night.”
The brutality of the guards was beyond description. First Lieutenant von Grolman, one of the most highly educated officers of the Badensian contingent, was thrown down the stairway because this (seriously wounded) officer had disturbed the inspector during the latter’s leisure hour.
Beating with the kantchou was nothing unusual.
A Weimaranian musician, Theuss, has described some guileful tortures practiced on the prisoners, which are so revolting that I dare not write them. They are given in Holzhausen’s book.
In their despair the prisoners, especially the officers among them, sent petitions to Duke Alexander of Wuerttemberg, to the Tzar, to the Grand Duke Constantine, and to the Ladies of the Russian Court. The Tzar and his brother Constantine came and visited the hospitals. They were struck by what they saw, and ordered relief. Officers were permitted to walk about the city, and many obtained quarters in private houses. Those who could not yet leave the gloomy wards of the hospitals were better cared for.
It is touching to read Yelin’s narration how the emaciated arms of those in the hospitals were stretched out when their comrades, returning from a promenade in the city, brought them a few apples.
As they were no longer guarded as closely as before, many succeeded in escaping. Captain Roeder was one of them; Yelin was offered aid to flee, but he remained because he had given his word of honor to remain.
But most of these favors came too late, only one tenth were left that could be saved, the others had succumbed to their sufferings or died from typhus.
A pestilential odor filled Wilna. Heaps of cadavers were burnt and when this was found to be too expensive, thrown into the Wilia. Few of the higher officers were laid at rest in the cemetery, among them General von Roeder who as long as he was able had tried everything in his power to ameliorate the condition of his soldiers. Holzhausen brings the facsimile of a letter of his, dated Wilna, December 30th., to the King of Wuerttemberg which proves his care for his soldiers. He died on January 6th., 1813.
FROM WILNA TO KOWNO
While the prisoners of Wilna were suffering these nameless cruelties, the unfortunate army marched to reach the border of Russia at Kowno, the same Kowno where the Grand Army six months before had been seen in all its military splendor, crossing the Niemen.
They had now to march 75 miles, a three days’ march to arrive there.
The conditions were about the same as those on the march from the Beresina to Wilna. Still the same misery, frost, and hunger, scenes of murder, fire. The description of the details would in general be a repetition, with little variation.
The following is an account of the last days of the retreat taken from a letter of Berthier to the Emperor.
When the army entered Wilna on December 8th., almost all the men were chilled by cold, and despite the commands of Murat and Berthier, despite the fact that the Russians were at the gates, both officers and soldiers kept to their quarters and refused to march.
However, on the 10th, the march upon Kowno was begun. But the extreme cold and the excess of snow completed the rout of the army. The final disbanding occurred on the 10th, and 11th., only a struggling column remained, extending along the road, strewn with corpses, setting out at daybreak to halt at night in utter confusion. In fact, there was no army left. How could it have subsisted with 25 degrees of cold? The onslaught, alas, was not of the foe, but of the harshest and severest of seasons fraught with crippling effect and untold suffering.
Berthier, as well as Murat, would have wished to remain in Kowno through the 12th., but the disorder was extreme. Houses were pillaged and sacked, half the town was burned down, the Niemen was being crossed at all points, and it was impossible to stem the tide of fugitives. An escort was barely available for the protection of the King of Naples, the generals, and the Imperial eagles. And all amidst the cold, the intense cold, stupefying and benumbing!
Four fifths of the army–or what bore the name of such, though reduced to a mere conglomeration and bereft of fighting men–had frozen limbs; and when Koenigsberg was reached, in a state of complete disorganisation, the surgeons were constantly employed in amputating fingers and toes.
Dr. W. Zelle, a German military surgeon, in his book “1812” describes the last days of the army. Kowno was occupied by a considerable force of artillery, with two German battalions, and it contained also very large supplies, a great deal of ammunition, provisions, clothing, and arms of various kinds. About an hour’s march from Wilna the retreating masses encountered the hill and defile of Ponary and it was at this point where the imperial treasure, so far conscientiously guarded by German troops from Baden and Wuerttemberg, was lost. When the leaders of the treasure became convinced of the impossibility to save it, the jaded horses not being able after 15 hours’ effort to climb the ice covered hill, they had the wagons opened, the money chests broken, and the coin surrendered to the soldiers.
The sight of the gold brought new life even to the half frozen ones; they threw away their arms and were so greedy in loading themselves down with the mammon that many of them did not notice the approaching Cossacks until it was too late. Friend and foe, Frenchmen and Russians pillaged the wagons. Honor, money, and what little had remained of discipline, all was lost at this point.
However, side by side with these outrages, noble deeds could also be recorded. Numerous wagons with wounded officers had to be abandoned, the horses being too weak to take another step, and many of the soldiers disregarded everything to save these unfortunates, carrying them away on their shoulders. An adjutant of the emperor, Count Turenne, distributed the private treasure of the emperor among the soldiers of the Old Guard, and not one of these faithful men kept any of the money for himself. All was honestly returned later on, and more than 6 millions of francs reached Danzig safely.
The retreat during these scenes and the following days, when the terrible cold caused more victims from hour to hour, was still covered by Ney whose iron constitution defied all hardships. From five until ten at night he personally checked the advance of the enemy, during the night he marched, driving all stragglers before him. From seven in the morning until ten the rear guard rested, after which time they continued the daily fight.
His Bavarians numbered 260 on December 11th., 150 on the 17th. and on the 13th. the last 20 were taken prisoners. The corps had disappeared. The remainder of Loison’s division and the garrison of Wilna diminished in the same manner until, finally, the rear guard consisted of only 60 men.
[Illustration]
What was left of the army reached Kowno on the 12th, after a long, tedious march, dying of cold and hunger. In Kowno there was an abundance of clothes, flour, and spirits. But the unrestrained soldiers broke the barrels, so that the spilled liquor formed a lake in the market place. The soldiers threw themselves down and by the hundreds drank until they were intoxicated. More than 1200 drunken men reeled through the streets, dropped drowsily upon the icy stones or into the snow, their sleep soon passing into death. Of the entire corps of Eugene there remained only eight or ten officers with the prince. Only one day more (the 13th.) was the powerful Ney able, with the two German battalions of the garrison, to check the Cossacks, vigorously supported by the indefatigable generals, Gerard and Wrede. Not until the 14th., at 9 o’clock at night, did he begin to retreat, with the last of the men, after having destroyed the bridges over the Wilia and the Niemen. Always fighting, receding but not fleeing, his person formed the rear guard of this Grand Army which five months previous crossed the river at this very point, now, on the 14th, consisting of only 500 foot guards, 600 horse guards, and nine cannon.
It is nobody but Ney who still represents the Grand Army, who fires the last shot before he, the last Frenchman, crosses the bridge over the Niemen, which is blown up behind him. If we look upon the knightly conduct of Ney during the entire campaign we cannot but think how much greater he was than the heroes of Homer.
This man has demonstrated to the world upon this most terrible of all retreats that even fate is not able to subdue an imperturbable courage, that even the greatest adversity redounds to the glory of a hero.
More than a thousand times did Ney earn in Russia the epithet, “the bravest of the brave,” and the legend which French tradition has woven around his person is quite justified. No mortal has ever performed such deeds of indomitable moral courage; all other heroes and exploits vanish in comparison!
Here, at the Niemen, the pursuit by the Russians came to an end for the time being. They, too, had suffered enormously.
Not less than 18 thousand Russians were sick in Wilna; Kutusoff’s army was reduced to 35 thousand men, that of Wittgenstein from 50 thousand to 15 thousand. The entire Russian army, including the garrison of Riga, numbered not more than 100 thousand. The winter, this terrible ally of the Russians, exacted a high price for the assistance it had rendered them; of 10 thousand men who left the interior, well provided with all necessities, only 1700 reached Wilna; the troops of cavalry did not number more than 20 men.
In all the literature which I have examined I did not find a better description of the life and the struggle of the soldiers on the retreat than that given by General Heinrich von Brandt of his march from Zembin to Wilna. It is a vivid picture of many details from which we derive a full understanding of the great misery on the retreat in general.
I shall give an extensive extract in his own words:
“We arrived late at Zembin, where we found many bivouac fires. It was very cold. Here and there around the fires were lying dead soldiers.
“After a short rest, which had given us some new strength, we continued the march. If the stragglers arrive, we said to ourselves, we shall be lost; therefore, let us hurry and keep ahead of them. Our little column kept well together, but at every halt some men were missing. Toward daybreak the cold became more severe. While it was dark yet, we met a file of gunpowder carts carrying wounded; from a number of these vehicles we heard heart-rending clamors of some of the wounded asking us to give them death.
“At every moment we encountered dead or dying comrades, officers and soldiers, who were sitting on the road, exhausted from fatigue, awaiting their end. The sun rose blood-red; the cold was frightful. We stopped near a village where bivouac fires were burning. Around these fires were grouped living and dead soldiers. We lodged ourselves as well as we could and took from those who had retired from the scene of life–apparently during their sleep–anything that could be of service to us. I for my part helped myself to a pot in which I melted snow to make a soup from some bread crusts which I had in my pocket. We all relished this soup.
“After an hour’s rest we resumed our march and about 30 hours after our departure we reached Plechtchenissi. During this time we had made 25 miles. At Plechtchenissi we found, at a kind of farm, sick, wounded and dead, all lying pell-mell. There was no room for us in the house; we were obliged to camp outside, but great fires compensated us for the want of shelter.
“We decided to rest during part of the night. While some of the soldiers roasted slices of horse meat and others prepared oatmeal cakes from oats which they had found in the village, we tried to sleep. But the frightful scenes through which we had passed kept us excited, and sleep would not come.
“Toward 1 o’clock in the morning we left for Molodetchno. The cold was frightful. Our way was marked by the light of the bivouac fires which were seen at intervals and by cadavers of men and horses lying everywhere, and as the moon and the stars were out we could see them well. Our column became smaller all the while, officers and men disappeared without our noticing their departure, without our knowing where they had fallen behind; and the cold increased constantly. When we stopped at some bivouac fire it seemed to us as if we were among the dead; nobody stirred, only occasionally would one or the other of those sitting around raise his head, look upon us with glassy eyes, rest again, probably never to rise again. What made the march during that night especially disagreeable was the icy wind whipping our faces. Toward 8 o’clock in the morning we perceived a church tower. That is Molodetchno, we all cried with one voice. But to our disappointment we learned on our arrival that it was only Iliya, and that we were only half-way to Molodetchno.
“Iliya was not completely deserted by the inhabitants, but the troops that had passed through it before us had left almost nothing eatable in the place. We found abode in some houses and for a while were protected from the cold which was by no means abating. In the farm of which we took possession we found a warm room and a good litter, which we owed to our predecessors.
“It was strange that none of us could sleep; we all were in a state of feverish excitement, and I attribute this to an indistinct fear; once asleep we might perhaps not awake again, as we had seen it happen a thousand times.
“The longer we remained at Iliya the more comfortable we felt, and we decided to stay there all day and wait for news. Soup of buckwheat, a large pot of boiled corn, some slices of roast horse meat, although all without salt, formed a meal which we thought delicious.”
Von Brandt describes how they took off their garments, or their wrappings which served as garments, to clean and repair them; how some of his men found leather with which they enveloped their feet. The day and the night passed, and all had some sleep. But they had to leave.
“Some of the men refused to go; one of them when urged to come along said: ‘Captain, let me die here; we all are to perish, a few days sooner or later is of no consequence.’ He was wounded, but not seriously, a bullet had passed through his arm; it was a kind of apathy which had come over him, and he could not be persuaded. He remained and probably died.
“We left; the cold was almost unbearable. Along the road we found bivouacs, at which one detachment relieved the other; the succeeding surpassing the preceding one in misery and distress. Everywhere, on the road and in the bivouacs, the dead were lying, most of them stripped of their clothes.
“It was imperative to keep moving, for remaining too long at the bivouac fires meant death, and dangerous was it also to remain behind, separated from the troop. (The danger of being alone under such circumstances as existed here has been pointed out by Beaupre.)
“We marched to Molodetchno where the great road commences and where we expected some amelioration, and, indeed, we found it. The everlasting cold was now the principal cause of our sufferings.
“In the village there was some kind of order; we saw many soldiers bearing arms and of a general good appearance. The houses were not all deserted, neither were they as overcrowded as in other places through which we had passed. We established ourselves in some of them situated on the road to Smorgoni, and we had reason to be satisfied with our choice. We bought bread at an enormous price, made soup of it which tasted very good to us, and we had plenty for all of us.
“At Molodetchno men of our division joined us and brought us the news of the crossing of the Beresina.”
von Brandt gives the description of the events at the Beresina and tells of the historical significance of Molodetchno as the place where Napoleon sojourned 18 hours and from where he dated the 29th. bulletin.
“We left the village on the following morning at an early hour and continued our march on the road to Smorgoni.
“A description of this march,” writes von Brandt, “would only be a repetition of what had been said of scenes of preceding days. We were overtaken by a snowstorm the violence of which surpassed all imagination, fortunately this violence lasted only some hours, but on account of it our little column became dispersed.
“One bivouac left an impression of horror to last for all my lifetime. In a village crowded with soldiers we came to a fire which was burning quite lively, around it were lying some dead. We were tired; it was late, and we decided to rest there. We removed the corpses to make room for the living and arranged ourselves the best way we could. A fence against which the snow had drifted protected us from the north wind. Many who passed by envied us this good place. Some stopped for a while, others tried to establish themselves near us. Gradually the fatigue brought sleep to some of us; the stronger ones brought wood to keep up the fire. But it snowed constantly; after one had warmed one side of the body an effort was made to warm the other; after one foot had been warmed the other was brought near the flame; a complete rest was impossible. At daybreak we prepared to depart. Thirteen men of our troop, all wounded, did not answer the roll call. My heart pained.
[Illustration: “No fear, we soon shall follow you.”]
“We had to pass in front of the fence which had given us protection against the wind during the night. Imagine our surprise when we saw that what we had taken for a fence was a pile of corpses which our predecessors had heaped one upon the other. These dead were men of all countries, Frenchmen, Swiss, Italians, Poles, Germans, as we could distinguish by their uniforms. Most of them had their arms extended as if they had been stretching themselves. ‘Look, Captain,’ said one of the soldiers, ‘they stretch their hands out to us; ah, no fear, we soon shall follow you.’
“We were soon to have another horrid sight. In a village, many houses of which had been burnt, there were the ghastly remains of burnt corpses, and in one building, especially, there was a large number of such infesting the air with their stench. A repetition of scenes I had seen at Saragossa and at Smolensk.”
“At sunset we arrived at Smorgoni, and here we enjoyed great comfort. It was the first place where we could obtain something for money. From an old Jewess we bought bread, rice, and also a little coffee, all at reasonable prices. It was the first cup of coffee I had had for months, and it invigorated me very much.”
“We were young, and our good humor had soon been restored to us; it made us forget, for the time being at least, how much we had suffered, and at this moment we did not think of the suffering yet in store for us.”
“We left for Ochmiana; our march was tedious. Again we encountered a great many dead strewn on the road; many of them had died from cold; some still had their arms, young men, well dressed, their cloaks, shoes, and socks, however, were taken from them. Half way to Ochmiana we took a rest at a bivouac which had been evacuated quite recently.”
“The night we passed here was fearful. I had an inflamed foot, and felt a burning pain under the arms which caused me great difficulty in the use of my crutches. Fortunately I found a place on which a fire had been burning, and I was not obliged to sleep on the snow. The soldiers kept up a fire all night, and I had a good and invigorating sleep, in consequence of which I could take up the march on the following day, with new courage and zeal.”
“Toward 11 o’clock we arrived, together with a mass of fugitives, at Ochmiana. Before entering the city we encountered a convoy of provisions, escorted by a young Mecklenburg officer, Lieutenant Rudloff, who some years later served as a Prussian general. He made an attempt to defend his sleighs, but in vain. The crowd surrounded him and his convoy and pushed in such a manner that neither he nor his men were able to stir. The sleighs, carrying excellent biscuits, were pillaged. I myself gathered some in the snow, and I can well say that they saved my life until we reached Wilna.”
“Arrived at Ochmiana we at once continued our march upon Miednicki.”
“The city was occupied by a crowd of disbanded soldiers–marauders who had established themselves everywhere. It was only with difficulty that we found some sort of lodging in a kind of pavilion which was icy and had no chimneys. However, we managed to heat it and arranged litter for 20 men. With bread and biscuit brought from Ochmiana we prepared a good meal.”
“When we crossed the Goina we numbered 50; this number had increased so that we were at one time 70, but now our number had decreased to 29.”
“We left at an early hour on the next morning. It was frightfully cold. Half way to Miednicki we had to stop at a bivouac. On the road we saw many cadavers.” Von Brandt here describes the fatal effects of cold and his description, though less complete, corresponds with the descriptions given by Beaupre, von Scherer, and others. Especially revolting, he says, was the sight of the toes of the cadavers; often there were no more soft parts. The soldiers, first of all, took the shoes from their dead comrades, next the cloaks; they would wear two or three or cut one to cover their feet and their head with the pieces.
The last part of the march to Miedniki was most painful for von Brandt, on account of the inflammation of his left foot.
He describes his stay at that place in which there were many stragglers. He bivouaked in a garden; they had straw enough and a good fire, also biscuits from Ochmiana, and they suffered only from the cold, 30 deg. below zero R. (36 deg. below zero Fahrenheit.) On this occasion von Brandt speaks of the pains, the sufferings, the condition of his comrades. One of them, Zelinski, had not uttered a word since their departure from Smorgoni; he had no tobacco, and this troubled him more than physical pain; another one, Karpisz, crushed by sorrow and sufferings, was in a delirious state; in the same condition were some of the wounded. But after all, in the midst of their sad reflections, some of them fell asleep. Those who were well enough took up reliefs on night watch. Every one of the group had to bear some special great misery, and upon the whole their trials were beyond endurance: In the open air at 30 deg. R. below zero, without sufficient clothing, without provisions, full of vermin, exposed at any moment to the attacks of the enemy, surrounded by a rapacious rabble, deprived of aid, wounded, they were hardly in a condition to drag themselves along.
“Still an 8 hours’ march to Wilna,” I said to Zelinski; “Will we reach there?” He shook his head in doubt.
One of the men, Wasilenka, a sergeant, the most courageous, the firmest of the little column, of a robust constitution, had found at Ochmiana some brandy and some potatoes. He said if one had not lost his head entirely, one could have many things, but nothing can be done with the French any more; they are not the Frenchmen of former times, a Cossack’s casque upsets them; it is a shame! And he told the great news of Napoleon’s departure from the army of which the others of von Brandt’s column had yet not been informed. Interesting as was the conversation on this event, I have to omit it.
The extreme cold did not allow much sleep; long before daylight they were on their feet. It was a morning of desolation, as always.
von Brandt now describes the characteristic phenomena of the landscape; the words are almost identical with the description Beaupre has given of the Russian landscape in the winter of 1812.
“I could not march, the pain under my shoulders was very great. I felt as if all at this region of my body would tear off. But I marched all the same. Many were already on the road, all in haste to reach the supposed end of their sufferings. They seemed to be in a race, and the cold, the incredible cold, drove them also to march quickly. On this day there perished more men than usual, and we passed these unfortunates without a sign of pity, as if all human feeling had been extinguished in the souls of us, the surviving. We marched in silence, hardly any one uttered a word; if, however, some one spoke, it was to say how is it that I am not in your place; besides this nothing was heard but the sighing and the groans of the dying.
“It was perhaps 9 o’clock when we had covered half of the way and took a short rest, after which we resumed our march and arrived before Wilna toward 3 o’clock, having marched ten hours, exhausted beyond description. The cold was intolerable; as I learned afterward it had reached 29 deg. below zero Reaumur (36 deg. below zero Fahrenheit.) But imagine our surprise when armed guards forbade us to enter the city. The order had been given to admit only regular troops. The commanders had thought of the excesses of Smolensk and Orscha and here at least they intended to save the magazines from pillage. Our little column remained at the gate for a while; we saw that whoever risked to mix with the crowd could not extricate himself again and could neither advance nor return. It came near sunset, the cold by no means abated but, on the contrary, augmented. Every minute the crowd increased in number, the dying and dead mixed up with the living. We decided to go around the city, to try to enter at some other part; after half an hour’s march we succeeded and found ourselves in the streets. They were full of baggage, soldiers, and inhabitants. But where to turn? Where to seek aid? By good luck we remembered that our officers passing Wilna on their way during the spring had been well received by Mr. Malczewski, a friend of our colonel. Nothing more natural than to go to him and ask for asylum. But imagine our joy, our delight, when at our arrival at the house we found our colonel himself, the quartermaster and many officers known by us, who all were the guests of Mr. Malczewski. Even Lieutenant Gordon who commanded our depot at Thorn was there; he had come after he had had the news of the battle of Borodino.
“My faithful servant Maciejowski and the brave Wasilenka carried me up the stairs and placed me in bed. I was half dead, hardly master of my senses. Gordon gave me a shirt, my servant took charge of my garments to free them from vermin, and after I had had some cups of hot beer with ginger in it and was under a warm blanket, I recovered strength enough to understand what I was told and to do what I was asked to do.”
“A Jewish physician examined and dressed my wounds. He found my shoulders very much inflamed and prescribed an ointment which had an excellent effect. I fell into a profound sleep which was interrupted by the most bizarre imaginary scenes; there was not one of the hideous episodes of the last fortnight which did not pass in some form or another before my mind.”
“Washed, cleaned, passably invigorated, refreshed especially by some cups of hot beer, I was able to rise on the following morning and to assist at the council which the colonel had called together.”
Von Brandt now describes how the mass of fugitives came and pillaged the magazines. The colonel saved a great many, supplied them with shoes, cloaks, caps, woolen socks, and provisions, von Brandt describes the scenes of Wilna from the time the Cossacks had entered.
“The colonel prepared to depart; at first he hesitated to take us, the wounded, along, asking if we could stand the voyage. I said to remain would be certain death, and with confidence I set out on the march with my men, the number of whom was now twenty. We had sleighs and good horses.
“The night was superb. It was light like day. The stars shone more radiantly than ever upon our misery. The cold was still severe beyond description and more sensible to us who had nearly lost the habit to feel it during forty-eight hours of relief.
“We had to make our way through an indescribable tangle of carriages and wagons to reach the gate, and the road as far as we could see was also covered with vehicles, wagons, sleighs, cannons, all mixed up. We had great difficulties to remain together.
“After an hour’s march all came to a halt; we found ourselves before a veritable sea of men. The wagons could not be drawn over a hill on account of the ice, and the road became hopelessly blockaded. Here it was where the military treasure of 12 million francs was given to the soldiers.”
Von Brandt describes his most wonderful adventures on the way to Kowno which, although most interesting, add nothing to what has already been described. I gave this foregoing part of von Brandt’s narration because it gives a most vivid picture of the life of the soldiers during the supreme moments of the retreat from Moscow.
PRISONERS OF WAR
Beaupre was taken prisoner at the passage of the Beresina and remained in captivity for some time. His lot as a prisoner of war was an exceptionally good one. He tells us that prisoners when they were out of such parts of the country as had been ravaged by the armies, received regular rations of a very good quality, and were lodged by eight, ten, and twelve, with the peasants. In the provincial capitals, they received furs of sheep skin, fur bonnets, gloves, and coarse woolen stockings, a sort of dress that appeared to them grotesque as well as novel, but which was very precious as a protection against the cold during the winter. When arrived at the places in which they were to pass the time of their captivity they found their lot ameliorated, and the reception accorded to them demanded a grateful eulogy of the hospitality exercised by the Russians.
Quite different was the experience of a very young German, Karl Schehl, a private whose memoirs have been kept in his family, and were recently published by one of his grand-nephews. After a battle on the retreat from Moscow he, with many others, was taken prisoner by Cossacks, who at once plundered the captives. Schehl was deprived of his uniform, his breeches, his boots. He had a gold ring on his ring finger, and one of the Cossacks, thinking it too much trouble to remove the ring in the natural way, had already drawn his sabre to cut off the prisoner’s left hand, when an officer saw this and gave the brutal Cossack a terrible blow in the face; he then removed the ring without hurting the boy and kept it for himself. Another officer took Schehl’s gold watch. Schehl stood then with no other garment but a shirt, and barefoot, in the bitter cold, not daring to approach the bivouac fire.
[Illustration]
The Cossacks (on examining the garments of Schehl), found in one of the pockets a B clarinette. This discovery gave them great pleasure; they induced their captive to play for them, and he played, chilled to the bone in his scanty costume. But now the Cossacks came to offer him garments, a regular outfit for the Russian winter. They gave him food to eat and did all they could to show their appreciation of the music. What a rapid change of fortune within two hours, writes Schehl. Toward noon, riding a good horse, with considerable money in Russian bank notes and a valuable gold watch in his possession, all brought from Moscow, at 1 p.m. he stood dressed in a shirt only, with his bare feet on the frozen ground, and at 2 p. m. he was admired as an artist by a large audience that gave him warm clothes, which meant protection against the danger of freezing to death, and a place near the fire.
During that afternoon and the following night more French soldiers of all arms, mostly emaciated and miserable, were escorted to the camp by Russian militia, peasants, armed with long, sharp lances. It was the night from October 30th. to 31st., at the time of the first snowfall, with a temperature of -12 deg. Reaumur (about 5 degrees above zero Fahrenheit). Of the 700 prisoners, many of them deprived of their clothing, as Schehl had been deprived, who had to camp without a fire, quite a number did not see the next morning, and the already described snow hills indicated where these unfortunates had reached the end of their sufferings. The commanding officer of the Cossacks ordered the surviving prisoners to fall in line for the march back to Moscow. The escort consisted of two Cossacks and several hundred peasant-soldiers. Within sixteen hours the 700 had been reduced to 500. And they had to march back over the road which they had come yesterday as companions of their emperor. The march was slow, they were hardly an hour on the road when here and there one of the poor, half naked, starving men fell into the snow; immediately was he pierced with the lance of one of the peasant soldiers who shouted stopai sukinsin (forward you dog), but as a rule the one who had fallen was no longer able to obey the brutal command. Two Russian peasant soldiers would then take hold, one at each leg, and drag the dying man with the head over snow and stones until he was dead, then leave the corpse in the middle of the road. In the woods they would practice the same cruelties as the North American Indians, tie those who could not rise to a tree and amuse themselves by torturing the victim to death with their lances. And, says Schehl, I could narrate still other savageries, but they are too revolting, they are worse than those of the savage Indians. Fortunately, Schehl himself was protected from all molestations by the peasants by the two Cossacks of the escort. He was even taken into the provision wagon where he could ride between bundles of hay and straw. On the evening of the first day’s march the troops camped in a birch forest. Russian people are fond of melancholy music; Schehl played for them adagios on his clarinette, and the Cossacks gave him the best they had to eat. His comrades, now reduced to 400 in number, received no food and were so terror-stricken or so feeble that only from time to time they emitted sounds of clamor. Some would crawl into the snow and perish, while those who kept on moving were able to prolong their miserable lives. The second night took away 100 more, so that the number of prisoners was reduced to less than 300 on the morning of October 31st. During the night from October 31st. to November 1st. more than one-half of the prisoners who had come into the camp had perished, and there were only about 100 men left to begin the march. This mortality was frightful. Schehl thinks that the peasants killed many during the night in order to be relieved of their guard duty. For the Cossacks would send the superfluous guardsmen away and retain only as many as one for every four prisoners. They saw that the completely exhausted Frenchmen could be driven forward like a herd of sick sheep, and hardly needed any guard. In the morning we passed a village, writes Schehl, in which stood some houses which had not been burned. The returned inhabitants were busy clearing away the rubbish and had built some provisional straw huts. I sat as harmless as possible on my wagon when suddenly a girl in one of the straw huts screamed loud Matuschka! Matuschka! Franzusi! Franzusi Niewolni! (Mother! mother! Frenchmen! French prisoners!), and now sprang forward a large woman, armed with a thick club and struck me such a powerful blow on the head that I became unconscious. When I opened my eyes again the woman struck me once more, this time on my left shoulder and so violently that I screamed. My arm was paralyzed from the stroke. Fortunately, one of the Cossacks came to my rescue, scolded the woman, and chased her away.
On the evening of November 1st., the troops came to a village through which no soldiers had passed, which had not been disturbed by the war. Of the prisoners only 60 remained alive, and these were lodged in the houses.
Schehl describes the interior of the houses of Russian peasants as well as the customs of the Russian peasants, which description is highly interesting, and I shall give a brief abstract of it.
The houses are all frame buildings with a thatched roof, erected upon a foundation of large unhewn stones, the interstices of which are filled with clay, and built in an oblong shape, of strong, round pine logs placed one on top of the other. Each layer is stuffed with moss, and the ends of the logs are interlocking. The buildings consist of one story only, with a very small, unvaulted cellar.
Usually there are only two rooms in these houses, and wealthy peasants use both of them for their personal requirements; the poorer classes, on the other hand, use only one of the rooms for themselves, and the other for their horses, cows, and pigs.
The most prominent part of the interior arrangement of these rooms is the oven, covering about six feet square, with a brick chimney in the houses of the wealthy, but without chimney in those of the poor, so that the smoke must pass through the door giving a varnished appearance to the entire ceiling over the door.
There are no chairs in the rooms; during the day broad benches along the walls and oven are used instead. At night, the members of the household lie down to sleep on these benches, using any convenient piece of clothing for a pillow. It seems the Russian peasant of one hundred years ago considered beds a luxury.
Every one of these houses, those of the rich as well as those of the poor, contains in the easterly corner of the sitting room a cabinet with more or less costly sacred images.
On entering the room the newcomer immediately turns his face toward the cabinet, crossing himself three times in the Greek fashion, simultaneously inclining his head, and not until this act of devotion has been performed does he address individually every one present. In greeting, the family name is never mentioned, only the first name, to which is added: Son of so and so (likewise the first name only), but the inclination of the head–pagoda like–is never omitted.
All the members of the household say their very simple prayers in front of the cabinet; at least, I never heard them say anything else but _Gospodin pomilui_ (O Lord, have mercy upon us); but such a prayer is very fatiguing for old and feeble persons because _Gospodin pomilui_ is repeated at least 24 times, and every repetition is accompanied with a genuflection and a prostration, naturally entailing a great deal of hardship owing to the continued exertion of the entire body.
In addition to the sacred cabinet, the oven, and the benches, every one of the rooms contains another loose bench about six feet long, a table of the same length, and the kvass barrel which is indispensable to every Russian.
This cask is a wooden vat of about 50 to 60 gallons capacity, standing upright, the bottom of which is covered with a little rye flour and wheat bran–the poor use chaff of rye–upon which hot water is poured. The water becomes acidulated in about 24 hours and tastes like water mixed with vinegar. A little clean rye straw is placed inside of the vat, in front of the bunghole, allowing the kvass to run fairly clear into the wooden cup. When the vat is three-quarters empty more water is added; this must be done very often, as the kvass barrel with its single drinking cup–placed always on top of the barrel–is regarded as common property. Every member of the household and every stranger draws and drinks from it to their heart’s content, without ever asking permission of the owner of the house. Kvass is a very refreshing summer drink, especially in the houses of wealthy peasants who need not be particular with their rye flour and who frequently renew the original ingredients of the concoction.
The peasant soldiers took the most comfortable places; for Schehl and his nine comrades, who were lodged with him in one of the houses, straw was given to make a bed on the floor, but most of the nine syntrophoi were so sick and feeble that they could not make their couch, and six could not even eat the pound of bread which every one had received; they hid the remaining bread under the rags which represented their garments. Schehl, although he could not raise his left arm, helped the sick, notwithstanding the pain he suffered, to spread the straw on the floor. On the morning of the 2d. of November the sick, who had not been able to eat all their bread, were dead. Schehl, while the surviving ones were still asleep, took the bread which he found on the corpses, to hide it in his sheepskin coat. This inheritance was to be the means of saving his life; without it he would have starved to death while a prisoner in Moscow.
They left this village with now only 29 prisoners and arrived on the same evening, reduced to 11 in number, in Moscow, where they were locked up in one of the houses, together with many other prisoners. Of the 700 fellow prisoners of Schehl 689 had died during the four days and four nights of hunger, cold, and most barbaric cruelties. If the prisoners had hoped to be saved from further cruelties while in Moscow they were bitterly disappointed. First of all, their guards took from them all they themselves could use, and on this occasion Schehl lost his clarinette which he considered as his life saver. Fortunately, they did not take from him the six pieces of bread. After having been searched the prisoners were driven into a room which was already filled with sick or dying, lying on the floor with very little and bad straw under them. The newcomers had difficulties to find room for themselves among these other unfortunates. The guards brought a pail of fresh water but nothing to eat. In a room with two windows, which faced the inner court-yard, were locked up over 30 prisoners, and all the other rooms in the building were filled in the same way. During the night from November 2d. to November 3d. several of Schehl’s companions died and were thrown through the window into the court yard, after the jailors had taken from the corpses whatever they could use. Similar acts were performed in the other rooms, and it gave the survivors a little more room to stretch their limbs. This frightful condition lasted six days and six nights, during which time no food was given to them. The corpses in the yard were piled up so high that the pile reached up to the windows. It was 48 hours since Schehl had eaten the last of the six pieces of bread, and he was so tortured by hunger that he lost all courage, when at 10 o’clock in the forenoon a Russian officer entered and in German ordered the prisoners to get ready within an hour for roll call in the court yard, because the interimistic commanding officer of Moscow, Colonel Orlowski, was to review them. Immediately before this took place, the prisoners had held a counsel among themselves whether it would be wise to offer themselves for Russian military service in order to escape the imminent danger of starving to death. When that officer so unexpectedly had entered, Schehl, although the youngest–he was only 15 years of age–but relatively the strongest, because he was the last of them who had had a little to eat, rose with difficulty from his straw bed and made the offer, saying that they were at present very weak and sick from hunger, but that they would soon regain their strength if they were given something to eat. The officer in a sarcastic and rough manner replied: “His Majesty our glorious Emperor, Alexander, has soldiers enough and does not need you dogs.” He turned and left the room, leaving the unfortunates in a state of despair. Toward 11 o’clock he returned, ordering the prisoners to descend the stairs and fall in line in the court yard. All crawled from their rooms, 80 in number, and stood at attention before the colonel, who was a very handsome and strong man, six foot tall, with expressive and benevolent features. The youth of Schehl made an impression on him, and he asked in German: “My little fellow, are you already a soldier?”
S. At your service, colonel.
C. How old are you?
S. Fifteen years, colonel.
C. How is it possible that you at your young age came into service?
S. Only my passion for horses induced me to volunteer my services in the most beautiful regiment of France, as trumpeter.
C. Can you ride horseback and take care of horses?
S. At your service, colonel!
C. Where are the many prisoners who have been brought here, according to reports there should be 800.
S. What you see here, colonel, is the sad remainder of those 800 men. The others have died.
C. Is there an epidemic disease in this house?
S. Pardon me, colonel, but those comrades of mine have all died from starvation; for during the six days we are here we received no food.
C. What you say, little fellow, cannot be true, for I have ordered to give you the prescribed rations of bread, meat, and brandy, the same as are given to the Russian soldiers, and this has been the will of the Czar.
S. Excuse me, colonel, I have told the truth, and if you will take the pains to walk into the rear yard you will see the corpses.
The colonel went and convinced himself of the correctness of my statement. He returned in the greatest anger, addressed some officer in Russian, gave some orders and went along the front to hear Schehl’s report confirmed by several other prisoners. The officer who had received orders returned, accompanied by six Uhlans, each of the latter with hazelnut sticks. Now the jailors were called and had to deliver everything which they had taken from their prisoners; unfortunately, Schehl’s clarinette was not among the articles that were returned. And now Schehl witnessed the most severe punishment executed on the jailors. They had to remove their coats and were whipped with such cannibal cruelty that bloody pieces of flesh were torn off their backs, and some had to be carried from the place. They deserved severe punishment, for they had sold all the food which during six days had been delivered to them for 800 men.
The surviving prisoners were now treated well, the colonel took Schehl with him to do service in his castle.
The case of Karl Schehl is a typical one.
Holzhausen has collected a great many similar ones from family papers, which never before had been published. All the writers of these papers speak, exactly like Schehl, in plain, truthful language, and the best proof of their veracity is that all, independent of each other, tell the same story of savage cruelty and of robbery. All, in narrating their experiences, do not omit any detail, all give dates and localities which they had retained exactly from those fearful days which had left the most vivid impressions. There is much repetition in these narrations, for all had experienced the same.
All tell that the Cossacks were the first to rob the prisoners. These irregular soldiers received no pay and considered it their right to compensate themselves for the hardships of the campaign by means of robbery.
Besides the tales collected by Holzhausen I can refer to many other writers, Frenchmen, the Englishman Wilson, and even Russians among them, but the material is so voluminous that I shall confine myself to select only what concerned physicians who were taken prisoners.
The Bavarian Sanitary Corps, captured at Polotsk, after having been mercilessly robbed by Cossacks, was brought before a Russian General, who did not even take notice of them. It was only after Russian physicians interfered in their behalf that they obtained a hearing of their grievances.
Prisoners tell touching stories how they were saved by German physicians, in most instances from typhus. In almost all larger Russian cities there were German physicians, and this was a blessing to many of the prisoners. Holzhausen gives the names of several of the sick and the names of the physicians who spared no pains in attending to the sufferers.
In the course of time and with the change of circumstances the lot of the prisoners in general was ameliorated, and in many instances their life became comfortable. Many found employment as farm hands or at some trade, as teachers of languages, but the principal occupation at which they succeeded was the practice of medicine. Whether they were competent physicians or only dilettantes they all gained the confidence of the Russian peasantry. In a land in which physicians are scarce the followers of Aesculap are highly appreciated.
When a Russian peasant had overloaded his stomach and some harmless mixture or decoction given him by some of the pseudo physicians had had a good effect–post hoc ergo propter hoc–the medicine man who had come from far away was highly praised and highly recommended.
Lieutenant Furtenbach treated with so-called sympathetic remedies and had a success which surprised nobody more than himself.
Real physicians were appreciated by the educated and influential Russians and secured a more lucrative practice within weeks than they had been able to secure after years at home. Dr. Roos, of whom I have already spoken, having been taken prisoner near the Beresina, became physician to the hospitals of Borisow and Schitzkow and soon had the greatest private practice of any physician in the vicinity; he afterward was called to the large hospitals in St. Petersburg, and was awarded highest honors by the Russian government.
More remarkable was the career of Adjutant Braun which has been told by his friend, Lieutenant Peppler, who acted as his assistant.
Braun had studied medicine for a while, but exchanged sound and lancet for the musket. As prisoner of war, at the urgent request of his friend Peppler, he utilized his unfinished studies. Venaesection was very popular in Russia, he secured a lancet, a German tailor made rollers for him, and soon he shed much Russian blood. The greatest triumph, however, of the two Aesculapians was Braun’s successful operation for cataract which he performed on a police officer, his instrument being a rusty needle. The description of the operating scene during which the assistant Peppler trembled from excitement is highly dramatic. Braun became the favorite of the populace and everybody regretted that he left when he was free.
TREATMENT OF TYPHUS
Among the old publications referring to the medical history of Napoleon’s campaign in Russia I found one of a Prussian army physician, Dr. Krantz, published in the year 1817 with the following title: Bemerkungen ueber den Gang der Krankheiten welche in der koniglich preussischen Armee vom Ausbruch des Krieges im Jahre 1812 bis zu Ende des Waffenstillstandes (im Aug.) 1813 geherrscht haben. (Remarks on the course of the Diseases which have reigned in the Royal Prussian Army from the Beginning of the War in the Year 1812 until the End of the Armistice [in August] 1813). From this I shall give the following extract:
It is well known that the soldiers constituting the wreck of the Grand Army wherever they passed on their way from Russia through Germany spread ruin; their presence brought death to thousands of peaceful citizens. Even those who were apparently well carried the germs of disease with them, for we found whole families, says Krantz, in whose dwelling soldiers, showing no signs of disease, had stayed over night, stricken down with typhus. The Prussian soldiers of York’s corps had not been with the Grand Army in Moscow, and there was no typhus among them until they followed the French on their road of retreat from Russia. From this moment on, however, the disease spread with the greatest rapidity in the whole Prussian army corps, and this spreading took place with a certain uniformity among the different divisions. On account of the overflowing of the rivers, the men had to march closely together on the road, at least until they passed the Vistula near Dirschau, Moeve, and Marienwerder. Of the rapid extent of the infection we can form an idea when we learn the following facts: In the first East Prussian regiment of infantry, when it came to the Vistula, there was not a single case of typhus, while after a march of 14 miles on the highway which the French had passed before them there were 15 to 20 men sick in every company, every tenth or even every seventh man. In those divisions which had been exposed to infection while in former cantonments, the cases were much more numerous, 20 to 30 in every company.
Simultaneously with typhus there appeared the first cases of an epidemic ophthalmy. Although the eye affection was not as general as the typhus–it occurred only in some of the divisions, and then at the outset not so severely as later on–both evils were evidently related to each other by a common causal nexus. They appeared simultaneously under similar circumstances, but never attacked simultaneously the same individual. Whoever had ophthalmy was immune against typhus and vice versa, and this immunity furnished by one against the other evil lasted a long period of time. Both diseases were very often cured on the march. We found confirmed, says Krantz, what had been asserted a long time before by experienced physicians, that cold air had the most beneficial effect during the inflammatory stage of contagious typhus. For this reason the soldiers who presented the first well-known symptoms of typhus infection: headache, nausea, vertigo, etc., were separated from their healthy comrades and entrusted to medical care, and this consisted, except in the case of extraordinarily grave symptoms, in dressing the patient with warm clothing and placing him for the march on a wagon where he was covered all over with straw. The wagon was driven fast, to follow the corps, but halted frequently on the way at houses where tea (Infusum Chamomillae, species aromaticarum, etc.) with or without wine or spiritus sulphuricus aetherius were prepared; of this drink the patient was given a few cupfuls to warm him. As a precaution against frost, which proved to be a very wise one, hands and feet were wrapped in rags soaked in spiritus vini camphoratus. For quarters at night isolated houses were selected for their reception–a precaution taught by sad experience–and surgeons or couriers who had come there in advance had made the best preparations possible. All the hospitals between the Vistula and Berlin, constantly overfilled, were thoroughly infected, and thus transformed into regular pest-houses exhaling perdition to every one who entered, the physicians and attendants included. On the other hand, most of the patients who were treated on the march recovered. Of 31 cases of typhus of the 2d. battalion of the infantry guards transported from Tilsit to Tuchel, only one died, while the remaining 30 regained their health completely, a statistical result as favorable as has hardly ever happened in the best regulated hospital and which is the more surprising on account of the severe form of the disease at that time. An equally favorable result was obtained in the first East Prussian regiment of infantry on the march from the Vistula to the Spree.
There was not a single death on the march; of 330 patients 300 recovered, 30 were sent into hospitals of Elbing, Maerkisch Friedland, Conitz, and Berlin, and the same excellent results were reported from other divisions of the corps where the same method had been followed.
A most remarkable observation among the immense number of patients was that they seldom presented a stage of convalescence. Three days after they had been free from fever for 24 hours they were fit, without baggage, for a half or even a whole day’s march. If the recovery had not been such a speedy one, says Krantz, how could all the wagons have been secured in that part of the country devastated by war for the transportation of the many hundreds of sick.
At the beginning of the sickness a vomitium of ipecacuanha and tartarus stibiatus was administered (though on the march no real medical treatment was attempted); later on aether vitrioli with tinctura valerianae, tinctura aromatica and finally tinctura chinae composita aurantiorum with good wine, etc., were given. It is interesting to read Krantz’s statement of how much some physicians were surprised who had been accustomed to treat their patients in hospitals according to the principles of that period, which consisted in the exclusion of fresh air and the hourly administration of medicine. The mortality of those treated on the march in the manner described was never more than 2 to 3 per cent.
As already mentioned, an epidemic ophthalmy spread simultaneously with typhus among a large number of the troops returning from Courland, especially among those who formed the rear guard, in which was the first East Prussian regiment to which Krantz was attached.
In a far greater proportion the men of the two Prussian cavalry regiments and artillery batteries which Napoleon had taken with him to Moscow, that is into ruin, succumbed to the morbid potencies which acted upon them from all sides.
On March 17th., 1813, York’s corps entered Berlin, and from this time on contagious typhus disappeared almost completely in this army division. It is true that occasionally a soldier was attacked, but the number of these was insignificant, and the character of the sickness was mild. Other internal diseases were also infrequent among these troops during that time. Epidemic ophthalmy, however, was very prevalent in the East Prussian regiment of infantry. From February, 1813, until the day of the battle of Leipzig, 700 men were treated for this disease. The character of this ophthalmy was mild, and under treatment the patients completely recovered within a few days (nine days at most) without any destructive lesion remaining. Quite different from this form was a severe ophthalmy which appeared in the army toward the end of the year 1813, and also during the years 1814 and 1815.
AFTER THE SECOND CROSSING OF THE NIEMEN
Out of the enemy’s country, on their way home, the soldiers had by no means reached the limit of their sufferings. Instead of being able now to take the much longed for and so much needed rest they were compelled to keep on marching in order to reach the meeting places designated to them, the principal one of which was Koenigsberg.
Before entering Prussia they had to pass through a district which was inhabited by Lithuanians who had suffered very much from the army passing on the march to Moscow, and who now took revenge on the retreating soldiers.
Most happy were the Germans of the army breathing again the air of their native country, and they could not restrain their feelings when they found themselves in clean dwellings.
Their first occupation was to restore themselves in regard to cleanliness, to free their faces from a thick covering of dirt intensified by smoke which could be compared with a mask. All these unfortunate men wore this mask, but, as they said while in Moscow, without any desire to dance. Especially the better educated ones among them felt ashamed to present themselves in this condition in which they had dragged themselves through Russia and Poland.
On December 16th, von Borcke and his General, von Ochs, came to Schirwind, for the first time again in a Prussian city. Quarters were assigned to them in one of the best houses, the house of the widow of a Prussian officer. The lady, on seeing the two entering the house, was astonished to learn that they were a general with his adjutant, and that they should be her guests. Nothing about them indicated their rank, they were wrapped in sheepskins and rags full of dirt, blackened by the smoke from the camp fires, with long beards, frozen hands and feet.
On January 2nd., 1813, these two officers arrived at Thorn. They considered themselves saved from the great catastrophe, when there, like in all places to which the wrecks of the grand army had come, typhus broke out. General von Ochs was stricken down with this disease, and his condition did not warrant any hopes for recovery. His son, however, who had gone through the whole retreat wounded and sick with typhus, whom the general and his adjutant had brought from Borodino in a wagon under incredible difficulties, had recovered and was able to nurse his father.
And General von Ochs came home with his Adjutant, von Borcke, on February 20th., 1813.
Good people took pains to give their guests an opportunity to clean themselves thoroughly; the well-to-do had their servants attend to this process; in houses of the working class man and wife would give a helping hand.
Sergeant Schoebel, together with a comrade, was quartered in the house of an honest tailor who, seeing how the soldiers were covered with lice, made them undress and, while the wife boiled the undergarments, the tailor ironed the outer clothing with a hot iron.
Generous people tried to ameliorate in every manner possible the need which presented itself in such a pitiful form.
Lieutenant Schauroth was sitting in despair at a table in an inn when one nobleman pressed a double Louisd’or into his hand and another placed his sleigh at the lieutenant’s disposal to continue his journey.
In Tapiau a carpenter’s helper, himself a very poor man, begged among his friends to obtain a suit of clothes for Sergeant Steinmueller, whom he had never known before.
But cases of this kind were the exception; in general the Prussian peasants remembered the many excesses which, notwithstanding Napoleon’s strict orders, the soldiers had committed on their march through East Prussia; they remembered the requisitions, they felt the plight of Prussia since the battle of Jena, and they revenged themselves on the French especially, but even the Germans of Napoleon’s soldiers had to suffer from the infuriated, pitiless peasantry. Holzhausen describes scenes which were not less atrocious than those enacted by Russian peasants.
And those who were treated kindly had the most serious difficulties: the sudden change from misery to regular life caused many serious disorders of the organs of digestion, ennervation and circulation. All who have been in the field during our civil war know how long it took before they were able again to sleep in a bed. The Napoleonic soldiery describe how the warmth of the bed brought on the most frightful mental pictures; they saw burnt, frozen, and mutilated comrades and had to try to find rest on the floor, their nervous and their circulatory systems were excited to an intolerable degree. After eating they vomited, and only gradually the ruined stomach became accustomed again, first, to thin soups and, later on, to a more substantial diet.
How much they had suffered manifested itself in many ways after the thick crust had been removed from their body and, above all, after what had taken the place of shoes had been taken off. When Sergeant Toenges removed the rags from his feet the flesh of both big toes came off. Captain Gravenreuth’s boots had been penetrated by matter and ichor. Painful operations had to be performed to separate gangraenous parts. In Marienwerder Hochberg found all the attendants of Marshal Victor on the floor while a surgeon was amputating their limbs.
But these were comparatively minor affairs, amputated limbs played no roll when hundreds of thousands of mutilated corpses rested on the fields of Russia.
An enemy more vicious than the one that had decimated the beautiful army was lying in wait for the last remainder which tried to rally again.
It was the typhus that on the road from Moscow all through Germany and through France did its destructive work.
This disease had been observed, as Dr. Geissler reports, first in Moscow, ravaged most terribly in Wilna and held a second great harvest in Koenigsberg, where the first troops arrived on December 20th.
One-half of those who had been attacked succumbed, although the hospitals of Koenigsberg were ideal ones compared with those of Wilna.
Geissler and his colleague had to work beyond description to ameliorate and to console; help was impossible in the majority of cases.
The physicians of Koenigsberg were not as lucky as Dr. Krantz, whose patients were in the open air instead of being confined in a hospital.
It is heartrending to read how so many who had withstood so much, escaped so many dangers, had to die now. One of these was General Eble, the hero of the Beresina.
LITERATURE.
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VON BORCKE, JOHANN. Kriegerleben 1806-1815. Berlin, 1888.
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HOLZHAUSEN, PAUL. Die Deutschen in Russland, 1812. Leben und Leiden auf der Moskauer Heerfahrt. 2 vols. Berlin, 1912.
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KRANTZ, DR. Bemerkungen uber den Gang der Krankheiten welche in der Konigl. preuss. Armee vom Ausbruche des Krieges im Jahr 1812 bis zu Ende des Waffenstillstandes (im Aug.) 1813 geherrscht haben. Magazin f. d. ges. Heilkunde. Berlin, 1817.
LOSSBERG, GENERALLIEUTENANT VON. Briefe in die Heimath. Geschrieben wahrend des Feldzugs 1812 in Russland. Leipzig, 1848.
DE MAZADE, CH. LE COMTE ROSTOPCHINE. Revue des Deux Mondes, Sept. 15, 1863.
RAMBAUD, ALF. La Grande Armee a Moscou d’apres les recits russes. Revue des Deux Mondes, July 1, 1873.
SCHEHL, KARL. Mit der grossen Armee 1812 von Krefeld nach Moskau. Erlebnisse des niederrheinischen Veteranen Karl Schehl. Herausgegeben von Seinem Grossneffen Ferd, Schehl, Krefeld. Dusseldorf, 1912.
DE SCHERER, JOANNES. Historia morborum, qui in expeditione contra Russian anno MDCCCXII facta legiones Wuerttembergica invaserunt, praesertim eorem, qui frigore orti sunt. Inaugural Dissertation. Tuebingen, 1820.
THIERS, A. Histoire du Consulat et de l’Empire.
VON YELIN. In Russland 1812. Aus dem Tagebuch des wurttembergischen Offiziers von Yelin. Munchen, 1911. Illustrated.
ZELLE, DR. W. Stabsarzt A. D., Kreisarzt, 1812. Das Voelkerdrama in Russland. 2. Auf. (Without date.)
INDEX
Alcoholic Beverages
Alexander the Great
Anthouard
Basilius Monastery
Beaupre
Belle-Isle
Beresina
Berlin
Berthier,
Borcke, von
Borisow
Borodino
Bourgeois
Bourgogne
Brandt, von
Braun
Carpon
Caulaincourt
Cesarian Insanity
Charles XII
Chasseloup
Commanders
Compans
Constant
Corbineau
Corvisart
Crossing the Niemen
Curtius
Description of diseases 100 Years Ago Dirschau
Dorogobouge
Doumerc
Dresden
Dysentery
Eble
Ebstein
Egloffstein
Fournier
Friant
Furtenbach
Gangraene
Geissler
Ghjat
Girard
Glinka
Goina
Gordon
Gourgaud
Gravenreuth
Grolmann, von
Happrecht, von
Hochberg, von
Holzhausen
Huber
Iliya
Inoralow
Jacobs
Jacqueminot
Jaroslawetz
Jews
Kalkreuter, von
Kalouga
Karpisz
Keller, von
Kerchhove
Kerner, von
Kohlreuter, von
Koenigsberg
Kowno
Krantz
Krapowna
Krasnoe
Kuhn
Kvass
Kurakin
Kutusof
Laplander
Larrey
Lauriston
Legrand
Leppich’s Airship
Loison
Lossberg, von
Louis XVIII
Maciejowski
Maison
Malczowski
Malodeszno
Maloijorolawez
Marienwerder
Mergentheim
Miednicki
Miloradovitch
Mohilew
Molodetchno
Montholon
Moscow
Moeve
Murat at Thorn
Ochmiana
Ochs, von
Oginsky
Ophthalmy
Orlowski
Orscha
Ostrowno
Partouneaux
Peppler
Phtheiriasis
Picart
Platow
Plechtchenissi
Polotsk
Prisoners of War
Retreat from Moscow
Ribes
Roeder
Roos, de
Rostopchine
Rudloff
Samoide
Schauroth
Schehl
Scherer, von
Schirwind
Schmetter, von
Schoebel
Shoes
Siberia
Smolensk
Smorgoni
Soden, von
Steinmuller
Strizzowan
Studianka
Suckow
Tapian
Tchitchakoff
Theuss
Thiers, Tilsit
Toenges
Tschaplitz
Tuchel
Turenne
Victor, Vop
Wasilenka
Westphalians
Wiasma
Wilna
Wilson
Witepsk
Wittgenstein
Wrede, von
Xenophon
Yelin
Yermaloff
Zayonchek
Zawnicki
Zazale
Zelinski
Zembin
SUBSCRIPTION LIST.
3 Dr. H.J. Achard, Ravenswood, Chicago. 1 Dr. Fred. H. Albee, 125 W. 58th Street, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. W.T. Alexander, 940 St. Nicholas Avenue, N.Y. City. 1 Rev, Mother Alphonsus, School of St. Angela, N.Y. City. 1 Mr. Gustav Amberg, N.Y. City.
1 Dr. Ernest F. Apeldom, 2113 Howard St., Philadelphia, Pa. 1 Dr. S.T. Armstrong, Hillbourne Farms, Katonah, N.Y. 1 Dr. M. Aronson, 1875 Madison Avenue, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. C.E. Atwood, 14 E. 60th Street, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. John Waite Avery, 295 Atlantic Street, Stamford, Conn. 1 Dr. Arcadius Avellanus, 47 W. 52nd Street, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. Frederick A. Baldwin, 4500 Olive Street, St. Louis, Mo. 1 Dr. Richard T. Bang, 139 W. 11th Street, N.Y. City. 1 Mr. R.G. Barthold, 57 W. 92nd Street, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. James E. Baylis, Medical Corps U.S.A., Ft. D.A. Russell, Wyo.
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1 Mrs. Isabella Gatslick, 519 W. 143rd Street, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. Arpad G. Gerster, 34 E. 75th Street, N.Y. City. 1 Mr. H.F. Glenn, 324 W. Washington Street, Fort Wayne, Ind. 1 Mr. J. Goldschmidt, Publisher Deutsche Med. Presse, Berlin, Germany. 1 Dr. Hermann Grad, 159 W. 12Oth Street, N.Y. City, 1 Mr. Gromaz von Gromadzinski, 365 Edgecombe Avenue, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. Jas. T. Gwathmey, 40 E. 41st Street, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. H.R. Gunderman, Selby, South Dakota. 1 Dr. F.J. Haneman, 219 Burnett Street, East Orange, N.J. 1 Dr. Harold Hays, 11 W. 81st Street, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. Wm. Van V. Hayes, 34 W. 50th Street, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. I.S. Haynes, 107 W. 85th Street, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. Louis Heitzmann, 110 W. 78th Street, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. Johnson Held, 616 Madison Avenue, N.Y. City. 1 Mr. F. Herrmann, 37 Wall Street, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. Abraham Heyman, 40 E. 41st Street, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. Thos. A. Hopkins, St. Louis, Mo.
1 Dr. John Horn, 72 E. 92nd Street, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. B.W. Hoagland, Woodbridge, N.J.
1 Dr. Chas. H. Hughes, 3858 W. Pine Bl., St. Louis, Mo. 1 Dr. L.M. Hurd, 15 E. 48th Street, N.Y. City. 1 Rev. Mother Ignatius, College of New Rochelle, N.Y. 1 Dr. H. Illoway, 1113 Madison Avenue, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. C.J. Imperatori, 245 W. 1O2nd Street, N.Y. City. 1 Miss Maud Ingersoll, 117 E. 21st Street, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. Walter B. Jennings, 140 Wadsworth Avenue, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. George B. Jones, 1st Lieut. Med. Corps, Las Cascadas Panama Canal Zone.
1 Dr. Oswald Joerg, 12 Schermerhorn Street, Brooklyn, N.Y. 1 Mr. John Kakavos, 636 Lexington Avenue, N.Y. City. 1 Mr. Albert Karg, 469 Fourth Avenue, N.Y. City. 1 Rev. Arthur C. Kenny, 408 W. 124th Street, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. E.D. Kilbourne, Capt. Med. Corps, U.S.A., Columbus, O. 1 Dr. H. Kinner, 1103 Rutges Street, St. Louis, Mo. 5 Mr. Richard Kny, Pres. Kny Scheerer Co., N.Y. City, 1 Dr. A. Knoll, Ludwigshafen, Germany.
3 Dr. S. Alphonsus Knopf, 16 W. 95th Street, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. S.J. Kopetzky, 616 Madison Avenue, N.Y. City, 1 Dr. John E. Kumpf, 302 E. 30th Street, N.Y. City, 1 Rev. Mother Lauretta, Middletown, N.Y. 1 Dr. M.D. Lederman, 58 E. 75th Street, N.Y. City. 5 Messrs. Lekas and Drivas, 17 Roosevelt Street, N.Y. City. 5 Messrs. Lemcke and Buechner, 30 W. 27th Street, N.Y. City. 3 Dr. B. Leonardos, Director Museum of Inscriptions, Athens, Greece.
1 Dr. H.F. Lincoln, U.S.A., Ft. Apache, Arizona. 1 Dr. Forbes R. McCreery, 123 E. 40th Street, N.Y. City. 1 Miss Agnes McGinnis, 2368 Seventh Avenue, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. W. Duncan McKim, 1701 l8th Street N.W., Washington, D.C. 1 Dr. C.A. McWilliams, 32 E. 53rd Street, N.Y. City. 2 Dr. Wm. Mabon, Wards Island, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. Chas. O. Maisch, State Infirmary, Tewksbury, Mass. 1 Mr. E. A. Manikas, 49 James Street, N.Y. City. 1 Mr. Edward J. Manning, 59 W. 76th Street, N.Y. City. 3 Mr. Wm. Marko, 254 Bowery, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. L.D. Mason, 171 Joralemon Street, Brooklyn, N.Y. 1 Dr. Charles H. May, 698 Madison Avenue, N.Y. City. 5 Rev. Isidore Meister, S.L.D., Marmaraneck, N.Y. 1 Mrs. Meixner, 476 Third Avenue, Astoria, N.Y. 1 Dr. Alfred Melzer, 785 Madison Avenue, N.Y. City. 2 Mr. George Merck, Llewellyn Park, West Orange, N.J. 1 Mr. Frank Miglis, 1-5 New Bowery, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. Kenneth W. Millican, London, England. 1 Mrs. Maria G. Minekakis, 153 W. 22nd Street, N.Y. City. 2 Mr. Epominondas Minekakis, 366 Sixth Avenue, N.Y. City, 1 Professor P.D. de Monthule, 97 Hamilton Place, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. Robert T. Morris, 616 Madison Avenue, N.Y. City, 1 Dr. Wm. J. Morton, 19 E. 28th Street, N.Y. City, 1 Dr. J.B. Murphy, 104 So. Michigan Avenue, Chicago, Ill. 1 Miss Mary Murphy, 233 Eighth Street, Jersey City, N.J. 2 Mr. Wm. Neisel, 44-60 E. 23rd Street. N.Y. City. 2 Dr. Rupert Norton, Johns Hopkins Hospital, Baltimore, Md. 1 Dr. M.C. O’Brien, 161 W. 122nd Street, N.Y. City, 1 Mr. Adolf Olson, 383 E. 136th Street, N.Y. City, 1 Mr. O.G. Orr, 37 Wall Street, N.Y. City, 1 Dr. Francis R. Packard, 302 S. 19th Street, Philadelphia, Pa. 1 Dr. Charles E. Page, 120 Tremont Street, Boston, Mass. 1 Dr. Roswell Park, 510 Delaware Avenue, Buffalo, N.Y. 1 Dr. Ralph L. Parsons, Ossining, N.Y.
1 Mr. E.B. Pettel, 308 E. 15th Street, N.Y. City. 1 Dr. Daniel J. Phelan, 123 W. 94th Street, N. Y. City. 1 Dr. C. W. Pilgrim, Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 1 Dr. J. L. Pomeroy, 212 Am. Nat. Bank, Monrovia, Cal. 1 Dr. R. S. Porter, Captain Med. Corps, U. S. A., Fort Wm. H. Seward, Alaska.
1 Dr. M. Rabinowitz, 1261 Madison Avenue, N. Y. City.
1 Dr. Chas. Rayersky, Liberty, N. Y. 1 Dr. R. G. Reese, 50 W. S2nd Street, N. Y. City. 1 Dr. Pius Renn, 171 W. 95th Street, N. Y. City. 1 Miss Jennie M. Rich, 624 S. Washington Square, Philadelphia, Pa. 1 Dr. Jno. D. Riley, Mahanoy City, Pa.
1 Dr. A. Ripperger, 616 Madison Avenue, N. Y. City. 1 Dr. John A. Robinson, 40 E. 41 st Street, N. Y. City. 2 Mr. Hermann Roder, 366 Central Avenue, Jersey City, N. J. 1 Dr. Max Rosenthal, 26 W. 90th Street, N. Y. City. 1 Mr. Gregory Santos, 32 Madison Street, N. Y. City. 1 Dr. Thos. E. Satterthwaite, 7 E. 80th Street, N. Y. City. 1 Dr. Reginald H. Sayre, 14 W. 48th Street, N. Y. City. 1 Mr. M. F. Schlesinger, 47 Third Avenue, N. Y. City. 1 Dr. W. S. Schley, 24 W. 45th Street, N. Y. City. 1 Mrs. Schoenfeld, 374 Washington Avenue, Astoria, N. Y. 1 Dr. G. Schroeder, Schoemberg O. A. Neuenburg, Wuerttemberg, Germany. 1 Dr. P. David Schultz, 601 W. 156th Street, N. Y. City. 1 Dr. E. S. Sherrnan, 20 Central Avenue, Newark, N. J. 1 Mr. James S. Smitzes, Tarpon Springs, Fla. 1 Dr. John B. Solley, Jr., 968 Lexington Avenue, N. Y. City. 5 Messrs. G. E. Stechert & Co., 151-155 W. 25th Street, N. Y. City. 1 Dr. Heinrkh Stern, 250 W. 73d Street, N. Y. City, 1 Dr. Geo. David Stewart, 61 W. 50th Street, N. Y. City. 1 Dr. Chas. Stover, Amsterdam, N. Y.
3 Dr. August Adrian Strasser, 115 Beech Street, Arlington, N. J. 1 Dr. Alfred N. Strouse, 79 W. 50th Street, N. Y. City, 1 Surgeon General’s Office, Washington, D. C. 1 Mr. Fairchild N. Terry, 984 Simpson Street, N. Y. City. 1 Mr. Vasilios Takis, 2060 E. 15th Street, Brooklyn, N. Y. 1 Mr. John G. Theophilos, Coney Island, N. Y. 1 Dr. Henry H. Tyson, 47 W. 51st Street, N. Y. City. 1 Professor Dr. H. Vierordt, Tuebingen, Germany. 1 Dr. Hermann Vieth, Ludwigshafen, Germany. 1 Dr. Agnes C. Vietor, Trinity Court, Boston, Mass. 1 Mr. George Villios, 31 Oliver Street, N. Y. City. 1 Mr. John Villios, 31 Oliver Street, N. Y. 1 Dr. Antonie P. Voislawsky, 128 W. 59th. St., N. Y. City 1 Dr. Cornelius Doremus Van Wagenen, 616 Madison Avenue, N. Y. City. 2 Rev. Thos. W. Wallace, 921 Morris Avenue, N. Y. City. 1 Dr. Jas. J. Walsh, 110 W. 74th Street, N. Y. City. 1 Dr. Josephine Walter, 61 W. 74th Street, N. Y. City. 1 Dr. Henry W. Wandles, 9 E. 39th Street, N. Y. City. 1 Dr. Freeman F. Ward, 616 Madison Avenue, N. Y. City. 1 Dr. Edward J. Ware, 121 W. 93rd Street, N. Y. City. 2 Kommerzienrat Richard Weidner, Gotha, Germany. 1 Dr. Sara Welt-Kakels, 71 E. 66th Street, N. Y. City. 1 Dr. H. R. Weston, Lieut. U. S. A., Key West Barracks, Fla. 1 Dr. Thos. H. Willard, 1 Madison Avenue, N. Y. City. 1 Dr. M. H. Williams, 556 W. 150th Street, N. Y. City. 1 Dr. Linsly R. Williams, 882 Park Avenue, N. Y. City. 1 Dr. Frederick N. Wilson, 40 E. 41st Street, N. Y. City. 1 Dr. Fred. Wise, 828 Lexington Avenue, N. Y. City. 2 Mr. A. Wittemann, 250 Adams Street. Brooklyn, N. Y. 1 Miss E. Wittemann, 17 Ocean Terrace, Stapleton, S. I. 1 Dr. David G. Yates, 79 W. 104th Street, N. Y. City. 1 Professor Dr. Zimmerer, Regensburg, Germany. 1 Mr. H. H. Tebault, 624 Madison Avenue. 1 Dr. R. L. Sutton, U. S. N., Kansas City, Mo. 1 Mr. L. Schwalbach, 12 Judge Street, Brooklyn, N. Y. 1 Mr. N. Becker, 361 Crescent Street, Brooklyn, N. Y. 1 Mr. Anton Emmert, 563 Hart Street, Brooklyn, N. Y. 1 Dr. Ernest V. Hubbard, 11 E. 48th Street, N. Y. City. 1 Dr. J. A. Koempel, 469 E. 156th Street, N. Y. City. 1 Dr. John D. Riley, 200 E. Mahonoy Ave., Mahonoy City, P. I. 1 Dr. John McCoy, 157 W. 73rd Street, N. Y. City.
OTHER BOOKS BY THE AUTHOR.
PHYSICIAN VS. BACTERIOLOGIST.
BY PROF. O. ROSENBACH, M.D.
Translated from the German by ACHILLES ROSE, M.D., New York.
This volume embraces Rosenbach’s discussion on the clinico-bacteriologic and hygienic problems based on original investigations. They represent a contest against the overgrowth of bacteriology, principally against the overzealous enthusiasm of orthodox bacteriologists.
PARTIAL CONTENTS–Significance of Animal Experiments for Pathology and Therapy, The Doctrine of Efficacy of Specifics, Disinfection in the Test Tube and in the Living Body, Should Drinking Water and Milk be Sterilized? In How Far Has Bacteriology Advanced Diagnosis and Cleared Up Aetiology? The Mutations of Therapeutic Methods; Stimulation, Reaction, Predisposition; Bacterial Aetiology of Pleurisy; The Significance of Sea Sickness; Pathogenesis of Pulmonary Phthisis; Constitution and Therapy; Care of the Mouth in the Sick; Some Remarks on Influenza; The Koch Method; The Cholera Question; Infection; Orotherapy; Undulations of Epidemics.
_The Post Graduate_, New York: “It is a rich storehouse for every physician and will give much food for thought.”
12mo, Cloth. 455 Pages. $1.50, net; By Mail, $1.66.
CARBONIC ACID IN MEDICINE.
BY ACHILLES ROSE, M.D.
It sets forth facts about the healing qualities of carbonic acid gas which were known centuries ago and then passed into disuse until they had become unjustly forgotten.
THE CONTENTS–The Physiology and Chemistry of Respiration; History of the Use of Carbonic Acid in Therapeutics; Inflation of the Large Intestine with Carbonic-acid Gas for Diagnostic Purposes; The Therapeutic Effect of Carbonic-acid Gas in Chloriasis, Asthma, and Emphysema of the Lungs, in the Treatment of Dysentry and Membranous Enteritis and Colic, Whooping-cough, Gynecological Affections; The Effects of Carbonic-acid Baths on the Circulation; Rectal Fistula Promptly, Completely, and Permanently Cured by Means of Carbonic-acid Applications; Carbonic-acid in Chronic Suppurative Otitis and Dacryocystitis; Carbonicacid Applications in Rhinitis.
“From this little volume the practitioner can derive much valuable information, while the physiologist will find a point of departure for new investigations.”–The Post-Graduate, New York. Illustrated. 12mo. Cloth, 268 Pages. $1.00, net; By Mail, $1.10.
ATONIA GASTRICA BY DR. ACHILLES ROSE.
Atonia Gastrica, by which term is understood abdominal relaxation and ptosis of viscera, is a subject of vast importance, as has been proved by the avalanche of literature it has caused during the last decade. The relation of some ailments to abdominal relaxation has only been recognized since the author’s method of abdominal strapping has been adopted and extensively practiced. This book gives in attractive form all we know in regard to aetiology; it describes and treats on the significance of the plaster strapping as the most rational therapeutic measure. The illustrations given with the description will prove of much practical value to those who wish to give the method a trial, but who have not had the opportunity to see the Rose belt applied.
12mo. Cloth. Price, $1.00, net.
FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY, Publishers, 44-60 East Twenty-third Street, New York.
MEDICAL GREEK COLLECTION OF PAPERS ON MEDICAL ONOMATOLOGY.
BY DR. ACHILLES ROSE, Honorary Member of the Medical Society of Athens. Member of the Committee on Nomenclature of the Medical Society of Athens.
G. E. STECHERT & COMPANY, 151-155 West 25th Street, New York. Price, $1.00.
Dr. James P. Warbasse of Brooklyn, N. Y., wrote concerning this book: “I am much in sympathy with your efforts to secure more uniformity and correctness in our medical words. While you may not be wholly satisfied with the results which you are able to secure or with the reception which your work has received at the hands of your colleagues, still it is continually bearing fruit. The campaign which you have carried on has awakened a general and widespread interest in the matter, and is bound to accomplish great good. I have read with much interest your correspondence with the Academy of Medicine. It shows an admirable persistent enthusiasm on one hand and a successful postponing diplomacy on the other.”
“For the work done by you, your name will be praised by generations.”
In order to understand the onomatology question in medicine as it stands at present one has to read this book.
CHRISTIAN GREECE AND LIVING GREEK. BY DR. ACHILLES ROSE. NEW YORK:
G. E. STECHERT & CO., 151-155 West 25th Street. Price, $1.00.
CONTENTS.
PREFACE.–A Political Retrospect on Greece.–The Hostility of the Great European Powers towards Greece Since the Establishment of the Greek Kingdom.–Pacifico Affair and Lord Palmerston.–Cretan Insurrections. –Latest War.–Greece’s Future
CHAPTER I.–An Historical Sketch of Greek.–Relation of the Greek of To-day to the Greek of the Attic Orators.–Exposure of many Erroneous Views which have been Prevailing until Recently
CHAPTER II.–Proper Pronounciation of Greek.–The Only True Historical Pronounciation is the One of the Greeks of To-day; the Erasmian is Arbitrary, Unscientific, is a Monstrosity
CHAPTER III.–The Byzantines.–Misrepresentations in Regard to Byzantine History.–Our Gratitude due to the Byzantine Empire
CHAPTER IV.–The Greeks under Turkish Bondage.–The Misery into which the Greek World was Thrown during the Centuries of Turkish Bondage, the Wonderful Rising of the Greek People from the Lethargy caused by Slavery, and their Spiritual and Political Resurrection
CHAPTER V.–The Greek War of Independence, and the European Powers.–The most Incomprehensible Wrongs Done to the Heroic Greek Race by the Powers while it was Struggling for Liberty after Long Centuries of Terrific Vicissitudes, under Circumstances which Presented More Difficulties than any Other Nation had Encountered.–Philhellenism
CHAPTER VI.–The Kingdom of Greece before the War of 1897.–Continuation of the Hostility towards the Greeks Since a Part, Part Only of the Nation was Set Free
CHAPTER VII.–Greek as the International Language of Physicians and Scholars in General.–The Necessity of Introducing Better Methods of Teaching Greek in Schools in Order that Greek may become the International Language of Scholars
EPILOGUE.–Calumniations Against the Greeks of To-day and the Refutation of These
List of Subscribers EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS AND REVIEWS IN JOURNALS.
His GRACE, ARCHBISHOP CORRIGAN, New York, wrote the day after having received the book: “Dear Doctor, Many thanks for your great courtesy in sending me a copy of your charming work, ‘Christian Greece and Living Greek.’ I have already begun its perusal, the chapter on the proper ‘Pronunciation of Greek’ naturally inviting and claiming immediate attention. I think you laugh Erasmus out of court. Now I must begin, if leisure be ever afforded me, to dip into Greek again, to learn to pronounce your noble language correctly. Congratulating you on your success, and with best wishes, I am, dear Doctor,
“Very faithfully yours,
“M. A. CORRIGAN, ARCHBISHOP.”
DR. ACHILLES ROSE.
S. STANHOPE ORRIS, Professor of Greek in Princeton University, who was Director of the American School at Athens from 1888 to 1889, who kindly revised the manuscript, wrote:
“I think that the impression which the manuscript has made on my mind will be made on the minds of all who read your book–that it is the production of an able, laborious, enthusiastic, scholarly man, who deserves the gratitude and admiration of all who labor to perpetuate an interest in the language, literature, and history of Greece.”
Again, after having received the book, the same Philhellene writes to the author: “Professor Cameron, my colleague, who has glanced at the book, pronounces it eloquent, as I also do, and unites with me in ordering a copy for our University Library.”
HON. EBEN ALEXANDER, former United States Minister to Greece, Professor of Greek, North Carolina University: “My dear Dr. Rose, The five copies have been received, and I enclose check in payment…. I am greatly pleased with the book. It shows everywhere the fruit of your far-reaching studies, and your own enthusiastic interest has enabled you to state the facts in a strongly interesting way. I hope that it will meet with favor. I wonder whether you have sent a copy to the King? He would like to see it, I know…. I am sincerely your friend.”
WILLIAM F. SWAHLER, Professor of Greek, De Pauw University, Greencastle, Ind., writes: “I received the book today in fine order, and am much pleased so far as I have had time to peruse the same.”
THOMAS CARTER, Professor of Greek and Latin, Centenary College, Jackson, La., writes: “Am highly delighted with Dr. Rose’s work; have not had the time to read it all yet, but from what I have been able to get over, am more than ever convinced of his accurate learning, his profound scholarship, and his devoted enthusiasm for his beloved Hellas.”
A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON, Professor of Oriental Languages, Columbia University, New York: “The welcome volume arrived this morning and is cordially appreciated. This note is to express my thanks and to extend best wishes for continued success.”
MR. JOHN C. PALMARIS, of Chicago: “[Greek: Eugnomonon Eggaen]. Dr. Achilles Rose. Dear Sir, Allow me to express my thanks from the bottom of my heart as a Greek for your sincere love for my beloved country ‘Hellas,’ and to congratulate you for your noble philological and precious work, ‘Christian Greece and Living Greek,’ with the true Gnomikon. ‘It is shameful to defame Greece continually.’ I received to-day the three copies for me and one for my brother-in-law (Prince Rodokanakis), which I despatched immediately to Syra.”
DR. A. F. CURRIER, New York: “Dear Dr. Rose, I received your book with great pleasure. It is very attractively made up, and I am looking forward to the pleasure of reading it. As I get older I am astonished at the charm with which memory recalls history, myth, and poetry in the study of the classics long ago. With sincerest wishes for your success, believe me yours, Philhellenically.”
C. EVERETT CONANT, Professor of Greek and Latin, Lincoln University, Lincoln, III.: “I wish personally to thank you for the effort you are making to set before us Americans the true status of the modern Greek language in its relation with the classic speech of Pericles’ day. With best wishes for the success of your laudable undertaking, I am cordially yours.”
MR. H. E. S. SLAGENHAUP, Taneytown, Md.: “Dr. Achilles Rose. Dear Sir, Your book, ‘Christian Greece and Living Greek,’ reached me this morning. Although it arrived only this morning I have already read the greater part of it. It is a work for which every Philhellene must feel truly grateful to you. Not only do I admire the care, the industry, and the scholarly research which are evident on every page of this valuable exposition of Hellenism and Philhellenism, but I most heartily indorse every sentiment expressed in it. I rejoice that such a book has appeared; I hope it may have a wide influence favorable to the just cause of Hellas; and I pledge myself to render whatever assistance may lie in my power in the furtherance of that cause. The disasters of the past year have in no wise shaken my faith in the Hellenic race; on the contrary, they have increased my admiration for the brave people who undertook a war against such odds in behalf of their oppressed brethren; and I believe that the cause which sustained such regrettable defeats on the plains of Thessaly last year will eventually triumph in spite of opposition.”
FRANKLIN B. STEPHENSON, M. D., Surgeon United States Navy. “United States Marine Corps Recruiting Office, Boston: My dear Doctor, Permit me to write you of my pleasure and satisfaction in reading your excellent book on Christian Greece and Greek; and to express my appreciation of the clear and vivid manner in which you have portrayed the life and work of the Hellenes, who have done so much in preserving and transmitting to us the learning in science and art of the ancient world…. Your reference to the eminent professor of Greek who said that there was ‘no literature in modern Greek worthy of the name,’ reminds me of the remark of a man, prominent in financial and social circles, who told me that there was nothing in Russian to make it worth while studying the language [Dr. Stephenson is a well-known linguist–mastering eight languages, Russian among them]. I wish you all success in the work of letting the light of truth, as to Greek, shine in the minds of those who do not know their own ignorance.”
MORTIMER LAMSON EARLE, Professor Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa., who mastered so well the living Greek language that Greeks of education pronounce their admiration of his elegant style, saying that it is most wonderful how well a foreigner writes their own language: “The book has been duly received, but I have not as yet had time to read all of it. However, I have read enough to know that, though I differ with you in many details, I am heartily in accord with you in earnestly supporting the cause of a people and language to which I am sincerely attached. I am glad that you speak so highly in praise of the Klephtic songs. I hope that your book may do much good.”
LOUIS F. ANDERSON, Professor of Greek, Whitman College, Walla Walla, Wash.: “From my rapid inspection I regard it as superior even to my anticipations. I trust that it will have an extensive sale and corresponding influence. It is the book needed just now. I hope to write more in the future.”
MR. C. MEHLTRETTER, New York: “After due reading of your book I feel it my duty to congratulate you on same. True, you may have received so many congratulatory notes that the layman’s opinion will be of little value. Nevertheless, I can assure you the perusal of your book caused me more pleasure and instruction than any other I heretofore read on the subject. I assure you it will find a prominent place in my library, and any time in future you should again write on _any subject_ consider me one of your subscribers.”
WILLIAM J. SEELYE, Professor of Greek, University of Wooster, Ohio: “Dr. Rose’s book received yesterday. I have already read enough to see that the author is not only full of his subject, but treats it with judicial mind.”
JOSEPH COLLINS, M.D., Professor Post-Graduate School of Medicine, New York: “The chapters of your book that I have read have been entertaining and instructive.”
ISAAC A. PARKER, Professor of Greek and Latin, Lombard University, Galesburg, Ill.: “I wish to say to Dr. Rose that, although I have yet had time only to glance hastily at the book, the few sentences which I have read have interested me very much, and it will give me much pleasure to give it a careful perusal, as I see that it contains much valuable information. The thanks of those interested in Greece and Greek literature are due to Dr. Rose for giving them this book. Praise is due to the printer for his excellent work.”
CHARLES R. PEPPER, Professor Central University, Richmond, Ky.: “Your book, ‘Christian Greece and Living Greek,’ came duly to hand. I am much pleased with it. I hope the interest of the Philhellenes in the United States may be quickened to a livelier degree in Greece and Greek affairs, and that your book may accomplish a good work in putting before the people generally the claims of Hellas to the gratitude, love, and admiration of the civilized world.”
[_From the Troy Daily Times_, Feb. 7, 1898.]
“Christian Greece and Living Greek,” by Dr. Achilles Rose. In view of the Hellenic defeat in the war with Turkey a year ago the future of Greece to many minds is rather vague and clouded. This idea is due to lack of knowledge of Greece history and character. Were Americans more familiar with the character of the Hellenes and their traditions none would doubt that the descendants of those great figures of the heroic age have a mission before them and that this mission will be accomplished in spite of Turkish bullets and the selfishness of the other European powers. Dr. Rose in this volume offers a clear presentation of the condition of Greece at the present time. His work deals not only with the nation, but with the language, and the history of each is traced from its earliest beginnings down to the present time. The reading of this book will afford a much clearer understanding of the causes leading to the war of 1897 than is generally possessed. Of especial interest is an introduction written by one of the best known Greeks now resident in this country, who reviews the causes leading to the great war, and clearly shows the shamefulness of the course pursued by the great European powers in leaving Hellas to her fate. Some of the statements made are significant, notably the following: “If Greece has sinned, it was on the side of compassion for her oppressed children and coreligionists. She is bleeding from every pore of her mutilated body, but there is a Nemesis which sooner or later will overtake those who rejoice now at her defeat and humiliation.” New York: Peri Hellados Publishing Office.
From REV. HENRY A. BUTTZ, Dean Theological Seminary, Madison, N.J.: “My dear Sir, I have read with interest your book ‘Christian Greece and Living Greek,’ and have found it full of valuable suggestion. It discusses many points of great interest, giving a more correct view of the true condition of the Greece of to-day and of its relation to its glorious past. I am especially pleased with your forcible putting of the importance of adopting the modern Greek pronunciation in our study of the Greek language. I wish your book a wide circulation.”
F. A. PACKARD, M.D., Kearney, Neb.: “Dear Sir and Doctor, Your book on ‘Christian Greece and Living Greek’ received. I must say it is a grand work and I prize it highly and consider it a valuable addition to my library. Wishing you success, etc.”
A. JACOBI, M.D., Professor Columbia University: “Dear Dr. Rose, The perusal of your book has been a source of much pleasure to me. If Hellas has as