngam villages, that certain tracts of land belong to the respective villages; sometimes, however, there are disputes regarding those lands between the different villages. Such disputes are settled by the Lynngam Sirdars of villages or by the Sirdars sitting with the two Lyngskors of the Siemship. If the disputes cannot be settled by these officials to the satisfaction of the parties, the latter are taken by the Lyngskors and Sirdars to the Siem of Nongstoin, who tries the case with the aid of the State mantris.
Laws Regarding Other Property.
There is no separate law applying to personal property, as opposed to real property, amongst the Khasis.
Decisions of Disputes.
Khasi Courts of Judicature.
In the first place a complaint is made before the Siem or chief, against a certain party or parties. The facts and circumstances of the ease, are then detailed before the chief and his headmen, the ostensible object being to attempt to bring about a compromise between the parties. If no reconciliation can be effected, a crier (_u nong pyrta shnong_), or in the Jaintia Hills a _sangot_, is sent out to proclaim at the top of his voice the durbar which is to assemble the following evening. He proceeds to cry the durbar in the evening when all the inhabitants have returned to the village from their usual daily pursuits. With a loud premonitory yell the crier makes use of the following formula [24]:–
“_Kaw!_ thou, a fellow-villager; thou, a fellow-creature; thou, an old man; thou, who art grown up; thou, who art young; thou, a boy; thou, a child; thou, an infant; thou; who art little; thou, who art great. _Hei!_ because there is a contest. _Hei!_ for to cause to sit together. _Hei!_ for to cause to deliberate. _Hei!_ for to give intelligence together. _Hei!_ about to assemble in durbar. _Hei!_ for to listen attentively. _Hei!_ ye are forbidden. _Hei!_ ye are stopped to draw water then, not to cut firewood then; _Hei!_ to go as coolies then; _Hei!_ to go to work then; _Hei!_ to go a journey then; _Hei!_ to descend to the valley then; _Hei!_ he who has a pouch. _Hei!_ he who has a bag. _Hei!_ now come forth. _Hei!_ now appear. _Hei!_ the hearing then is to be all in company. _Hei!_ the listening attentively then is to be all together. _Hei!_ for his own king. _Hei!_ for his own lord, lest destruction has come; lest wearing away has overtaken _us_. _Kaw!_ come forth now fellow mates.”
This proclamation is called _khang shnong_, and by it all are stopped from going anywhere from the village the following day. Anybody who disregards the prohibition is liable to fine. The following day, towards evening, all the grown-up males of the village assemble at the durbar ground, the site of which is marked in some villages by rows of flat stones, arranged in an irregular circle, upon which the durbaris sit. The proceedings are opened by one of the headmen, who makes a long speech; then others follow, touching upon all sorts of irrelevant matters, but throwing out hints, now and then, bearing on the subject of accusation. By degrees the debate waxes warmer, and the parties get nearer the point. Then the complainant and the defendant each of them throw down on the ground a turban, or a bag containing betul and _pan_, lime, &c., in front of the durbar. These are regarded as the pledges of the respective parties and their representatives in the suit; they receive the name of _mamla_ (hence the Khasi term _ar liang mamla_ for the two contending parties in the suit). There are pleaders on both aides called _’riw said_, who address the durbar in lengthy speeches, the Siem being the judge and the whole body of the durbar the jury. Witnesses are examined by the parties; in former times they were sworn on a pinch of salt placed on a sword. The most sacred and most binding foam of oath, however, is sworn on _u klong_ (a hollow gourd containing liquor). As, however, the latter form of oath is regarded by the Khasis as a most serious ordeal, it will be described separately. The durbar sometimes goes on for several days. At length the finding of the durbar is taken, after the Siem has summed up, and sentence is pronounced, which generally consists of a fine in money, almost always accompanied by an order to the losing party to present a pig. The pig is supposed to be sacrificed to a goddess, _Ka ‘lei synshar_, i.e. the goddess of the State, but it is invariably eaten by the Siem and the members of the durbar. The Siem then calls out “_kumta mo khynraw_” (is it not so, young people?) The members of the durbar then reply, “_haoid kumta khein khynraw_” (yes, it is so, young ones). Sentences of fine are more often resorted to than other punishments nowadays, probably because very few of the Siems possess jails for the reception of criminals. The condemned one in a criminal case frequently serves his time by working for the Siem as a menial servant. The above description, which is based on the account given by the Rev. W. Lewis, with some modifications, may be taken as the usual form of procedure of the Khasi durbar.
Under the heading of decision of disputes we may perhaps give a short description of some of the punishments which were inflicted by the Siems and their durbars in criminal cases in ancient times. Murder was punishable by beating the culprit to death with clubs (_ki tangon ki lymban_). The killing, however, of a _nong shoh noh_, i.e. a man who seeks for human victims to sacrifice to the monster, _u thlen_, is not considered murder, even now by the Khasis, and the slayer of the _nong shoh noh_ only has to inform the Siem and deposit Rs. 5, and one pig in the Siem’s court. The slaying of a robber also is dealt with in like manner.
The punishment of adultery was imprisonment for life (_ka sah dain mur_), or a fine of Rs. 1,100, and one pig (_ka khadwei spah wei doh_). Whether such a heavy fine was ever paid is perhaps doubtful, and probably some other form of punishment was substituted for it. A husband finding his wife and a man in _flagrante delicto_ could, as under the law of the ancients, kill both adulterer and adulteress without punishment for murder. He was, however, bound to deposit Rs. 5, and the conventional pig in the Siem’s durbar. The punishment for rape (_kaba khniot tynga_) was imprisonment for life in the case of the woman being married, and a heavy fine and one pig if the woman was a spinster. Arson was punishable with imprisonment for life, or a heavy fine. The punishment for causing people to be possessed by devils (_ka ba ai-ksuid briew_) was exile (_pyrangkang par_); but if a person so possessed died, the sorcerer was hurled down a precipice (_pynnoh khongpong_). The punishment for robbery and theft was the stocks (_ka pyndait diengsong_), the imposition of fetters, or a punishment known as _kaba s’ang sohmynken_, by which the culprit was compelled to sit on a bamboo platform under which chillies were burnt. The result of such torture can be better imagined than described. Incest, or _sang_, which amongst the Khasis means cohabiting with a member of a man’s or woman’s own clan, was punishable with exile or a fine of Rs. 550/- and one pig. It is believed by the Khasis that the evils resultant from incestuous connection are very great; the following are some of them: being struck by lightning, being killed by a tiger, dying in childbirth, &c.
Decision of Cases by Ordeal.
Water Ordeal.
In ancient times the Khasis used to decide certain cases by means of water ordeal (_ka ngam um_). Yule, writing in 1844, mentions a water ordeal, and one of my Khasi friends remembers to have seen one during his boyhood. There were two kinds of such ordeals. The first, called _ka ngam ksih_, was as follows:–The two disputants in a case would each of them fix a spear under water in some deep pool. They would then dive and catch hold of the spear. The man who remained longest under water without returning to the surface was adjudged by the Siem and durbar to have won the case. Colonel Maxwell, late Superintendent of the Manipur State, witnessed a similar ordeal in the Manipur State in the year 1903, when two Manipuris dived to the bottom of a river and held on to stones, the result being that one man, who remained under water in the most determined way, was very nearly drowned. Amongst the Khasis sometimes the supporters of the contending parties used to compel the divers to remain under water by holding them down with their spears. Another form of trial was to place two pots, each of them containing a piece of gold and a piece of silver wrapped up in cloths, in shallow water. The two contending parties were then directed to plunge their hands into the water and take up, each of them, one of the packets. The party who brought up a piece of gold was adjudged the victor. If both parties brought up either gold or silver, then the case was amicably settled by the Durbar, and if it was a land case, the land was equally divided between the parties. No instances of trial of cases by such ordeals have come to notice of late years. Yule, referring to water ordeals, says: “I have been told that it was lawful to use the services of practised attorneys in this mode of trial; so that long-winded lawyers have as decided a preference in these regions as they have elsewhere.”
Ordeal by U Klong, or by U Klong U Khnam, in the War Country.
Of all the ordeals these are the most dreaded by the Khasis. They believe that if a person swears falsely by _u klong_ or _u klong u khnam_, he will die or, if he represents his family (i.e. wife and children) or his clan (_kur_), that his family and his clan will die out. Siems, Wahadadars, Lyngdohs, &c., do not order litigants, or even propose to them, to have their cases decided by this ordeal, fearing to incur blame for choosing it, owing to possible evil consequence thereafter to the parties. One of the parties must propose and the other must accept the ordeal, of their own accord and in open Court or Durbar. A gourd (_u klong_) containing fermented rice (_ka sohpoh_) is provided, and a feathered arrow with a barbed iron head is planted in the fermented rice. The following is the procedure:–
The person who wishes to take the oath brings a gourd of fermented rice, or a gourd with an arrow stuck in it, as the case may be, and makes it over to the judge, or a deputy appointed by such judge for this duty. The latter, before returning it to him, invokes the goddess as follows:–