Publications of the Scottish History Society, Vol. 36 by Sir John Lauder (page 4)

[284] Striffan, film.

On the 17 of November opened the Law University at Poictiers, at present the most famous and renouned in France, usually consisting of above tuo 100 scholers, some coming to it from Navarre in the very skirts of Spain, sewerals from Tholouse, Bordeaux, Angiers, Orleans, Paris, Rouan, yea from Berry it selfe, tho formerly Bourges was more renouned–their’s almost nothing to be had their now–and tho in all these places their be Universities.

On its opening Mr. Umeau, our Alex’rs Antagonist, and who that year explained of the D.,[285] belonging _ad nuptias_, made a harangue of wery neit Latin, which is the property of this University. His text was out of the 4’t book of the C.T.[286] 5 _de condictio Indeb. l., penultima_, whence he took occasion to discourse of the Discord amongs the Jurise.[287] raising 2 _quoest. 1’o, utrum recentiores sunt proeferendi antiquioribus: 2’do, utrum juniores natu maioribus_, wheir he ran out on the advantage of youth: _Quot video Juvenes candidatos tot mihi videor videre aequissimos Servios, sublimissimos Papinianos gravissimos Ulpianos, et disertissimos Cicerones: quod plura[288] stellae indubio[289] sunt jae magnitudines in Sphaera nostra Literaria._

[285] Digest.

[286] Code, title.

[287] Jurisconsults.

[288] Query, _plures_.

[289] Query, _sindubio_.

The Rector of the University was their, the Mair, the Eschewines, the President of the Palais, the University of the Physicians, wt a great heap of al orders, especially Jesuits.

We might easily discover that basenese we are so subiect to in detracting from what al others do’es but ourselves in that groundless censur of many things in this harangue which our Alex’r had wt another of his partizans.

Mr. Filleau (very like Edward Edgar) gives a paratitle on the title _pro socio_: he is on of the merriest carles that can be, but assuredly the learnest man in that part of France, for the Law. _Pro socio, pro socio_, quoth he, whats that to say _pro socio_, Trib.[290] speaks false Latin or non-sense, always wt sick familiar expressions.

[290] Tribonian.

Mr. Roy, whoss father was Doctor before him, explained that year T.C.[291] _de rescindenda vendit_. Mr. Gaultier, who left Angiers and came to be a Doctor their, explained the title of the canon L.,[292] _de simonia et ne quid pro spiritualibus exigatur_.

[291] Title of the Code.

[292] Lex.

For Mr. Alex’r its some 17 years since he came to France; he had nothing imaginable. Seing he could make no fortune unless he turned his coat, he turned Papist; and tho he had passed his course of Philosophy at Aberden, yet he began his grammar wt the Jesuits; then studied his philosophy, then married his wife (who was a bookbinders wife in the toune and had bein a women of very il report), 50 year old and mor, only for hir gear, and she took him because he was bony.[293] Studied hard the Law (Pacius,[294] as he told me, giving him the 1 insight) and about some 5 year ago having given his trials was choosen _institutaire,_. He is nothing wtout his books, and if ye chap him on that he hath not latley meditate on, he is very confused. He is not wery much thought of by the French, he affectats to rigirous a gravity like a Spaniards, for which seweral (as my host) cannot indure him. Also his pensioners are not the best treated. We have sein P. and D. Humes seweral tymes breakfast: they had nothing but a litle crust of bread betuixt them both, and not a mutching botle of win for my.[295] I never almost breakfasted but I had the whole loave at my discretion, as much win as I please, a litle basquet ful of the season fruites, as cherries, pears, grapes: in winter wt apples. Also by Ps confession he drinks of another win, better than that his pensionars drinks of. Also if their be on dish better then another its set doune before him: he chooses and then his pensionars when its iust contrare wt me.

[293] Bonnie.

[294] Pacius, Julius, 1550-1635, jurist.

[295] Me.

He began his lessons 23 of November. A Frenchman casting up the Rubrics of the D.,[296] he fand _de edendo_. He showed himselfe wery offended whey Tribo. had forgot, T.[297] _de Bibendo_ also.

[296] Digest.

[297] Titulus.

We most not forget to buy Gellius and Quintilians Declamations at Paris.

A Coachman was felled dead dressing his horses; 5 masons ware slain at the Carmelits by the falling of a wal on them.

Mr. Alex’r in salaire hath only 600 livres, the other 4 each a 1000, also seweral obventions and casualities divided amongs them, of which he gets no scare, as when any buyes the Doctorat. He is a hasty capped body. Once one of his servants brook a lossen,[298] he went mad, and amongs other expressions he had this: these maraudes[299] their break more to me in a moment then I can win in tuo moneth. They have no discourse at table. He cars not for his wife. That night the _oubliour_[300] was their and she would not send another plat[301] he threatned to cast hir and hir family over the window.

[298] Pane of glass.

[299] Rascals.

[300] _Oublieur_, pronounced _oublieu_, pastrycook’s man, who came round in the evening selling small round cakes, _oublies_.

[301] Plate.

We on night fel to telling of notes of preachings, as of the Englisman preaching on that, In came Tobit, and much controverted whither they called it baty, light feit or watch;[302] and of the minister that sayd, Christ, honest man, liked not war, sayd to Peter; and of on preaching on that, And Abram gave up the ghost, sayd that it was wery debated if it was for want of breath or not, that he durst not determin it. Of a Preist preaching on the miracle wt whilk Christ feed a multitude wt 5 loaves, it was not so great a miracle, quoth he, as ye trow, for every on of the loaves was as meikle as this Kirk: a baxter being at the pulpit fit[303] started up and demanded wheir they got a oven to bake them in, and a pole to put them in and take them out. Ye are to curious, quoth the preist, go and bake your oune bread and medle not wt Christs, they had other ovens in the days then they have now and other poles to, and do ye not think but Christ could have lent them a pole. Also on who praying for the King our dread soveraine Charles by the grace [of God] King of S[cots], etc., supream governour, instead of under the[304] and they sone Christ, sayd over the. Also of another who praying for the Illustrious Duke of York, sayd the Lusty Duk. Also whow a hostesse at Camphire served Mr. R. Macquaire, being their to dine, wt a great deall of other company, he was desired to seik a blissing, he began so long winded grace that the meat was all spilt and cold ere he had done. The wife was wood[305] angry. The nixt day comes, the meat was no sooner put to the fire but she comes to Mr. R. and bids him say the grace. Whats your haste Margerit, is the meat ready yet? No, Sir, but its layd to the fire, and ere ye have ended your grace, it wil be ready. We most not forget the Swisse, who coming in a cabaret at Poictiers demanding for win, drank for his oune hand 15 pints, calling for a reckning they gave him up 16 pints. He told they ware cheating him of a pint, for he know weill the measure of his womb, that it held no more but 15 pints, wheirupon he would pay no more but for 15. Also of the Preist who bringing our Saviour in the Sacrament to a young galliard very sick, sayd, behold, Sir, Christ is come to visit you. The sick party replied, I sie very weil that Christ is their by the carrier of him, for as he was knowen at his entry unto Jerusalem by his asse that carried him, so do I know him at present.

[302] The meaning is whether Tobit’s dog was to be called a comman cur (baty), or a greyhound, or a watch-dog. The dog does not appear in the English version of the Apocrypha, but in the Vulgate.–Tob. vi. I. Profectus est autem Tobias et canis sequutus est eum, et mansit … juxta fluvium Tiberis.–xi. 9. Tunc praecucurrit canis … et quasi nuncius adveniens, blandimento suae caudae gaudebat.

[303] Foot.

[304] Thee.

[305] Mad.

Wonderful was the temperance and moderation of the ancient Romans, yea greater then whats to be found amongs Christians even now. They know[306] no more but on diet a day, and that sober enough. At the first tyme that some Greeks came to Rome, and the Romans saw them, according to the custome of their country, eat thrise a day, they condamned them for the greatest gluttons that could be.

[306 1] Knew, as on p. 91.

That story of the General (Fabritius) Roman is weill knowen: who at his ennemies brought a wast sum of mony to bribe his fidelity to the commonwealth, they fand him busy stooving a pot of herbes to his supper, wheiron he answered them, that a man as he, that could be content wt sick a disch, could not readily be temted wt all their gold. Also of him who being choosen Dictator they fetched him from the plough to his dignity, sick was their industry.

For a long tyme amongs the Romans old age was held such a ignominious thing that they could not get the scurviest coalsteeler in Rome that would act the person of a old man, not so much as in Comoedy.

For 500 years, and above, after the building of Rome, it [divorce][307] was not knowen for a man to put away his wife. The first was one Spcius[308] Carvilius, who under the praetext of sterility divorced from his wife.

[307] Interlined.

[308] Spurius.

We most buy that infamous book of Miltones against the late King,[309] wt Claudius Salmasius answer.[310] Surely it shal stand as long as the world stands for a everstanding memorandum of his impudence and ignorance: its nothing but a faggot of iniury (calomnies), theirs not on right principle either moral or politick to be found in it al; its penned by a pedant, a scoolmaster, on who deserved at the cheapest to be torn in peices by 4 horses. Neither in our judgement, tho he deserves not to be refuted, hath Salmasius done so weill to the cause.

[309] _Iconoclastes_, 1649.

[310] _Defensio Regia_, by Claude de Saumaise, 1588-1653.

A Parisian Advocat cited some civil Laws of whilk he was not sure: his Antagonist retorting that their ware not sick a Law nether in the C nor D,[311] he replied, if it be not their yet it sould be their tho.

[311] Code nor Digest.

About the 12′ of December 1665 at Poictiers ware programmes affixed thorow the toune intimating that the Physitians Colledge would sit doune shortly, and that their Doyen Deacon, on Renatus Cothereau, a wery learned man in his lessons, _Podagram hominum terrorem artuum que flagellum medicinali bettio acriter prosequeretur_; hence it hath[312] this exclamation, _accurite[313] itaque cives festinate arthici_.

[312] Meaning, probably, ‘then follows.’

[313] For _accurrite_.

The same Renatus had a harangue at the beginning wherin he descryved very pedantically the lamentable effects it produces on the body of man: amongs his salutations, I observed this, _Themidis nostra Argonauta sacratissime, fidelissime, aequissime_. They get no auditors to their lessons, whence its only but for faschions sake that they begin their colledge, of which they have nothing but the name.

We have observed heir in France that on their shortest day, the 22 of December, the sun sets not but a hower, almost, after its set to us, to wit at 4 acloack, and that they have light a quarter almost after 5. Also looking to their Almanacks I fand that it rose on the shortest day at 7 acloack and some minuts, when it rises not to us but after 8, so that they have in winter at Juile[314] a hower at morn, as much at even, of sun more then we have. Their 2 howers we gain of them in the summer, for at our longest day we have a hower sooner the morning the sun then they have; we have it at 3 howers, they have it not til 4 wt some minuts. At even also we have a hower of sun after that he get to them on our longest day, for by their Almanacks he sets on that day in France, or at least at Poictiers, at 7 acloack wt some minuts, wt us not til after 8.

[314] Yule.

Their is a very considerable difference betuixt the French summers and the Scots: to wit, in their heat; but surely we could remark none in their winters. Its true we had no considerable cold before Juile, Noeel (tho their fel a drift of snow about the end of Octobre, French account), yet we fand it sickerly when it came, so that I do not remember that I felt it colder in Scotland then it was for a space togither. Its true it leasts not so long heir as it does wt us.

Juile is a great feste in France. The Papists are very devote on it, yea so religious that they go all to Church at midnight to hear Masse, for a preist hath that day power to say thry masses consecutife, when at another tyme he can say no more but on at a tyine. I went after dinner and hard the cordelier at St. Pierre. The rest of our Scotsmen ware so curious as to go hear Midnight Masses. As for me I had no skil of it it was so cold; and surely I did not repent it considering the affront that they got, that they ware forced to render their swords at the command of the Intendant who the night before was come to toune from the Grand Jour[315] that was then in Auuergne. This he caused do following the mode of Paris, wheir no man is suffered to carry a sword that night, both by reason of many quarrels begun that night, as also of sewerals that take occasion to decide former quarrels on that night. Surely they had no satisfaction in that Mass.

[315] High Commission sent down by the king to the provinces as a final Court of Appeal.

During the tyme I was heir I fel in discourse wt the Jesuites, going once to sy our countryman Pere Broune, who was wery kind to us al, and came and saw me after.

About the tyme was that poor smith, of whom we made mention before, execute, who was the first we ever did sie in France. Tho he had receaved his sentence at Poictiers, yet that could serve til he was taken to Paris (for the Capital tounes of France are not royal boroughs as our are, having the power of heading and hanging wtin themselfes), wheir he was condemned to be broken on the wheel, to be _rouee_, tho according to the custome of France he know not that he was sentenced til about 2 howers before he was broken, for by concealing it up til then they keip them from taking wiolent courses to prevent their death which they would take if they know of it, as killing themselfes, or means to ecscape, tho otherwise it be very il for their souls, they having so short tyme to prepare themselfes for death. They made this poor fellow beleive that he was only condemned to the galleys, at which he laught, telling that it appeared they knew not he was a smith, so that he could easily file his chaines and run away. About 12 acloak on that day he was to be execeut he was conveyed to the Palais to hear his sentence, wheir it was read to him on his knees, the hangman _bourreau_ at his back wt a tow in his hand. The sentence being read he puts the tow about his neck wt thir words, _le Roy wous salou, mon amy_, to show him that its the King that causes him dy. His sentence is read to him again at the foot of the Palais, as give ye sould say at the coming of the Parlement close, or Ladies Steeps;[316] and then a third tyme on the schaffold.

[316] Steps close to St. Giles’s Church. See Wilson, _Memorials of Edinburgh_, 1891, vol. i. p. 260.

Their ware mo then 10,000 spectators at the Marcher Vieux. In the midle of it their was a little _eschaustaut_[317] erected, on which ware nailed 2 iests after the forme of a St. Androws crosse, upon whilk the poor fellow was bond on his back, wt his 2 armes and his 2 thigs and legs on the 4 nooks of the crosse, having bein strip naked to his shirt. After he had prayed a little and the 2 carmes[318] that assisted him, the _bourreau_ made himselfe ready to execute the sentence, which was that he sould get 2 strooks quick and the rest after he was stranguled.

[317] _Echafaud,_ scaffold.

[318] Carmelites.

At Paris in breaking great robbers, for the better exemple they do not strangle them at all; but after they have broken all their bones to peices almost, they leave them to dy on the rack.

To return to our poor miserable, the _bourreau_ wt a great baton of iron began at the armes and brook them wt tuo strooks, then his knees, then a strook on every thigh, then 2 on the belly, and as many on the stomack; and after all thir, yea after the 20 strook, he was not fully dead. The tow[319] brak twice that was ordained to strangle him. In sying what this cattif suffered made us conclud that it was a cruel death to be broken in that sort.

[319] Rope.

We cannot forget how coldrif the French women seimed to be in the winter. The marchands wifes and thorow all the shops every one have their lame choffer[320] ful of rid charcoal wt their hands in among the mids of it almost. The beggar wifes going up and doune the streits had them also.

* * * * * [321]

[320] Earthenware chafing dish.

[321] Twenty-two lines erased in MS.

We cannot forget the shift that the poor folk which have no bowets[322] (which generally are not so good as ours) take when they go out under night, as I have sein them when I have bein going or coming from Mr. Alex’rs, and it would have bein so dark that I could not sy my finger before me. It is they take a peice wood thats brunt only at one end, and goes thorow the toune waging[323] it from one syde to the other, it casting a litle light before him. It would almost fly[324] a man in a dark night to sie it at a distance, and always approaching him, til he keen what it is.

[322] Lanterns.

[323] Wagging.

[324] Frighten.

We cannot but insert a not of a Northren Ministers preaching. His text was about Piters threefold denial of Christ, and that wt oaths. Beloved, its wery much controverted amongs the learned what ware the oaths that Piter swoore, yet the most part condeschends that they ware thir: the 1, God confound me, if I keen such a man; the 2, Devil ding me in testons;[325] the third, by Gods wounds, I do not keen him. Mungo Murray of the life gard was in the kirk, and resolving to make sport came to the Minister after the kirk was scailed, telling him that he agreed wt him about the 1 [first] 2 oaths that they ware so, but he could not be of his mind about the thrid, by Gods wounds, for Christ had not yet received any wounds, so that he could not swear by Gods wounds. The Minister began, Sir, I am very glad that ye take the freedom to propon your doubts, for its a signe of attention. As to your difficulty, ye would know that a man when he is sorest prest he wil swear sorest, so that Peter keipt the greatest oath last; also ye would know that it was a Profetical oath, as give he sould have sayd, by the wounds that Christ is to receave.

[325] Teston or testoon, a small silver coin. The last in Scotland were coined by Mary in 1561, value 5s. Scots.

In the Hylands their was a minister that was to give the Communion to his Parish wheir it had not bein given 6 or 7 years before. For that effect they sent to Monross[326] to buy the win, which being come, he and his elders bit to tast it for fear of poisoning their honest parishioners. Er ever they wist of themselfes they fand it so good that they licked it out every drap, and was forced to give the communion in good rid aile.

[326] Montrose.

We most not forget the story of the English Capitaine, who thinking to flie his Hostesse, he was so frighted himselfe, his man wtout his direction having bought a great oxes hyde and covered himselfe wt it, that looping over the stair for hast he brake on of his legs.

Wheir 2 layes in a chamber togither, their are many wayes to flie on another. We might take a litle cord or a strong threed when the other is sleiping, bind it to his covering or bed cloaths, then going to our oun bed wt a end of the string in our hand, making ourselfes to be sleiping, draw the string to us, and the cloaths wil follow, and he wil be wery ready to think that its a spirit. Also ty a string to 2, 3 chair feet, and so draw them up and doune the house. He that knows nothing of it wil impute it to a ghest.

Any tymes I was angry at the Frenchmen, if so be I was familiar wt them, I fell to and abuse them in Scots, as logerhead, ye are a sheip, etc. Their was no way I could anger them worse then to speak in Scots to them.

The consuetuds and rights of nations about hunting and halking throughout the most part of the Christian world are wondrously degenerated from the right of nature and nations and the Civil Law following the footsteps of both. According to thir, all men have aequaly the liberty of chassing of wild beasts, no sort of folk being excepted, and that not only in their oune land but also in any others, since vild beasts, wheir ever they be they are always wild beasts, apparteening to none; for if that the wild beast is on my ground sould make that it be estimd myne, then leiving my ground it leives of to be myn, and by entring unto my neibhours it begins to be his, and so it might change a 100 masters in one day, which is absurd. We might as weill say that the piot that bigs[327] on my try is myne.

[327] Magpie that builds.

This liberty is exceedingly impared by the consuetudes at present, so that nether can we hunt all beasts, the King having excepted dears, harts, etc., so that its not lawful for any to chasse or kil under the pein of a fine 500 francks, except only the King and some few others, great peirs, who have their permission from the King.

Nether is it permitted for all indifferently to hunt, clergymen are decharged it, Peasants also. Its confessed also by al that Kings may discharge their subjects the pastime and pleasure of hunting, especially thess who holds their lands in fief immediatly of the King, which he called fiefs royalles, whom he may hinder to hunt in their oune ground, ower which they have ful power otherwise to sel it, woodset it, gift it, or do wt it what I please: the same power have the inferior seigneurs. Lords in giving lands to vassals, men who have bein serviceable to them in many occasions whom they cannot recompence in mony, they give them a tennement of land, they usualy retain the right of hunting in these lands only to themselfes.

Halking in France is a excercise not permitted to any under a gentleman.

We have sein its not permitted to al to hunt; also its not permitted to hunt al beasts; also its not permited now to hunt indifferentley in al places. The Kings keips their parks filled wt wild beasts, wheir its not leasum for any to hunt but themselfes, as Fontainbleau and St. James Park. The nobility have also the same right of keiping sick parks; as witnese upon the rode bothe of England and France we meit wt noblemens incloseurs wheir would [be] 2 or 300 dears.

Yea, in France its not lawful to shoot wt the gun in another mans ground; so that if a man take another guning in his ground, he usualy takes the gun from him and breaks over his shoulders. If he can hinder a man to shoot in his ground, much more may be hinder him to hunt, since the on is more praeiudicial to him then the others; for its done wt greater noice, also does more damnage to the cornes or wines.

What might be the reasons that have moved the Princes to hem in so narrow bounds the rights of Hunting by the right of nature and civil Law so patant to all are to be found in Vesembec,[328] paratitlo _de acquir[endo rerum dominio._ ], For fear that the whole race of beasts sould soon or sin[329] be totally exstirpated wt the multitude of hunters, if al ware permitted to hunt. 2do, Least to many (as we sie at present) being to much taken wt the plaisir of the sport sould forget their businesses of consequence. As to that obiection, that hunting being from the right of natur, which is unchangable, it cannot be prohibited by any civil Law, I say hunting is not from the rights of nature commanding but permitting.

[328] Matthew Wesenbec, Dutch jurist, 1531-1586.

[329] Sooner or later.

Its a custome in France that when a young woman unmarried is condemned to dy for some offence (unlesse the fault be al the grivevuser) that if the hangman be unmarried he may sick hir in marriage and get hir hir life that way: that their hes bein seweral that have refused it and choosen rather to die. This hes great resemblance wt that custome in England that a man being sentenced to dy, if a common whore demand him in marriage she wil get him; it being a charitable work to recal a whore from hir loose and prophan life by making hir marry. Yet surely both the on custome and the other is but a corruptel and a mocking at Justice.

The accent the French gives the Latin is so different from ours that sometymes we would not have understood some of them (for the most part I understood them weil enought), nor some of them us. Ether we or they most be right, but I dout not to affirm but that the accent they give it, straining it to the pronuntiation of their oune language, is not natural, but a vicious accent, and that we have the natural. My reason is, because if their be any wayes to know what was the Accent the ancient Romans prononced the Latin wt it is the Accent that the Italians gives it and their oune language, which is a degenerated Latin, who be the Romans posterity; but so be they give it the same very accent that we do: the French ware never able to answer me this.

As to ther pronuntiation of the Greek I could never keip myselfe from laughting when they had occasion to read Greek or any Greek sentence, even their Doctors of Law: vitnesse le Berche at Orleans whom I attended 2 moneths, that Greek that occurres in the 2 T. 1 book of the instituts,[330] [Greek: ton nomon hoi], he pronunced it [Greek: hi; men agraphoi], prononced it [Greek: hagraphi; hoi, i; men engraphoi, phi]: as we observed also in Mr. Filleau at Poictiers, [Greek: dunamenon] esti, he pronunced the 2 last syllabes damned long. [Car [Greek: son kaphson] urens.][331] We could give infinite mo instances wheir they prononce it undoubtedly wrong.

[330] Justinian, _Inst_. i. 2: [Greek: ton nhomon ohi men heggraphoi, ohi oe hagraphoi].

[331] Interlined. The meaning apparently is that the French pronounced [Greek: kahnson], a New Testament and Septuagint word for burning heat, as if it were written [Greek: kaphson].

They do not name their points in writing as we do, that which we cal comma (following the Greek) they cal it alwayes _Virgula_; our colon, _duo puncta_; semicolon, _punctum cum virgula_. When we say _nova Linea_ they say _a capite_, wt sundry others like that.

A woman witness is receaved in France in any causes whither civil or criminal: only wt this difference that for one man their most be 2 women, id est, wheir 2 men being ocular witnesses of a murder wil condemne a man, their most be 4 women, under which their witnes is not admitted.

They have their penny bridiles[332] in France as weil as we in Scotland. When a servant women marries, her master brings wt him folk to their wedding as he can get, who casts in into the plat according to their pleasure. They wil be ready enough to promise on back the halfe of his again wt the dessein so to engage the rest to give more.

[332] See _Scotland and the Protectorate_, C.H. Firth (S.H.S.), vol. xxxi. p. 410, note.

About the begining of February 1666 came Comoedians to Poictiers. I went and saw them severall tymes. The first was called Odip, who resolved the Sphinx his enigma: was so unfortunat to slay his father by ignorance, marry his mother, and to conclud al to put out his oune eyes: the fellow acted his griefe exceeding lifelylie. The farce was _le Marriage du rien_. A fool fellow in a scoolmasters habit wt a ugly nose, which I was angry at, a scoop hat, comes on the stage wt his daughter, who proposes to him that she apprehended furiusly that she might dy a maid and never tast of the pleasure in marriage. In comes a poet to suit hir, fals out in the commendation of Poesy; hir father shoots him away, saying that al the Poets ware fools. In comes a painter who praising his art, whom also he puts away, saying that the painter ware poor drunken fellows. After came a Musician, who fell to sing: he called him a cheater. Then came in a Astronomer, whom he put away because he could not tel whither he would give him his daughter or not. Then came in a Captain, a floop[333] like fellow wt his sword about him, making a wery fool reverence, who rodomontades a space, telling that he had made the Devils tremble; that he was that Achilles in Homer, that Eneas in Virgil, that Aiax in Ovid, and that al that historians wrot of brave men was only of him. At last came in one that called himself nothing, that would assume no title to himselfe. Not finding anything to obiect against him he accepted of him.

[333] Floop or flup, awkward.

In the comoedy when the King stood very scrupulously on his word, his sister fel to to convince him that it was a shame to a King to be slave of his word, which was the great maxim of Cardinal Mazarini, as I was informed. Having sent to consult the oracle of Delphos, and it not deigning to answer him, in a rage he cried furth, _flectere si superos nequeo_, etc.

When a person dies in France they are very careful to mark in what posture after their death their feet are in; for if they be unaequally laying, on of them drawen up, they strongly beleive that by that the dead calls his or hir neirest friend let it be wife, father, or brother, on of which wil dy shortly after.

Its the faschion of the grandees when they die that they are exposed for 3 days after in a chamber hung all in doole[334] in their bed, also of dool, in the bests cloaths which they wor when they ware in life, so that al may come to sy them in that space. Their is holy water in the roome. The Dutchesse of Montamor, whiles I was at Poictiers, was thus exposed.

[334] Mourning.

The bairnes of France have the excercise of the tap, the pery,[335] the cleking,[336] and (instead of our gouf, which they know not) they have shinyes.

[335] Peg top.

[336] Clekin or Clackan, a small wooden bat in shape like a racquet.

In France they have apples without any seeds in them; also great Pavies[337] (which is the best sort of Peach) wtout any stone, which they informed me the curious does thus: they graft a peach in a old stock, the bow the end of the imp[338] and causes it to enter in a other rift made in the stock, leaves it like a halfe moon or bow til they think it hes taken, and then cut it in 2. That halfe imp that was grafted first wt the head upmost bears peaches according course of nature wt stones in them, the other, which growes as give ye would say backwardlies bears wtout any stones. This has bein practicat. They’le impe[339] any tyme of the year in France.

[337] Sorte de peche, dont la chair est ferme, et qui ne quitte pas le noyau.–Littre, _Dict_.

[338] Shoot.

[339] Graft.

About the mids of February was receaved a new fencing master, whom we saw give his trials: the Mair made a assaut against him first, then the fencing masters, then some schollers.

A litle after was the Queen mothers panegyrick or _funebre oraison_ made at St. Pierre in a prodigious confluence of peeple of al ranks; the Intendant, the President and the Conseillers, the Mair, the Eschiwines,[340] and the Maison de Ville assisting; also many of the religious orders. The Cordelier who preached the Advent before and the caresme after made the harangue. He deduced hir glory and commendation, lo, from that she was Anne of Austria, which is the province in which standes Vienne, the Metropolis of Germany; that she was Philip the 3d of Spaines daughter; next that she was Queen or wife to Lowis the Just, 13 of that name in France; 3dly, that she was mother to Lewis the 14’t, so hopeful a Prince, after she had bein 23 years barren. Whence he took occasion to show that tho virginity and coelebat was wery commendable, yet that it was no wayes so in the succession to crounes. He had also heir a senselese gasconad which nobody approved of, that St. Gregoire sould say that as far as Kings are exalted above other men, that in so far the Kings of France ware above al other Kings. In the 4th place he fand a large elogium to hir in that she falling widdow she becam Regent of hir sone and the Realme during his minority. Hir last and principal commendation was that she was a Princesse most devot and religious.

[340] _Echevins_, municipal magistrates.

We was at comoedy, the farce of which was called _Le cocus imaginaire_. Their ware some honest women craking[341] togither on a tyme, they came among other things to speak of Eve and hir transgression: on of them cries furth very gravely, oh, that I was not their, I wish I had given hir a 12 penie loaf on the condition she had not eaten the apples.

[341] Chatting.

Wery rich stuff has bein heard at the examens in Scotland, some ignorant folks wt their answers being wery pleasant and merry. Mr. J. Smith, Minister of the Colledge Kirk, examining a bonnet maker, of whilk theirs a great number in his parish, he speared at him what was effectual calling; the fellow, clawing his head, replied, the feeklesest[342] calling I keen, Sir, is my oune. Kid, minister of the Abby Kirk, spearing at one of my Lord Catheneses servant women what was the Lords Supper. She, thinking that he had speared what was for my Lords Supper, answered, Sir, or I came out I set on the pot and My Ledy hes sent pies to the owen. Mr. Robert Blair, examining a wery ignorant body, speared at hir, wheirof was ye made, Magie; the folk neir hand rounded and harked in to hir, of the rib of man. Of the rib of man, Sir. Weil said, Magy, quoth Mr. Rob, I’m very blaith to sie that ye answer better then ye did the last examen. Who made man then? The peaple round about whispered to hir, God. God, Sir. Whirof made he him then, Magy? The peaple cried to hir then, of dust and clay: which she mistaking or not hearing weil, insteed of saying of dust and clay, she said, of curds and whey, Sir. I leive to ghesse whither them that ware their laught or not. Mr. Robert himselfe, tho a very grave man, could not refrain from smiling.

[342] Feckless, feeble.

In baptizing about the bairnes names ther hes bein mistakes both on the Ministers hand and the holder ups. Mr. James Vood was baptizing a man at St. Androws, and instead that he sould have baptized James, he called it John. The father, a litle bumbaized at this, after the barne is baptized and that he hes given it back to the midwife, he stands up and looks the Minister as griveously in the face and sayes, Sir, what sal I do wt 2 Johns, we have a John at home else, Sir? Whow would ye called then, Robin? quo’ the Minister. James, Sir. James be the name of it then.

Mr. Forbes told me that in the hylands once a mans wife was lighter of a lasse, the goodman was wery sick so that he could not go to church to present his oune barne, wheiron he desires one of his freinds or gossips to go and hold it up for him. He bit to have a Scriptural name for his daughter, at last he agreed upon Rebecca. The man thought he sould remember weil enough of it. Just as he is holding up the child he forgets the name. The Minister speares, whow call ye it. Sir, they call it, they cal it, they call it, shame fall it, ay hir oune selfe hes forgotten it. Yet I remember that its a name very lik tobacco. Many did laught wery heartylie at this, only some present remembered of the name, that it was Rebecca.

Having stayed at Poictiers til the 14 of April French accompte: some 20 dayes before that I was beginning to make many acquantances at Poictiers, to go in and drink wt them, as wt De Gruche, Ingrande La Figonne, both Advocats sones, and of the Religion, Mr. de Gay, Borseau, Cotibby, etc.

* * * * * [343]

[343] Twenty-seven lines erased in MS.

I was beginning to fall wery idle, so that if I had stayed longer in Poictiers, I had alwayes engaged myselfe in more company, and so done the lesse good, whence I have a sort of satisfaction that I came away.

On the day of my departing I took my leive of Mr. Boutiet, Mlle. Alex’r, and Mlle. Strachan, Mlle. Chabate and hir mother wt some others, then went to the Chappeau d’or, wheir we dined, Mr. Alex’r, the Doctor, Sandy, Mr. De la Porte, Mr. Montozon (for Gorein was not in toune), and I. After having taken my leive of Madame Daille (himselfe being at Partenay), I took horse before the buith door and came to the Daufin in the fauxbourgs, wheir I leapt of. The most part of the Hugonots going to their Temple, their I took my leive of Sandy’es wife, Madame Peager, and divers others. I took up to drink wt me Mr. de la Porte, De Gruche, De Gey, De Gaule, Barantons brother, etc.

* * * * * [344]

[344] Twenty-two lines erased in MS.

On my vakening on the morning, I fand my head sore with the win I had drunk. For as sick as I was, on I got the morning wt the rest, and came and dined at Portpile,[345] a litle toune standing 5 leagues (for the leagues are long their in comparison of them about Paris) from Chattellerauld, on the Creuse, which runes also by Blanc in Berry.

[345] Le Port de Pilles, Blaeuw’s Atlas.

Having ioined their wt the Messenger of Bordeau, who had about 7 Gascons wt him, and the Messenger of Angoulesme, who had above 12, we was a body above 24. We took al horseback, and having rode the river, tho wery deip, because the bridge was broken, I fell in wt the Gascons, and was the rarest stuffe wt them that could be.[346]…. Also a gentleman of Sainctonge ioined wt us, who was coming to Paris.

[346] Eight lines erased in MS.

We came this night to Faux, a litle village standing upon the Lindre, about 7 leagues from Portpile, wher I played one of the Gascons a pret[347] in the boat; wheir also I saw a reservoire of fisches. Heir I was wery sick, so that I suped none, as I had not dined, my Poictiers rant incapacitating me. Yea, I was distempered al the way after, so that I cost not wery dear to my Messenger for my diet.

[347] Trick.

Nixt morning be 4 howers, having taken horse and riden the water, I came to Amboise. My heart began to lift in me for Joy when I came to places I had sein before, for I being wery sick, I fancied now I was almost at the end of my journy. Amboise is 5 leagues from Faux. We dined at the Cheval rouge, in the fauxbourgs, this syde of the Loire. I went and saw the Chasteau, having taken a French Gentleman of Quercy (of which Cahors is the Capital toune, and Dordogne the cheife river), and another of Thosose[348] wt me, whose brother, a boy not above 20 years, had already been at the wars against the Mores of Barbary, and had bein taken prisoner, and was ransoned by his father for 300 crounes, and was coming in to Paris to get some employment in the army: such stirring spirits are the French. The Castle I fand werie strong. I saw their arsenal, wheirs layes the canon of the fort, the greatest of them carrieng only 10 pound ball. Their best peices ware transported during the seige of the Rochel; they have never bein brought back yet. Theirs in the entry King Dagobert and his Queens statues, wt 2 great sheep done _a l’antique_.

[348] Probably for Tholose, Toulouse.

The most considerable thing we saw was the Harts hornes, hung up in the corner of a chapelle, of a monstrous bignesse, if they be natural. It was taken some many 100 years ago in a forest of Lorraine towards Allemagne, wt a collet,[349] about whilk the flesch was so growen that it covered it, bearing that it belonged to Caesar. It bit to be wery old when it was taken. Also we saw some rib bons of it monstrouslie great. Also, I saw the chamber wheir Mr. Fouquet[350] was detained prisoner when the King brought him from Nantes.

[349] Collar.

[350] Nicolas Fouquet, 1615-1680, finance minister of Louis XIV., fell out of favour, and was arrested at Nantes, 1661.

From Amboise we came to Blois 10 short leagues, wheir I went straight to the Castle (my remarks of which are elsewheir) to sie these verses of Faustus above the 1 gate of the castle, which are as followeth:

Hic ubi natus erat dextro Ludovicus Olympo Sumpsit honorata regia[351] sceptra manu, Foelix quae tanti fulsit lux nuntia regis, Gallia non alio principe digna fuit.

1498.

[351] Regia for regia. At best the line does not scan.

Next morning we came to St. Laurens, a pretty litle toune, wheir we dined. In the afternoone we passed by Clery, a litle village 4 leagues from Orleans, wheir I subscrived my name in the great book of all passengers (wheir I did read several Scots names, as Liddell, Douglas, etc.). I payed a collation, which cost me a croune.

At Orleans we quartered at the Charrue, in the fauxbourgs towards Paris. As soon as I was arrived I went to J. Ogilvies, wheir I fand Madame, Mademoiselle hir daughter, hir 2 sones, Mr. le Baron, and another Allemand. They ware wery kind to me, caused me stay and sup wt them. They began and told me the depart of my Lord Ogilwie from their house very discontent, denieng J. Ogilvie, who was then in Germany for Mr. le Barons busines, to have bein given him as his Governor by my L[ord] his father. They would wery fain had me subscribing a paper (for they brought a notaire wtout my knowledg), wherin I sould have attested that I had heard from him that he was his gouwerneur, which they could not all obtain of me,… They pressed me so sore, making remonstrances, that I would obligd them infinitly by subscryving it, also that I could incurre no dommage by it, that I was put to feigne that I had made a solemme oath not to subscryve anything while I was in France, which stoopt their mouths.

I went wt Mr le Baron D’Angleberne and Christophle, le Barons valet, after supper to the lodging, whither my Lord was retired, which was at the back of the Church Ste. Croix, wheir I plead[352] the dissembler. Just at the port of the toune I meet James Hunter, who had bein at my quarters to sie me.

[352] Played.

Being on horseback, tomorrow being a Sundy, ere 3 howers of the morning we dined at Thoury, a little toune 10 leagues from Orleans; came at night wt foul weather to Estampes, a ruinous toune, their no being so meikle as a whole house standing in al the fauxbourgs, and that since the late troubles raised by Mr le Prince,[353] who defended the toune against the King. Their is one long street in the toune. We lay at the trois Rois. We went to the Cordeliers Convent to sie that Barbet[354] rought[355] water dog that taks the Escrevisses,[356] but we could not sie it.

[353] In 1652 the Prince of Conde’s troops held Etampes against Turenne, Louis XIV.’s general.

[354] A kind of dog with long curly hair.

[355] Rought, rough: as he spells laugh, laught.

[356] _Ecrevisses_, crayfish.

Nixt day, having past by a Hermitage, wheir 2 hermites dwells, and seiks almes of al that passes, we came and dined at Linas, besydes Montlery, 9 leagues from Estampes,…

At 5 oclock the afternoon we entred Paris by the fauxbourgs St. Jacques, wheir we passed by the Val de Grace, builded by Queen mother of France, lately dead, wheir hir heart is keeped; by the colledge of Clermont and the Sorbonne. We quit our horses in the rue St Jacques, neir the Grande Cerf. We was not weill of our horses when we was oppressed wt a generation of Hostlers, taverners, and others that lodges folk, some intreating us to come wt him, some wt him, all promising us good entertainement and accommodation. I went wt on Mr. Houlle, a barber, who had bein in England, because he was neir hand, and would stay but that night. Theyr was a French Gentleman of Lions and a Spaniard, one of the Queens Attendants: this was my company. That night they told me of the death of Madame de Touraine, and of the execution of Mr. del Camp, 2 dayes before my coming, a Maister of a Academy, and that for false mony, for whilk he had bein pardoned once before.

Nixt day, whilk was the 20 Aprill 1666, French accompt, I came to Mr Kinlochs, wheir I am informed that the most part of our countrymen are already goon for England, and that Thirlestan, Gorenberry, and Sandilands (whom I saw and gave on his desire my new testament) was to go the day after. Their I was first acquaint wt Mr. Forbes[357] (Cullodin) and Archibald Hay (Bara’s brother). I changed my quarters that same day and came to Kinlochs.

[357] Probably Duncan Forbes, 1644-1704, M.P. for Nairn, succeeded his father about 1688, father of President Forbes.

Within a day or 2 I was acquaint wt our Scots Captains, Captain Caddel, C. Rutherfurd wt a tree leg–his oune was dong from him at the Seige of Graveling–and Captain Scot, also on C. White.

I saw the fruit they call grenades[358] at Paris. To look to before its cut most like a citron: being cut at the top its all ful of litle grains as like rezer[359] berries in the coulor and bigness, yea almost in the tast, as can be. It was a pretty sight to sy how prettily the grains ware ranked wtin the skin.

[358] Pomegranates.

[359] Rezer, rizzer, red currant.

Mr. Kinloch on night coming from a burial of a Hugonet Medecin at Charenton saw a blind man of the Kings vingt (as they call them, tho they be 15 score) play at the Maille[360] to admiration, wheir upon Mr. Grahme took occasion to tel severall very wonderful things he know of blind men: amongs others, of one that could play weill to the gooffe, of another that, take doune 2 watches, mix their works as much as ye like in a hat or any other thing, and gave them him, he saw put them up as iust every one wt their oune vorks as any cknock maker shal do. Its common that they know any sort of silver by a more parfait touche then ordinar, which God is pleased to impart unto them in recompence of the want of sight.

[360] See p. 20, note 2.

In the renouned toune of Forfar, one who had many kyn having caused milk them at his door, left the tub wheirin he had milked them by neglect at his door. By comes a neigbhours cow, whow being damned thirsty, comes the by way to the tub and takes a wery hearty draught. In the mean tyme comes he that ought the milk, and seing the damage that was done him, to the Toune counsel he goes and makes a very greevous complaint, demandes that he that owes the cow that had drunk his milk pay him it. The counsel was exceedingly troubled wt this demand, never in their remembrance having had the like case throrough their fingers. After much debat on both sydes, a sutor[361] stands up and showes that he had light upon a medium to take up the difference. He askes whither it was a standing drink or not that the cow took when she drank out the milk. They replying whow could she take it but standing, he replyed that it was a most sure thing in that country, knowen to them all, that none ever payed for a standing drink. They following this decision assolzied and cleared cow wt its owner from paying ought, as having taken only a standing drink.

[361] Cobbler.

Its marked of the Aurelians[362] that they cannot drink standing, but that tho they have never so litle to drink, they most sit doune. Henry the 4’t, as he was a very mery man, being at Orleans at a tyme, and my Lord maire and his Eschevins being come to sie him, he would try the truth of this. He first causes remove all the chaires and stools out of the roome, so that nothing was left that a man could sit doune on: then caused bring in win, and drinks to my L. mairs good health, then ordains him to pledge him, who begins to look about him for a seat; no, nay seat for him, wheir on he began to suspect the King had done it a purpose, he resolves to give his Majesty sport. He causes on of his Aldermen to sit doune on his knees and his hand, so that he may drink of his drink to the King on his back sitting, which he did, and at which the King did laught no litle.

[362] People of Orleans.

In the tyme of our late stirs one of the name of Gordon, called black Adam,[363] had broken in on a willage in some part of the north, and had made such a pillage that he had left nothing that was in the least worth the carrieng away. One of the women of the willage bewailling her lose wt her neighbours, demanded whow they called that wicked man that that had them the scaith. They call him Adam, quoth another, I know no more. Adam, quoth she. Adam began the world and I think he sal end it to.

[363] Edom o’ Gordon.

The Irishes hes a damned respect for St. Phatrick, of whom they say, that if Christ had no bein Christ, St. Phatrick would have bein Christ, as he ware the most worthy person after Christ.

In the first part of the Romance termed _Almahide_ or _l’esclave Reyne_, penned by the renouned Scudery,[364] dedicated to Mademoiselle, the Kings sister, are brought in the toun of Grenade in a uproar by reason of 2 mighty factions, the Abencerrages, of whilk Abindarrays is the head; and the Zegris, whose head is Mohavide, betuixt whilk 2 the whole toune is divided. It comes to a cruel fight in the spatious place of Viwaramble, notwtstanding what the Mufti wt the Alcoran in his hand could say to dissuade them, who is descryved wt all the rest of the religious orders.

[364] George de Scuderi, 1601-1667.

Amongs the Abencerrages was eminently conspicous the _bell esclave_ on the head of Moray Zel, the father of Sultane Queenes party, for fear of whom the queen suffers no small greife. At last by the mediation of the King they are brought to peace; only Mohavide subornes a Alfaguy to accuse criminelly the sclave for being found wt armes in his handes against the law of the Alcoran: whos harangue is answered and refuted by Moray Zell. The King, after deip deliberation and a magnanimous harangue of the sclave, himselfe assolyies him. This reased a curiosity in Roderick de Navarre, a great Spaniard, prisoner of the Mores at that tyme, having sein the valeur of the sclave, to know what he might be: whence one Ferdnand, a old slave of the Sultane queen, begines him his story thus:

In the beginning of the reigne of Muleyhassel, whose sone reigneth at present, the greatest courtier at the court of Grenade was Morayzell; and tho their ware many brave Dames, yet none could captivate his heart, so that long tyme he was called le bel insensible. On a tyme on of his friends called Almadam came and invited him to a feigned fight of canes he was to make in the sight of his M’ris Semahis, to which at lenth yeelding, he beates him, and wines the heart of Semahis, and begines to find his oune touched. Finaly, after a combat for hir betuixt him and Almadan, in which he overthrowes Almadan, they are solennly married. About the course of a year after the beautiful Semahis gave a matchlesse daughter, which they called Almahide, and who at present is _Sultane reyne_, to the valliant Morayzel, who caused a learned Arabian cast hir Horoscope, who dressing hir figure, gave the strange answer, that the stars told him that she sould be fort sage et fort amoureuse, quelle sera en mesme temps femme et fille, Vierge et mariee, esclave et Reyne, femme d’un esclave et d’un Roy, heureuse et malheureuse, Mahometane et Chrestienne, innocente et coupable, et enfin plus estrange exposee an danger d’estre brulee toute vive. De plus quelle mourra plus contente qu’elle n’aura vescu, et que parmy les debris d’un Throne et le bouleversement d’un Royaume, son amour et son innocence la consoleront elle mesme de la perte d’une courrone que la fortune lui osterea.

This gave no smal astonishment to Moray Zel, who to evite them the better resolves to send his daughter far from Grenade, to Algiers in Africk, that if it comes to pass it may light far from Grenade. This he puts in execution, shipping in the infant at Tarriffe under the tuition of seweral slaves, but especialy of Fernand de Solis. Them we leive on the sea a while to tell another rancontre.

About 3 years before the birth of Almahide, Inez d’Arragon bore a son to hir Lord dom Pedro de Leon, due de Medine Sidonia, in Andalousy, in Spaine. The childs Horoscope the father caused to be casten by one of Toledo, who desired him to have a watchful eye of his sone til he pass 20, otherwise he may be made slave. To obey this the better Dom Pedro thought it not amisse to remove his sone from the court and city and send him to a plaisant country house called the Fountaines, wheir we leive the young Ponce de Leon, and returnes to our Almahide on the sea.

The Ship is sett upon by pirats corsaires, and they are taken al sclaves and carried to the ile of Dorigni. Heir they stayed a long tyme, and Almahide growes to some years, and hir beauty growes wondrously wt her, which the pirats seing they resolve to carry hir to Constantinople to sell hir to them that plenishes the Turks seraglio. Whiles they are on their way they are casten away, none saved but Fernand and the litle Almahide, tho Fernand know not of it; for some shephards finding hir in a sound[365] on the shore, they carried hir to the Fountaines iust at hand (for their lot was such to be casten away their), and sold hir to the Duc and Dutchesse. Dom Fernand, finding that he was in his oune country, and knowing that the Ducks house, who was his old freind, was neir he went to visit him, wheir to his amazement he fand the litle Almahide, who came runing to him and velcomed him. Heir the Duc choses Fernand to be his sones gouueneur, and appointes the beautiful Almahide to stay their to bear his sone company.

[365] Swoon.

All this while Morayzel could gett no newes of his daughter, which was no small greife to him. In the interim the fierce and fair Semahis, his Lady, wt hir charmes conqueres so many souls to hir beck that being ambitious she brought Grenade in hazard.

After this is intervoven a lang but pretty description of the house called Fontaines. Love begines incessantly to grow betuixt them. The only obstacle was she was still mahometane, which the sclaves had infused in hir. Yet on a tyme young Ponce mocking merrily at the fopperies of the Alcoran she tournes Christian. On this their love takes new strenthe: on a tyme he impartes it to hir; from whom at lenth he getts a promise of hir fidelity to him. After she turned Christian she got the name of Aminte. Theirs sowen in a pretty dispute that happened, what might be the prettiest of flowers, and its generally by Aminte also concluded on the Tulip.

Their fame cannot be long confined at the Fontaines, but its at the Court of Sewill already; which drawes many galland persons to come sy them, and amongs others Dom Alvare, who proved to Ponce de Leon a Rivall, who expressing his affection to the fair Grenadine both in verses and lettres it occasioned bad intelligence betuixt him and Ponce, so that it comes to a combat, wheirin Ponce carries away the victory. And it was like to have occasioned more mischeif had not Fernand, Ponce his governor, writen to the Duc to fetche away Aminte, who was the occasion of their striv, which the Duc obeyes, sending a coach for hir to carry hir to Sewil, who having renewed hir promise of fidelity to Ponce leives him their a very sorry man. Thus ends the first Book.

* * * * * [366]

[366] Half a page blank. There follows here an essay in French or notes of a lecture on the study of law, a juvenile performance. Though inserted in the MS. book it is not part of the Journal. It has been printed here as it stands.

Il y a deuz methodes pour estudier le droit, ou par la voye du text ou par celle des quaestions: certes le chemin du text est le plus asserre, plus solide et moins trompeur. Pour le text comme guides wous vous attacherez a Vinneus, ou vous trouwerez cela qu’il est de la scholastick: a Sucidiwen non paralelle quant est de la practique. A la glosse ou Accurse si vous souhaitez les cas et les especes des loix: si vous ne tirez pas toute la satisfaction possible quant est de la text de ceux-cy, feuilletez Bartol, Cuiace et Azon dans son Summa, de qui autrefois l’on disoit, Qui non habet Azonem vendat pallium. Si vous voudrez chicaner ou jusque an moindres points epluscher une loix dans la text vous trouverez vostre conte dans Antonius Faber.

Ayant leu les Institutes avec ses aydes, vous vous tournerez aux Paratitlairs. Sur la quelle matiere personne n’entrera en parrallelle avec Peresius in C. Vesenbecius ne laisse pas faire assez bicn la dessus: vous pourrez aussi regardez Corvinus. Calvin dans ses Paratitles n’a fait qu’une honteuse recueill de cela que les autres avoient dit la dessus devant lui, comme de Cuiace, Vesenbec, etc. Entre les Docteur Francois les parratitles de Maranus, Antecesseur de Tholose, sont en haute estime, mais puisque nos sentiments nous sont libres, nous ne voyons pas trop de raison. Vous n’oublierez pas les Paratitles de Tulden wrayment grand homme: comme ceux de Zoesig et sur les Digests, et sur le droit canon. Cette Methode apprendre le droit par le text a receu ses meilleurs et plus brillantes lumiers des Francois. Seulement vous prendrez icy garde d’une faute de qui je les accus presque tous, pourtant fort insupportable et bien digne de la fowette: c’est que ils advancent des choses en controverse comme s’ils estoient hors du controverses et autant de Principes, et par ainsi pitieusement abusent la ieunesse. Afin de vous detromper vous passerez dans l’autre chemin, qui est celui des Quaestions, lequel si vous pourrez marier heureusement a l’autre, de cette union vous peut redonder dans son temps une entiere connoissance du droit. Dans ce chemin-cy wous ne manquez pas des hommes scavants pour vos praecepteurs. Ici s’offrent Fachinaei controversiae, Vasquii controversiae Illustres: item son traite De successionibus tam ex testamento quam ab intestato. Item Pacij centuriae: qui outre son commentaire ad Institutiones a aussi escrit ad librum 4tum c. lequel oeuure de Pacius emporte sur tous ses autres. Vous y trowwerez Merenda. Vous chercherez pour Bronchorstii Quaestiones, qui a aussi escrit ad T.D. De Regulis Juris. Vous ne manquerez pas d’acheter les disputationes selecta Treutheri ou ses Theses, avec Hunnius (qui a aussi ecrit 4 libres variarum resolutionum) in 3 tomes le dessus, et Bachovius cet grand esprit, de qui Vineus derobe le meilleur de cela qu’il a. Mais sur toute n’oubliez pas le 4 Tomes de Harpreclitus sur les 4 livres des Institutes, qui vous donnera une lumiere merveilleuse dans toutes les quaestions; et ou il defail le lui-mesme, il vous n’envoye aux meilleurs autheurs qui a escrit sur cette matiere. A la mesme fin vous demanderez pour Mastertius, ou particulierement pour son sedes illustrium materiarum Juvis civilis, ou il vous monstre tous les meilleurs Autheurs de la connoissance qui explique une telle ou une telle loix Voyez Nicolaus de Passeribus De Reconciliationibus Legum.

While I was at Campheire, towards the end of July 1667, I had occasion to sie the book writ by our banished ministers at Rotterdam and other places, and particularly by Mr. Macquaire[367] put ut in the years 1665, intituled ‘An Apologetical Relation of the particular sufferings of the faithful ministers and professors of the Church of Scotland since August 1660, wherein severall questions useful for the tyme are discussed. The Kings praerogative over parliament and peaple soberly inquired into; the lawfulnesse of defensive war cleared; the supreme Magistrats powers in Church matters examined, Mr. Stellingfleets notion of the divine right of the formes of government considered; the author of the Seasonable Case answered: other particulars, such as the hearing of the curates, the appearing before the hy commission court., etc., canvassed, togither with the rise, raigne, and ruine of the former Praelats in Scotland, being a breiff accompt from History of the Goverment of the Church of Scotland from the beginning, and of the many troubles which Praelats have created to hir first and last, for satisfaction of Strangers and encouradgement of present sufferers by a weill wisher to the goud old cause. Then follows some places of Scripture, as Jeremias 50, ver. 34, Micah 7, ver. 9-10, Isay 51, ver. 22-23.

[367] Robert Macquare wrote a postscript to the _Apologetical Relation_, etc., which was the work of J. Brown. A reprint in the _Presbyterian’s Armoury_, vol. iii. (1843), is in the British Museum.

In this book they traduce Spotswood, Archbishop of St. Androws, endeavoring to make him ridiculous, and empanelling him of falsehood in many places of his History, using to refute him the auctority of Buchanan, a auctor more suspected then himselfe.

In their 4 section they prove the Marquis of Argyle most uniustly to have bein put to death the 27 of May 1661. The ground of his sentence they say in the 78 page to have bein that he was and had bein an ennemy to the King and his interests thesse 23 years or more bypast, which in effect (say they) is as much as give ye would say he had bein an active freind for the interest of Christ, making Gods interest and the Kings interest point blanc contrary, so that a freind to the one could not be but a ennemy to the other.

The thing that more particularly the Parliament adhered to was his compliance wt the English and sitting in their Parliaments. But that this was not treason, and consequently not capable to take his life, they labor to prove by sundry particulars, first that the Lawyers themselfes (who best of any should know what treason is) complied, yea swore fidelity, to that government. They instance to his odium Sir John Fletcher, then Kings Advocate. 2dly, He was not guilty of compliance alon. Many members of Parliament sitting their to judge him war _conscii criminis_. 3dly, If compliance was treasonable and capable enough to put him to death, whey ware they so anxious to find out other grounds against him wheiron they might walk? 4ly, Whey was never on save this nobleman not so much as empanelled for this fault, much lesse put to death? Whow came it to passe that William Purves, who by complying had almost occasioned ruine to many noblemen, boroughs, and gentlemen, was absolved by a act of Parliament? Then their was never act of Parliament, nether any municipal Law, condemning necessesary compliance for life and liberty wt a conqueror, and for the good of the country conquered, as treasonable. Their was never a practick or _praejudicium_ in Scotland for it since it was a Kingdome. Bruce did never so much as quaestion his nobility that in Balliols tyme had complied wt Edward of England. Nixt the Royalists say conquaest is a just title to a croune. So Baleus[368] in his _Sacro-sancta Regum Maiestas_, cap. 17; but so be Cromwell conquered our country, ergo, he was our lawful governour and had just title to our croune. If so, whow could compliance and passive obedience to such a on be treason? In this he triumphs so, that he addes, let al the Royalists answer to this wtout contradicting themselfes if they can. No definition out of the civil Law can be brought of treason which wil comprehend necessary compliance; ergo, its no treasonable. Finally, we sie compliance to be the practise of all conquered nations, yet upon the alteration of government no body condemned for it.

[368] John Bale, Bishop of Ossory, died 1563.

In the end they appeal to al governours of states, Lawyers, casuists, politicians, canonists, and Quod-libetists, yea to Royalists themselfes, whither or no when a nation is broken in 3 or 4 battells, so that they can do no more, but are oblidged to take laws from the conqueror, wil it be treason to comply wt the ennemy for life and liberty, and when he is chosen by the country to go and sit in the conquerors judicatories (which priveledge _ex gratia_ he grants them), to sie the affairs of the Kingdom regulate, and sie to what wil be best for the good of the country. They persuade themselfes that all wil say this is no treason. Then subsume they, but such was Argiles compliance; ergo, for treasonable compliance he could not be put to death because not guilty of it.

Then ye have a vindication of Mr. James Guthry,[369] execute 1 of June 1661, from the crimes layd to his charge wheirupon his sentence was founded. They say the crime was that some 10 years before, being challenged by the King for somthing spok over the pulpit, he declined his cognizance as a incompetent judge in ecclesiastical spiritual matters, which declinaturs be a act of Parliament, anno 1584, are discharged under the pain of hy treason; but this they contend was afterwards abrogated, so that they conclud him to have died a martyr for the truth against Erastian abomination.

[369] Covenanting minister (? 1612-1661).

In the 6 section ye have the zeal of that minister, who upon the Parliaments casting of the Covenant, pulling out a six pence, took instruments in the hands of the peaple and protested against all courses or acts in preiudice of the Covenant, for which he was banished. None of the banisht ministers could ever obtain a extrait of their sentence, which is a thing no judicatory ever refused. Nixt, because they could not banish them furder then from Scotland, they forged a bond to which they compelled the ministers to subscryve, wheirin they promised not to be found wtin any of his maiesties dominions under the pain of death; which they call cruel and unreasonable.

Voetius they commend and cite often. Sharpe they call a betrayer of his bretheren, and a most unnatural sone of his mother church. Then the reasons whence they refuse to go to the praelats courts are rendred; whey they refuse collation and presentation of them, which they exclaime against as popish, foisting in its steed the peaples frie election.

In France they know not moor foul. They have 2 sorts of excellent partridges. That we call the Lampre elle, wt us esteemed almost poison, wt them called la Lamprey, is a great delicacy. They are wery big.

Follows some riddles.

* * * * * [370]

[370] Eight lines are omitted, containing four riddles with _double entendres_ which are grossly indecent without being witty.

Sequitur AEnigmaticum quoddam epitaphium Bononia studiorum ante multa saecula marmoreo lapidi insculptum: AElia Laelia crispis, nec vir nec mulier, nec androgyna nec puella, nec juvenis nec anus, nec meretrix nec pudica, sed omnia; sublata neque fame nec ferro nec veneno sed omnibus; nec caelo nec aquis nec terra sed ubiqe iacet. Lucius Agatho Priscus nec maritus nec amator nec necessarius neque moerens, neque gaudens neque flens hanc neque molem nec pyramidem nec sepulchrum sed omnia, scit et nescit quid qui posuerit, hoc est, sepulchrum intus cadaver non habens, hoc est, cadaver sepulchrum extra non habens sed cadaver idem est et sepulchrum sibi.

Bacon has write Apothegmes new and old, a litle book.

A English curate said their was 3 things that annoyed man, and they began all wt a double w, win, women, and tobacco, but whow does tobacco begin wt a w, wil ye say: tobacco is nothing but a weed, which word begins wt a w.

Another having read his text, sayd he had 3 things to tell them, the first thing he know and they know it not, and this was that under his gown he had a pair of ragged breitches; the 2d thing they know and he know it not, and this was, whither they would give him new ones or no; the thrid thing nether of us knows, and that is the true meaning of thir words: and thus out of the pulpit he went.

Repasse Dom Alvare, repasse bien cxactement en ta memoire tous ces que tes yeux t’out fait voir de beau depuis que la suit de l’age les a rendus capables de faire une juste discernement des belles et de laides choses, et apres cette soigneuse recherche ne seras tu pas obliger de prononcer en faveur D’Aminte, et d’auoueer ingenument quelle est sans contredit la plus aimable et la plus accomplie personne que Nature ait jamais fait. Quelle grace n’a tu pas remarquee au ton de sa voix comme en ses paroles et ses beaux yeux; n’out ils pas beaucoup plus parle que sa belle bouche? O qu’ils sont eloquens ces beaux yeux! qu’ils sont doux! qu’il sont pourtant imperieux, qu’ils ont de charmes et de Maieste! qu’ils ont de charmes et de Maieste? qu’ils ont de feu! qu’ils ont de lumiere! et que leur eclat est brillant et dangereux!

Vous dites tants de choses agreables que vous me fait venir l’eau a la bouche. Dissimulez aussi bien que vous voulez la mesche est deia eventee.

Il n’y a gueres de fumee sans feu, iamais escritoire ne fut bonne espee, il vaut mieux tard que iamais. Il ne faut pas lire beaucoup, c’est a dire, il faut faire choiz des Auteurs et se les rendre familier. L’Histoire a bon droit est appelle le tesmoin des temps, le flambeau de la verite, la vie de la memoire, et la maistresse de la vie. L’occasion fait le Larron; for finding a thing in the way it temptes him to steall, it seing so faire a occasion. Pain coupe n’a point de maistre, whence a man seing bread cut, wheirof no man is as yet in possession, he may freely take hold of it as belonging to none or having no master. Chacune est fol de sa marotte: the crow thinks hir oune bird fairest. Chaque pais chaque coustume. Toutes choses ont leur season, qui premier nait premier paiste. The eldest feids first, insinuating the priveledges of primogeniture, which are great in France as also with us.

Il faut prendre gard (saye the frenchman) d’une qui pro quo d’une Apotiquaire (as when in mistake he takes one pig[371] for another, or out of ignorance gives a binding thing for a laxative) d’une et caetera d’un Notaire (by which is taxed the knaveries of that calling), d’une dewant une femme, d’une derriere une mule, et d’un Moin de tout costes: thats to say, diligently. Of the man that undertakes the voyag to Rome, because of the great corruptions their, of which few can keip themselfes frie, the Frenchman sayes: Jamais bon cheval ni meschant homme ne s’amendist pour aller a Rome. When they would taxe on for being much given to lying, they say, Il est un menteur comme un arracheur de dents; for the tooth-drawers wil promise that they sall not so much as touch them almost, that they sal find no peine, when in the interim the peine wil be very sensible. Of one much given to study, they say, Il estudie tant que les rats scauroient manger ses oreilles. Who can approach such a glorious sun wtout being dazeled.

[371] Earthenware vessel.

The French are generally wery timorous on Sea, whereon he sayes, Je n’aime pas passer la ou le cheure[372] ne scauroit fermer ses pieds, hold its feet. The frenchman sayes that he hath heard qu’une grande riviere et un grand seigneur sont mauvais voisins. Vous serez bien venu comme une singe, mais point comme une renard. Chou pour chou, craft for craft. Patience abuse se tourne en fureur. Laughter compelled and bitter, as the Latins calles it, Risus sardonius, so the French sayes; Le ris d’hosteliers qui ne passe point le noeud de la gorge, because that hoasts and others of sick like stuffe laught ordainarly to please their ghests wt out any true affection to laught. The occasion of the Latin, Risus sardonius, as Erasmus explaines, is because of a Herbe called in Latin, Apium Risus, in French, Herbe de Sardagne, because it growes in great abondance in Sardinia, which no sooner eaten but it looseth and disiointeth al the nerves, so that the mouth falls wide open iust as give they ware laughting; yea in this posture they die. Thus the commentator on Du Bartas weeks, que dit un peuple dit un fol, who sayes a multitude sayes a fool. C’est tousiours plus mal-aise de faire mal que bien, its easier to do a thing the right way then the wrong, as in opening a door. Il n’y a marchand qui gaigne tousjours. _Nemo ubique potest foelici_,[373] etc., its a good roost that drapes aye.[374] Of him that out of scarcity tauntes his neihbour wt the same scorne wt which he scorned him, the Frenchman sayes, il ne vaut rien pour prendre la bal a la seconde enleuement, at the 2d stot. He is a man of a 1000 crounes a year, l’un important l’autre, on way or other; its used also in drinking healths. Of a modest, learned young man, _cui contigit ante diem virtus_, they say, qu’il demente son menton, he belyes his chin. If one would know another weill he most try him and sus et sous la peau trinque [land][375] hachis hach, old French words used by Du Bartas. If ye demand him for a thing he hath eaten, he’el tel you, il est passe par la ville d’Angoulesme. Of a man that hath not spirit, they say, il est ni chair ni poisson; l’on moque de cela a la cour. Entre nous autres Gentils-hommes il n’y a point de bourgois, as give ye would say, among 10 whites their is not a black.

[372] Chevre, goat.

[373] For _felici_.

[374] Ferguson’s _Scottish Proverbs_, p. 21: It’s a good goose that draps ay.

[375] Interlined.

They put a gentleman and burgoise as opposites; he cannot be a gentleman if a burgoise; but he may become on and then he ceaseth to be a burgoise. I urged whither or no a gentlemans sone by becoming a burgoise was not stil gentleman; they sayd not, for by becoming bourgoise (he is called Roturier) he seimes to renounce his right of gentleman. Throw Germany they are thought so incompatible, that if a man can deduce himselfe, tho never so far fetcht, from gentlemen, he, tho he have no means and be like to starve, he wil not turne marchand or any other trade.

Une harangue de Gascoigne is on courte et mauvaise, tho they have not the tongue and cannot manage it weil, yet they have ever manadged the sword weill, being brave sogers, and consequently horrid Rodomontades and boasters. Du Bartas tho was a Gascoin.

They call a brothers sone in France neveu; our sones sone petit fils. A barren women in France they call very disdainfully une mulet: thus they termed Marguerit, King of Spaines daughter, Emperor Charles the 5 neice, Henry the 4ts queen, for a tyme, who cucolded him.

We most never forget the 2 catalogues which served Pighoog[376] of so great use, on of all the fathers, the other of all the Haeresies; also the dron[377] and false Latin we fand in the Corpus Glossatum, Domine tanta, etc.; as also our rowing at the boat, Pighogs …[378] and Piters falling on his back, his perruvick coming of; also our sports that night we studied the stars wt Mr. James, his griveous hat, and James of a low stature and William Ker had almost lost his hat, wt many others to be recalled to memory.

[376] A nickname for somebody, perhaps a tutor or schoolmaster.

[377] Have not found this word.

[378] Three or four words erased.

If we be demanded at any tyme to sing a song we may begin…[379] we would look to the company. If they be speaking of any song, we may say we have heard it song sweitly wt 3, 2 of them harkening and the 3d not opening his mouth. If we fall to be demanded to tell a story we may begin …[380] that of him that called himselfe …[381] If they be talking of wonders, we may say that their was a stone at Poictiers, which at every twelve howers it hard whirled about thrice. Also when togither wt any commorads and fall to in merrinesse to dance, at any pas in mockery we may say it was worth a 100 crouns.

[379] Nearly a line erased.

[380] Three or four words erased.

[381] Two words erased.

They have 3 proverbs in France: 1, save a thief from the gallowes and he’el be the readiest man to help you to it; 2, never commit your secrets to a woman, as to your wife; and 3d, a man sould not bourd[382] wt his masters.

[382] Jest familiarly.

One example sal verify all 3. In the tyme of Charles the great their was on that had a great wogue of learning and wisdome, to which man the King concredited his sone the Prince. One of the Princes attendants was taken in a roobery and condemned to the gibbet: the Prince and his master begged his life, and so saved him. To try the 2d byword, the master took his pupill the Prince to the Soan to bath, having bathed, he put him wtin a mil wt strait orders not to stir from that til he called for him. He comes home to his wife wt a feigned heady countenance, telling her wt a great deal of protestations for secrecy, that as he was causing the young Prince for his healths sake bath, he was perished. Tomorrow he pickt a litle quarrel wt his wife, before some company: she being angry wt him cost up the secret to him, so that it was immediatly conveyed to the Kings ears, who in a fury ordained that he sould be broken on the wheel. The usual executioners could not be found; yea, no other body that would supply his place, so generally was the man reverenced be all. The King enraged, offers 50 pistols to him that wil do the turne. None yet presents themselfes save only the theif he had saved from the gallowes. The childs gowernour having tried all that he desired, demanded licence to go bring the Prince safe, which he did to the admiration, wonder and gladness of all.

He fand it was not good to play wt his superiors, as also he did who once taking of Charles the 9 beard in France took the boldnesse to sie that the Kings throat was in his reverence, was hanged immediatly, the King saying that his throat sould never be in his reverence againe. Also that nobleman who getting the King wtin that great cage that’s to be sein at Chinon yet, in sporting said that he had the King at his reverence; its true, quoth the King, but let me out. He was no sooner out but he caused him be shut up in the cage, and suffered him to dy their for hunger wtout mercy. The story of K. James his fool may werify this same truth.

The French sayes, _il n’est pas tant la qualite que la quantite de quelque chose qui fait mal_. Is it possible that the sun hath halfed his privilegde wt you; that as he communicated heatte to the inferior bodies wtout enioying any in his oune sphaere, so also can you …[383] not heats but dazeles and mortally wounds all that approach you wtout being in the least touched yourselfe; no, pardon me, if I cannot beleive it.

[383] Word erased.

If I be spaired what sort of folks the French are, we may reply they are folk wt noses on their faces, and that like St. Paul never speaks but they open their mouth. Rapier and Miton[384] are French words.

[384] _Mitten_. The French word has also other meanings.

They have many othes in France. Jesus, Maria, and Nostre Dame are lawful oaths used by the Churchmen themselfes. Jarne[385] Diable is also lawful, as the Cordelier sayd in his preaching, Jarne Mahomet most also be lawful. They have a numbre of horrid ones, as ventre Dieu, teste Dieu, mort Dieu, ou mort blew Jarnec Dieu; cap de bious, a Gascoin oath, and verte chou, a great oath assuredly.

[385] Corruption of _je renie_.

Qui a bon voisin a bon mastin, he is as steadable to him as a good mastive. Charite bien reiglee commence a soy mesme. To the same purpose, le peau est nous plus cher que la chemise. Le chat aime le poisson bien, mais elle n’aime pas de mouiller ses pates. Ce qui vien de la fluste s’en retourne au son du tambour, Il woon soon spent; goods lightly gotten lightly slipes away. When ye would say that he knows not weil sick a man, vous n’avez iamais mange un minot[386] de sel avec lui. Dite moy quelle companie vous avez frequente, et ie vous diray vos moeurs.

[386] A measure containing half a mine, equal to thirty-nine litres.

A northern minister preaching on that, Esau sold to his brother Jacob his birthright for a morsel of pottage: base man that he was, quoth he, the belligod loune, sel his birth-right for a cog of pottage, what would he have done if it had bein a better dish.

They alleadge that a Frenchman sould have sayd, that if our Saviour had a brother, the greatest honor he could put upon him would be to make him King of France.

Anthoine le Bourbon, 1 protestant of the Kings of Navarre, having got a Capycin and a Minister together, he would have them dispute before him. The Minister began on the point of the crosse. Theirs a tree, sayd he, of the one halfe of it ye make a crosse which ye vorship, of the other halfe ye make a gallows to hang up a theif on. Whey carry ye respect for that peice ye make a crosse of, and no for that ye make the gibet of, since they are both of on matter? The Capycin seimed to be wery much pusled wt this. After a little pause he demands the Minister if he was married. Yes, that I am, what of it? quoth the M. Whow comes it to passe then, quoth the Capycin, that ye kisse your wifs mouth and not hir arse, whey have ye more respect for hir mouth then hir arse, since they are both of on mater? The Minister thought himselfe out; yea, King Anthony thought shame of him.

Their was a minister of Fyfe of the name of Bruce that had a great gade[387] of ending promiscuosly his sermons, as, for example, he was telling on a tyme how the Beaver, being purshued hotly by the hunters, used to bit of his stones, the silly fellow, forgetting what he had to sy more, added, to which end, good God, bring us, as if he had sayd to bit of our stoons. He closed in that same sort once whow Judas hanged himselfe. Once as he was exhorting the peaple to beware of the Devil, who was a roaring and ramping lyon, etc., he added, to whom wt the father and the holy ghost be all honnor and glory for now and ever, amen.

[387] Probably for ‘gait,’ way.

One being asked whence came the antipathy that we find betuixt some beasts, as the dog and the hare, the Lizard (Ichneumon) and the crocodile, the sheip and the wolfe, and he replyed that it began wt the flood of Noah when they ware all in Ark together, that then the hare stol the dogs shoe from him, and that theirfor the dog ever when he sies him since runs efter him to get his shoe again.

The Mythologists gives 2 reasons whey they[388] bloody bat flies under night, and compairs not on the day: the first is because of his defections from the birds when they ware in war wt the beasts; the 2d because beginning to marchandise he played banque route, whence he dare never be sein in the day for fear that his creditors take him wt caption.

[388] Perhaps ‘the.’ The ‘y’ is indistinct, as if it was intended to be erased.

This minds me of on at Edenborough, who being drouned in debt durst never pipe[389] out in the day light, but always under night. On a tyme coming by the fleschstocks of the Landmarket, a cleak[390] claughts a grip of his cloak, and holds him. He immediatly apprehending that it was some sergent or messenger that was arresting him, he cryes back as pittyfully, at whose instance, Sir; at whose, etc.

[389] Peep.

[390] Hook.

A Minister of Bamf (as Mr. Mowat when I was at dinner once their reported it), being to give the communion, he had caused buy as much win as would serve for his parishioners. Whil the cup is going about, it falls to be ful on a strong, sturdy cloun that used not to drink win oft, and who was wery thristy; he gets the cup to his head; he never rested tel he had whistled it over. On of the Elders, seing what he had done, in a great anger cryes out, even the devil go doune wt it, for that might have geined[391] a dozen.

[391] Gein or gane, sufficed for.

Its reported of Gustavus Adolphus that he was used to say, that for ennemies he had to do wt a fool (which was Valstein, Duc of Fritland, one of the Imperialists generals, a cruell man and a foolish man, he thought to make himself Emperor; wheirupon at the Emperors instigation he was slain by our countrymen Leslie and Gordon: Butler would not do it), wt a soger (which was Pappenheim, a brave souldier, slain in that same battell of Lutzen that Gustavus was slain in), and a preist; which was Tilly who never wanted his chappelets of his arme, never missed a Messe, and boasted he never know a women.

Many a brave Scotsman served in thesse wars of Germany (we most remember what he did to that tyran the Duc of Cleves), amongst others on Colonel Edmond,[392] a baxters sone of Stirleving.

[392] Colonel Sir William Edmond. See _Scots Brigade in Holland_ (S.H.S.), vol. i. p. 577, where it appears that his father was a baker in Edinburgh. Colonel Edmond died in 1606.

The Bischop of Munster, a merry man, wil cry whiles, _donnez moy trois grande verres de vin_, then, _c’est a la sante des mes trois Charles et Charles Seconds: Charles 2d D’Angleterre, Charles 2d D’Espaigne, et Charles 2d_ [sic] _de Suede_: this is wery remarkable.

Philip, the 2d, Charles the Emperors son, had also a Charles, Prince of Spain, whom most barbarously he caused strangle, as Peter Mathieu reports it, tho Strada would dissemble it.

We had several marks of the Spanish gravity in this Prince. When the news was told him of the great victory of Lepanto, woon over the Turks by his natural brother, Dom John of Austria (the way whow they made D. Jean know his quality is worth the knowing), generalissimo of the Christian forces, he would not appear to be moved wt the least joy, al he sayd was, _Dom Juan a beaucoup hazarde_. When the news was told him of the dissipation of his invincible Armado, commanded by the Duc of Medine Sidonia, he would not seim to be troubled wt it, all he sayd was, _j’ay envoye une flote pour combattre des hommes non pas les vagues et les vents_.

They reporte of the Queen of Suede when she was in France that she was wery curious to sie all the [brave][393] great men of the court, and amongs others to sy Mr. le Prince[394] who hes no great mine[395] to look to. On a tyme entering unto the roome wheir she was, some told her it was Mons’r le Prince. She, having contemplated him disdainfully, cryes out, _Esque la le prince de qui l’on parle tant_: he gied[396] his hat a litle, and payed hir wery weil back in her oune coin, _es que la la Reyne qui faict tant parler d’elle_.

[393] Interlined.

[394] Conde.

[395] Mein.

[396] Turned, cocked.

The young Daufin of France, tho not yet 5 years old, gives great hopes of proving a brave man. As the King was removing from St. Germains to go to Fontainebleau, and they had taken doune the plenishing to carry and put up their, as the Daufin is coming thorough the roomes he begines to misse their hingers,[397] he spears what was come to them; they told him they ware carried to F’bleau. Hes not F’bleau, quoth he, furniture for it selfe of its oune; they replying no, _cela est vilain, cela est honteux, dit-il_. His answer was told to the King: he did laught and say, _il a raison, il a raison_.

[397] Hangings, tapestry.

They prove that a woman hes not a soul out of that of the 22 of Genesis, And all the souls of Abrahams house ware circumcised, but so be its certain the women ware not circumcised; ergo, they have not souls.

Mr. Thomas Courty, preaching on that, be ye followers of Christ, sayd their was 4 sort of followers of Christ, the first was them that did not follow him at all, the 2 them that ran before him, the 3d sort of followers was them that went cheeky for chow wt him, the 4 was them that ware indeed behind him, but so far that they never could gett their eye on him.

King James gave one of his daughters to the Count Palatin of the Rhin, Frederic, who was afterward chosen King of Bohemia in 1619, the States having declaired the nomination of the Archiduc Ferdinand afterwards Emperor nulle. This election was the occasion of thesse bloudy wars that troubled poor Germany from 19 to 48 wherin the peace of Munster was concluded. The Elector sent to King James desyring his assistance, who refused it (against his interest), wt this answer, I gave my daughter to the Palatin on the Rhin, not to the King of Bohemia. The Elector hearing this replyed, a man that marries the King of Englands daughter whey may not he be King of Bohemia.

A Frenchman told me that he beleived when the devil tempted our Saviour to worship him by showing him al the Kingdomes of the earth and the glory of the samen, that the devil did put his meikle thomb upon Scotland to hide it from our Saviour for fear that having seen it sick a montanous, barren, scurvey country, he sould have conceaved a disgoust at all the rest.[398]

[398] Montereul tells the same story. See his _Correspondence_ (S.H.S.), vol. ii. p. 513.

[What follows is written at the end of book, and written the reverse way to the rest of the MS., the two writings meeting on the same page.]

From Monsieur Kinloch, I have receaved first 100 livres at Paris; a bil for 150 at Orleans, another for 42; as also a third for 100 payed me by one Mr. Boyetet, marchand their. At Poietiers I have drawen on Francis for a 100 livres, of which I have receaved payment heir from Mr. Augier, marchand. I drow again for 200, out of which I have payed Mr. Alex’r 155 francks, whence their rests me about 46. In February 1666 I drow for 300f., out of which I payed 180 francks to my hoast; I lent 3 pistols to Mr. Alexandre, a escu to Mr. Grahme.

* * * * *

Claudes answer to the perpetuite of the faith 45_f_.,[399] Du Meulins Bouelier 30_f_., Hallicarnasseus 10 _f_., Hypocrates 5_f_. les Remarques du Droict Francois une escus, Fornery Selectionum llibri duo 6_f_., les bouffoneries des Guicciardin les lois usitees dans les cours des France de Buguion[400] acheptees dans le cemetiere des SSts Innocents. L’istoire universelle de Turcelin en 3 tomes 3_ll_., Le Parfaict Capitaine 20_f_., les oeuvres de Rabelais en deux tomes 1_l_.

[399] f stands for sou; _l_ for livre.

[400] Buguion, for Bourguignon.

* * * * *

In my voyage of Flanders I changed 2 Jacobuses and a carolus, amonting to some 30_ll_. To my hoste of Anvers, when I was going to Gand for 2 dayes and a night 6_11_. 5_f_., to the cocher for Gand 48_f_., for my diner by the way 9_f_. At Gand for going up on the belfroy 9_f_., to my hoste at the Cerf 4_ll_. 8_f_., for my place in the waggon coming back 42_f_., for diner wt that Suisse of Zurick 24_f_., to my hoste of Antwerp for a night 26_f_., for my place in the coach for Mardick 3_ll_., for my diner on the way 12_f_., for my supper 14_f_., to the master of the bark for Rotterdam 30_f_., for entry 6_f_., at the …[401] house 7_ll_., for washing 12_f_.

[401] A word here is illegible. The last part of it seems to be kerers.

In Gold I have at present, 21 December 1665, 8 14 pound peices, 14 Caroluses, 10 of whilk I got from my father before my parting from Scotland, the other 4 remaines of 8 I exchanged wt Mony at London, besydes thir I have 3 other peices, which seime to be 10 schiling peices, wt 2 other lesser ones. I have a ring wt a 4 mark peice and a ii schilling peice. On of the 14 Caroluses is in 2 10 shiling sterling peices. I have but 13 Caroluses now. I changed on of them coming wt the messenger from Poictiers. In my voyage thorow Flanders for Holland, I spent 2 Jacobuses, so that I have no mo but 6 and a Carolus, so that I have no mo but 12; the Carolus at 10_ll_. 10_f_., the one Jacobus at Gand at 11_ll_. 10_f_., the other at Antwerp at 13_ll_.[402]

[402] Half a page blank in MS.

A breife account of my expenses from my taking horse at Edenborough, 20 of March til this present 11 of May 1665, according to the Scots account, and also after.

First before my parture I got from my Father in Gold 10 Caroluses, or 20 shiling peices, 8 Jacobuses,[403] or 14 pound peices, wt 2 5 shil. peices, and as many 10. In money[404] I got first 50 shilings, then 60 halfe crounes, thats 30 crounes; and last I had my horse price, for which I got 5 pound and a croune to lift at London. Of my gold I spended none til I was in France, whence their remained only the silver mentioned to spend. Of this our journey to London spent 50 shilings, including also the 5 shilings I payed ut for the baggadge horse at Durham. At London of the silver resting, to wit, the 31 crounes and 5 pound sterl. I payed 9 pound of silver for 8 caroluses, whence they had 7 groats[405] of gain for every peice. This consumed the 30 crounes, a pound sterling and 2 crounes out of the horses price; so that for defraying my charges from my first arrival at London, on Saturday, April 1, til monday com 8 dayes, April 10, compleit 10 dayes, I had only the remaining mony wt in 4 pounds. Of which 20 shilings by that halfe day of posting to Dover was exhausted, comprehending also our expense for our meat, and in paying the postilion, for betuixt Gravesend and Rochester burn we payed halfe a croune; from it to Seaton, 14 miles (the former stage being but 7), 4 shillings; from it to Canterbury, 16 miles, 5 shilings; from Canterbury to Dover, 16 miles, 5 shillings: their was 17 of the 20 shil. At Dover, as dues we payed 4 shillings to that knave Tours; our supper at one Buchans was halfe a croune; our fraught throw the channell was a croune, and to the boat that landed us a shiling.

[403] See Introduction, p. xliii.

[404] i.e. smaller coin than gold; Fr. monnaie. The half-crown, 30s. Scots, 2s. 6d. sterling, was coined by James VI.

[405] Groat (English), value 4d. No groat Scots had been struck since 1527, value l8d. Scots, or ijd.

We landed at Calice on the Saturday morning, and stayed their til the Monday afternoone, spending much mony; so that from my arrival to London and my joining wit the messenger for Paris I spent 3 pound 10 shillings. Thus is all my silver, so that now I have my recourse to my gold, out of which I pay the messenger 40 livres to carry me to Paris, giving him 3 Caroluses, which according to the French rate roade 41 livres, 10 souse, whence 1 got 30 souse againe.[406] At Paris I changed [on]e carolus to pay Mr. Strachan and Mr. Hamilton, who on the rode in France had payed for me, as in the drink money, and in paying the messenger halfe a croune.

[406] There seems to be a mistake here. Three Caroluses (20-shilling pieces) would be worth at their nominal value only 36 livres. But in France they did not fetch so much in exchange. If they were worth each 10_ll_. 10s., as the one he exchanged in Flanders (see p. 148), 30 livres to the messenger instead of 40 would make the calculation right.

Thir ware all my expenses till I was answered of mony be Francis Kinloch, so that I find all my expenses betuixt Edinborough and Paris, wheir I arrived the 14 of April, to amount to 10 pound sterling give I count the peice I changed at Paris, to 9 only give I exclud it.

All this being spent, on my demand F. advanced me 30 livres, 14 of which was spent on these books I bought at Paris, wheirof I have set doune the cataloge; 50 souse for a pair of halfe stockings; for a stamp, a comb, for helping[407] my whip and my pantons[408] I payed 10 souse; for a pair of gloves 18 souse; for vashing my cloaths 15 souse; a croune and a halfe among Mr. Kinloch’s servants: theirs ane account of 23 livres out the 30. For the 7 other I can give no particular account, only it might be spent when I went in wt commorads, as when we went to drinke Limonade and Tissin, etc. At my parting from Francis I got 70 livres, which wt the former 30 makes a 100 livres. Of thir 70, 16 I payed to the messenger for Orleans, 4 livres baiting a groat for the carriadge of my valize and box, which weighted 39 pound weight, and for each pound I payed 2 souse. About a livre I spent in drinkmony by the way; another I gave to the messenger. Heir of my 70 livres are 22 gone.

[407] Mending.

[408] Slippers.

Thus I won to Orleans. The fellow that carries my valize to Mr. Ogilvies gets 10 souse; at a breakfast wt Patrick Portues I was 30 souse. For books from my coming to Orleans til this present day, 11 of May, according to the Scots account, I have payed 8 livres; for seing a comedy 10 souse; for to helpe my hand in writting a croune; for dancing a croune in hand, the other at the moneths end; for to learn me the language I gave 2 crounes. To the maister of the law Im to give 11 livres 8 souse; for a supper wheir Mr. Ogilvy payed out for us 3 livres. This being all ramasht[409] togither it comes to 62 livres, so that of the 70 only 8 are left. Out of thes 8 I payed 4 livres 10 souse for a pair of clesps, whence rests only 3 livres 10 souse. I pay 24 souse for one vashing of my linnens, and 20 souse at a four hours wt James Hunter. Thus ye have ane account of all 100 livres I got from F. Kinloch til 26 souse. Ut of the mony mentioned I payed also 3 livres 5 souse for a pair of shoes.

[409] Ramashed, ramasse.

About a moneth after I had bein in Orleans Francis sent me a bill for a hundred and 50 livres on on Boyetet, marchand their. Out of whilk I immediatly payed Mr. Ogilvy for the moneths pension bypast 55 livres; for to teach me the language for the moneth to come 6 livres; for 2 washings of my linnens 40 souse, so that out of my 150 livres are 63 gone, whence remains 87 only.

Francis, at Mr. Ogilvyes order, payed at Paris 42 livres. which Mr. Ogilvy was to refound to me: this sal pass as part of payment in the 2d moneths pension. Out of the 87 remaining I have to pay Mr. Le Berche a pistoll; Mr. Schovo 6 livres, whence their are only 70. For a pair of stockings 5 livres; for a wast belt 2 livres; for mending my silk stockings 25 souse, for washing my linnings 17 souse; so that now their remains only 60. Thir 60 livres put wt that 46 livres Francis payed at Paris, and was to be refounded to me, makes 96 livres, which Madam Ogilvyes extravagant compt for my 2d moneth, and my 6 dayes above (being) pension wholly exhausted, for first I payed 85 livres, and then for the drink that I had that night I took my leave of the gentlemen their a pistoll most shamelessly.

This put me to write for a bil of another 100 livres, of whilk I receaved payment, paying out of it againe 30 souse to him that carried me from Orleans to Blois; to my host at Blois I payed 5 livres 10 souse, paying, to wit, for the victualls I took in wt me for the following day; to the fellow that carried from Blois to Saumur, 2 dayes journey, a croune; at Tours I was 36 souse; at Saumur, wheir I was 2 dayes, I was 7 livres 10 souse; to the fellow whose horse I had, and who bore my charges from Saumurs to Poictiers, 17 livres; to him who took us throw Richelieu Castle 20 souse; to the messenger that brought my box a croune; to Madam Garnier for the 8 dayes I was wt hir a pistoll, to hir maid 15 souse; for a pair of linnen socks 18 souse. Thir be all my considerable expenses til this present day, July last: all which ramassed wil amount to 53 livres, but in some places I most have heighted, for give so then I sould have only 47 of my 100 resting, when I have about 50 at present. Out of thir 50 I have payed 12 francks for a Corpus Juris; 4 francks for a Vesenbecius; 20 souse for a litle institutes, which ramassed makes 17 livres, whence their only remaines me 33: out of thir for a supper wt Mr. Alexander and all the rest of our compatriots above 18 livres; whence at this present August 5 rests with me about 14 livers 10 souse. Out of thir I have payed 18 souse for the lean[410] of Romances from Mr. Courtois, as Celie and the sundry parts of Almahide, penned by Scuderie; 50 souse for a pair of showes; 25 souse for our dinner one Sabath communion wt Colinton and Peter Hoome in the fauxbourgs; 8 souse for cutting my head; 5 souse on a pair of carts; about 10 souse on paper and ink; for washing 30 souse; so at this present first of September I have not full 7 livres. I have payed 40 souse or 2 livres for a pair of gallozes;[411] 5 souse for a quartron of peches; 5 souse to Charlotte, whence I have little more then 4 livres; 30 souse at a collation.

[410] Loan.

[411] Braces.

When I was reduced to thir 3 livres, then I was answered of my bill I drow on Francis Kinloch for a 100 livres. Out of which I payed 15 livres for 2 halfe shirtes, but because we had 3 livres of old mony we shall call it only 12; 2 livres for 2 gravates; 60 livres to Mr. Daillie, whence I have about 25 livres. Out of thir 25 I have payed 3 livres to Mr. Rue, wt whom I began to dance, September 10, 1665; 20 souse at the tennis; 5 or 6 for lettres ports; 20 souse for a horse hire; 6 or 7 souse I was put to dispurse that day; 3 livres for washing my linnings; 8 souse sundry wayes; 5 souse on a quartron[412] of dragees[413] or sweityes, which are 20 sos. the livre; 3 souse on a peice stuffe, 2 sousemarkies[414] to Lowise;[415] 5 souse for ports; 8 souse to the Barber; 10 souse for a bottle of win to my C.;[416] 4 francks lost at carts; 34 souse at a collation after supper, when we wan all the fellows oublies,[417] and made him sing the song; a escus to Mr. Rue; a escus for dressing my cloaths; une escus for wasching; [8 frank 5 souse for my supper the night of St. Andre; 10 souse wt Mad’m and others at the Croix de Fer].[418] Thus is al that rested me of thesse 200 francks, the first mony I drow at Poictiers gone.

[412] Quarteron, quarter of a livre (pound).

[413] Sugar almonds.

[414] _Sous marque_. See p. 92, note 1.

[415] _Probably_ a maidservant at M. Daille’s.

[416] ‘My C.’ has baffled me.

[417] See p. 114, note 6. The meaning here is obscure. I can only conjecture that the party made a wager of some kind with the pastrycook’s man for his cakes. See p. 114, Note 6.

[418] Erased in MS., but legible.

Then beginning of Novembre I drow 200 livers. Out of which I payed Mr. Alex’re 155_ll_, whence there rests wt me 46 francks, of which I have payed 8 francks 5 souse for my part of that supper we had the night of St. Andre; 12 souse wt Mr. D. and others at the Croix de Fer; 8 souse to the Barbier; 12 souse for a pair of gloves; 21 francks to Mr. Daillie; 15 souse on Romances; 15 souse to Garniers man; une escus on the 1 day of the new year as hansel, les estraines to Rue, Biron, and Violet for their musick; 27 souse in collation to my countrymen that same day; 4 sousmarkies the Sabath I communicated at Quarter Picquet, being the 3 of January 1666; 52 sous markies on Noeels.

When I had about 40 souse, I borrowed a Pistol from R. Scot, After I payed a croune[419] for the port of my cloack from Paris; 12 souse for win that night that Grame payed us his Royaute wt Frontignan and Enschovo’es. My oune Royaute cost me 30 souse on a good fat bresil cook and 8 on wine; 15 souse on a iockleg,[420] my Scots on being stolen from me; 5 souse on a inkhorn, my Scots on breaking wt a fall; 8 souse to the Barbcr. About the mids of January 1666, for a pair of shoes, which ware the 4 pair I had made since my leiving of Scotland, March before, a croune; to Mr. Rue a croune; to Madame Marie for my last washing 30 souse; at a collation 30 souse.

[419] See Introduction, p. xliii.

[420] Folding-knife. Etym., Jacques de Liege, cutler.

About this tyme I receaved 3 crounes in lain[421] from Alex’r Home that same night that Mr. Mompommery was headed; 6 souse on a bottle of wine; 7 souse at another tyme; 15 souse at the comoedy; 3 souse for my chair; 18 souse at another comoedy; une escus to Mr. Rue the 20 of February; 20 souse at a comoedy, called Les Intrigues des Carosses a Cinq Sols, the farce was La Femme Ruse ou Industrieuse; 15 souse for mending my sword.

[421] Loan.

About the end of February I was payed of a bil of 300_ll_. I had drawen. Out of which I payed first a 130f. to my host; then lent 3 pistols, halfe a Pistol and 2 crounes to Mr. Alexander; out of it a croune to Grahme; 30 souse for a peice concerning Monting a Cheval, presented me by the Author of the samen; 10s. for mending stockings; a croune at a desjeuner wt Georges Sinclar and other 2 countrymen, coming from Bordeaux going for Paris; 30 souse to Mr. Rue; 20s. at a collation; a croune for La Perpetuite de la Foy; 30 souse on a collation in the fauxbourgs wt Mr. Bourseau; 30 souse lost at the fair on China oranges and cordecidron; 20 souse for le Capychin Escossois;[422] 30s. to Rue; 34 souse at a collation wt him; 40s. at another wt De Gruches and Ingrande; 40s. for une Voyage de France. That which remained of these 300_ll_. went away partly on my hoast, partly on my adieus, which stood me wery dear, and partly in paying the messenger for Paris (I payed 50_ll_.).

[422] Father Archangel Leslie.

It suffices to know that on my arriving to Paris I was wery light of mony, whence I borrowed from Mr. Kinloch some 20 crounes, of which I bestowed some 13_ll_. on books, thus, on some comoedies about 20 souse, on Scarrons Virgil travestis 20s., on Pacij Centuria[423] 30s., on Robertus rerum Judicatarum[424] 30s., on the Voyage de la Terre Saincte[425] 30s., on Laertius[426] 8s., on a new testament 50s., on Du Moulins Bouckler[427] 30s., on Mr. Claudes Answer[428] 45s., whence their remaines me about 47_ll_. Out of which I first payed neir 4_ll_. for a pair of shoes; 20s. that day I communicated at Charenton to the boatmen, the poor, and my seat; on day wt Mr. Forbes it cost me in a cabaret a croune, and Scot keipt up a escu dor, which was 5_ll_. 11 souse.[429] The day after at the bowlls I lost 4_ll_.; then I payed for Limonade 3_ll_. 20s.; then after 4_ll_. 10s. which I lost at bowlls; for a point de Flandres 15_ll_. Whence of the 60_ll_. their remains me only 6, to which add 5 I receaved from the Messenger of Poictiers, and I have just a pistoll this 5 of May 1666, of which I lent a croune to Mr. Grahme; then payed 50s. for a collation wt Kinloch, Mowat, and D. Hewes; also 50s. for a part of a collation; I payed 6 francks wt my L. Ogilvy at a collation; 30s. at another tyme wt J. Ogilvy; 20 souse on a Hallicarnasseus[430] and a Hippocrates; and that out of 38 livres I receaved from F. Kinloch the 10 of May, so that this day 16th I have now 30 francks. On Les Remarques du droit Francois a croune. That day I went to Ruell a pistol; on my journey to Fountainbleau 2 crounes of gold. On the Parfaict Capitaine and the universal history, in 3 tomes, 4_ll_.

[423] Pacius, Julius, [Greek: ENANTIOPhANON], _seu legum conciliatarum Centuriae_ VII. (1605). Ed. alt. 1610.

[424] Robertus, Annaeus, _R.J._, Lib. iv. 1599; new ed., 1645.

[425] Doubdan, Jean, _Voyage_, etc., 1666.

[426] Diogenes Laertius.

[427] Molinaeus, Petrus, _Bouclier de la Foi_, 1619. Engl. tr. 1624.

[428] Claude, Jean, _Reponse a la Perpetuite de la Foi_, 1665.

[429] _Ecu d’or_. See Introduction, p. xliii.

[430] Dionysius of Halicarnassus.

On the 10 of June I receaved 20 crounes. Out of which I payed first 4_ll_. for Rablais in 2 tomes; 40s. at collation wt that Frenchman of the Kings Gard; 30s. the day after wt the Captains; 30s. wt J. Ogilvie; 6_ll_. for Mornacius observations;[431] 3_ll_. for Guiccardins[432] History, in 2 volumes; 40s. for Gomesii Commentarius in Regulas Cancellariae and Le Martyre de la Reyne d’Escosse;[433] 20s. for Bellon[434] Resolutiones Antinomiarum and Molinoei Sommaire des rentes, usures, etc.; Molineus in Consuetudines Parisienses 50s.; Connani Commentarius in Jus Civile 40s.; Mantica de coniectur: ult. voluntatum[435] 60s.; Hottomanus[436] in Instit 30s.; Molinoei consilia 40s.; Menochius de Interdictis 40s.; Valerius Maximus 10s.; L’histoire du Concile de Trente 5_ll_.; Gellius[437] 10s.; Cepolla[438] de Servitutibus 50s.; les Memoires et le voyage du Duc du Rohan 40s.; Profession de foy catholique 12s.; Le Monde D’Avity,[439] in 5 Tomes, 8 crounes; Aubignees History[440] 4_ll_.; Pierre Mathieu his history, in 2 tomes, 3_ll_.; Du Plessis Memoires, in 2 volumes, 3_ll_. At a breakfast wt Mr. Fullerton 3_ll_.; at a collation wt Mr. Ogilvy 3_ll_.; 2 crounes given to the box of the Scots Talzors at Paris; 30s. given to sy the gallery of the Luxembourg; 40s. at a collation wt Mr. Hume and Grame; a croune on our diner that day that Mr. Geismar went to Charenton wt us; 4_ll_. for Munsteri Cosmographia; Thucydides 40s.; Desseins de Mr. de Laval 30s.; in collation wt that Gascon of the Kings garde (called St. Martin); Machiavellus 10s.; Justini Historia 5s.; Histoire du Seicle de fer 20s.; Les oeuvres de du Vair 40s.; Le Sage resolu, in 2 tomes, 40s.; Cardanus de Subtilitate 60s.; Histoire de Portugal 20s.; Tacitus 20s.; Remarques politiques from Henry Hamilton for a compend of Philosophy of Marande[441].

[431] 1 Mornacius, Ant., _Obs. on Codex_. (1654), _on Digest_ (1654).

[432] Guicciardini, Francesco, _Historia di Italia._

[433] Blackwood, Adam, _Le Martyre_, etc.

[434] Bellonus, Joannes, _Antinomiarum Juris Dissolutiones_. Lugduni, 1551.

[435] Mantica, Fr., _De Conjecturis_, etc., 1580.

[436] Hottomannus, Fr., _Commentarius_, in iv. lib.; _Inst_., 1567.

[437] Aulus Gellius, _Noctes Atticae._

[438] Cepola or Caepolla, Barth, _Tract, de Serv._

[439] Avity, Pierre d’, _Les estats, empires, etc., du monde_.

[440] Aubigne, Th. A., _L’histoire universelle._

[441] Marande, Leonard de. _Abrege curieux el familier de toute la philosophie_, 1648 and 1686.

On the 14 of July 1666 I packt up al my books in a box to send them for Dieppe, and to the end they might not be visited any wheir else, I caused them be carried to the Douanne of Paris, which is the controoller of all others, and by which if things be once visited none in France dare efter offer to visite them. Their it stood me a croune or 3_ll_ to cause remballe it; 10 souse to cause plomb it wt the King of Frances armes; 30s. for a passeport. They lightly looked over the uppermost books. Then I caused it be carried to the Chassemary of Dieeppe.

I gave the porte faix 20s.; 15s. for a Italian grammer; 5s. for Mureti orationes; 12s. to the Secretary of Sts. Innocents; 40s. for Sleidan; 30s. for Fabri rationalium Tomus jus;[442] for 4 volumes of de Thoues History 40s.; for Aschames lettres 10s.; for Le cose meravigliose della cita de Roma 8s.; for Pierii Hieroglyphica 50s.; for Harangues out of al the