is used to signify the eating of human flesh as food. Several, like the Tinguian, have or still do eat a portion of the brain, the heart or liver of brave warriors, but always, it appears, with the idea of gaining the valor, or other desirable qualities of the victims.
The balance of the head festival consisted in the drinking of sugar cane rum, of songs of praise by the headmen, and finally all joined in dancing _da-eng_. Just before the guests were ready to depart, the skulls were broken into small bits, and the fragments were distributed to the guests so that they might taken them to their homes, and thus be reminded of the valor of the takers. [181] This disposition of the skull agrees with that of many Apayao towns, [182] but it does not conform with the description of ancient times afforded us in the tales, [183] nor with the practices of the Kalinga and Igorot people, both of whom preserve the trophy.
The weapons of the warriors consists of a spear, head-axe, and shield, and the small bamboo spikes known as _soga_. They do not make use of the bow and arrow, although they have been credited as possessing them. [184] The old men claim it has not been used in their lifetime, nor is mention made of it in the folk-tales. The only time it appears is in the crude weapons used in shooting fish in the rice-fields, and in the miniature bow and arrow, which hang above the heads of a newborn child.
Bolos, or long knives, are carried at the side suspended from the belt, and upon occasion may be used as weapons. However, they are generally considered as tools (Fig. 7).
_The Head-Axe_, _aliwa_ or _gaman_ (see Fig. 8).–The axes made by the Tinguian and Kalinga are identical, probably due to the fact that the center of distribution, as well as the best iron work of this region, is found in Balbalasang–a town of mixed Tinguian and Kalinga blood. The blade is long and slender with a crescent-shape cutting edge on one end, and a long projecting spine on the other. This projection is strictly utilitarian. It is driven into the ground so as to support the blade upright, when it is desired to have both hands free to draw meat or other articles over the cutting edge. It is also driven into the soil, and acts as a support when its owner is climbing steep or slippery banks.
The blade fits into a long steel ferrule which, in turn, slips onto a wooden handle. The latter may be straight or plain, but commonly it has a short projection midway of its length, which serves as a finger-hold and as a hook for attachment to the belt. Quite frequently the handle is decorated with thin circles or bands of brass, while ornamental designs sometimes appear on the blade.
While the axe is primarily a weapon, its use is by no means confined to warfare. It is used in house and fence building, in cutting up game and forest products, and in many other ways. Fig. 8 shows three types of head-axes, the first two, the Tinguian-Kalinga axe; third, the Igorot; fourth, the Apayao. There is a noticeable difference between the slender blades of the first group and the short, thick blade of the Igorot, yet they are of the same general type. The Apayao weapon, on the other hand, presents a radical difference in form. Despite these variations, the axes of these three tribes present an interesting problem. So far as it known, these are the only tribes in the Philippines which make use of a head-axe, and it is believed that no similar weapon is found in the Malayan Islands. However, blades of striking resemblance do occur among the Naga of Assam. [185] It is possible that the weapons of these far separated regions may hark back to a common source, from which they received their instruction in iron working.
_The Spear_, _pika_.–The various types of spears used by the Tinguian are shown in Fig. 9.
A considerable part of these are made in the villages along the upper reaches of the Buklok river and in Balbalasang, but many come into Abra through trade with the Igorot and Kalinga. They are used for hunting and fighting, and are intended both as thrusting and throwing weapons. In the lowlands the older type of spear-head is a modified leaf shape, attached to a ferrule which slips over the shaft. In the mountains, heads with two or more barbs are set into the handles, and are held in place by means of wooden wedges and by metal rings which surround the ends of the shafts. A metal end or shoe covers the butt end of the weapon, thus converting it into an excellent staff for mountain climbing.
Occasionally a hunting spear is fitted with a detachable head, which will pull out of the socket when an animal is struck. The shaft is attached to the point by means of a heavy line, and as this drags through the undergrowth, it becomes entangled and thus delays the flight of the game.
_Shields_, _kalasag_.–Mention has already been made of the typical Tinguian-Kalinga shield (cf. p. 373). While this is the common type of the region (Fig. 10, Nos. 1-1a), others, which approach those of the Bontoc Igorot, are frequently used (Fig. 10, No. 2). As a rule, these come from Balatok, Lubuagan, Guinaan and the villages along the Malokbot river, all of which are strongly influenced in blood and culture by the Igorot. In the latter shields we find the prongs at the top and bottom, but they are no longer of sufficient size and opening to be of practical value. The clue to their origin is probably afforded us in their use by the Tinguian.
Across the top and bottom of each shield, near to the prongs, are two or three braided bands which appear to be ornamental, or to strengthen the weapon. Their real use, however, is to hold the _soga_, the pointed bamboo sticks which are planted in the grass to delay pursuers. A half dozen or more of these are usually to be found under the braiding at the back of the shield.
All shields are of very light wood, and can easily be pierced by a spear. They are intended to be used in deflecting missels rather than actually to stop them. To aid in this purpose, there is a hand grip cut into the center of the back. This is large enough to admit the first three fingers, while the thumb and little finger are left outside to tilt the shield to the proper angle.
_Hunting_ (Plates XLV-XLVI).–Hunting must be considered more in the nature of a sport than as a necessity, for, while a considerable amount of game is taken each year, it is not enough to furnish an important part of the food supply. As we have already noted, a great part of the country occupied by this tribe is devoid of forests. Dense growths do occur in some valleys and ravines, and a few of the mountains, like Posoey, are heavily forested, but for the most part the western slopes of the Cordillera Central are covered with rank _cogon_ grass. In the ravines and on the wooded slopes are deer, pig, wild carabao, and wild chickens, and during the dry season of the year it is no uncommon thing to see a considerable number of men leaving the village at daybreak with their dogs, spears, and nets. The customary method of hunting the larger animals is to stretch long nets across the runway of the game. A number of the hunters, armed with spears, conceal themselves near by, while the balance of the party take the dogs to a distance and then, spreading out fan-shape, will converge on the net, beating the brush and shouting in order to stir up the game. The dogs, sullen, half-starved brutes, take little interest in the chase until an animal is started, then they begin to bay, and the whole pack is in pursuit. As the quarry rushes into the net, the concealed hunters fall upon it and spear it to death, at the same time fighting back the hungry dogs which would quickly devour it. Sometimes an animal escapes from the net, but if wounded, it is almost certain to fall a prey to the pack. Many deer are taken by this method in the course of a year. Sometimes a wild pig is netted, and on exceedingly rare occasions a carabao. However, the wild carabao is a dangerous animal, and hunters will not attack it unless it is so entangled in the nets that it is practically helpless. Still hunting for deer, near to the feeding grounds, yields a few animals each year, and during the period when the _lumboy_ (_Eugenia jambolana_ Lam.) are in fruit, the hunters often hide themselves in the trees at night, and spear the pigs which come below them to feed.
Wild hogs are also secured by placing a close fence about a field. One or two small entrances are left open and inside of these, deep pits are dug, and are covered with brush. As the animal pushes in, it steps on the frail covering, and is hurled to the bottom of the pit, where it is easily dispatched with the spear.
Among the smaller game, the wild chicken is the most important. These fowls seldom fly, but seek safety by running through the underbrush. The Tinguian takes advantage of this trait, and stretches nets loosely in the probable runway of the birds, and then drives them toward it in the same manner, as he does the deer. As the fowl runs full speed into the loose net, it folds about him, and he is easily taken.
The most common method of securing wild roosters is by means of a series of slip nooses attached to a main cord or band (Fig. 11). This is set up so as to enclose a square or triangular space, and a tame rooster is put inside. The crowing of this bird attracts the attention of the wild fowl who comes in to fight. Soon, in the excitement of the combat, one is caught in a noose, and the harder it pulls, the more securely it is held. At times the trap is baited with worms or grain. The snare is carried in a basket-like case, which is often fitted with a compartment for the decoy rooster. [186]
Another type of chicken snare consists of a single noose, which rests on two elevated strips of bamboo. The other end of the cord is attached to a bent limb, held down by means of a small trigger, which slips under a cross strip. The game is led onto the trap by scattering grain. The weight of the bird releases the trigger, the bent twig flies up, and the noose is drawn tightly.
Small birds are captured in considerable numbers by the boys who, for this purpose, make use of three types of snares. The first and most common is a simple slip noose made of human or horse hair attached to a stick. Several of these are driven into the ground close together, and grain is scattered between them. A second type of noose trap is shown in Fig. 12, No. 1. A Bamboo pole _a_ with sharpened end has a spring _b_ of the same material attached to its side. A cord from this passes through a small hole in the top of _a_, and then forms a slip noose. A small stick or trigger _c_ is forced into the hole until firm enough to keep the line held taut, and the noose is spread on it. Bait is placed on the point of _a_ in such a manner that the bird has to alight on _c_ to secure it. Its weight releases the trigger, and the noose is drawn tightly around its legs. Another trap of this nature is illustrated by Fig. 12, No. 2. Here a branch is bent down and a line is attached. The trigger stick _a_ slips outside _b_, and the pressure holds the free stick _c_ in place against the crotch. Bait is so placed on _d_ that a bird coming to secure it must stand inside the slip noose which is spread on _c_. The weight and movement of the victim releases the trigger, draws the line taut, and closes the noose about its legs.
In the lowland villages, blowguns (_salbalana_) are used to a limited extent in hunting birds. Two long strips of palm wood are grooved and fitted together. Over these the intestines of a carabao are drawn, and the whole is wrapped tightly with cord and covered with beeswax. The guns vary from 12 to 16 feet in length, and are often excellently made, yet they are little better than toys, for the missels used are only clay balls. Poison darts are unknown in this region, and the weapon is confined to the villages near to the coast. This, together with the fact that the blowgun does not appear in the lore or ceremonies, suggests that it of recent introduction (Plate XLVII).
Locusts are considered excellent food, and when they are flying in great numbers, are taken by means of small nets. These are attached to poles, and are swung into the swarm. Sometimes nearly the whole village will unite in such a hunt, the catch being stored in large bottle-shaped baskets until needed.
Bats and rats are not eaten, but the latter are trapped and killed because of the grain they destroy and the injury they do to the houses and their contents. The most common trap is made from a section of bamboo in one side of which a spring is inserted. A line attached to this leads to a slip noose which fits inside the tube. Bait is attached to a trigger which, when disturbed, releases the spring and closes the loop around the intruder.
_Fishing_.–Mention has already been made of the capture of fish by the children. Older people likewise devote some time to fishing, but not to the extent of making it an occupation. Nearly every family has a collection of traps and lines, and at times quite a number of fish and eels are secured.
The common trap is shown in Fig. 13, No. 1. The entrance is made of sharp bamboo splints, which converge toward a small hole opening into the trap proper. The device is then placed in the water in such a way that fish coming downstream will be diverted into the opening. The current and the natural inclination of the fish to go into a dark hiding-place causes them to force their way into the trap, and once in they cannot emerge. The water escapes through the bamboo slits, but the fish can only be released by opening the small end of the trap.
Many of the women carry baskets attached to the belt at the hip. The tops of these baskets have funnel-shaped openings, and are immediately available for use as traps, if a good catch is in prospect (Fig. 13, No. 2). These are usually employed for shrimps and minnows. Eels are caught in long, round traps of rattan and bamboo. A frog is fastened in the far end of the tube, usually with a fish-hook. This is attached to a rattan spring, which is connected with the door of the trap. The eel enters and seizes the frog, but as it starts to back out, it releases the bent rattan, and the door is pulled shut.
Small hand nets, spread apart by means of sticks held in the hands, are used by women in scooping up small fish. Ordinarily, it is scooped away from the body, but if a fish takes refuge under a rock, the net is placed under the opposite side, and the stone is turned over with the foot.
The most effective fishing-device is a large throw net made cornucopia shape. The large net is open and weighted with many sinkers of lead. The man throws the net with a full arm sweeping motion, so that it spreads to its full extent, and all the sinkers strike the water at the same time. The splash causes all the fish inside the circle to dart inward, and as it sinks, the net settles over them. The fisherman draws in the cord attached to the small end, causing the sinkers to drag along to the bottom until directly beneath him, when their weight closes the net. It requires much skill and practice to throw this net properly, but once the art is mastered, the fisherman is very successful.
Blanket fishing similar to that in use by the neighboring Igorot is found here. A large blanket is weighed down with stones, and is placed in the river. After one or two hours have elapsed, a number of men form a wide circle around it. Often they drag between them a rope to which many corn husks are attached. As they advance toward the blanket, they turn the larger stones with their feet so that any fish hiding beneath them will be frightened away. The circle of men and corn husks causes the fish to go toward the blanket, and finally to take refuge under the stones piled upon it. When the blanket is reached, the men seize the corners and lift it out of the water on to the bank, where the stones are thrown out and the fish secured. A somewhat similar idea is found in the _lama_. Quantities of leaf branches are sunk into a still pool, and are left for a few days until the fish have come to use them as a hiding-place. A number of men make a close fence of bamboo sticks about them, then go inside, throw out the branches, and catch the fish with their hands or with the nets. Streams are often diverted from their course, for a time, and then returned, leaving the fish in the artificial channels stranded.
A curious method of fishing was seen in the Ikmin river. A hook was fastened in the end of a bamboo pole, and close to this a minnow was attached to a short line, to act as a lure. When the other fish approached the captive, the pole was jerked sharply, in an attempt to snag them. On one occasion the writer saw fifty fish taken by this method in less than an hour.
Short lines attached to sticks are often baited, and are set along the embankments of the flooded rice-fields. Small fish spears with detachable heads are also used in the rice lands, as well as in the clear pools. The only occasion when the bow and arrow is used in this region is when the rice fields are flooded. At such times a short bow and an arrow with fork-shaped head are employed (Fig. 13, Nos. 3-3a). A fish poison or stupifier is occasionally used. A small red berry known as _baiyatin_ is crushed, and the powder is thrown into or just above quiet pools, where fish abound. Some of the fish become stupified and float on the surface, where they are quickly speared or scooped up. They are eaten without any ill effects.
CHAPTER VIII
ECONOMIC LIFE
_Rice Culture_.–The most important crop raised by the Tinguian is rice, and to its cultivation he devotes a considerable portion of his time. Two distinct methods of growing are now found throughout the district–the mountain or upland fields, in which the rice is raised without irrigation; and the rice terraces with irrigation [187] (Plate XLVIII). To prepare the first type of field, a piece of forest land is chosen if possible, or lacking this, a plot covered with second growth is selected. The purpose in using timber land is to escape the cogon grass (_Imperata koenigii_), which quickly invades all open fields, and flourishes until the trees again shut out the sunlight. The trees and underbrush are cut down during the dry season, so that they may be ready for burning before the arrival of the first rains. Should no timber land be available, an open piece will be selected, and after the grass is burned, the soil will be partially cleared of its stubborn roots by means of a large knife or adze-like instrument known as _pal’lek_ (Fig. 14, No. 2).
After the clearing, the field is fenced in so as to protect it from deer, wild pigs, and carabao. The rudest type of protection consists of a barricade of brush, strengthened with forked sticks, in the crotches of which poles are laid. The more common method is to set bamboo tubes, at intervals, around the whole plot and to lash to them other tubes which have been split in half. A still better fence is made by cutting three holes, about a foot apart, through each upright and to insert smaller bamboo through these.
When the rains begin, the men go to the fields, each with two hardwood sticks whittled to tapering rounded ends. These are driven alternately into the soil making shallow holes an inch or so in depth, into each of which the women drop several seed rice. The whole field is gone over in this way; soil is pushed into the holes with the feet, and frequently the task is finished by sowing a few handfuls of seed broadcast and distributing it by brushing back and forth with a leafy branch. [188]
In the valley districts the planting sticks are cut as needed, but in the mountains, where the upland rice is more important, strong bamboo poles fitted with hardwood points are in general use. These implements, known as _tepon_ (Fig. 15, No. 1), are invariably carefully decorated with incised designs, and are preserved from year to year. Commonly, the divisions between the sections of the bamboo are knocked out and the tube used as a receptacle for the seed rice.
As the mountain fields need special protection, it is customary to build near them little elevated houses in which the workers may rest, and in which the watchers can live during the time the grain must be guarded. If the plots are near to a village, such a house seldom consists of more than a rude framework of poles, which support a grass roof, and to which a bamboo floor is lashed, two or three feet above the ground; but if the fields are at a distance, these structures are provided with sides, and are raised high on strong logs. Such high, well built houses are necessary, both to protect the occupants from surprise attacks of enemies, and to afford shelter against driving winds or rains. It is not an uncommon occurrence for a whole family to go to one of these isolated mountain dwellings and reside for a considerable period, particularly when the rice is approaching maturity.
These upland fields produce much smaller crops than do the wet lands, and as they are quickly exhausted, it is not customary to plant them to rice for more than two seasons. At the end of this time, they may be used for _camotes_ (_Convolvulus batatas_), sugar-cane, or cotton, but in the majority of cases they are allowed to lie unused for several seasons, when the grass or undergrowth is again removed and the fields replanted.
The wet fields produce by far the greater part of the rice, and it is about them that most of the agricultural labors center. In the broad valleys, low embankments, of sufficient height to maintain the water at a depth of two or three inches, separate the fields. The lower plots are often of considerable length and width, some covering as much as an acre of ground, but as they begin to ascend the slopes, the walls rise higher, and the fields become narrower until they may be only a few feet in width. In the rugged mountain districts, the terraces often begin just above the flood water of the stream. At this point, a stone wall, four or five feet in height, is erected, and back of this the mountain side is cut away and filled in until it forms a step or terrace. Back of this another wall is raised, and the process is repeated until at last the terraces extend for two or three hundred feet up the mountain side (Plate XLIX). When the field is first made, top soil, enriched with vegetable growth, is laid on the surface, often to a depth of several inches, but from this time on no fertilizer, other than the decaying straw of the previous crop, is added, although the field is used continuously for many years.
Water is conducted to many of the fields by means of ditches, usually by diverting the flow of some of the numerous springs or streams but in a few instances, stone dams have been thrown across the rivers and the water carried for considerable distances by flumes and ditches. The highest terraces are first inundated to the desired depth, and then openings are made in the side walls–so as to allow the lower fields to be flooded. This method of irrigation provides for the maximum use of the water, and also supplies a constant current which prevents the formation of stagnant pools.
Some of the fields are situated too far up the mountain side to be reached by ditches, and in such cases the growth of the rice is entirely dependent on the rainfall; however, in normal years, the precipitation is sufficient to mature the crop.
At the beginning of the rainy season, some of the seed rice is sprouted in specially prepared beds in the villages. In such cases a small plot is surrounded with low dirt walls, the soil is enriched with manure, water is added, and the whole is worked until it becomes a thin mud, on which the rice is thickly sown. Around this bed, a bamboo frame is erected to keep out pigs and chickens, while from time to time water is poured on the growing shoots. The more common method of sprouting, however, is to select a piece of land, which will receive the full benefit of the rainfall and to break this with a plow drawn by a carabao.
When the seed beds have been planted, the people go to the fields, repair the embankments, and admit the water. The straw remaining from the previous crop is allowed to rot, for a time, and then the ground is gone over with a bamboo harrow (_pali-id_), [189] as shown in Fig. 15, No. 3, to remove weeds, branches, and the like. Wherever it is possible, the soil is broken with a plow, _alado_ (Plate L), but in fields to which animals cannot be taken, the ground is turned by means of sharpened sticks, or poles tipped with iron, which are driven into the soil and forced forward, thus pushing the earth above them into the water. [190] As will be seen from the accompanying drawing (Fig. 15, Nos. 2-2a), the plow is constructed entirely of wood except for the iron share, and conforms closely to that used in Java, Celebes, Sumatra, Burma, and Annam. [191]
Within a few days after the plowing, the soil is further broken by dragging it with a harrow, made by driving wooden pegs into a heavy board, or into large bamboo tubes (Fig. 15, No. 4). A worker stands on this, and is dragged about the field, leveling it, and at the same time pulling out sticks, roots, and any other matter of sufficient bulk to interfere with the planting.
Two types of sleds (Fig. 15, Nos. 5-6) are used in connection with the rice culture, as well as in general transportation. The first consists of rude wooden runners on which a bamboo flooring is laid. The second has narrow runners, which are hewn with considerable care, while sides of flattened bamboo convert the sled into an open box. The first type (_pasagad_) is used principally during the wet season for the transportation of plows, harrows, and the like, the wide runners slipping through the mud without becoming mired. The use of the latter (_kalison_) is restricted to the dry-season, when it is of particular advantage in moving the rice. Wheeled vehicles are not employed in any part of the Tinguian belt, although their use is now fairly common among the Ilocano.
It requires a month or six weeks to make ready the fields, and in the meantime the rice in the seed beds has grown to a height of twelve or fourteen inches. The shoots are then pulled up by the roots, are tied into bundles, and the tops are cut off (Plate LI). The bundles are distributed about the fields at convenient distances, and the workers then transplant the young rice–three or four together–in the soft ooze, using the thumb and fore-finger of the right hand for that purpose (Plate LII). The preparation of the field is looked after by the men and boys, and oftentimes they aid in transplanting, but the latter is considered to be women’s work, and is generally left to them.
The rice is set so thickly that when a plot is planted it presents to the eye a solid mass of green. It is hard to imagine a more beautiful sight than to look down on these fields, which rise in wave above wave of brilliant green, until at last they give way to the yellower billows of _cogon_ grass which cover the mountain slopes.
After the transplanting, the grain needs constant attention; at first, to keep it properly weeded and flooded; later, to protect it from animals and birds. Hence many workers are always in the fields, but it is, nevertheless, the happy time for the people, and if one approaches a group of workers unawares, he will hear one or more singing the _daleng_, a song in which they compliment or chide the other workers, or relate some incident of the hunt or of village life. Toward midday little groups will gather in the field shelters to partake of their lunches, to smoke, or to rest, and usually in such a gathering will be a good story-teller who amuses with fables, or tales of adventure. [192]
When the rice begins to mature, an even stricter watch must be kept, for, in addition to its other enemies, the rice birds [193] now seek to feed on the crop and, while they are small in size, they often appear in such numbers that they work great havoc.
The usual device employed in frightening both birds and animals is a bamboo pole cut into strips at the top, so that, as it is shaken, these strike together, producing a great clatter. Many of these poles are planted, and then all are connected by means of rattan lines which finally lead to the little watch house. Here a man or boy sits and occasionally gives the lines a sudden jerk, which sets up a clapping over the whole field (Plate LIII). A clever development of this device was seen by the writer in the Ikmin river valley. Here the stream flows swiftly and plunges headlong into pools every few yards. The rattan cord attached to the clappers is fastened to a small raft which is then set afloat in the pool. After a whirl in the eddy it is caught by the swift current, and is carried a few feet down stream, at the same time bending the clappers nearly to the ground; then as the raft enters calmer water, the tension is released, and it is thrown violently back into the pool from which it has just drifted; at the same time the clappers fly back into place with a great noise.
Another contrivance, used in keeping small birds from the fields, is a bird-like form cut from the bark of a banana or palm tree. Many of these are suspended by lines from bamboo poles, and, as the wind blows them to and fro, they appear like giant birds hovering over the rice.
A simple protection against deer is made by bending the white inner bark of bamboo into arches and planting these at intervals along possible places of entry, for it is said that these animals will not approach such a contrivance.
Soon after the water is turned into the fields, shells and fish begin to appear even in the higher terraces. Doubtless a considerable part of these come in through the ditches, but the natives insist that most of the fish bury themselves deep in the mud at the approach of the dry season and hibernate until water again appears in the fields. [194] These intruders are prized as food, and to secure them, short baited lines are placed along the edges of the terraces, while each woman has, attached to her belt, a small basket into which she places shells discovered during her work. The men likewise secure fish by means of hooks and lines, and also pierce them with short spears fitted with detachable points, but more commonly they shoot them with a small bow and peculiar arrows, the heads of which resemble flattened spoons cut into four or five teeth. [195]
As the grain begins to ripen, the land is allowed to dry, and when all is ready for the cutting, the people put on their best garments and go to the fields. Each stalk is cut separately by means of a crescent-shaped blade (_lakom_ or _lakem_) attached to a small wooden cylinder (Fig. 14, Nos. 3-3a). This handle is held between the thumb, first and fifth fingers, while the stalk is caught by the second and third fingers, and is pulled inward against the steel blade. [196] Many workers grasp the stalk near the head with the left hand, while the cutting blade is used with the right.
Both men and women may engage in cutting the rice, but as the latter are much the more dexterous workers, this task is generally assigned to them (Plate LIV). The grain is cut so as to leave stalks about ten inches in length; these are laid in the free hand until a bunch of considerable size has accumulated, when they are bound together with strips of bark. [197] At the end of the day these bundles are carried to the drying yards, where they remain until the whole crop is harvested. A drying yard is a plot of ground surrounded by a bamboo fence of such a height that it is impossible for fowls and the like to gain entrance. When all the bundles are thoroughly dried, they are placed in the granary, and from that time on the handling of the rice is given over to the women.
The granaries, or store-houses, of the Tinguian and Ilocano are identical (Plate LV), but, barring the Apayao, are different from any of the surrounding groups, except when their influence may have spread this peculiar type to a limited degree. It is worthy of note, however, that the granaries of some Sumatran groups are of similar design and construction. Such a store-house is raised high above the ground on four hard-wood poles; the framework is of bamboo, and the sides flare sharply from the floor to the grass roof. Within the framework is a closely woven matting of flattened bamboo, which is nearly water-tight; but to secure still further protection from moisture, and also to allow for free circulation of air, a rack is built in such a way that the rice is kept several inches from the outside walls. Just below the floor, each post supports a close-fitting pottery jar–without top or bottom–or a broad disk of wood, which effectually prevents the entrance of rodents.
To thrash the grain, the woman places a bundle on a piece of carabao hide, and, as she rolls it beneath her feet, she pounds it with a long wooden pestle (_hala_) until all the kernels are beaten loose from the straw. [198] It is then placed in a wooden mortar (_luson_) of hourglass form or with straight sides, where it is again beaten until the outside husks are loosened, and the grain is somewhat broken (Plate LVI). Winnowing is accomplished by tossing the contents of the mortar in shallow traps (_igau_), so that the chaff is blown away, while the grain falls back into the winnower (Plate LVII).
The rice is now ready for cooking; the chaff is collected, and is used as food for the pigs and dogs, while the stalks are saved to be burned, for the ashes are commonly used in lieu of soap.
Rice has also come to have great importance, both as a standard of value and as a medium of exchange. A single stalk is known as _sanga dawa_. When the stalks are equal in size to the leg, just above the ankle, the bundle is called _sang-abtek_. [199] Ten _sang-abtek_ equal _sanga-baal_. One hundred _sang-abtek_ make _sanga-oyon_. The measure of cleaned rice is as follows: Two full hands (one coconut shell full)–1 _sopa_ (Ilocano _supa_; Spanish 1/8 _ganta_). 8 _sopa_–1 _salop_ (Spanish _ganta_ or about 2 quarts). 25 _salop_–1 _kaban_.
It is customary to pay laborers in rice; likewise the value of animals, beads, and the like are reckoned and paid in this medium. During the dry season rice is loaned, to be repaid after the harvest with interest of about fifty per cent.
According to tradition, the Tinguian were taught to plant and reap by a girl named Dayapan. This woman, who was an invalid, was one day bathing in the stream, when the great spirit Kaboniyan entered her body. He carried with him sugar-cane and unthreshed rice which he gave to the girl with explicit directions for its use. Likewise he taught her the details of the _Sayang_, the most important of the ceremonies. Dayapan followed instructions faithfully, and after the harvest and conclusion of the ceremony, she found herself to be completely cured. After that she taught others, and soon the Tinguian became prosperous farmers. [200]
In Part I of this volume a reconstruction of the early life of this people was attempted from their mythology. The results seemed to indicate that the tales reflect a time before the Tinguian possessed terraced rice-fields, when domestic work animals were still unknown, and the horse had not yet been introduced into the land. But it was also noted that we are not justified in considering these as recent events.
At this time, with the more complete data before us, it may be well to again subject the rice culture to careful scrutiny, in the hope that it may afford some clue as to the source from which it spread into this region. It is possible that the Tinguian may have brought it with them from their early home, which may be supposed to have been in southeastern Asia; they may have acquired it through contact with Chinese or Japanese traders, or through commercial relations with the islands to the south; or again it may have developed locally in the Tinguian, Igorot, and Ifugao territory.
It should be noted at the outset that highly developed terrace cultivation is found in Japan and China to the north; in parts of Borneo, in the Nias archipelago, in Java, Bali, Lombok, Sumatra, Burma, and India proper, and it is probable that all within this broad belt developed from a single origin.
When we compare the construction of Igorot and Tinguian terraces and the methods of irrigation, we find them quite similar, although those of the former are somewhat superior and of much greater extent. The planting of the seed rice and the breaking of the soil in the high fields are also much alike, but here the resemblances cease. In the lower fields, the Tinguian employ the carabao, together with the plow and harrow; the Igorot do not. The Igorot fertilize their fields, the Tinguian never. In harvesting, the Tinguian make use of a peculiar crescent-shaped blade to cut the stalk, the Igorot pull each head off separately. The Tinguian and Ilocano granaries are of a distinctive type radically different from the Igorot, while the methods of thrashing in the two groups are entirely different. Finally, the ceremonial observances of the Tinguian, so far as the rice is concerned, are much more extensive and intricate than have been described for the Igorot. In a like manner there are many striking differences between the methods of handling the grain by the Tinguian and those found in Japan and China. On the other hand, when we come to compare the rice culture of this region with the islands to the south, the similarities are very striking. The short description given by _Marsden_ for Sumatra [201] would, with a few modifications, apply to the situation in Abra. The use of the plow and harrow drawn by carabao is found in Java and Sumatra; the common reaping knife of both these islands is identical with the Tinguian, although there is a slight difference in the way it is utilized; the peculiar type of granary found in Abra again appears in Sumatra, while the Tinguian ceremonial acts associated with the cultivation and care of the rice-recall, in several instances, details of such ceremonies in Java.
If Tinguian rice culture did come from the south, through trade or migration, in comparatively recent times we should expect to find evidences of the same culture distributed along the route by which it must have traveled. We find, however, that few terraces exist in Mindanao and northern Borneo; and the former, at least, are of recent introduction. [202] There is also negative evidence that such fields were rare along the coasts at the time of the Spanish invasion. In the early documents we meet with frequent statements that the people were agriculturists and raised considerable quantities of rice and vegetables in their clearings; but the writer has discovered only two instances in which mention is made of terraced fields. [203] Had extensive terraces existed on the coast, it seems certain that some notice must have been taken of them. Yet in the mountains of central and northwestern Luzon, in districts remote from coast influences, are found some of the most remarkable fields of this type in Malaysia; terraces representing such an expenditure of labor that they argue for a long period of construction.
The proof is not absolute, but, in view of the foregoing, the writer is inclined to the belief that the Igorot and the Tinguian brought their rice culture with them from the south, and that the latter received it from a source common to them and to the people of Java and Sumatra.
Many writers who have discussed the rice culture of the East Indies are inclined to credit its introduction to Indian colonists, [204] but _Campbell_ [205] holds to the belief that it was practised centuries before the Christian era and prior to the Hindu invasion of Java. There seems to be no dissent, however, among these writers to the belief that its introduction antedated the arrival of the European in the Orient by several centuries. The fact that dry land farming, carried on with planting sticks and the like, is still found among the Igorot and Tinguian, and for that matter all over the Philippines, cannot be advanced as an argument that the irrigated fields are of recent date, for upland fields and primitive tools are still used in Java and Sumatra, where, as we have just seen, the wet field culture is an old possession.
_Magical Rites and Ceremonies Connected with the Rice_.–The importance of rice to this people is nowhere better evidenced than in the numerous and, in some cases, elaborate rites with which its cultivation and care is attended. Some of these observances appear to be purely magical, while others are associated with the consulting of omens, acts of sacrifice, propitiation, and finally of thanksgiving. All are interwoven with tribal law and custom to such an extent that neglect, on the part of the individual, amounts to a crime against the community, and hence is punished with public indignation and ostracism.
When a new field is to be prepared, or a granary erected, strict watch must be kept for omens, for should the inhabitants of the spirit world be unfavorable to the project, they will indicate their feelings by sending snakes, large lizards, deer, wild hogs, or certain birds to visit the workers. Should any of these appear, as the task is begun, the place is generally abandoned at once, but if doubt still exists, or it is deemed abvisable to try to persuade the spirits to reconsider, a small pig will be sacrificed. Its blood, mixed with rice, is scattered about on the ground as an offering, while the medium recites a proper _diam_. [206] After a suitable time has elapsed for the spirits to partake, the liver of the animal is removed, and is carefully examined (cf. p. 307). If the omens are now favorable, the work may be resumed, but should they still be unpropitious, it is folly to proceed, for disaster is certain to follow.
The next anxiety is to secure a lusty growth of plants in the seed beds, and to accomplish this, sticks known as _salogegey_, are stuck in each plot. The surface of such a stick has been pared so that shavings stand out on it in opposite directions, for such a decoration “is pleasing to the spirits;” while a piece of charcoal, placed in the notched end, compels the new leaves to turn the dark green of sturdy plants. The first seeds to be planted must always be sowed by the wife of the owner, “so that they will be fertile and yield a good crop.”
When a field has been constructed, or when the terraces are ready to receive the plants, a ceremony known as _Dalau_, [207] is held. The purpose of this is to secure the good will of the spirits in general, but more particularly to provide a dwelling place for the powerful being Kaiba-an, who guards the crops. A medium, accompanied by the family and any others who may be interested, goes to the field carrying a large bamboo pole, _bolo_ [208] branches, stalks of _lono [209] bakon_, and _saklak_. [210] The end of the bamboo is split open, and a _saloko_ [211] is constructed to which are attached the other leaves and stalks. The _saloko_ is then placed on the dividing ridge of the field, and all is ready for the ceremony, unless it is considered wise to also construct a small house (_baubauwi_). If the field is near the village, the latter is generally dispensed with, but if it is distant, the house is erected so that the spirit will accept it as its dwelling, while it is guarding the crop. It is further explained that the spirit then stays in the small house or _saloko_ instead of in the rice stalks, and so they are able to grow.
A female pig is presented to the medium who, after reciting a proper _diam_ above it, stabs the animal and collects its blood. This is mixed with rice, and a part is at once deposited in the _saloko_, while the balance is placed on a head-axe, and is carried about the field. When the whole plot has been traversed, this rice and blood is scattered in all directions, while the spirits are besought to come and eat. A part of the company has meanwhile been cooking the flesh of the slain animal, but before any of it is served, a skirt (_kinomayan_) is spread at the foot of the _saloko_, and on it are placed dishes of oil and of cooked rice.
After the meal has been eaten, the family gathers up the skirt and dishes, to return them to the village, but the other offerings remain.
Rain, like all other things needed, is sent by Kadaklan or Kaboniyan. If it does not come as desired, or if the crop is not progressing favorably, a ceremony known as _Komon_ or _Ubaiya_ [212] is held. Each person of the village is assessed a _sopa_ of rice, a bundle of _palay_, or a small coin with which pigs, _basi_, and other things necessary, can be purchased.
Early in the morning of the appointed day, the mediums, accompanied by many people, go to the guardian stones, oil the head of each, and place a bark band around it. Then having recited a proper _diam_ over a small pig, they slaughter it and scatter its blood mixed with rice among the stones. Likewise they place a dish of _basi_ among them for the use of the spirits. A part of the slain animal is then cooked and eaten, after which all go back to the village. At some appointed place, rice, eggs, betel-nuts, and a large pig have been assembled, and to this spot the mediums go to conduct the rite known as _Dawak_. [213] Before its conclusion a _diam_ is recited over the pig, which is then killed and prepared for food. Meanwhile the chief medium beseeches the supreme being Kadaklan to enter her body. He comes, and after telling the people what must be done to insure the crop, he designates some one man who must, on the following morning, celebrate _Padiam_.
After all the visiting spirits have been given food and drink, a small covered raft (_taltalabong_) is constructed, and in it are placed a live chick, a cooked rooster, and other articles of food. Four sturdy men carry this to the river and set it afloat, while the people shout and beat on gongs to drive away evil spirits who might wish to steal the raft and its contents. The purpose of this offering is to supply food to any spirits who may be unable to attend the ceremony.
Early the next morning, the man who has been designated by Kadaklan to perform the _Padiam_ makes ready, at his own expense, a large pig and cooked rice, and carries these to the fields. He must be dressed in striped garments known as _ginalit_, must carry a headaxe, and wear on his head the cloth band of the medium, beneath which are thrust two _igam_, that is, chicken feathers notched or decorated with bits of colored thread (cf. p. 313). He is accompanied by his wife, attired in a red jacket (_sinasaya_) and a skirt (_pinapa_), and by a medium who also wears the _igam_ beneath a headband of _sikag_; [214] while the townspeople follow behind. Arrived at the field, the medium squats before the bound pig, and holding a spear, betel-nuts, and oil, begins to recite a _diam_, meanwhile she strokes the animal from time to time with oiled fingers. This concluded, she stabs the pig, and having mixed its blood with rice, scatters it over the field, calling to the spirits to come and eat, and then to grant a full harvest. The people eat part of the animal while in the field, but before returning home, the head of each family receives a small strip of uncooked flesh, which he fastens above the door as a sign that the ceremony has been held. [215] The following day, the owner and the medium return to the field and break a little soil with a spear, and the ceremony is complete, but for some days these two are barred from eating shrimp, carabao, or wild pig. The owner must also pay the medium ten bundles of rice for her assistance in insuring his own crops, as well as those of the community. Should lightning strike a field or a tree in it, this ceremony is repeated, with the exception that the strips of flesh are not distributed, nor is the soil broken with a spear. [216]
In Lumaba, a town strongly influenced by the Igorot, the _Ubaiya_ regularly precedes the rice planting, as well as the first use of a newly constructed field. While conforming, in general, to that already described, a part of the procedure is somewhat different. On the day before the ceremony, the men go to the mountains and gather _lono_ stalks, one for each house and two for the town gate. The two reeds are placed crosswise of the entrance to the village and serve as a sign of taboo, and thereafter no one may enter until they are officially removed. To do so would necessitate the repetition of the ceremony, and the offender would be obliged to provide all the things necessary for it. Likewise, no one may wear a hat or prepare food during the period of taboo.
The next day is known as _Bignas_, and at dawn all the men arm themselves with bamboo poles. With these they beat about under the houses and throughout the town, in order to drive away any evil spirits who may be lurking about. Having effectively rid the town, they force the invisible beings ahead of them to the river, where they deposit the poles. They return to the village singing and shouting, and are met at the gate by the women, who hold ladders, one on each side of the entrance, so that they meet at the top and thus form a path by which the men may enter without breaking the interdict. At the guardian stones, they pause long enough to sacrifice a pig and a rooster, and offer blood and rice to the spirits, and then they proceed to the center of the village, where they dance _tadek_ and _da-eng_ until dusk. At nightfall a pig is killed, its flesh is divided among the people, and a _lono_ stalk, after being dipped in the blood, is given to a member of each family. This is carried home, and is placed on the outside wall as a sign that the ceremony has been held.
If the sun is shining the following morning, the _lakay_ will go outside the town to gather wood. Upon his return the people are again free to fish and hunt, but work is forbidden until evening. Should the sun fail to appear, all remain quietly in the village until the _lakay_ can remove the taboo by his wood gathering.
In Manabo the ceremony is a mixture of the two types just described, and is always held at the time of planting and when droughts occur. [217]
The procedure at harvest time varies considerably in different districts, but the usual custom is for a woman, from each family, to go to the fields and cut alone until she has harvested one hundred bundles. During this time she may use no salt, but a little sand is placed in her food as a substitute. No outsider may enter the dwelling during this preliminary cutting. So strictly is this rule observed that the writer has been absolutely excluded from homes where, on other occasions, he was a welcome guest. In Lumaba and vicinity it is the custom to sacrifice a chicken two days before the harvest begins, and to cook its neck and intestines without salt. These are then divided into nine parts, are placed in dishes, and are carried to the spirit house in the field. At the end of the second day, the feathers of the fowl are stuck into the sides of the structure, and the spirits are entreated to grant a good harvest and health for the workers. The dishes are then returned to the village, and on the following morning the women may begin cutting.
When the rice is ready to be stored, the _Palpalaem_ [218] ceremony is held in honor of the spirit of the granary. Vines and shrubs [219] are tied to each supporting post of the granary and above the door, while a bit of _sikag_ is also hidden inside a bundle of rice, which has been placed at each corner pole. Near one post is a small pig with its head toward the east, and over it the medium recites a _diam_. As usual, the animal is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is offered to the spirits. A part of the flesh is wrapped in banana leaves, and a bundle is buried at the foot of each post. The skull is cooked, and after being cleaned, is hung up inside the roof. The rest of the meat is cooked, and is served with rice to the little company of friends who have gathered. Each guest is also given a few stalks of the rice from the bundles at the corner posts.
Just before the new rice is placed in the granary, a jar of _basi_ is placed in the center of the structure, and beside it a dish filled with oil and the dung of worms. Five bundles of _palay_ are piled over these, and the whole is presented to the spirit, who will now allow the rice to multiply until it is as plentiful as the dung.
In Buneg and nearby villages, all of which are strongly influenced by immigrants from the Cagayan valley, a small clay house known as _lablabon_ or _adug_ is placed with the rice, and from time to time offerings are put in them for the spirit who multiplies the rice (Plate XXIX).
Certain restrictions always apply to the granary. It may never be opened after dark, for evil spirits are certain to enter, and the crop will vanish quickly. It can be opened only by a member of the family “whom the spirit knows;” and should another attempt to remove the grain, sickness or blindness will befall him. So rigorously is this enforced that a bride never opens her husband’s granary until he has presented her with a string of beads, which she wears about her neck to identify her. It is further necessary that she receive a similar gift before she eats of his rice, otherwise she will become ill. However, this does not apply to others, even strangers being fed without this gift being made.
A custom which formerly prevailed, but is now falling into disuse, was for the bride and groom to visit the family fields, where the youth cut a little grass along the dividing ridges. He then took up a bit of earth on his head-axe, and both tasted of it, “so that the ground would yield them good harvests, and they would become wealthy,”
_Cultivated Plants and Trees_.–Near every settlement will be found a number of small gardens, in which a variety of vegetables are grown. Occasionally a considerable planting of bananas will be found, while many villages are buried beneath the shade of coconut trees, but in comparison with rice the cultivation of other crops becomes insignificant. Nevertheless, a considerable amount of food stuff, as well as of plants and trees used in household industries, are planted in prepared land; while many of wild growths are utilized. The following list is doubtless incomplete, but still contains those of special value to this people. [220]
Next to rice the _camote_ (_Convolvulus batatas_) is the most important food product. Occasionally it is raised in the gardens or rice terraces, but, as a rule, it is planted in hillside clearings from which one or two crops of rice have been removed. The tuber is cut into pieces, or runners from old plants are stuck into the ground, and the planting is complete. The vine soon becomes very sturdy, its large green leaves so carpeting the ground that it even competes successfully with the _cogon_ grass. If allowed, the plants multiply by their runners far beyond the space originally allotted to them. The tubers, which are about the size of our sweet potatoes, are dug up as needed, to replace or supplement rice in the daily menu. Both roots and plants are also cooked and used as food for the pigs and dogs.
_Aba_ (_Colocasia antiquorum_ Schott) is raised, [221] but as it requires a moist soil, and hence would occupy land adapted to rice, it is chiefly limited to the gardens. It has large fleshy roots which are used like those of the _camote_, while the leaves and young shoots are also cooked and eaten. Other tubers known as _obi_ (_Dioscorea sp_.), _gakad_ (_Dioscorea divaricata_ Blanco), _annaeg_ (_Dioscorea fasciculata_), and _kamas_ (_Pachyrhizus angulatus_ D.C.) are raised to a limited extent in the gardens.
Corn, _mais, bukel_, and red corn, _gasilan_ (_Zea mays_ L.) seems to have been introduced into Abra in comparatively late times, for despite the fact that it is one of the most important crops, it has neither gathered to itself ceremonial procedure, nor has it acquired a place in the folk-lore. A considerable amount is raised in the village gardens, but generally it is planted by dibbling in the high land. When ripe, the ears are broken from the stalk, the husks are turned back, and several are tied together. These bunches are then placed over horizontal poles, raised several feet from the ground (Plate LVIII), and after being thoroughly dried, are hung from the house rafters. The common method of grinding is to place the corn on a large stone, over which a smaller stone is rocked until a fine flour is produced (Plate LIX). Stone disk grinders, imported from the coast, are also in use. These consist of grooved stones, the upper of which revolves on the lower. Grain is fed into an opening at the top as needed. Dried corn, popped in the embers of a fire, is much relished by the children.
Several varieties of squash, [222] and beans, as well as peanuts (_mani_) are among the common products of the garden. The former are trained to run over a low trellis or frame to prevent injury to the blossoms from a driving rain. Both blossoms and the mature vegetables are used as food.
Among the minor products are ginger, _laya_ (_Zingiber officinale_ Rosc.) and a small melon, locally known as _melod_, which is used as a sweetening. Sugar cane, _onas_ (_Saccharum_), is raised in considerable quantity, and is used in making an intoxicating drink known as _basi_. It is also eaten raw in place of a sweetmeat, but is never converted into sugar. Nowadays the juice is extracted by passing the cane between two cylinders of wood with intermeshing teeth. Motive power is furnished by a carabao attached to a long sweep. This is doubtless a recent introduction, but it has entirely superseded any older method.
The cane is raised from cuttings which are set in mud-beds until ready to be transferred to the mountain-side clearings. These lands are prepared in the same manner as the upland rice fields already described. The men dig shallow holes and set each plant upright, while the women follow, filling the hole with water and then pressing earth in with fingers or toes.
In addition to these food crops, considerable plantings of cotton or _kapas_ (_Gossypium_ sp.) and tobacco or _taba-o_ (_Nicotiana tabacum_) are raised in the clearings. The former is planted on the hillsides, where it matures in three or four months. The plant seldom reaches a height of two feet, and the bolls are small, doubtless due to lack of care and suitable fertilization. [223]
Tobacco seeds are sprouted in beds similar to those used for the rice, and the same magical device is used to insure a lusty growth. The young plants are carefully watered and shaded until they reach a height of five or six inches. They are then transplanted to hillside clearings, or to unused rice fields, where they are set out about three to a foot. This transfer generally takes place near the beginning of the dry season, so that the crop will be sure to mature without the damaging effect of water on the leaves. The plants while lusty do not attain the size of those grown in the valley regions of the interior. As soon as the leaves begin to turn a dark yellow, they are cut off and are strung on slender bamboo sticks (Plate LX), which are then hung up in the house. When nearly dry, they are laid in piles, and are occasionally turned to prevent rust or mildew from forming.
A small amount of indigo, _tayum_ (_Indigofera tinctoria_) is raised, generally in open spots near the villages. The plants receive little or no attention, yet still attain a height of about three feet. The leaves and branches are placed in water for a few days, and are then boiled, together with a little lime, the resultant liquor being used as a dye for cotton thread.
No product receives more attention in the lore of the Tinguian than the climbing vine known as _lawed_ (_Piper sp_.). [224] It was formerly in universal use in connection with the chewing of betel-nut. To-day betel-nut is less common in this region, but this leaf and the areca-nut still play an important part in all ceremonies. According to tradition, it was possible in the old times to tell the fate of an absent friend by noting the condition of a _lawed_ vine planted by him prior to his departure. [225] The vine is now trained on poles and trellises, near to many houses.
Among the larger cultivated plants and trees, the banana (_Musa paradisiaca_), coconut (_Cocos nucifera_), and bamboo (_Bambusa sp_.) are the most important.
At least twenty varieties of bananas are raised in Abra. The fruit of some of these is scarcely larger than the forefinger, while others are quite large. The common type bears a rather small, yellow fruit locally known as _saba_. In Manabo and several other villages, plantings covering three or four acres are to be found, but the usual plot is small, and is situated near to the house of the owner.
Suckers, which sprout from the roots of mature plants, are set out as needed, either to make new groves or to replace the old stalks, which are cut down after bearing. Both bud and fruit are eaten. The latter are cut on the stem while still green, and are hung in the house to ripen, in order to protect them from bats and fruit-feeding birds.
The coconut (_niog_) is not raised in groves, as in the Christianized districts, but in many villages every house has two or three trees towering above it. Even the interior mountain settlements, like Lingey, Ba-ay, and Likuan, are hidden beneath these trees, thus incidentally disposing of the fable that “the coconut tree will not grow out of sight of the sea.” Young trees have to be protected by fences during the first two or three years of growth, or they will be uprooted by the pigs, but from that time on they require little or no care. They are not tapped for sap, as is customary in most parts of the Philippines, but notches are cut in the tree trunks in order to supply foothold for the fruit gatherer. The nuts are cut off with a knife as soon as ripe, else they may fall and cause death or injury to people below.
No other fruit serves the people in so many ways. The juice is relished as a drink, the meat as a food, the oil as a food and hair dressing; the shells serve as dishes and cups, or are carved into ladles, while the fibrous covering of the nut is converted into foot wipers, thread brushes, and the like.
The betel-nut, _bwa_ (_Areca catechu_ L.), is also found in some villages, particularly in the mountains. It is a tall, slender palm which yields the nut so prized throughout the Islands for chewing.
Mango-treees, _mangga_ (_Mangifera indica_ L.) appear here and there in valleys and on mountain sides, where the seeds have doubtless been carried by birds or travelers, but considerable groves are found in many districts. The fruit is picked before it is ripe, and is eaten as it becomes mellow.
Other trees and shrubs which are occasionally planted are: _Atis_ (_Anona squamosa_ L., an American plant) prized both for its fruit and bark–the latter being used in rope-making.
_Atatawa_ (_Jathropha multifida_ L.). Also found in a wild state. The fruit is used as a purgative. The _Jathropha curcas_ L. is also used.
_Daligan_ (_Averrhoa carambola_ L.) or Coromandel gooseberry. The fruit is eaten without cooking.
_Lanka_ (_Artocarpus integrifola_ L.). Jackfruit.
_Maling-kapas_ or _kapas to insit_ (_Ceiba pantadra_ Gaertn.), also known by the Ilocano as _kapas sanglay_. This so-called “Chinese cotton” is a small tree with few, but perfectly straight, branches, which radiate from the trunk in horizontal lines. It produces elliptical pods which burst open when ripe, exposing a silky white cotton. The fiber is too short for spinning, but is used as tinder and as stuffing for pillows.
Orange (_lokban_) and lime (_lolokisen_) trees are greatly prized, but appear only occasionally. They receive no care, and consequently yield only inferior fruit.
The _pias_ (_Averrhoa bilimbi_ L.) is a garden tree which produces an acid fruit used in cooking.
_Santol_ (_Sandoricum indicum_ Cav.) trees are raised both for the fruit and for timber. It is said that house posts of this wood are not attacked by white ants.
_Wild Plants and Trees_.–Few of the wild growths have escaped the attention of this people, and many are used as food and medicine, as well as for fiber materials and bark cloth. Among those used for food, the following are the most important:–
_Apang_ or _sapang_ (_Bixa orellana_ L.).
_Alloseup_ (_Antidesma ghesaembilla_ Gaertn.).
_Bayabas_, or lemon guava (_Psidium guayava_ L.), an American shrub which now grows wild, and in great abundance, in the mountains.
_Balatong_ (_Phaseolus mungo_ L.). Only the seeds are used.
_Damokes_ (_Pithecolobium dulce_ Benth.), an American tree which now grows spontaneously in northern Luzon. The fruit is eaten, while the bark is sometimes used for tanning.
_Ipako_ (_Psophocarpus tetragonolobus_ D.C.), a herbaceous vine infrequently seen in the gardens. The young pods are used as a condiment.
_Kochai_ (_Alliuni tricoccum_) or wild leek.
_Katodai_ (_Sesbania grandiflora_ P.). Only the flowers are eaten.
_Kama-al_ (_Allaeanthus luzonicus_ Blanco. Vill.).
_Kalot_ (_Dioscorea daemona_ Roxb.), a tuber, poisonous if eaten without special preparation. It is cut into small pieces, and is placed in running water for several days, after which it is cooked.
_Kamatis_ (_Lycopersicum esculentum_ Mill.), tiny tomatoes which are eaten raw or cooked.
_Labok_ (_Colocasia antiquorum_ Schott).
_Longboy_ (_Eugenia jambolana_ Lam.).
_Olo_ (_Cissus sp_.), a low climbing herb, the stems and leaves of which are used in place of vinegar.
_Palda_ (_Phaseolus lunatus_ L.), civet bean.
_Sili_ (_Capsicum frutescens_ L.), small red peppers. The American chile. Used as a condiment.
Specimens of about twenty other food plants and trees were obtained, but their identification was impossible.
The wild growths used as medicines, or in the manufacture of string, rope, and bark cloth, will be mentioned under those headings.
_Plants and Trees Used in the Treatment of Disease_.–Most sickness is thought to be caused by spirits, either with evil intent or to punish some wrong-doing or oversight on the part of the people. To placate or bribe these superior beings, elaborate ceremonies are held, but in addition to these a number of simple remedies are made use of. The efficacy of some of these medicines is explained by the fact that certain leaves or infusions are distasteful to the spirits of disease, which, consequently, take their departure. Again, a trouble such as a tooth-ache is caused by a small worm which is gnawing at the tooth. To overcome this, the bark and leaves of the _alem_ tree are thoroughly beaten, and are applied to the face. The worm smells the crushed leaves, and straightway enters the poultice which is then burned. The spirits which bring the cholera can be driven away by burning the leaves of _sobosob_ (_Blumea balsamifera_), _bangbangsit_ (_Hyptis suavolens_ Poir.) and _dala_ (?) beneath the house; likewise, the bark of the _bani_ (?) keeps the bearers of constipation at a distance. _Bangbangsit_ is also considered as a cure for stomachache, diarrhoea, and is an aid in bringing on menstruation. When used for these purposes, the root is boiled, and the liquor is drunk. The fresh leaves will also relieve a pain in the stomach if applied to it, while the fruit is eaten to cure diarrhoea. If the patient is already affected with cholera or dysentery, the leaves of the _sobosob_ are placed in a jar of water at the mouth of which a clay ball is suspended, and the whole is then completely covered with banana leaves. The pot it placed over a fire, and the steam being unable to escape is absorbed by the clay. Later this is crushed, is mixed with water, and is swallowed by the patient. Lard burned to a crisp is likewise mixed with water, and is drunk to relieve diarrhoea.
Fever is a frequent ailment, and several medicines are employed against it. The most common is to crush the leaves of the _dangla_ (_Vitex negundo_ L.) in vinegar made from _basi_, and to add to this a fourth part of urine. The patient drinks a shell cup of the liquor, is washed in cold water, and then is briskly rubbed with fine salt. Young banana leaves are applied to the flesh, and over these blankets are placed. This is repeated twice daily until the fever is broken. Wild tomato leaves, pounded and applied to the abdomen, are also considered valuable in causing the patient to sweat. If the trouble is unusually severe, a hot bath is prepared by boiling the leaves of the lemon, _atis_ (_Anona squamosa_ L.), and _toltolang_ (?) trees in water. After the patient has been bathed in this, he is wrapped in blankets. The same remedy is used to cure fits.
Snake bite is treated by chewing the bark of the _alonen_ (_Streblus_ _asper_ Lour.), or _kasabong_ (_Argemone mexicana_ L.), or the root of the _talabatab_ (_Capparis micracantha_ D.C.), all of which cause vomiting.
The fruit of the _soloyot_ (_Corchorus olitorius_ L.), when baked and ground to a powder, likewise produces vomiting, and is used for any kind of poisoning.
To relieve the itch, the juice of the _kabatiti_ (_Luffa acutangula_ Roxb.), _Bayabas_ (_Psidium guajava_ L.) or _lew-lew_ (_Ficus haulili_ Blanco) is mixed with vinegar and soot, and is applied to the skin. The milky exudation of the _kalinbwaya_ (_Euphorbia neruefolia_ L.) is also placed on the affected parts.
During the rainy season the people are greatly troubled with small blisters which form between the toes and quickly break down, leaving open sores. To “harden” the feet, they hold them over burning straw.
Certain other aids against disease are also employed. Cracked feet are treated with carabao dung; the nest of a small cave bird (_nido_) is crushed in water, and is drunk as a cure for coughs; while the flesh of the shell fish (_kool_) is applied to boils. A further cure for the itch is made by pounding a coconut shell into a fine powder. This is placed in a jar, over a hot fire, and a piece of iron is laid over the top. The “sweat” which collects on the iron is said to give instant relief.
An infected (“bad”) finger or limb is tightly bound “to keep the sickness from going up.”
_Use of Betel-Nut, Tobacco, and Stimulants_.–A study of the tales and ceremonies makes it evident that the betel-nut (_bwa_) was at one time extensively used. To-day it occupies an exceedingly important place in the religious rites, but is seldom chewed. When it is offered to the spirits, it is still prepared in the way that is universal throughout Malaysia. The nut of the areca palm (_Areca catechu_ L.) is split into four pieces, fresh lime is spread on a piper leaf (_Piper betel_ L.), this is wrapped about the piece of nut, and is ready for chewing. The areca palm grows well in this territory, and quite an extensive grove is to be found near the village of Bakaok, yet this is the only place where any number of the people are addicted to its use. Tobacco (_tabao_), on the other hand, is in universal use, although it certainly was introduced after the arrival of the Spaniards. The leaf is dried, and is rolled into thin cigars which are placed in tiny pipes (Fig. 21). The cigar itself is never held in the lips, nor is the leaf chewed. Young and old of both sexes smoke frequently, but not a great deal at a time. After taking a few puffs, the pipe is stuck into the hair, or under the inner band of the hat, until again needed.
The only intoxicating drink made and used by this people is the fermented juice of the sugar-cane, known as _basi_. The juice when extracted from the cane is boiled with water for four or five hours. It is placed in a large jar together with cinnamon bark, and is tightly covered over with leaves. Fermentation begins almost at once, but for a month the drink is raw and little prized. In three or four months, it becomes quite mellow and pleasant to the taste. Jars are sometimes stored away to be opened only for some important event, such as a marriage festival or the celebration of a great ceremony. At such a time a very definite procedure is followed. The most honored guest is invited to do the serving. He removes the covering, dips into the liquor, pours a little on the sides of the jar, and then a few drops on the ground as an offering to the spirits. A coconut shell cup is then dipped out, and is carried to the _lakay_ or some other old man. Before he drinks, he raises the cup to the level of his face, and, beginning at his right, offers it to each person in the circle. The one saluted makes a gesture away from his body with his right hand, the palm upturned. When all have refused the cup, the man drinks, often he stops to sing the _daleng_, an improvised song in which he compliments his host, bespeaks the welfare of his family, or praises the other members of the gathering. One after another the guests are served, but always according to age and importance, the women and young people being left to the last. The liquor is quite intoxicating, two or three drinks being sufficient to put the company in a jovial mood. It often happens that one or more will become gloriously drunk, but, as a rule, they are not quarrelsome, and there seems to be no unpleasant after-effects. [226]
_Domestic Animals_.–Dogs, pigs, chickens, and carabao appear to have been long in the possession of this tribe. Horses, goats, and cattle are now owned by some of the people, but only the former are of sufficient number to be considered important.
The dogs _(aso)_are surly, ill-kept creatures of mongrel breed. They are seldom treated as pets, but are kept for hunting. Well-fed dogs are considered lazy, and hence they are fed only with a rice gruel, which seems to be neither fattening nor satisfactory. When in the village, the miserable creatures wander about under the houses, there to pick up and fight over morsels which may drop from above, or they lie in the ashes of the bonfires, the better to protect themselves from fleas and other enemies. When used in hunting, they are kept in leash until the game is started. When released, they follow the quarry at full cry, and if the game has been injured, they will seldom give up the chase. It is necessary for the hunters to follow the dogs closely and beat them off a slain animal, otherwise they will quickly devour it. They are always rewarded with a part of the intestines and some other portions, so that they may be keen for the next hunt.
Pigs (_babuy_) run at large throughout the villages or in the neighboring underbrush. They are fed at night close to the dwellings, and thus become at least half tame (Plate LXI). Many spend the hot hours of mid-day beneath the houses, from which they are occasionally driven by the irate housewives, when their squealing and fighting become unbearable. The domestic pigs are probably all descended from the wild stock with which they still constantly mix. Most of the young pigs are born with yellow stripes like the young of the wild, but they lose these marks in a short time. Castration of the young males is usually accomplished when the animals are about two months old.
Considerable numbers of chickens (_manok_) are raised. Nets or coops are arranged for them beneath the houses, but they run at large during the day time. Eggs are an important part of the food supply, but the fowls themselves are seldom killed or eaten, except in connection with the ceremonies. The domestic birds closely resemble the wild fowl of the neighborhood, and probably are descended from them. Except for a few strongly influenced settlements, cock-fighting has no hold upon this people.
The carabao or water buffalo (_nuang_) is the most prized and valuable animal possessed by this tribe. As a rule, it is handled and petted by the children from the time of its birth, and hence its taming and breaking is a matter of little moment. In the mountain region about Lakub, where most of the animals are allowed to run half wild, only the strongest are broken. The animal is driven into a A-shaped pen, and a heavy pole is fastened across its neck just behind the horns. It is thus prevented from using its strength, and is loaded or ridden until it becomes accustomed to the treatment. Carabao are used for drawing the sleds and for ploughing and harrowing in the lower fields. Should one be seriously injured, it would be killed and eaten; but strong animals are slaughtered only on very rare occasions. Wild carabao are fairly abundant in the mountains. They closely resemble the tame stock, and are generally considered to be derived from animals which have escaped.
CHAPTER IX
PRODUCTS OF INDUSTRY
_Iron-Working_.–Little iron work is now done in the valley of the Abra for the competition of the Ilocano smiths of Santa and Narvacan, in Ilocos Sur, and the cheap products brought to the coast, and as far inland as Bangued, by Chinese traders, have swamped the native industry.
Forges are still found in many villages of eastern Abra, particularly those of the upper Buklok river, but the real center of the industry is in and around Balbalasang, on the eastern side of the mountain range.
We have in northern Luzon a situation similar to that found throughout the archipelago, namely, that the most flourishing smithies are usually those farthest removed from the coast traders. Where communication is easy and trade unrestricted, the native industry has vanished, or is on the wane. To-day the forges of the Bontoc Igorot, of the Tinguian-Kalinga border villages, and of Apayao, are turning out superior weapons, but elsewhere in the northwestern districts the pagan people have either lost the art, or make only very inferior articles.
It is certain that iron-working has long been known, not only in the Philippines, but throughout Malaysia, and it is likewise evident that these regions secured the art from the same source as did the people of Assam, Burma, and eastern Madagascar, for the description of the Tinguian forge and iron-working which follows would, with very little modification, apply equally well to those in use in Southern Mindanao, Borneo, Java, Sumatra, Assam, Burma, and Madagascar. [227]
Long before the arrival of the Spanish in the Philippines, the Chinese had built up such a lively trade in iron bars and caldrons that it was no longer necessary for the natives to smelt their own iron ore; if indeed they ever did so. [228] This trade metal was widely distributed, and then reworked by the local smiths. Even to-day the people of Balbalasang make the long journey to Bangued, or even to Vigan, to secure Chinese iron, which they carry back to their mountain forges.
There is no positive proof that the Filipinos formerly mined and smelted iron, but there is a strong probability that they did so, prior to the introduction of trade metal. It has already been noted that the Tinguian type of forge and the method of handling and tempering iron is widespread in Malaysia; and, as will be seen later, this process is not that in use among the Chinese, so that it is unlikely that the art was introduced by them. In furnishing iron ready for forging, they were simply supplying in a convenient form an article already in use, and for which there was an urgent demand. In the islands to the south we find that many of the pagan tribes do now, or did until recently, mine and smelt the ore. _Beccari_ [229] tells us that the Kayan of Borneo extract iron ore found in their own country. _Hose_ and _McDougall_ say that thirty years ago nearly all the iron worked by the tribes of the interior of Borneo was from ore found in the river beds. At present most of the pagans obtain the metal from the Chinese and Malay traders, but native ore is still smelted in the far interior. [230] Foreign iron is now used by the Battak of Sumatra, but deserted iron-works are known to exist in their country, while the Menangkabau still possess smelting furnaces. [231] It seems probable that the whole industry had a common source, and was spread or carried as a unit, but when trade relations made the arduous work of mining and smelting unnecessary, it was quickly given up. That native iron might have supplied the needs of many Philippine tribes, including the Tinguian, is certain, for important deposits of magnetite and hematite are found in Abra, in Ilocos Norte, Angat, Bulacan, Albay, and other parts of the Islands. [232] On several occasions, when on the trail, the natives have called our attention to boulders, apparently of hematite, which they recognized as iron.
The smithies are small structures with grass roofs, but no sides or floors (Plate LXII). At one end is a raised bamboo bench in front of which stands the forge. This consists of two upright wooden cylinders, usually logs hollowed out, known as _po-opan._ In each of these is a piston or plunger (_doeydoyog_) at the lower end of which is a wooden ring packed with corn husks and chicken feathers. When this is pushed downward in the cylinder, it compresses the air and forces it out of the small opening in the base, but when it is drawn up, the packing collapses and allows the plunger to be raised without effort. These pistons are worked so that one is rising, while the other is falling. The cylinders stand in a wooden block out of which bamboo tubes (_tolongon_) conduct the air into a tube of fire clay (_ibong_), and this in turn carries it into the charcoal fire. There are no valves, as in the Chinese bellows, but the bamboo tubes fit loosely, and the fire is not drawn back. Near to the hearth is a stone anvil (_dalisdisan_), while a heavy stone hammer, a small iron hammer, and iron pinchers complete the outfit.
The fire is lighted, and the operator sitting on the bench alternately raises and lowers the plungers in the cylinders until the fire burns brightly; then the smith puts metal into the coals and allows it to remain until it reaches a white heat. It is then removed and placed on the anvil, where his helper beats it out with the large hammer. This is a stone weighing twenty or more pounds, fitted inside the handles so that it can be used with both hands. As a rule, it is swung between the legs, and is allowed to strike the metal as it descends, but some of the men raise it above the shoulder and strike a much more powerful blow. If two pieces of metal are to be welded together, as is often the case when broken caldrons are used, they are laid, one overlapping the other, and are held together with damp fire-clay. In this condition they are placed in the fire and heated, and are then beaten together. It often takes several firings to bring about a perfect weld.
After the initial shaping, the smith completes the work with the small hammer, and the blade is ready for tempering. A bamboo tube of water is placed near by, and the blade is again inserted in the fire and brought to a white heat. Then the smith withdraws it and watches it intently until the white tone begins to turn to a greenish-yellow, when he plunges it into the water. The tempered blade is now smoothed down with sandstone, and is whetted to a keen edge. Head-axes, spear-heads, adzes, a few knives, and the metal ends for the spear-shafts are the principal products of the forge.
The blades are by no means of equal temper or perfection, but the smiths of the Tinguian-Kalinga border villages seldom turn out poor weapons, and as a result, their spears and head-axes have a wide distribution over northwestern Luzon.
In view of the wide distribution of this type of forge and method of iron-working; of its persistence in isolated communities, while it has vanished from the coast, or has been superseded by the Chinese methods of work; as well as of other details here described, the writer is of the opinion that the art has not been introduced into the Philippines through trade, but is a possession which many or all of the tribes brought with them from their ancient home, probably somewhere in southeastern Asia. The effects of trade, in historic times, are evident throughout the Christianized regions, in Chinese and European forges and in foreign types of utensils. Likewise the influence of the Mohammedanized tribes is very marked in the Sulu archipelago, the western coasts of Mindanao, and even among many of the pagan tribes of that island, but the isolated forges throughout Malaysia and the methods described by early explorers in this field, are practically identical with those just reviewed.
_Spinning and Weaving_.–That cotton (_kapas_) was being raised and the fibre spun into cloth at the time of the Spanish occupation of the Islands, is amply proved by many references in the early chronicles. Also there was a considerable trade in cotton, silk, and the like, carried on by the Chinese and the Brunei Moro. [233]
The weaving industry seems to have reached its height in the Ilocos provinces, where the processes of ginning, carding, spinning, and weaving were, for the most part, identical with those found in Borneo, Java, the Malay Peninsula, Burma, and a large part of India. [234] The same methods and utensils are used among the Tinguian, but side by side with the more complicated devices, such as the ginning machine and spinning wheel, are found more simple contrivances; so it would appear that we are here dealing with older and more primitive methods of work than are found on the coast. [235]
Every step in the manufacture of cloth is looked after by the women, who raise a limited amount of cotton in the upland fields, pick and dry the crop, and prepare it for weaving. The bolls are placed on racks, and are sun-dried, after which the husks are removed by hand.
Ginning is accomplished by two methods. The simplest, and doubtless the older, is to place the cotton on a smooth wooden block and to roll over it a wooden cylinder which tapers slightly toward each end (Fig. 16, No. 1). The palm of the hand, at the base of the fingers, is placed on the roller and the weight of the body applied, as the cylinder is moved slowly forward, forcing the seeds from the floss. [236] The more common instrument (_lilidsan_) acts on the principle of a clothes wringer (Plate LXIII). Two horizontal cylinders of wood are geared together at one end, and are mounted in a wooden frame in such a manner that they are quite close together, yet not in contact. A handle is attached to the lower roller at the end opposite the gears, and as it is turned, it rotates the cylinders in opposite directions. A piece of cotton is pressed between the rollers, which seize the fibres and carry them through, while the seeds are forced back and fall to the ground.
The cleaned cotton is never bowed or otherwise separated with a vibrating string, as is the case in Java, India, and China, but the same result is obtained by placing it on a piece of carabao hide and beating it with two rattan sticks until it becomes soft and fluffy (Plate LXIV).
After the carding, the cotton is spun by placing it in a hollow cylinder of palm bark attached to a bamboo stick (_tibtibean_). A bit of thread is twisted from the cotton at the bottom of the cylinder, and is attached to a spindle, which is rubbed rapidly against the naked thigh, and is then allowed to turn in shallow basket, or on a piece of hide. As it spins it twists out new thread and the arm of the operator rises higher and higher, until at last the spindle stops. The position of the extended arm is then altered, and the spindle again set in motion in order to wind up the new thread on the shaft. While the spinning is progressing, the free hand of the operator is passed rapidly up and down the thread, keeping the tension uniform and rubbing out any inequalities (Plate LXV).
In many sections the spinning wheel used by the coast natives is beginning to replace the hand outfit (Fig. 16, No. 5). The mass of fiber is held in the left hand, and a thread from it is attached to a horizontal spindle, which is turned by a cord passing over a large wheel. This method is much more rapid than the hand device, but the thread is less uniform, and it is seldom utilized when a fine fabric is to be woven. Bamboo bobbins, consisting of small tubes, are also wound by attaching them to the spindle shaft, so that the thread is transferred by the revolution of the wheel.
As soon as the thread is spun, it is placed on a bamboo frame (_lalabayan_), Fig. 16, No. 2, on which it is measured and made ready for the combing and sizing. As it is taken from the measuring frame, a bamboo rod is passed through each end of the loop, and these are fastened tightly inside the combing device (_agtatagodan_) by means of rattan bands. The thread is then carefully combed downward with a coconut husk which is dipped in a size of rice water (Plate LXIII). After drying it is transferred to the shuttles and bobbins by means of the wheel described in the previous paragraph or by a more primitive device, called _ololau_ (Fig. 16, Nos. 4 and 4a). This consists of four horn hooks attached to bamboo sticks, which pass through openings in a bamboo tube in such a manner that they slip on each other, and thus produce a wheel of any size desired. [237] The tube fits loosely over a wooden peg sustaining the wheel in a horizontal position, yet turning readily. The loop of threads from the sizing frame is laid on the hooks, from which it is drawn by hand onto the bobbins and shuttles. The next step is to prepare the warp for the loom. The thread is drawn from bobbins on the floor, and is first fastened to peg No. 1 of the warp winder (_gaganayan_), as shown in Fig. 16, No. 3. From here it is carried the length of the board, around 5, thence to 6 and back to 1, after again passing around 5. The peg A, which later serves as a lease rod in the loom, is encircled each time by the threads passing between 6 and 5. As the warp is carried from 1 toward 5, it passes outside 2, 3 and 4, but when it is returned to 1, it is inside these pegs. These are the heddle rods of the loom, and loops from them enclose certain of the threads, thus determining the order in which the warp is to be raised in opening the shed. [238]
The loom, while primitive, is far from simple in its operation. The warp is attached at both ends to sticks or rollers, the far one of which is fastened to a cross timber of the living room (Plate LXVI).
The web is kept stretched by means of a strap or belt, which attaches to the near roller and then passes around the waist of the operator, who sits on the floor with her feet against a bamboo brace. [239] The arrangement of the lease rod and heddle sticks has been already described; in addition to these the threads are further controlled by a reed board which acts both as warp spacer and beater-in. All being ready for the weaving, the shed is opened by raising one of the heddle sticks, and a heavy knife-shaped batten of wood is slipped into the opening. This is turned sideways to enlarge the shed, and a shuttle bearing the weft thread is shot through. By raising and lowering the heddle rods the position of the warp is changed as desired, while from time to time the weft threads are forced up against the fabric by means of the reed board, and are beaten in with the batten. Tangling is prevented by means of several flat sticks which cross the warp at some distance from the operator; while threads which show signs of loosening are carefully rubbed with a waxed stick.
On this loom the woman produces head-bands, belt, and narrow strips of cloth which are made up into blankets and the like. These fabrics are often in several colors and exhibit many tasty and intricate designs, some of which will be described in the chapter on Decorative Art.
_Manufacture of Rope and String_.–At least eighteen trees, shrubs, and vines are used in the making of cordage. [240] When small trees or limbs are used, and the bark does not adhere too tightly to the wood, sections about an arm’s length are cut, and two or four splices are made at the top. These are loosened with a knife until there is enough for the hand to grasp, when the bark can be turned back like a glove. Very large sections are held by two men, while a third peels off the bark. With some varieties of trees and shrubs it is found best to place the sections in the sun to dry, then a sharp bend in the stalk causes the bark to separate from the wood so that it is easily peeled off.
When large trees are used, the bark is slit lengthwise every six of eight inches, and the log is beaten with hard wood sticks. In a short time the covering loosens from the wood and is pulled off. The outside layer is worthless, but the remainder is cut into strips about a half inch in width, and is then split lengthwise into thin layers.
In rope-making three strips are laid side by side on the thigh or on a board, but with their ends at unequal distances (Fig. 17, No. 1). These are twisted together, toward the right, until a few inches have been turned, then the cord is put over one end of a double forked stick (_sikwan_), leaving an equal length on either side (Fig. 17, No. 3). The two halves are twisted together until the end of one strip of bark is reached; a new piece is laid on top of the others, and as they are turned, it becomes part of the twist. As other ends are met with, new strips are added in a like manner until all the bast desired has been made. It is then wound up on the forked stick until needed.
The rope machine (_agtatalian_) consists of three wooden whirls, which constitute the forming device, and a single whirl for the traveler, while a grooved block serves to keep the strands apart (Fig. 17, No. 2). Three equal lengths of the prepared bast are measured, and an end is attached to each of the whirls of the forming machine (Fig. 17, No. 2a). However, only one cut is made in the bast, for strand 3. All are attached to the single whirl of the traveler, and the process begins. The operator at each end turns his whirl, or set of whirls, rapidly toward the right, the one with the traveler bracing his foot against the lower end, to keep the twisting bast under tension. A third operator guides the grooved piece of wood from the traveler toward the forming machine, as the three strands twist round each other into rope. The bast is known as _ginisgis_, the rope as _tali_.
Vines, rattan, and strips of bamboo are likewise twisted together to form crude, but strong cordage.
The making of thread is described under spinning and weaving, but the cords used in snares and the like are prepared in a different manner. The operator squats on the ground, and taking a strip of fiber, places it on his thigh; then with open palm he rolls it toward the knee. The twisted bast is bent at the center; the thumb and forefinger of the left hand hold the loop, and the two strands are placed together. These are now rolled toward the knee as before, the hand giving extra pressure on the ulnar side, and then are rolled back toward the body with pressure on the radial side. When the end of a band is reached, a new one is rolled in, and the process is continued. A tie at the end keeps the cord from untwisting.
When very long strips of fiber are used, two men will work together. One holds the end of the loop, while the other twists each half of the strip in the same direction. Then placing them together on his thigh, he turns them, under pressure, in the opposite direction, thus making a cord.
_Bark Cloth_.–Bark cloth is still in common use for men’s headbands and for clouts. It is secured from the same trees as the rope material, but wider strips are taken, and it is customary to beat the bark thoroughly before it is removed from the wood. It is then split to the desired thickness, after which it is beaten with wooden or bone mallets (_gikai_), which are generally grooved transversely (Fig. 18). The cloth produced is soft and pliable, but is not of the fineness of tapa, and it is always in comparatively narrow pieces. In no instance was the operator seen to beat two strips together to gain greater breadth or to repair breaks.
_Basket Making_.–In most districts the men are the basket weavers, but in some towns, especially of Ilocos Norte, the women are skilled in this industry (Plate LXVII). The materials used are rattan, which may be gathered at any time, or bamboo, which is cut only during the dry season and under the waning moon. It is firmly believed that boring insects will not injure bamboo cut at this time, and it is known that the dry period stalks are the strongest.
The tools employed are a short knife or a miniature head-axe and an awl. With the former the operator scrapes the outer surface, and then splits the tube into strips of the desired width and thickness. A certain number of these strips, which are to be used for decoration, are rubbed with oil, and are held in the smoke of burning pine or of rice-straw until a permanent black is obtained. [241]
Five weaves are recognized by the Tinguian, but they are really variations of two–checkerwork and the diagonal or twilled.
The first and most simple is known as _laga_, the technic of which is the passing of each element of the weft under one and over one of the warp elements. Where the warp and weft are of uniform size, as in mats, it is impossible to distinguish the one from the other, but in many cases the weft is the smaller. Fish traps and storage baskets for mangoes and cotton are generally of this type (Fig. 19, Nos. 1 and 2).
A variation of the _laga_ known as _minminata_–“many eyes”–(Fig. 19, No. 3), is found in certain types of carrying baskets, the woven tops of hats, and the like. Here the warp is crossed, and the weft passes through it in regular order so as to produce hexagonal openings.
Another variant is known as _kalawat_ [242] (Fig. 19, No. 4). In this the warp stems are in threes. Starting from A they are bent down, pass over and under similar sets of three, curve on themselves or other warp stems so as to leave open spaces between. The rattan wall-hangers for coconut shell dishes are usually in this weave.
The greater part of the baskets are in the diagonal or twilled weave, in which each element of the weft passes over two or more warp elements. Variations are numerous, either to produce certain effects or to accommodate designs. Of these the most common are
1 under 2 over 2 etc.
2 under 2 over 2 etc.
2 under 4 over 4 etc.
The weaver also frequently constructs the bottom with 2 over 4 under 4; then when the sides are made he changes to 1 over 2 under 2, until the center is reached; then 1 of the warp passes over 3 of the weft; for the balance the stitch is 1 over 2 under 2. This variation produces a chevron-like pattern which, in general, is known as _binakol_; but when it is desired to designate more closely, this name is applied to the weaving having an oblique effect (Fig. 19, No. 5), while the horizontal is known as _dinapalig_ (Fig. 19, No. 6).
_Types of Baskets_:–Plates LXVIII and LXIX show the most common types of baskets made and used in this territory. Others of Igorot and Kalinga origin sometimes appear, but are seldom imitated by the local basket-makers.
Baskets 1 and 2 of Plate LXVIII are known as _kaba_, and are used principally to hold unthreshed rice, corn, and vegetables. Smaller baskets of the same form are for broken rice and cooked vegetables. The larger specimens are often made of rattan, while the smaller are usually of bamboo. Shallow bamboo baskets, _pidasen_ or _alodan_ (Plate LXIX, No. 2) are used as eating dishes for cooked rice.
Clothing is put away in covered oval or rectangular baskets, _opigan_ (Plate LXIX, No. 4), while cotton is stored in long cylindrical baskets _kolang_ (Plate LXVIII, No. 3).
The _pasikeng_ or _lagpi_(Plate LXIX, No. 3), commonly called the “head basket,” is the chief basket of the men. It is made of rattan, and is supported on the back by means of bands which pass over the shoulders. In it are carried extra garments and all necessities for the trail. Recently some of the men have joined together two of these baskets by means of a wide, flat band, and this is fitted over the back of a horse or carabao,–an evident imitation of the saddle bags used by Spaniards and Americans. Men also carry small containers for their pipes and trinkets, or else make use of a traveling basket, such as is shown in Plate LXIX, No. 5.
Rice winnowers and sieves (Plate LVII) and the fish-traps shown in Fig. 13 conclude the list. No coiled baskets are made.
Aside from the decoration produced by variations in the weave, little ornamentation is found in the basketry from Abra, but the Tinguian of Ilocos Norte make and distribute large quantities of baskets with colored patterns. Colored vines are sometimes woven in, but the common method is to employ blackened bamboo, both in warp and weft.
The top of the basket is strengthened by two hoops of rattan or bamboo. One is placed outside, the other inside; on them is laid a small strip of the same material, and all three are sewed down by passing a thin strip of rattan through two holes punched in margin. This strip doubles on itself, encircles the rim, and after an interval again passes through two more holes, and so on around the entire basket. A square base, attached in the same manner as the rim, generally completes the basket. In the mountain districts near to Apayao, the bases of the smaller eating dishes are drawn in toward the center at four points, giving the effect of a four-pointed star.
_Mats_ (_ikamin_).–Mats are used as beds, never as floor coverings. They are rectangular in form, usually about six feet long and three wide, and are undecorated. They are made from strips of _pandanus_ in the _laga_ weave (cf. p. 423).
_Dyes_.–In recent years analine dyes have come into favor in some villages, and a variety of colors appears in the articles made by their weavers, but the vegetable dyes used by the ancestors are still employed by most of the women. The commonest colors are blue, pink–“black red”–, red, and yellow.
Blue is ordinarily produced by placing the leaves and branches of the indigo plant, _tayuni (Indigofera tinctoria)_in water for a few days; then to boil them, together with a little lime. The thread is dipped in the liquid.
Pink is secured by crushing _lynga_ (_Sesamum indicum_ L.) seeds and boiling them in water. Threads are placed in this for five nights, while during the day they are dried in the sun. The root of the _apatot_ (_Morinda citrifolia_ or _umbellata_) is next crushed, and water is added. The threads are now transferred to this liquid, and for ten days and nights are alternately soaked and sunned. A copper color results, but this soon changes to pink. It is said that the _apatot_ alone produces a red dye. It is also claimed that the seeds of the _apang_ (_Bixa Orellana_ L.) and of a variety of rattan, when boiled, give a permanent red. [243]
A yellow dye is produced by boiling the leaves of the _Tamarindus indica_ L. in water until a strong liquor is obtained.
Bark head-bands are stained a purplish-red by applying a liquid secured through boiling _kelyan_ (_Diospyros cunalon_ D.C.?) bark. For ceremonial purposes they are also colored yellow by applying the juice of the _konig_ (_Curcuma longa_), but as this has a disagreeable odor, and the color is not permanent, it is not much used in every-day garments. Lemon juice is also applied to bark to give it a yellow hue.
Fish nets are colored brown by dipping them into a dye made by crushing the _katakot_ vine in water, or by staining with the juice of the _taotawa_ (_Jatropha curcas_ L,).
The bamboo strips used in decorating basketry are blackened by holding them in the smoke of burning rice-straw. Black designs, such as appear in the ornamentation of lime holders and the like, are secured by rubbing oil and soot into incised lines, and then holding the object in the smoke of burning rice-straw.
_Net Making_.–Nets are used in fishing, in catching wild chickens and grasshoppers, and in hunting deer and pigs. The first three types are made of twine, but the fourth is of strong rope.
All net work is done by the man who, for this purpose, employs a mesh stick and a needle of bamboo or carabao horn (Fig. 20). The needle (No. 1) also serves as a shuttle, since it carries a considerable amount of thread between the tongue and notch. The size of the loop is determined by the width of the mesh stick or spreader (No. 2). The operator generally sits on a rice winnower or squats on the ground with a net suspended above him (Plate LXX). He forms the mesh by running the needle over and around the spreader, and up and through the loop above, thus forming a loop on the mesh stick. This is drawn tightly, the needle is again passed through, but without encircling the stick, and thus a knot is tied. This is repeated until a row of loops has been completed, when another series is started.
_Manufacture of Pottery_.–In nearly every village there are two or three women who make jars and dishes, but the potters of Abang and Lakub are the only ones whose wares have a wide distribution.
The clay is dampened, and is carefully kneaded with the hands to remove lumps and gravel, and to reduce it to the proper consistency. A handful is taken from the mass, and is roughly modeled with the fingers to form the base of the pot. This is set on a wooden plate which, in turn, is placed in a rice winnower (Plate XXXVI). The plate takes the place of a potter’s wheel, for it is turned with the right hand while with the left the woman shapes the clay, and smoothes it off with a dampened cloth. From time to time, she rolls out a coil of clay between the palms of her hands, lays it along the top of the vessel, and works and pinches it in. Further shaping and thinning is done with a wooden paddle and the dampened hand, and then the jar is allowed to dry slightly. Before the drying has progressed far enough to render the sides rigid, a smooth stone is placed inside, and the sides are tapped gently with a paddle until properly thinned and shaped.
After allowing a couple of days for drying, the potter rubs the jar inside and out with smooth stones or _lipi_ seeds, so as to give it an even surface.
When several jars or dishes have been prepared, they are placed in carabao dung or other slow burning material and fired. This generally takes place at night, and the jars are left undisturbed until morning, when they are ready for service. Occasionally resin is rubbed over a jar while it is hot, thus giving it a glazed surface; this, however, is not common, as the resin quickly melts off the cooking utensils, while porous jars are preferred as water containers, since the seepage lowers the temperature of the contents.
Vessels made in Lakub are often decorated with incised patterns (Fig. 22, No. 8), but otherwise the Tinguian ware is plain. Chinese jars are found in every village, and are highly prized, but the native potters do not imitate them in form or decoration. Had Chinese blood or influence ever been strong in the region, we might expect to find the potter’s wheel and traces of true glazing, but both are lacking.
_Pipe Making_.–Both men and women smoke pipes, consisting of a short reed handle and a small bowl. Men are the pipe makers, and often show considerable skill in the decoration of their product.
The common pipe-bowl is of clay, which has been carefully shaped with the fingers and a short bamboo spatula. Designs are incised, and the raised portions are further embellished by the addition of small pieces of brass wire (Fig. 21, Nos. 4-5). The bowls are baked in a slow fire, and the mouthpieces are added.
A second type of pipe, or cigar holder, is made of bamboo (Fig. 21, Nos. 1-3). Designs are incised in the sides, oil is applied, and the pipe is held in the smoke of burning rice-straw until the lines become permanently blackened (Fig. 22, Nos. 1-3).
In recent years, Ilocano jewelers have introduced silver pipes, made from coins. One Tinguian pipe maker has learned the trade, and does a lively business. He has further beautified his product by attaching pendants representing fish (Fig. 21, No. 6). Brass pipes of Igorot origin are sometimes seen, but are not made in this region.
_Method of Drying Hides_.–Hides of carabao, and sometimes of other animals, are stretched on bamboo frames and are sun-dried (Plate LV). Later they are placed in water containing tanbark, and are roughly cured. Such leather is used in the manufacture of the back straps used by the weavers, and in making sheathes for knives, but more commonly it is placed on the ground, and on it rice and cotton are beaten out.
CHAPTER X
DECORATIVE ART
In decorative art the Tinguian offers sharp contrast to the Igorot and Ifugao, both of whom have developed wood carving to a considerable extent. They also have their bodies tattooed, while the colored lashings on spear shafts, pipe stems, and other objects show a nice appreciation for color and design. In all these the Tinguian is deficient or lacking; he does no wood carving, tattooing is scanty, while his basket work, except that from two small regions, is plain. At times he does make some simple designs on canes, on bamboo rice-planters and weaving sticks, on lime boxes and pipe stems, but these are exceptions rather than the rule. In the region about Lakub, he decorates his jars by cutting the ends of sticks to form small dies which he presses into the newly fashioned clay (Fig. 22, No. 8), while in Manabo and some other villages the pipe makers cut the bowls of the clay pipes in floral designs or inlay small pieces of brass to form scroll patterns (Fig. 22, Nos. 4-7). These last mentioned designs are so restricted in their manufacture, and are so different from those found elsewhere in Abra, that they cannot be considered as typical.
The figures incised in bamboo show some realistic motives, such as the fish, birds, and flowers in Fig. 23, No. 1; the snake and lizard in No. 2; the man in No. 5; but the strictly geometrical is dominant in nearly every case. Probably the most typical of this class of work is shown in Nos. 3 and 4 and Fig. 22, Nos. 1, 2, and 3. It should be noted, however, that, where one decorated object is seen, many more entirely plain will be found. In short, ornamentation is uncommon and of minor importance.
The one place where decoration is dominant is in the weaving, and this is done entirely by the women. Figures 24 and 25 show typical designs which occur in the blankets. Except for No. 8 in Fig. 24, they do not appear to be copies from nature, but all have realistic interpretations. Fig. 24 shows eight designs drawn by native weavers, which are identified as follows:
1. A fish.
2. Weaving on a Spanish bed or chair seat. 3. Pineapple.
4. A heart.
5. Fishhooks.
6. A crab.
7. Cross section of a pineapple.
8. A horse.
In Fig. 25 are five typical patterns taken from blankets, while No. 6 is the ornamental stitching which unites two breadths of cloth, the latter is identified as “fingers and finger nails.” No. 1 is the turtle, No. 2 a crab, No. 3 a rice-mortar, No. 4 the bobbin winder shown in Fig. 16, No. 4; No. 5 pineapple.
Plate LXXI is a ceremonial blanket, such as is hung up over the dead. The figures are identified as _a_ a deer, _b_ horse, _c_ carabao calf, _d_ man. The textile in Plate LXXII, No. 1 is likewise used chiefly as a ceremonial piece, the designs representing _a_ man, _b_ horse, _c_ star.
A very pleasing blanket is shown in Plate LXXII, No. 2 in which the designs are identified as a rice cake, and _b_ as a star, while the whole pattern is known as _kalayan_–the river. The textile in Plate LXXIII, No. 1 imitates a mat, while No. 2 is known as _kosikos_–the circle.
A part of these designs are evidently copies from real objects, others appear to be merely pattern names, while the weavers do not hesitate to borrow any likely patterns which strike their fancy. One quite frequently sees a blanket which shows a “lion,” or some other animal or object, with which the people could only become acquainted through pictures or descriptions from outside sources.
In addition to these designs already mentioned, there are certain common types of decoration effected through weaving or embroidery, for which no explanations are given. They are said to be only “to make pretty.” Among these are the ends of belts and clouts, as shown in Plate LXXIV, or the raised diamond pattern shown in No. 2 of the same Plate, or the plaid effect in colors, which appear in some of the skirts.
It has already been noted (cf. p. 416) that the weaving methods of the Tinguian are similar to those of the Ilocano, and the same is true of a considerable part of the decorative patterns. The Christianized natives have less of the realistic, a greater variety of geometrical designs, and a greater fondness for bright colors, made possible by the use of analine dyes, than the mountaineers.
It seems probable that the Tinguian-Ilocano peoples brought the weaving industry with them into northern Luzon, that the Ilocano branch has borrowed improved methods of manufacture, as well as decorative motives from the people with whom they have been in contact through trade. The Tinguian in turn have borrowed from them, but, in the main, they still retain the more primitive methods of weaving, and