was commonly reported that in trying to escape, the persons undertaking it often fail and suffer death at the hands of the planter or of murderous mobs, giving as their excuse, if any be required, that the Negro is a desperado or some other sort of criminal.
Unfortunately this reaction extended also to education. Appropriations to public schools for Negroes diminished from year to year and when there appeared practical leaders with, their sane plan for industrial education the South ignorantly accepted this scheme as a desirable subterfuge for seeming to support Negro education and at the same time directing the development of the blacks in such a way that they would never become the competitors of the white people. This was not these educators’ idea but the South so understood it and in effecting the readjustment, practically left the Negroes out of the pale of the public school systems. Consequently, there has been added to the Negroes’ misfortunes, in the South, that of being unable to obtain liberal education at public expense, although they themselves, as the largest consumers in some parts, pay most of the taxes appropriated to the support of schools for the youth of the other race.[15]
The South, moreover, has adopted the policy of a more general intimidation of the Negroes to keep them down. The lynching of the blacks, at first for assaults on white women and later for almost any offense, has rapidly developed as an institution. Within the past fifty years [16] there have been lynched in the South about 4,000 Negroes, many of whom have been publicly burned in the daytime to attract crowds that usually enjoy such feats as the tourney of the Middle Ages. Negroes who have the courage to protest against this barbarism have too often been subjected to indignities and in some cases forced to leave their communities or suffer the fate of those in behalf of whom they speak. These crimes of white men were at first kept secret but during the last two generations the culprits have become known as heroes, so popular has it been to murder Negroes. It has often been discovered also that the officers of these communities take part in these crimes and the worst of all is that politicians like Tillman, Blease and Vardaman glory in recounting the noble deeds of those who deserve so well of their countrymen for making the soil red with the Negroes’ blood rather than permit the much feared Africanization of southern institutions.[17]
In this harassing situation the Negro has hoped that the North would interfere in his behalf, but, with the reactionary Supreme Court of the United States interpreting this hostile legislation as constitutional in conformity with the demands of prejudiced public opinion, and with the leaders of the North inclined to take the view that after all the factions in the South must be left alone to fight it out, there has been nothing to be expected from without. Matters too have been rendered much worse because the leaders of the very party recently abandoning the freedmen to their fate, aggravated the critical situation by first setting the Negroes against their former masters, whom they were taught to regard as their worst enemies whether they were or not.
The last humiliation the Negroes have been forced to submit to is that of segregation. Here the effort has been to establish a ghetto in cities and to assign certain parts of the country to Negroes engaged in farming. It always happens, of course, that the best portion goes to the whites and the least desirable to the blacks, although the promoters of the segregation maintain that both races are to be treated equally. The ultimate aim is to prevent the Negroes of means from figuring conspicuously in aristocratic districts where they may be brought into rather close contact with the whites. Negroes see in segregation a settled policy to keep them down, no matter what they do to elevate themselves. The southern white man, eternally dreading the miscegenation of the races, makes the life, liberty and happiness of individuals second to measures considered necessary to prevent this so-called evil that this enviable civilization, distinctly American, may not be destroyed. The United States Supreme Court in the decision of the Louisville segregation case recently declared these segregation measures unconstitutional.[18]
These restrictions have made the progress of the Negroes more of a problem in that directed toward social distinction, the Negroes have been denied the helpful contact of the sympathetic whites. The increasing race prejudice forces the whites to restrict their open dealing with the blacks to matters of service and business, maintaining even then the bearing of one in a sphere which the Negroes must not penetrate. The whites, therefore, never seeing the blacks as they are, and the blacks never being able to learn what the whites know, are thrown back on their own initiative, which their life as slaves could not have permitted to develop. It makes little difference that the Negroes have been free a few decades. Such freedom has in some parts been tantamount to slavery, and so far as contact with the superior class is concerned, no better than that condition; for under the old regime certain slaves did learn much by close association with their masters.[19]
For these reasons there has been since the exodus to the West a steady migration of Negroes from the South to points in the North. But this migration, mainly due to political changes, has never assumed such large proportions as in the case of the more significant movements due to economic causes, for, as the accompanying map shows, most Negroes are still in the South. When we consider the various classes migrating, however, it will be apparent that to understand the exodus of the Negroes to the North, this longer drawn out and smaller movement must be carefully studied in all its ramifications. It should be noted that unlike some of the other migrations it has not been directed to any particular State. It has been from almost all Southern States to various parts of the North and especially to the largest cities.[20]
What classes then have migrated? In the first place, the Negro politicians, who, after the restoration of Bourbon rule in the South, found themselves thrown out of office and often humiliated and impoverished, had to find some way out of the difficulty. Some few have been relieved by sympathetic leaders of the Republican party, who secured for them federal appointments in Washington. These appointments when sometimes paying lucrative salaries have been given as a reward to those Negroes who, although dethroned in the South, remain in touch with the remnant of the Republican party there and control the delegates to the national conventions nominating candidates for President. Many Negroes of this class have settled in Washington.[21] In some cases, the observer witnesses the pitiable scene of a man once a prominent public functionary in the South now serving in Washington as a messenger or a clerk.
The well-established blacks, however, have not been so easily induced to go. The Negroes in business in the South have usually been loath to leave their people among whom they can acquire property, whereas, if they go to the North, they have merely political freedom with no assurance of an opportunity in the economic world. But not a few of these have given themselves up to unrelenting toil with a view to accumulating sufficient wealth to move North and live thereafter on the income from their investments. Many of this class now spend some of their time in the North to educate their children. But they do not like to have these children who have been under refining influences return to the South to suffer the humiliation which during the last generation has been growing more and more aggravating. Endeavoring to carry out their policy of keeping the Negro down, southerners too often carefully plan to humiliate the progressive and intelligent blacks and in some cases form mobs to drive them out, as they are bad examples for that class of Negroes whom they desire to keep as menials.[22]
There are also the migrating educated Negroes. They have studied history, law and economics and well understand what it is to get the rights guaranteed them by the constitution. The more they know the more discontented they become. They cannot speak out for what they want. No one is likely to second such a protest, not even the Negroes themselves, so generally have they been intimidated. The more outspoken they become, moreover, the more necessary is it for them to leave, for they thereby destroy their chances to earn a livelihood. White men in control of the public schools of the South see to it that the subserviency of the Negro teachers employed be certified beforehand. They dare not complain too much about equipment and salaries even if the per capita appropriation for the education of the Negroes be one fourth of that for the whites.[23]
In the higher institutions of learning, especially the State schools, it is exceptional to find a principal who has the confidence of the Negroes. The Negroes will openly assert that he is in the pay of the reactionary whites, whose purpose is to keep the Negro down; and the incumbent himself will tell his board of regents how much he is opposed by the Negroes because he labors for the interests of the white race. Out of such sycophancy it is easily explained why our State schools have been so ineffective as to necessitate the sending of the Negro youth to private institutions maintained by northern philanthropy. Yet if an outspoken Negro happens to be an instructor in a private school conducted by educators from the North, he has to be careful about contending for a square deal; for, if the head of his institution does not suggest to him to proceed conservatively, the mob will dispose of the complainant.[24] Physicians, lawyers and preachers, who are not so economically dependent as teachers can exercise no more freedom of speech in the midst of this triumphant rule of the lawless.
A large number of educated Negroes, therefore, have on account of these conditions been compelled to leave the South. Finding in the North, however, practically nothing in their line to do, because of the proscription by race prejudice and trades unions, many of them lead the life of menials, serving as waiters, porters, butlers and chauffeurs. While in Chicago, not long ago, the writer was in the office of a graduate of a colored southern college, who was showing his former teacher the picture of his class. In accounting for his classmates in the various walks of life, he reported that more than one third of them were settled to the occupation of Pullman porters.
The largest number of Negroes who have gone North during this period, however, belong to the intelligent laboring class. Some of them have become discontented for the very same reasons that the higher classes have tired of oppression in the South, but the larger number of them have gone North to improve their economic condition. Most of these have migrated to the large cities in the East and Northwest, such as Philadelphia, New York, Indianapolis, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Columbus, Detroit and Chicago. To understand this problem in its urban aspects the accompanying diagram showing the increase in the Negro population of northern cities during the first decade of this century will be helpful.
Some of these Negroes have migrated after careful consideration; others have just happened to go north as wanderers; and a still larger number on the many excursions to the cities conducted by railroads during the summer months. Sometimes one excursion brings to Chicago two or three thousand Negroes, two thirds of whom never go back. They do not often follow the higher pursuits of labor in the North but they earn more money than they have been accustomed to earn in the South. They are attracted also by the liberal attitude of some whites, which, although not that of social equality, gives the Negroes a liberty in northern centers which leads them to think that they are citizens of the country.[25]
This shifting in the population has had an unusually significant effect on the black belt. Frederick Douglass advised the Negroes in 1879 to remain in the South where they would be in sufficiently large numbers to have political power,[26] but they have gradually scattered from the black belt so as to diminish greatly their chances ever to become the political force they formerly were in this country. The Negroes once had this possibility in South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana and, had the process of Africanization prior to the Civil War had a few decades longer to do its work, there would not have been any doubt as to the ultimate preponderance of the Negroes in those commonwealths. The tendencies of the black population according to the censuses of the United States and especially that of 1910, however, show that the chances for the control of these State governments by Negroes no longer exist except in South Carolina and Mississippi.[27] It has been predicted, therefore, that, if the same tendencies continue for the next fifty years, there will be even few counties in which the Negroes will be in a majority. All of the Southern States except Arkansas showed a proportionate increase of the white population over that of the black between 1900 and 1910, while West Virginia and Oklahoma with relatively small numbers of blacks showed, for reasons stated elsewhere, an increase in the Negro population. Thus we see coming to pass something like the proposed plan of Jefferson and other statesmen who a hundred years ago advocated the expansion of slavery to lessen the evil of the institution by distributing its burdens.[28]
The migration of intelligent blacks, however, has been attended with several handicaps to the race. The large part of the black population is in the South and there it will stay for decades to come. The southern Negroes, therefore, have been robbed of their due part of the talented tenth. The educated blacks have had no constituency in the North and, consequently, have been unable to realize their sweetest dreams of the land of the free. In their new home the enlightened Negro must live with his light under a bushel. Those left behind in the South soon despair of seeing a brighter day and yield to the yoke. In the places of the leaders who were wont to speak for their people, the whites have raised up Negroes who accept favors offered them on the condition that their lips be sealed up forever on the rights of the Negro.
This emigration too has left the Negro subject to other evils. There are many first-class Negro business men in the South, but although there were once progressive men of color, who endeavored to protect the blacks from being plundered by white sharks and harpies there have arisen numerous unscrupulous Negroes who have for a part of the proceeds from such jobbery associated themselves with ill-designing white men to dupe illiterate Negroes. This trickery is brought into play in marketing their crops, selling them supplies, or purchasing their property. To carry out this iniquitous plan the persons concerned have the protection of the law, for while Negroes in general are imposed upon, those engaged in robbing them have no cause to fear.
[Footnote 1: Pike, _The Prostrate State_, pp. 3, 4.]
[Footnote 2: _Spectator_, LXVI, p. 113.]
[Footnote 3: Frederick Douglass pointed out this difficulty prior to the Civil War.–See John Lobb’s _Life and Times of Frederick Douglass_, p. 250.]
[Footnote 4: Labor was then cheap in the South because of its abundance and the foreign laborer had not then been tried.]
[Footnote 5: During these years Senator Morgan of Alabama was endeavoring to arouse the people of the country so as to make this a matter of national concern.]
[Footnote 6: _Public Opinion_, XVIII, p. 371.]
[Footnote 7: _Ibid._, XVIII, p. 371.]
[Footnote 8: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 817.]
[Footnote 9: _Public Opinion_, XVIII, pp. 370-371.]
[Footnote 10: Because of these conditions the last fifty years has been considered by some writers as a “dark age,” for the South.]
[Footnote 11: The Negroes are now said to be worth more than a billion dollars. Most of this property is in the hands of southern Negroes.]
[Footnote 12: _American Law Review_, XL, pp. 29, 52, 205, 227, 354, 381, 547, 590, 695, 758, 865, 905.]
[Footnote 13: No. 300.–Original, October Term, 1910.]
[Footnote 14: Hershaw, _Peonage_, pp. 10-11.]
[Footnote 15: These facts are well brought out by Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones’ recent report on Negro Education.]
[Footnote 16: This is based on reports published annually in the _Chicago Tribune_.]
[Footnote 17: This is the boast of southern men of this type when speaking to their constituents or in Congress.]
[Footnote 18: _Report_, October Term, 1917.]
[Footnote 19: This danger has been often referred to when the Negroes were first emancipated.–See _Spectator_, LXVI, p. 113.]
[Footnote 20: Compare the Negro population of Northern States as given in the census of 1800 with the same in 1900.]
[Footnote 21: Hart, _Southern South_, pp. 171, 172.]
[Footnote 22: This is based on the experience of the writer and others whom he has interviewed.]
[Footnote 23: In his report on Negro education Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones has shown this to be an actual fact.]
[Footnote 24: Negroes applying for positions in the South have the situation set before them so as to know what to expect.]
[Footnote 25: The _American Journal of Political Economy_, XXV, p. 1040.]
[Footnote 26: The _Journal of Social Science_, XI, p. 16.]
[Footnote 27: _American Economic Review_, IV, pp. 281-292.]
[Footnote 28: Ford edition of _Jefferson’s Writings_, X, p. 231.]
CHAPTER IX
THE EXODUS DURING THE WORLD WAR
Within the last two years there has been a steady stream of Negroes into the North in such large numbers as to overshadow in its results all other movements of the kind in the United States. These Negroes have come largely from Alabama, Tennessee, Florida, Georgia, Virginia, North Carolina, Kentucky, South Carolina, Arkansas and Mississippi. The given causes of this migration are numerous and complicated. Some untruths centering around this exodus have not been unlike those of other migrations. Again we hear that the Negroes are being brought North to fight organized labor,[1] and to carry doubtful States for the Republicans.[2] These numerous explanations themselves, however, give rise to doubt as to the fundamental cause.
Why then should the Negroes leave the South? It has often been spoken of as the best place for them. There, it is said, they have made unusual strides forward. The progress of the Negroes in the South, however, has in no sense been general, although the land owned by Negroes in the country and the property of thrifty persons of their race in urban communities may be extensive. In most parts of the South the Negroes are still unable to become landowners or successful business men. Conditions and customs have reserved these spheres for the whites. Generally speaking, the Negroes are still dependent on the white people for food and shelter. Although not exactly slaves, they are yet attached to the white people as tenants, servants or dependents. Accepting this as their lot, they have been content to wear their lord’s cast-off clothing, and live in his ramshackled barn or cellar. In this unhappy state so many have settled down, losing all ambition to attain a higher station. The world has gone on but in their sequestered sphere progress has passed them by.
What then is the cause? There have been _bulldozing_, terrorism, maltreatment and what not of persecution; but the Negroes have not in large numbers wandered away from the land of their birth. What the migrants themselves think about it, goes to the very heart of the trouble. Some say that they left the South on account of injustice in the courts, unrest, lack of privileges, denial of the right to vote, bad treatment, oppression, segregation or lynching. Others say that they left to find employment, to secure better wages, better school facilities, and better opportunities to toil upward.[3] Southern white newspapers unaccustomed to give the Negroes any mention but that of criminals have said that the Negroes are going North because they have not had a fair chance in the South and that if they are to be retained there, the attitude of the whites toward them must be changed. Professor William O. Scroggs, of Louisiana State University, considers as causes of this exodus “the relatively low wages paid farm labor, an unsatisfactory tenant or crop-sharing system, the boll weevil, the crop failure of 1916, lynching, disfranchisement, segregation, poor schools, and the monotony, isolation and drudgery of farm life.” Professor Scroggs, however, is wrong in thinking that the persecution of the blacks has little to do with the migration for the reason that during these years when the treatment of the Negroes is decidedly better they are leaving the South. This does not mean that they would not have left before, if they had had economic opportunities in the North. It is highly probable that the Negroes would not be leaving the South today, if they were treated as men, although there might be numerous opportunities for economic improvement in the North.[4]
The immediate cause of this movement was the suffering due to the floods aggravated by the depredations of the boll weevil. Although generally mindful of our welfare, the United States Government has not been as ready to build levees against a natural enemy to property as it has been to provide fortifications for warfare. It has been necessary for local communities and State governments to tax themselves to maintain them. The national government, however, has appropriated to the purpose of facilitating inland navigation certain sums which have been used in doing this work, especially in the Mississippi Valley. There are now 1,538 miles of levees on both sides of the Mississippi from Cape Girardeau to the passes. These levees, of course, are still inadequate to the security of the planters against these inundations. Carrying 406 million tons of mud a year, the river becomes a dangerous stream subject to change, abandoning its old bed to cut for itself a new channel, transferring property from one State to another, isolating cities and leaving once useful levees marooned in the landscape like old Indian mounds or overgrown intrenchments.[5]
This valley has, therefore, been frequently visited with disasters which have often set the population in motion. The first disastrous floods came in 1858 and 1859, breaking many of the levees, the destruction of which was practically completed by the floods of 1865 and 1869. There is an annual rise in the stream, but since 1874 this river system has fourteen times devastated large areas of this section with destructive floods. The property in this district depreciated in value to the extent of about 400 millions in ten years. Farmers from this section, therefore, have at times moved west with foreigners to take up public lands.
The other disturbing factor in this situation was the boll weevil, an interloper from Mexico in 1892. The boll weevil is an insect about one fourth of an inch in length, varying from one eighth to one third of an inch with a breadth of about one third of the length. When it first emerges it is yellowish, then becomes grayish brown and finally assumes a black shade. It breeds on no other plant than cotton and feeds on the boll. This little animal, at first attacked the cotton crop in Texas. It was not thought that it would extend its work into the heart of the South so as to become of national consequence, but it has, at the rate of forty to one hundred sixty miles annually, invaded all of the cotton district except that of the Carolinas and Virginia. The damage it does, varies according to the rainfall and the harshness of the winter, increasing with the former and decreasing with the latter. At times the damage has been to the extent of a loss of 50 per cent. of the crop, estimated at 400,000 bales of cotton annually, about 4,500,000 bales since the invasion or $250,000,000 worth of cotton.[6] The output of the South being thus cut off, the planter has less income to provide supplies for his black tenants and, the prospects for future production being dark, merchants accustomed to give them credit have to refuse. This, of course, means financial depression, for the South is a borrowing section and any limitation to credit there blocks the wheels of industry. It was fortunate for the Negro laborers in this district that there was then a demand for labor in the North when this condition began to obtain.
This demand was made possible by the cutting off of European immigration by the World War, which thereby rendered this hitherto uncongenial section an inviting field for the Negro. The Negroes have made some progress in the North during the last fifty years, but despite their achievements they have been so handicapped by race prejudice and proscribed by trades unions that the uplift of the race by economic methods has been impossible. The European immigrants have hitherto excluded the Negroes even from the menial positions. In the midst of the drudgery left for them, the blacks have often heretofore been debased to the status of dependents and paupers. Scattered through the North too in such small numbers, they have been unable to unite for social betterment and mutual improvement and naturally too weak to force the community to respect their wishes as could be done by a large group with some political or economic power. At present, however, Negro laborers, who once went from city to city, seeking such employment as trades unions left to them, can work even as skilled laborers throughout the North.[7] Women of color formerly excluded from domestic service by foreign maids are now in demand. Many mills and factories which Negroes were prohibited from entering a few years ago are now bidding for their labor. Railroads cannot find help to keep their property in repair, contractors fall short of their plans for failure to hold mechanics drawn into the industrial boom and the United States Government has had to advertise for men to hasten the preparation for war.
Men from afar went south to tell the Negroes of a way of escape to a more congenial place. Blacks long since unaccustomed to venture a few miles from home, at once had visions of a promised land just a few hundred miles away. Some were told of the chance to amass fabulous riches, some of the opportunities for education and some of the hospitality of the places of amusement and recreation in the North. The migrants then were soon on the way. Railway stations became conspicuous with the presence of Negro tourists, the trains were crowded to full capacity and the streets of northern cities were soon congested with black laborers seeking to realize their dreams in the land of unusual opportunity.
Employment agencies, recently multiplied to meet the demand for labor, find themselves unable to cope with the situation and agents sent into the South to induce the blacks by offers of free transportation and high wages to go north, have found it impossible to supply the demand in centers where once toiled the Poles, Italians and the Greeks formerly preferred to the Negroes.[8] In other words, the present migration differs from others in that the Negro has opportunity awaiting him in the North whereas formerly it was necessary for him to make a place for himself upon arriving among enemies. The proportion of those returning to the South, therefore, will be inconsiderable.
Becoming alarmed at the immensity of this movement the South has undertaken to check it. To frighten Negroes from the North southern newspapers are carefully circulating reports that many of them are returning to their native land because of unexpected hardships.[9] But having failed in this, southerners have compelled employment agents to cease operations there, arrested suspected employers and, to prevent the departure of the Negroes, imprisoned on false charges those who appear at stations to leave for the North. This procedure could not long be effective, for by the more legal and clandestine methods of railway passenger agents the work has gone forward. Some southern communities have, therefore, advocated drastic legislation against labor agents, as was suggested in Louisiana in 1914, when by operation of the Underwood Tariff Law the Negroes thrown out of employment in the sugar district migrated to the cotton plantations.[10]
One should not, however, get the impression that the majority of the Negroes are leaving the South. Eager as these Negroes seem to go, there is no unanimity of opinion as to whether migration is the best policy. The sycophant, toady class of Negroes naturally advise the blacks to remain in the South to serve their white neighbors. The radical protagonists of the equal-rights-for-all element urge them to come North by all means. Then there are the thinking Negroes, who are still further divided. Both divisions of this element have the interests of the race at heart, but they are unable to agree as to exactly what the blacks should now do. Thinking that the present war will soon be over and that consequently the immigration of foreigners into this country will again set in and force out of employment thousands of Negroes who have migrated to the North, some of the most representative Negroes are advising their fellows to remain where they are. The most serious objection to this transplantation is that it means for the Negroes a loss of land, the rapid acquisition of which has long been pointed to as the best evidence of the ability of the blacks to rise in the economic world. So many Negroes who have by dint of energy purchased small farms yielding an increasing income from year to year, are now disposing of them at nominal prices to come north to work for wages. Looking beyond the war, however, and thinking too that the depopulation of Europe during this upheaval will render immigration from that quarter for some years an impossibility, other thinkers urge the Negroes to continue the migration to the North, where the race may be found in sufficiently large numbers to wield economic and political power.
Great as is the dearth of labor in the South, moreover, the Negro exodus has not as yet caused such a depression as to unite the whites in inducing the blacks to remain in that section. In the first place, the South has not yet felt the worst effects of this economic upheaval as that part of the country has been unusually aided by the millions which the United States Government is daily spending there. Furthermore, the poor whites are anxious to see the exodus of their competitors in the field of labor. This leaves the capitalists at their mercy, and in keeping with their domineering attitude, they will be able to handle the labor situation as they desire. As an evidence of this fact we need but note the continuation of mob rule and lynching in the South despite the preachings against it of the organs of thought which heretofore winked at it. This terrorism has gone to an unexpected extent. Negro farmers have been threatened with bodily injury, unless they leave certain parts.
The southerner of aristocratic bearing will say that only the shiftless poor whites terrorize the Negroes. This may be so, but the truth offers little consolation when we observe that most white people in the South are of this class; and the tendency of this element to put their children to work before they secure much education does not indicate that the South will soon experience that general enlightenment necessary to exterminate these survivals of barbarism. Unless the upper classes of the whites can bring the mob around to their way of thinking that the persecution of the Negro is prejudicial to the interests of all, it is not likely that mob rule will soon cease and the migration to this extent will be promoted rather than retarded.
It is unfortunate for the South that the growing consciousness of the Negroes has culminated at the very time they are most needed. Finally heeding the advice of agricultural experts to reconstruct its agricultural system, the South has learned in the school of bitter experience to depart from the plan of producing the single cotton crop. It is now raising food-stuffs to make that section self-supporting without reducing the usual output of cotton. With the increasing production in the South, therefore, more labor is needed just at the very time it is being drawn to centers in the North. The North being an industrial and commercial section has usually attracted the immigrants, who will never fit into the economic situation in the South because they will not accept the treatment given Negroes. The South, therefore, is now losing the only labor which it can ever use under present conditions.
Where these Negroes are going is still more interesting. The exodus to the west was mainly directed to Kansas and neighboring States, the migration to the Southwest centered in Oklahoma and Texas, pioneering Negro laborers drifted into the industrial district of the Appalachian highland during the eighties and nineties and the infiltration of the discontented talented tenth affected largely the cities of the North. But now we are told that at the very time the mining districts of the North and West are being filled with blacks the western planters are supplying their farms with them and that into some cities have gone sufficient skilled and unskilled Negro workers to increase the black population more than one hundred per cent. Places in the North, where the black population has not only not increased but even decreased in recent years, are now receiving a steady influx of Negroes. In fact, this is a nation-wide migration affecting all parts and all conditions.
Students of social problems are now wondering whether the Negro can be adjusted in the North. Many perplexing problems must arise. This movement will produce results not unlike those already mentioned in the discussion of other migrations, some of which we have evidence of today. There will be an increase in race prejudice leading in some communities to actual outbreaks as in Chester and Youngstown and probably to massacres like that of East St. Louis, in which participated not only well-known citizens but the local officers and the State militia. The Negroes in the North are in competition with white men who consider them not only strike breakers but a sort of inferior individuals unworthy of the consideration which white men deserve. And this condition obtains even where Negroes have been admitted to the trades unions.
Negroes in seeking new homes in the North, moreover, invade residential districts hitherto exclusively white. There they encounter prejudice and persecution until most whites thus disturbed move out determined to do whatever they can to prevent their race from suffering from further depreciation of property and the disturbance of their community life. Lawlessness has followed, showing that violence may under certain conditions develop among some classes anywhere rather than reserve itself for vigilance committees of primitive communities. It has brought out too another aspect of lawlessness in that it breaks out in the North where the numbers of Negroes are still too small to serve as an excuse for the terrorism and lynching considered necessary in the South to keep the Negroes down.
The maltreatment of the Negroes will be nationalized by this exodus. The poor whites of both sections will strike at this race long stigmatized by servitude but now demanding economic equality. Race prejudice, the fatal weakness of the Americans, will not so soon abate although there will be advocates of fraternity, equality and liberty required to reconstruct our government and rebuild our civilization in conformity with the demands of modern efficiency by placing every man regardless of his color wherever he may do the greatest good for the greatest number.
The Negroes, however, are doubtless going to the North in sufficiently large numbers to make themselves felt. If this migration falls short of establishing in that section Negro colonies large enough to wield economic and political power, their state in the end will not be any better than that of the Negroes already there. It is to these large numbers alone that we must look for an agent to counteract the development of race feeling into riots. In large numbers the blacks will be able to strike for better wages or concessions due a rising laboring class and they will have enough votes to defeat for reelection those officers who wink at mob violence or treat Negroes as persons beyond the pale of the law.
The Negroes in the North, however, will get little out of the harvest if, like the blacks of Reconstruction days, they unwisely concentrate their efforts on solving all of their problems by electing men of their race as local officers or by sending a few members even to Congress as is likely in New York, Philadelphia and Chicago within the next generation. The Negroes have had representatives in Congress before but they were put out because their constituency was uneconomic and politically impossible. There was nothing but the mere letter of the law behind the Reconstruction Negro officeholder and the thus forced political recognition against public opinion could not last any longer than natural forces for some time thrown out of gear by unnatural causes could resume the usual line of procedure.
It would be of no advantage to the Negro race today to send to Congress forty Negro Representatives on the pro rata basis of numbers, especially if they happened not to be exceptionally well qualified. They would remain in Congress only so long as the American white people could devise some plan for eliminating them as they did during the Reconstruction period. Near as the world has approached real democracy, history gives no record of a permanent government conducted on this basis. Interests have always been stronger than numbers. The Negroes in the North, therefore, should not on the eve of the economic revolution follow the advice of their misguided and misleading race leaders who are diverting their attention from their actual welfare to a specialization in politics. To concentrate their efforts on electing a few Negroes to office wherever the blacks are found in the majority, would exhibit the narrowness of their oppressors. It would be as unwise as the policy of the Republican party of setting aside a few insignificant positions like that of Recorder of Deeds, Register of the Treasury and Auditor of the Navy as segregated jobs for Negroes. Such positions have furnished a nucleus for the large, worthless, office-seeking class of Negroes in Washington, who have established the going of the people of the city toward pretence and sham.
The Negroes should support representative men of any color or party, if they stand for a square deal and equal rights for all. The new Negroes in the North, therefore, will, as so many of their race in New York, Philadelphia and Chicago are now doing, ally themselves with those men who are fairminded and considerate of the man far down, and seek to embrace their many opportunities for economic progress, a foundation for political recognition, upon which the race must learn to build. Every race in the universe must aspire to becoming a factor in politics; but history shows that there is no short route to such success. Like other despised races beset with the prejudice and militant opposition of self-styled superiors, the Negroes must increase their industrial efficiency, improve their opportunities to make a living, develop the home, church and school, and contribute to art, literature, science and philosophy to clear the way to that political freedom of which they cannot be deprived.
The entire country will be benefited by this upheaval. It will be helpful even to the South. The decrease in the black population in those communities where the Negroes outnumber the whites will remove the fear of _Negro domination_, one of the causes of the backwardness of the South and its peculiar civilization. Many of the expensive precautions which the southern people have taken to keep the Negroes down, much of the terrorism incited to restrain the blacks from self-assertion will no longer be considered necessary; for, having the excess in numbers on their side, the whites will finally rest assured that the Negroes may be encouraged without any apprehension that they may develop enough power to subjugate or embarrass their former masters.
The Negroes too are very much in demand in the South and the intelligent whites will gladly give them larger opportunities to attach them to that section, knowing that the blacks, once conscious of their power to move freely throughout the country wherever they may improve their condition, will never endure hardships like those formerly inflicted upon the race. The South is already learning that the Negro is the most desirable laborer for that section, that the persecution of Negroes not only drives them out but makes the employment of labor such a problem that the South will not be an attractive section for capital. It will, therefore, be considered the duty of business men to secure protection to the Negroes lest their ill-treatment force them to migrate to the extent of bringing about a stagnation of their business.
The exodus has driven home the truth that the prosperity of the South is at the mercy of the Negro. Dependent on cheap labor, which the bulldozing whites will not readily furnish, the wealthy southerners must finally reach the position of regarding themselves and the Negroes as having a community of interests which each must promote. “Nature itself in those States,” Douglass said, “came to the rescue of the Negro. He had labor, the South wanted it, and must have it or perish. Since he was free he could then give it, or withhold it; use it where he was, or take it elsewhere, as he pleased. His labor made him a slave and his labor could, if he would, make him free, comfortable and independent. It is more to him than either fire, sword, ballot boxes or bayonets. It touches the heart of the South through its pocket.”[11] Knowing that the Negro has this silent weapon to be used against his employer or the community, the South is already giving the race better educational facilities, better railway accommodations, and will eventually, if the advocacy of certain southern newspapers be heeded, grant them political privileges. Wages in the South, therefore, have risen even in the extreme southwestern States, where there is an opportunity to import Mexican labor. Reduced to this extremity, the southern aristocrats have begun to lose some of their race prejudice, which has not hitherto yielded to reason or philanthropy.
Southern men are telling their neighbors that their section must abandon the policy of treating the Negroes as a problem and construct a program for recognition rather than for repression. Meetings are, therefore, being held to find out what the Negro wants and what may be done to keep them contented. They are told that the Negro must be elevated not exploited, that to make the South what it must needs be, the cooperation of all is needed to train and equip the men of all races for efficiency. The aim of all then must be to reform or get rid of the unfair proprietors who do not give their tenants a fair division of the returns from their labor. To this end the best whites and blacks are urged to come together to find a working basis for a systematic effort in the interest of all.
To say that either the North or the South can easily become adjusted to this change is entirely too sanguine. The North will have a problem. The Negroes in the northern city will have much more to contend with than when settled in the rural districts or small urban centers. Forced by restrictions of real estate men into congested districts, there has appeared the tendency toward further segregation. They are denied social contact, are sagaciously separated from the whites in public places of amusement and are clandestinely segregated in public schools in spite of the law to the contrary. As a consequence the Negro migrant often finds himself with less friends than he formerly had. The northern man who once denounced the South on account of its maltreatment of the blacks gradually grows silent when a Negro is brought next door. There comes with the movement, therefore, the difficult problem of housing.
Where then must the migrants go? They are not wanted by the whites and are treated with contempt by the native blacks of the northern cities, who consider their brethren from the South too criminal and too vicious to be tolerated. In the average progressive city there has heretofore been a certain increase in the number of houses through natural growth, but owing to the high cost of materials, high wages, increasing taxation and the inclination to invest money in enterprises growing out of the war, fewer houses are now being built, although Negroes are pouring into these centers as a steady stream. The usual Negro quarters in northern centers of this sort have been filled up and the overflow of the black population scattered throughout the city among white people. Old warehouses, store rooms, churches, railroad cars and tents have been used to meet these demands.
A large per cent of these Negroes are located in rooming houses or tenements for several families. The majority of them cannot find individual rooms. Many are crowded into the same room, therefore, and too many into the same bed. Sometimes as many as four and five sleep in one bed, and that may be placed in the basement, dining-room or kitchen where there is neither adequate light nor air. In some cases men who work during the night sleep by day in beds used by others during the night. Some of their houses have no water inside and have toilets on the outside without sewerage connections. The cooking is often done by coal or wood stoves or kerosene lamps. Yet the rent runs high although the houses are generally out of repair and in some cases have been condemned by the municipality. The unsanitary conditions in which many of the blacks are compelled to live are in violation of municipal ordinances.
Furthermore, because of the indiscriminate employment by labor agents and the dearth of labor requiring the acceptance of almost all sorts of men, some disorderly and worthless Negroes have been brought into the North. On the whole, however, these migrants are not lazy, shiftless and desperate as some predicted that they would be. They generally attend church, save their money and send a part of their savings regularly to their families. They do not belong to the class going North in quest of whiskey. Mr. Abraham Epstein, who has written a valuable pamphlet setting forth his researches in Pittsburgh, states that the migrants of that city do not generally imbibe and most of those who do, take beer only.[12] Out of four hundred and seventy persons to whom he propounded this question, two hundred and ten or forty-four per cent of them were total abstainers. Seventy per cent of those having families do not drink at all.
With this congestion, however, have come serious difficulties. Crowded conditions give rise to vice, crime and disease. The prevalence of vice has not been the rule but tendencies, which better conditions in the South restrained from developing, have under these undesirable conditions been given an opportunity to grow. There is, therefore, a tendency toward the crowding of dives, assembling on the corners of streets and the commission of petty offences which crowd them into the police courts. One finds also sometimes a congestion in houses of dissipation and the carrying of concealed weapons. Law abiding on the whole, however, they have not experienced a wave of crime. The chief offences are those resulting from the saloons and denizens of vice, which are furnished by the community itself.
Disease has been one of their worst enemies, but reports on their health have been exaggerated. On account of this sudden change of the Negroes from one climate to another and the hardships of more unrelenting toil, many of them have been unable to resist pneumonia, bronchitis and tuberculosis. Churches, rescue missions and the National League on Urban Conditions Among Negroes have offered relief in some of these cases. The last-named organization is serving in large cities as a sort of clearing house for such activities and as means of interpreting one race to the other. It has now eighteen branches in cities to which this migration has been directed. Through a local worker these migrants are approached, properly placed and supervised until they can adjust themselves to the community without apparent embarrassment to either race. The League has been able to handle the migrants arriving by extending the work so as to know their movements beforehand.
The occupations in which these people engage will throw further light on their situation. About ninety per cent of them do unskilled labor. Only ten per cent of them do semi-skilled or skilled labor. They serve as common laborers, puddlers, mold-setters, painters, carpenters, bricklayers, cement workers and machinists. What the Negroes need then is that sort of freedom which carries with it industrial opportunity and social justice. This they cannot attain until they be permitted to enter the higher pursuits of labor. Two reasons are given for failure to enter these: first, that Negro labor is unstable and inefficient; and second, that white men will protest. Organized labor, however, has done nothing to help the blacks. Yet it is a fact that accustomed to the easy-going toil of the plantation, the blacks have not shown the same efficiency as that of the whites. Some employers report, however, that they are glad to have them because they are more individualistic and do not like to group. But it is not true that colored labor cannot be organized. The blacks have merely been neglected by organized labor. Wherever they have had the opportunity to do so, they have organized and stood for their rights like men. The trouble is that the trades unions are generally antagonistic to Negroes although they are now accepting the blacks in self-defense. The policy of excluding Negroes from these bodies is made effective by an evasive procedure, despite the fact that the constitutions of many of them specifically provide that there shall be no discrimination on account of race or color.
Because of this tendency some of the representatives of trades unions have asked why Negroes do not organize unions of their own. This the Negroes have generally failed to do, thinking that they would not be recognized by the American Federation of Labor, and knowing too that what their union would have to contend with in the economic world would be diametrically opposed to the wishes of the men from whom they would have to seek recognition. Organized labor, moreover, is opposed to the powerful capitalists, the only real friends the Negroes have in the North to furnish them food and shelter while their lives are often being sought by union members. Steps toward organizing Negro labor have been made in various Northern cities during 1917 and 1918.[18] The objective of this movement for the present, however, is largely that of employment.
Eventually the Negro migrants will, no doubt, without much difficulty establish themselves among law-abiding and industrious people of the North where they will receive assistance. Many persons now see in this shifting of the Negro population the dawn of a new day, not in making the Negro numerically dominant anywhere to obtain political power, but to secure for him freedom of movement from section to section as a competitor in the industrial world. They also observe that while there may be an increase of race prejudice in the North the same will in that proportion decrease in the South, thus balancing the equation while giving the Negro his best chance in the economic world out of which he must emerge a real man with power to secure his rights as an American citizen.
[Footnote 1: _New York Times_, Sept. 5, 9, 28, 1916.]
[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., Oct. 18, 28; Nov. 5, 7, 12, 15; Dec. 4, 9, 1916.]
[Footnote 3: _The Crisis_, July, 1917.]
[Footnote 4: _American Journal of Political Economy_, XXX, p. 1040.]
[Footnote 5: _The World’s Work_, XX, p. 271.]
[Footnote 6: _The World’s Work_, XX, p. 272.]
[Footnote 7: _New York Times_, March 29, April 7, 9, May 30 and 31, 1917.]
[Footnote 8: _Survey_, XXXVII, pp. 569-571 and XXXVIII, pp. 27, 226, 331, 428; _Forum_, LVII, p. 181; _The World’s Work_, XXXIV, pp. 135, 314-319; _Outlook_, CXVI, pp. 520-521; _Independent_, XCI, pp. 53-54.]
[Footnote 9: _The Crisis_, 1917.]
[Footnote 10: _The New Orleans Times Picayune_, March 26, 1914.]
[Footnote 11: _American Journal of Social Science_, XI, p. 4.]
[Footnote 12: Epstein, _The Negro Migrant in Pittsburgh_.]
[Footnote 13: Epstein, _The Negro Migrant in Pittsburgh_.]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
As the public has not as yet paid very much attention to Negro History, and has not seen a volume dealing primarily with the migration of the race in America, one could hardly expect that there has been compiled a bibliography in this special field. With the exception of what appears in Still’s and Siebert’s works on the _Underground Railroad_ and the records of the meetings of the Quakers promoting this movement, there is little helpful material to be found in single volumes bearing on the antebellum period. Since the Civil War, however, more has been said and written concerning the movements of the Negro population. E.H. Botume’s _First Days Among the Contrabands_ and John Eaton’s _Grant, Lincoln and the Freedmen_ cover very well the period of rebellion. This is supplemented by J.C. Knowlton’s _Contrabands_ in the _University Quarterly_, Volume XXI, page 307, and by Edward L. Pierce’s _The Freedmen at Port Royal_ in the _Atlantic Monthly_, Volume XII, page 291. The exodus of 1879 is treated by J.B. Runnion in the _Atlantic Monthly_, Volume XLIV, page 222; by Frederick Douglass and Richard T. Greener in the _American Journal of Social Science_, Volume XI, page 1; by F.R. Guernsey in the _International Review_, Volume VII, page 373; by E.L. Godkin in the _Nation_, Volume XXVIII, pages 242 and 386; and by J.C. Hartzell in the _Methodist Quarterly_, Volume XXXIX, page 722. The second volume of George W. Williams’s _History of the Negro Race_ also contains a short chapter on the exodus of 1879. In Volume XVIII, page 370, of _Public Opinion_ there is a discussion of _Negro Emigration and Deportation_ as advocated by Bishop H.M. Turner and Senator Morgan of Alabama during the nineties. Professor William O. Scroggs of Louisiana University has in the _Journal of Political Economy_, Volume XXV, page 1034, an article entitled _Interstate Migration of Negro Population_. Mr. Epstein has published a helpful pamphlet, _The Negro Migrant in Pittsburgh_. Most of the material for this work, however, was collected from the various sources mentioned below.
BOOKS OF TRAVEL
Brissot de Warville, J. P. _New Travels in the United States of America: including the Commerce of America with Europe, particularly with Great Britain and France_. Two volumes. (London, 1794.) Gives general impressions, few details.
Buckingham, J.S. _America, Historical, Statistical, and Descriptive_. Two volumes. (New York, 1841.)–_Eastern and Western States of America_. Three volumes. (London and Paris, 1842.) Contains useful information.
Olmsted, Frederick Law. _A Journey in the Seaboard Slave States, with Remarks on their Economy_. (New York, 1859.)–_A Journey in the Back Country_. (London, 1860.)
–_Journeys and Explorations in the Cotton Kingdom_. (London, 1861.) Olmsted was a New York farmer. He recorded a few important facts about the Negroes immediately before the Civil War.
Woolman, John. _Journal of John Woolman, with an Introduction by John G. Whittier_. (Boston, 1873.) Woolman traveled so extensively in the colonies that he probably knew more about the Negroes than any other Quaker of his time.
LETTERS
Boyce, Stanbury. _Letters on the Emigration of the Negroes to Trinidad_.
Jefferson, Thomas. _Letters of Thomas Jefferson to Abbe Gregoire, M.A. Julien, and Benjamin Banneker. In Jefferson’s Works, Memorial Edition_, xii and xv. He comments on Negroes’ talents.
Madison, James. _Letters to Frances Wright_. In _Madison’s Works_, vol. iii, p. 396. The emancipation of Negroes is discussed.
May, Samuel Joseph. _The Right of the Colored People to Education_. (Brooklyn, 1883.) A collection of public letters addressed to Andrew T. Judson, remonstrating on the unjust procedure relative to Miss Prudence Crandall.
McDonogh, John. “_A Letter of John McDonogh on African Colonization addressed to the Editor of the New Orleans Commercial Bulletin_.” McDonogh was interested in the betterment of the colored people and did much to promote their mental development.
BIOGRAPHIES
Birney, William. _James G. Birney and His Times_. (New York, 1890.) A sketch of an advocate of Negro uplift.
Bowen, Clarence W. _Arthur and Lewis Tappan_. A paper read at the fiftieth anniversary of the New York Anti-Slavery Society, at the Broadway Tabernacle, New York City, October 2, 1883. An honorable mention of two friends of the Negro.
Drew, Benjamin. _A North-side View of Slavery. The Refugee: or the Narratives of Fugitive Slaves in Canada. Related by themselves, with an Account of the History and Condition of the Colored Population of Upper Canada_. (New York and Boston, 1856.)
Frothingham, O.B. _Gerritt Smith: A Biography_. (New York, 1878.)
Garrison, Francis and Wendell P. _William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879. The Story of his Life told by his Children_. Four volumes. (Boston and New York, 1894.) Includes a brief account of what he did for the colored people.
Hammond, C.A. _Gerritt Smith, The Story of a Noble Man’s Life_. (Geneva, 1900.)
Johnson, Oliver. _William Lloyd Garrison and his Times_. (Boston, 1880. New edition, revised and enlarged, Boston, 1881.)
Mott, A. _Biographical Sketches and Interesting Anecdotes of Persons of Color; with a Selection of Pieces of Poetry_. (New York, 1826.) Some of these sketches show how ambitious Negroes succeeded in spite of opposition.
Simmons, W.J. _Men of Mark; Eminent, Progressive, and Rising, with an Introductory Sketch of the Author by Reverend Henry M. Turner_. (Cleveland, Ohio, 1891.) Accounts for the adverse circumstances under which many antebellum Negroes made progress.
AUTOBIOGRAPHIES
Coffin, Levi. _Reminiscences of Levi Coffin, reputed President of the Underground Railroad_. Second edition. (Cincinnati, 1880.) Contains many facts concerning Negroes.
Douglass, Frederick. _Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, as an American Slave_. Written by himself. (Boston, 1845.) Gives several cases of secret Negro movements for their own good.
–_The Life and Times of Frederick Douglass from 1817 to 1882_. (London, 1882.) Written by himself. With an Introduction by the Eight Honorable John Bright, M.P. Edited by John Loeb, F.R.G.S., of the _Christian Age_. Editor of _Uncle Tom’s Story of his Life_.
HISTORIES
Bancroft, George. _History of the United States_. Ten volumes. (Boston, 1857-1864.)
Brackett, Jeffrey R. _The Negro in Maryland_. Johns Hopkins University Studies. (Baltimore, 1889.)
Collins, Lewis. _Historical Sketches of Kentucky_. (Maysville, Ky., and Cincinnati, Ohio, 1847.)
Dunn, J.P. _Indiana; A redemption from Slavery_. (In the American Commonwealths, vols. XII, Boston and New York, 1888.)
Evans, W.E. _A History of Scioto County together with a Pioneer Record of Southern Ohio_. (Portsmouth, 1903.)
Farmer, Silas. _The History of Detroit and Michigan or the Metropolis Illustrated_. A chronological encyclopedia of the past and the present including a full record of territorial days in Michigan and the annals of Wayne County. Two volumes. (Detroit, 1899.)
Harris, N.D. _The History of Negro Servitude in Illinois and of the Slavery Agitation in that State, 1719-1864,_. (Chicago, 1904.)
Hart, A.B. _The American Nation; A History, etc_. Twenty-seven volumes. (New York, 1904-1908.) The volumes which have a bearing on the subject treated in this monograph are W.A. Dunning’s _Reconstruction_, F.J. Turner’s _Rise of the New West_, and A.B. Hart’s _Slavery and Abolition_.
Hinsdale, B.A. _The Old Northwest; with a view of the thirteen colonies as constituted by the royal charters_. (New York, 1888.)
Howe, Henry. _Historical Collections of Ohio_. Contains a collection of the most interesting facts, traditions, biographical sketches, anecdotes, etc., relating to its general and local history with descriptions of its counties, principal towns and villages. (Cincinnati, 1847.)
Jones, Charles Colcook, Jr. _History of Georgia_. (Boston, 1883.)
McMaster, John B. _History of the United States_. Six volumes. (New York, 1900.)
Rhodes, J.F. _History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850 to the Final Restoration of Home Rule in the South_. (New York and London, Macmillan & Company, 1892-1906.)
Steiner, B.C. _History of Slavery in Connecticut_. (Johns Hopkins University Studies, 1893.)
Stuve, Bernard, and Alexander Davidson. _A Complete History of Illinois from 1673 to 1783_. (Springfield, 1874.)
Tremain, Mary M.A. _Slavery in the District of Columbia_. (University of Nebraska Seminary Papers, April, 1892.)
_History of Brown County, Ohio_. (Chicago, 1883.)
ADDRESSES
Garrison, William Lloyd. _An Address Delivered before the Free People of Color in Philadelphia, New York and other Cities during the Month of June, 1831_. (Boston, 1831.)
Griffin, Edward Dore. _A Plea for Africa,_. (New York, 1817.) A Sermon preached October 26, 1817, in the First Presbyterian Church in the City of New York before the Synod of New York and New Jersey at the Request of the Board of Directors of the African School established by the Synod. The aim was to arouse interest in colonization.
REPORTS AND STATISTICS
_Special Report of the Commissioner of Education on the Improvement of Public Schools in the District of Columbia_, containing M. B. Goodwin’s “History of Schools for the Colored Population in the District of Columbia.” (Washington, 1871.)
_Report of the Committee of Representatives of the New York Yearly Meeting of Friends upon the condition and wants of the Colored Refugees_, 1862.
Clarke, J. F. _Present Condition of the Free Colored People of the United States_. (New York and Boston, the American Antislavery Society, 1859.) Published also in the March number of the _Christian Examiner_.
_Condition of the Free People of Color in Ohio. With interesting anecdotes_. (Boston, 1839.)
_Institute for Colored Youth_. (Philadelphia, 1860-1865.) Contains a list of the officers and students.
Jones, Thomas Jesse. _Negro Education: A study of the private and higher schools for colored people in the United States. Prepared in cooperation with the Phelps-Stokes Fund_. In two volumes. (Bureau of Education, Washington, 1917.)
_Official Records of the War of Rebellion_.
_Report of the Condition of the Colored People of Cincinnati_, 1835. (Cincinnati, 1835.)
_Report of a Committee of the Pennsylvania Society of Abolition on Present Condition of the Colored People, etc_., 1838. (Philadelphia, 1838.)
_Statistical Inquiry into the Condition of the People of Color of the City and Districts of Philadelphia_. (Philadelphia, 1849.)
_Statistics of the Colored People of Philadelphia in 1859_, compiled by Benj. C. Bacon. (Philadelphia, 1859.)
_Statistical Abstract of the United States_, 1898. Prepared by the Bureau of Statistics. (Washington, D. C., 1899.)
_Statistical View of the Population of the United States, A_ 1790-1830. (Published by the Department of State in 1835.)
_Trades of the Colored People_. (Philadelphia, 1838.)
_United States Censuses_.
_A Brief Statement of the Rise and Progress of the Testimony of Friends against Slavery and the Slave Trade_. Published by direction of the Yearly Meeting held in Philadelphia in the Fourth Month, 1843. Shows the action taken by various Friends to elevate the Negroes.
_A Collection of the Acts, Deliverances and Testimonies of the Supreme Judicatory of the Presbyterian Church, from its Origin in America to the Present Time_. By Samuel J. Baird. (Philadelphia, 1856.)
American Convention of Abolition Societies. _Minutes of the Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies established in different Parts of the United States_. From 1794-1828.
_The Annual Reports of the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Societies, presented at New York, May 6, 1847, with the Addresses and Resolutions_. From 1847-1851.
_The Annual Reports of the American Anti-Slavery Society_. From 1834 to 1860.
_The Third Annual Report of the Managers of the New England Anti-Slavery Society presented June 2, 1835_. (Boston, 1835.)
_Annual Reports of the Massachusetts (or New England) Anti-Slavery Society, 1831-end_.
_Reports of the National Anti-Slavery Convention, 1833-end_.
_Reports of the American Colonisation Society_, 1818-1832.
_Report of the New York Colonisation Society_, October 1, 1823. (New York, 1823.)
_The Seventh Annual Report of the Colonization Society of the City of New York_. (New York, 1839.)
_Proceedings of the New York State Colonization Society_, 1831. (Albany, 1831.)
_The Eighteenth Annual Report of the Colonization Society of the State of New York_. (New York, 1850.)
_Minutes and Proceedings of the First Annual Convention of the People of Color. Held by Adjournment in the City of Philadelphia, from the sixth to the eleventh of June, inclusive_, 1831. (Philadelphia, 1831.)
_Minutes and Proceedings of the Second Annual Convention for the Improvement of the Free People of Color in these United States. Held by Adjournments in the City of Philadelphia, from the 4th to the 13th of June, inclusive_, 1832. (Philadelphia, 1832.)
_Minutes and Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention for the Improvement of the Free People of Color in these United States. Held by Adjournments in the City of_ _Philadelphia, in 1833_. (New York, 1833.) These proceedings were published also in the _New York Commercial Advertiser_, April 27, 1833.
_Minutes and Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Convention for the Improvement of the Free People of Color in the United States. Held by Adjournments in the Asbury Church, New York, from the 2nd to the 12th of June, 1834_. (New York, 1834.)
_Proceedings of the Convention of the Colored Freedmen of Ohio at Cincinnati, January 14, 1852_. (Cincinnati, Ohio, 1852.)
MISCELLANEOUS BOOKS AND PAMPHLETS
Adams, Alice Dana. _The Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery in America_. Radcliffe College Monographs No. 14._ (Boston and London, 1908) Contains some valuable facts about the Negroes during the first three decades of the nineteenth century.
Agricola (pseudonym). _An Impartial View of the Real State of the Black Population in the United States_. (Philadelphia, 1824.)
Alexander, A. _A History of Colonisation on the Western Continent of Africa_. (Philadelphia, 1846.)
Ames, Mary. _From a New England Woman’s Diary in 1865_, (Springfield, 1906.)
_An Address to the People of North Carolina on the Evils of Slavery, by the Friends of Liberty and Equality, 1830_. (Greensborough, 1830.)
_An Address to the Presbyterians of Kentucky proposing a Plan for the Instruction and Emancipation of their Slaves by a Committee of the Synod of Kentucky_. (Newburyport, 1836.)
Baldwin, Ebenezer. _Observations on the Physical and Moral Qualities of our Colored Population with Remarks on the Subject of Emancipation and Colonization_. (New Haven, 1834.)
Bassett, J. S. _Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina_. (Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science. Fourteenth Series, iv-v. Baltimore, 1896.)
——_Slavery in the State of North Carolina_. (Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science. Series XVII., Nos. 7-8. Baltimore, 1899.)
——_Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina_. (Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science. Series XVI., No. 6. Baltimore, 1898.)
Benezet, Anthony. _A Caution to Great Britain and Her Colonies in a Short Representation of the calamitous State of the enslaved Negro in the British Dominions_. (Philadelphia, 1784.)
——_The Case of our Fellow-Creatures, the oppressed Africans, respectfully recommended to the serious Consideration of the Legislature of Great Britain, by the People called Quakers_. (London, 1783.)
——_Observations on the enslaving, Importing and Purchasing of Negroes; with some Advice thereon, extracted from the Epistle of the Yearly-Meeting of the People called Quakers, held at London in the Year 1748_. (Germantown, 1760.)
——_The Potent Enemies of America laid open: being some Account of the baneful Effects attending the Use of distilled spirituous Liquors, and the Slavery of the Negroes_. (Philadelphia.)
——_A Short Account of that Part of Africa, inhabited by the Negroes. With respect to the Fertility of the Country; the good Disposition of many of the Natives, and the Manner by which the Slave Trade is carried on_. (Philadelphia, 1792)
——_Short Observations on Slavery, introductory to Some Extracts from the Writings of the Abbe Raynal, on the Important Subject_.
——_Some Historical Account of Guinea, its Situation, Produce, and the General Disposition of its Inhabitants. With an Inquiry into the Rise and Progress of the Slave Trade, its Nature and Lamentable Effects_. (London, 1788.)
Birney, James G. _The American Churches, the Bulwarks of American Slavery, by an American_. (Newburyport, 1842.)
Birney, William. _James G. Birney and his Times. The Genesis of the Republican Party, with Some Account of the Abolition Movements in the South before 1828_. (New York, 1890.)
Brackett, Jeffery B. _The Negro in Maryland. A Study of the Institution of Slavery_. (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University, 1889.)
Brannagan, Thomas. _A Preliminary Essay on the Oppression of the Exiled Sons of Africa, Consisting of Animadversions on the Impolicy and Barbarity of the Deleterious Commerce and Subsequent Slavery of the Human Species_. (Philadelphia: Printed for the Author by John W. Scott, 1804.)
Brannagan, T. _Serious Remonstrances Addressed to the Citizens of the Northern States and their Representatives, being an Appeal to their Natural Feelings and Common Sense; Consisting of Speculations and Animadversions, on the Recent Revival of the Slave Trade in the American Republic_. (Philadelphia, 1805.)
Campbell, J. V. _Political History of Michigan_. (Detroit, 1876.)
_Code Noir ou Recueil d’edits, declarations et arrets concernant la Discipline et le commerce des esclaves Negres des isles francaises de l’Amerique (in Recueils de reglemens, edits, declarations et arrets, concernant le commerce, l’administration de la justice et la police des colonies francaises de l’Amerique, et les engages avec le Code Noir, et l’addition audit code)_. (Paris, 1745.)
Coffin, Joshua. _An Account of Some of the principal Slave Insurrections and others which have occurred or been attempted in the United States and elsewhere during the last two Centuries. With various Remarks. Collected from various Sources_. (New York, 1860.)
Columbia University _Studies in History, Economics and Public Law_. Edited by the faculty of political science. The useful volumes of this series for this field are:
W.L. Fleming’s _Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama_, 1905.
W.W. Davis’s _The Civil War and Reconstruction in Florida_, 1913.
Clara Mildred Thompson’s _Reconstruction in Georgia, Economic, Social, Political_, 1915.
J.G. de R. Hamilton’s _Reconstruction in North Carolina_, 1914.
C.W. Ramsdell. _Reconstruction in Texas_, 1910.
_Connecticut, Public Acts passed by the General Assembly of_.
Cromwell, J.W. _The Negro in American History: Men and Women Eminent in the Evolution of the American of African Descent_. (Washington, 1914.)
Davidson, A., and Stowe, B. _A Complete History of Illinois from 1673 to 1873_. (Springfield, 1874.) It embraces the physical features of the country, its early explorations, aboriginal inhabitants, the French and British occupation, the conquest of Virginia, territorial condition and subsequent events.
Delany, M.R. _The Condition, Elevation, Emigration and Destiny of the Colored People of the United States: politically considered_. (Philadelphia, 1852.)
DuBois, W.E.B. _The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study. Together with a special report on domestic service by Isabel Eaton_. (Philadelphia, 1899.)
——Atlanta University Publications, _The Negro Common School_. (Atlanta, 1901.)
——_The Negro Church_. (Atlanta, 1903.)
——and Dill, A.G. _The College-Bred Negro American_. (Atlanta, 1910.)
——_The Negro American Artisan_. (Atlanta, 1912.)
De Toqueville, Alexis Charles Henri Maurice Clerel De. _Democracy in America_. Translated by Henry Reeve. Four volumes. (London, 1835, 1840.)
Eaton, John. _Grant, Lincoln and the Freedmen: reminiscences of the Civil War with special reference to the work for the Contrabands, and the Freedmen of the Mississippi Valley_. (New York, 1907.)
Epstein. _The Negro Migrant in Pittsburgh_. (Pittsburgh, 1917.)
_Exposition of the Object and Plan of the American Union for the Belief and Improvement of the Colored Race_. (Boston, 1835.)
Fee, John G. _Anti-Slavery Manual_. (Maysville, 1848.)
Fertig, James Walter. _The Secession and Reconstruction of Tennessee_. (Chicago, 1898.)
Frost, W.G. “Appalachian America.” (In vol. i of _The Americana_.) (New York, 1912.)
Garnett, H.H. _The Past and Present Condition and the Destiny of the Colored Race_. (Troy, 1848.)
Greely, Horace. _The American Conflict_. A history of the great rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-64, its causes, incidents and results: intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases, with the drift of progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the war for its union. (Chicago, 1864.)
Hammond, M.B. _The Cotton Industry: an Essay in American Economic History_. It deals with the cotton culture and the cotton Trade. (New York, 1897.)
Hart, A.B. _The Southern South_. (New York, 1906.)
Henson, Josiah. _The Life of Josiah Henson_. (Boston, 1849.)
Hershaw, L.M. _Peonage in the United States_. This is one of the American Negro Academy Papers. (Washington, 1912.)
Hickok, Charles Thomas. _The Negro in Ohio, 1802-1870_. (Cleveland, 1896.)
Hodgkin, Thomas A. _Inquiry into the Merits of the American Colonization Society and Reply to the Charges brought against it with an Account of the British African Colonization Society_. (London, 1833.)
Howe, Samuel G. _The Refugees from Slavery in Canada West. Report to the Freedmen’s Inquiry Committee_. (Boston, 1864.)
Hutchins, Thomas. _An Historical Narrative and Topographical Description of Louisiana and West Florida, comprehending the river Mississippi with its principal Branches and Settlements and the Rivers Pearl and Pescagoula_. (Philadelphia, 1784.)
_Illinois, Laws of, passed by the General Assembly of_.
_Indiana, Laws passed by the State of_.
Jay, John. _The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay. First Chief Justice of the United States and President of the Continental Congress, Member of the Commission to negotiate the Treaty of Independence, Envoy to Great Britain, Governor of New York, etc., 1782-1793. (New York and London, 1801.) Edited by Henry P. Johnson, Professor of History in the College of the City of New York.
Jay, William. _An Inquiry into the Character and Tendencies of the American Colonisation and American Anti-Slavery Societies_. Second edition. (New York, 1835.)
Jefferson, Thomas. _The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Memorial Edition. Autobiography, Notes on Virginia, Parliamentary Mannual, Official Papers, Messages and Addresses, and other writings Official and Private, etc._ (Washington, 1903.)
_Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science_. H.B. Adams, Editor. (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins Press.) Among the useful volumes of this series are: J.R. Ficklen’s _History of Reconstruction in Louisiana_, 1910.
H.J. Eckenrode’s _The Political History of Virginia during Reconstruction_, 1904.
Langston, John M. _From the Virginia Plantation to the National Capital; or, The First and Only Negro Representative in Congress from The Old Dominion_. (Hartford, 1894.)
Locke, M.S. _Anti-Slavery in America from the Introduction of African Slaves to the Prohibition of the Slave Trade, 1619-1808_. Radcliffe College Monographs, No. ii. (Boston, 1901.) A valuable work.
Lynch, John R. _The Facts of Reconstruction_. (New York, 1913.)
Madison, James. _Letters and Other Writings of James Madison Published by Order of Congress_. Four volumes. (Philadelphia, 1865.)
May, S.J. _Some Recollections of our Anti-Slavery Conflict_.
Monroe, James. _The Writings of James Monroe, including a Collection of his public and private Papers and Correspondence now for the first time printed_. Edited by S. M. Hamilton. (Boston, 1900.)
Moore, George H. _Notes on the History of Slavery in Massachusetts_. (New York, 1866.)
Needles, Edward. _Ten Years’ Progress or a Comparison of the State and Condition of the Colored People in the City of and County of Philadelphia from 1837 to 1847_. (Philadelphia, 1849.)
_New Jersey, Acts of the General Assembly of_.
_Ohio, Laws of the General Assembly of_.
Ovington, M.W. _Half-a-Man_. (New York, 1911.) Treats of the Negro in the State of New York. A few pages are devoted to the progress of the colored people.
Parrish, John. _Remarks on the Slavery of the Black People; Addressed to the Citizens of the United States, particularly to those who are in legislative or executive Stations, particularly in the General or State Governments; and also to such Individuals as hold them in Bondage_. (Philadelphia, 1806.)
Pearson, E.W. _Letters from Port Royal, written at the Time of the Civil War_. (Boston, 1916.)
Pearson, C.C. _The Readjuster Movement in Virginia_. (New Haven, 1917.)
_Pennsylvania, Laws of the General Assembly of the State of_.
Pierce, E.L. _The Freedmen of Port Royal, South Carolina, Official Reports_. (New York, 1863.)
Pike, James S. _The Prostrate State: South Carolina under Negro Government_. (New York, 1874.)
Pittman, Philip. _The Present State of European Settlements on the Mississippi with a geographic description of that river_. (London, 1770.)
Quillen, Frank U. _The Color Line in Ohio_. A History of Race Prejudice in a typical northern State. (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1913.)
Reynolds, J.S. _Reconstruction in South Carolina_. (Columbia, 1905.)
_Rhode Island, Acts and Resolves of_.
Rice, David. _Slavery inconsistent with Justice and Good Policy: proved by a Speech delivered in the Convention held at Danville, Kentucky_. (Philadelphia, 1792, and London, 1793.)
Scherer, J.A.B. _Cotton as a World Power_. (New York, 1916.) This is a study in the economic interpretation of History. The contents of this book are a revision of a series of lectures at Oxford and Cambridge universities in the Spring of 1914 with the caption on Economic Causes in the American Civil War.
Siebert, Wilbur H. _The Underground Railroad from Slavery_ _to Freedom_, by W.H. Siebert, Associate Professor of History in the Ohio State University, with an Introduction by A.B. Hart. (New York, 1898.)
Starr, Frederick. _What shall be done with the people of color in the United States?_ (Albany, 1862.) A discourse delivered in the First Presbyterian Church of Penn Yan, New York, November 2, 1862.
Still, William. _The Underground Railroad_. (Philadelphia, 1872.) This is a record of facts, authentic narratives, letters and the like, giving the hardships, hair-breadth escapes and death struggles of the slaves in their efforts for freedom as related by themselves and others or witnessed by the author.
_The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Travels and Explorations of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France, 1619-1791. The Original French, Latin, and Italian Texts with English Translations and Notes illustrated by Portraits, Maps, and Facsimiles_. Edited by Reuben Gold Thwaites, Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin. (Cleveland, 1896.)
Thompson, George. _Speech at the Meeting for the Extension of Negro Apprenticeship_. (London, 1838.)
——_The Free Church Alliance with Manstealers. Send back the Money. Great Anti-Slavery Meeting in the City Hall, Glasgow, containing the Speeches delivered by Messrs. Wright, Douglass, and Buffum from America, and by George Thompson of London, with a Summary Account of a Series of Meetings held in Edinburgh by the above named Gentlemen._ (Glasgow, 1846.)
Torrey, Jesse, Jr. _A Portraiture of Domestic Slavery in the United States with Reflections on the Practicability of restoring the Moral Rights of the Slave, without impairing the legal Privileges of the Possessor, and a Project of a Colonial Asylum for Free Persons of Color, including Memoirs of Facts on the Interior Traffic in Slaves and on Kidnapping, Illustrated with Engravings by Jesse Torrey, Jr., Physician, Author of a Series of Essays on Morals and the Diffusion of Knowledge_. (Philadelphia, 1817.)
——_American Internal Slave Trade; with Reflections on the project for forming a Colony of Blacks in Africa_. (London, 1822.)
Turner, E.R. _The Negro in Pennsylvania_. (Washington, 1911.)
_Tyrannical Libertymen: a Discourse upon Negro Slavery in the United States, composed at —— in New Hampshire: on the Late Federal Thanksgiving Day_. (Hanover, N. H., 1795.)
Walker, David. _Walker’s Appeal in Four Articles, together with a Preamble to the Colored Citizens of the World, but in particular and very expressly to those of the United States of America, Written in Boston, State of Massachusetts, September 28, 1829_. Second edition. (Boston, 1830.) Walker was a Negro who hoped to arouse his race to self-assertion.
Ward, Charles. _Contrabands_. (Salem, 1866.) This suggests an apprenticeship, under the auspices of the government, to build the Pacific Railroad.
Washington, B.T. _The Story of the Negro_. Two volumes. (New York, 1909.)
Washington, George. _The Writings of George Washington, being his Correspondence, Addresses, Messages, and other papers, official and private, selected and published from the original Manuscripts with the Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by Jared Sparks_. (Boston, 1835.)
Weeks, Stephen B. _Southern Quakers and Slavery. A Study in Institutional History_. (Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins Press, 1896.)
——_The Anti-Slavery Sentiment in the South; with Unpublished Letters from John Stuart Mill and Mrs. Stowe_. (Southern History Association Publications, Volume ii, No. 2, Washington, D.C., April, 1898.)
Williams, G.W. _A History of the Negro Troops in the War of the Rebellion, 1861-1865, preceded by a Review of the military Services of Negroes in ancient and modern Times_. (New York, 1888.)
——_History of the Negro Race in the United States from 1619-1880. Negroes as Slaves, as Soldiers, and as Citizens: together with a preliminary Consideration of the Unity of the Human Family, an historical Sketch of Africa and an Account of the Negro Governments of Sierra Leone and Liberia_. (New York, 1883.)
Woodson, C.G. _The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861_. (New York and London, 1915.) This is a history of the Education of the Colored People of the United States from the beginning of slavery to the Civil War.
Woolman, John. _The Works of John Woolman. In two Parts, Part I: A Journal of the Life, Gospel-Labors, and Christian Experiences of that faithful Minister of Christ, John Woolman, late of Mount Holly in the Province of New Jersey_. (London, 1775.)
——_Same, Part Second. Containing his last Epistle and other Writings_. (London, 1775.)
——_Some Considerations on the Keeping of Negroes. Recommended to the Professors of Christianity of every Denomination_. (Philadelphia, 1754.)
——_Considerations on Keeping Negroes; Recommended to the Professors of Christianity of every Denomination. Part the Second_. (Philadelphia, 1762.)
Wright, R.R., Jr. _The Negro in Pennsylvania_. (Philadelphia, 1912.)
MAGAZINES
_The African Methodist Episcopal Church Review_. The following articles:
_The Negro as an Inventor_. By R. R. Wright, vol. ii, p. 397.
_Negro Poets_, vol. iv, p. 236.
_The Negro in Journalism_, vols. vi, p. 309, and xx, p. 137.
_The African Repository_; Published by the American Colonization Society from 1826 to 1832. A very good source for Negro history both in this country and Liberia. Some of its most valuable articles are:
_Learn Trades or Starve_, by Frederick Douglass, vol. xxix, p. 137. Taken from Frederick Douglass’s Paper.
_Education of the Colored People_, by a highly respectable gentleman of the South, vol. xxx, pp. 194, 195 and 196.
_Elevation of the Colored Race_, a memorial circulated in North Carolina, vol. xxxi, pp. 117 and 118.
_A lawyer for Liberia_, a sketch of Garrison Draper, vol. xxxiv, pp. 26 and 27.
_The American Economic Review_.
_The American Journal of Social Science_.
_The American Journal of Political Economy_.
_The American Law Review_.
_The American Journal of Sociology_.
_The Atlantic Monthly_.
_The Colonizationist and Journal of Freedom_. The author has been able to find only the volume which contains the numbers for the year 1834.
_The Christian Examiner_.
_The Cosmopolitan_.
_The Crisis_. A record of the darker races published by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.
_Dublin Review_.
_The Forum_.
_The Independent_.
_The Journal of Negro History_.
_The Maryland Journal of Colonization_. Published as the official organ of the Maryland Colonization Society. Among its important articles are: _The Capacities of the Negro Race_, vol. iii, p. 367; and _The Educational Facilities of Liberia_, vol. vii, p. 223.
_The Nation_.
_The Non-Slaveholder_. Two volumes of this publication are now found in the Library of Congress.
_The Outlook_.
_Public Opinion_.
_The Southern Workman_. Volume xxxvii contains Dr. R. R. Wright’s valuable dissertation on _Negro Rural Communities in India_.
_The Spectator_.
_The Survey_.
_The World’s Work_.
NEWSPAPERS
District of Columbia.
_The Daily National Intelligencer_.
Louisiana.
_The New Orleans Commercial Bulletin_. _The New Orleans Times-Picayune_.
Maryland.
_The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser_. _The Maryland Gazette_.
_Dunlop’s Maryland Gazette or The Baltimore Advertiser_.
Massachusetts.
_The Liberator_.
Mississippi.
_The Vicksburg Daily Commercial_.
New York.
_The New York Daily Advertiser_. _The New York Tribune_.
_The New York Times_.
INDEX
Adams, Henry,
leader of the exodus to Kansas,
Akron,
friends of fugitives in,
Alton Telegraph,
comment of,
Anderson,
promoter of settling of Negroes in Jamaica,
Anti-slavery,
leaders of the movement, became more helpful to the refugees,
Anti-slavery sentiment,
of two kinds,
American Federation of Labor,
attitude of, toward Negro labor,
Appalachian highland,
settlers of, aided fugitives;
exodus of Negroes to,
Arkansas,
drain of laborers to,
Ball, J.P.,
a contractor,
Ball, Thomas,
a contractor,
Barclay,
interest of, in the sending of Negroes to Jamaica,
Barrett, Owen A.,
discoverer of a remedy,
Bates,
owner of slaves at St. Genevieve,
Beauvais,
owner of slaves, Upper Louisiana,
Benezet, Anthony,
plan of, to colonize Negroes in West; interest of, in settling Negroes in the West,
Berlin Cross Roads,
Negroes of,
Bibb, Henry,
interest of, in colonization,
Birney, James G.,
promoter of the migration of the Negroes; press of, destroyed by mob in Cincinnati,
Black Friday,
riot of, in Portsmouth,
Blackburn, Thornton,
a fugitive claimed in Detroit,
Boll weevil,
a cause of migration,
Boston,
friends of fugitives in,
Boyce, Stanbury,
went with his father to Trinidad in the fifties,
Boyd, Henry,
a successful mechanic in Cincinnati,
Brannagan, Thomas,
advocate of colonizing the Negroes in the West; interest of, in settling Negroes in the West,
Brissot de Warville,
observations of, on Negroes in the West,
British Guiana,
attractive to free Negroes,
Brooklyn, Illinois,
a Negro community,
Brown, John,
in the Appalachian highland,
Brown County, Ohio,
Negroes in,
Buffalo,
friends of fugitives in,
Butler, General,
holds Negroes as contraband;
policy of, followed by General Wood and General Banks,
Cairo, Illinois,
an outlet for the refugees
Calvin Township, Cass County, Michigan, a Negro community;
note on progress of
Campbell, Sir George,
comment on condition of Negroes in Kansas City
Canaan, New Hampshire,
break-up of school of, admitting Negroes,
Canada,
the migration of Negroes to;
settlements in,
Canadians,
supply of slaves of;
prohibited the importation of slaves,
Canterbury, people of,
imprison Prudence Crandall because she taught Negroes,
Cardoza, F.L.,
return of from Edinburgh to South Carolina,
Cassey, Joseph C.,
a lumber merchant,
Cassey, Joseph,
a broker in Philadelphia,
Chester, T. Morris,
went from Pittsburgh to settle in Louisiana,
Cincinnati,
friends of fugitives in;
mobs;
successful Negroes of,
Clark, Edward V.,
a jeweler,
Clay, Henry,
a colonizationist,
Code for indentured servants in West, note,
Coffin, Levi,
comment on the condition of the refugees,
Coles, Edward,
moved to Illinois to free his slaves; correspondence with Jefferson on slavery,
Colgate, Richard,
master of James Wenyam who escaped to the West,
Collins, Henry M.,
interest of, in colonization;
a real estate man in Pittsburgh,
Corbin, J.C.,
return of, from Chillicothe to Arkansas,
Colonization proposed as a remedy for migration, in the West;
organization of society of;
failure to remove free Negroes;
opposed by free people of color;
meetings of, in the interest of the West Indies; impeded by the exodus to the West Indies; a remedy for migration,
Colonization Society,
organization of;
renewed efforts of,
Colonizationists,
opposition of, to the migration to the West Indies,
Columbia, Pa.,
friends of fugitives in,
Compagnie de l’Occident in control of Louisiana,
Condition of fugitives in contraband camps,
Congested districts in the North,
Connecticut,
exterminated slavery;
law of;
against teaching Negroes,
Conventions of Negroes,
Cook, Forman B.,
a broker,
Crandall, A.W.,
interest in checking the exodus to Kansas,
Crandall, Prudence,
imprisoned because she taught Negroes,
Credit system,
a cause of unrest,
Crozat, Antoine,
as Governor of Louisiana,
Cuffe, Paul,
an actual colonizationist,
Davis,
comment on freedmen’s vagrancy,
De Baptiste, Richard,
father of, in Detroit,
Debasement of the blacks after Reconstruction,
Delany, Martin R.,
interest of, in colonization,