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Plutarch's Lives

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pleased, and to appoint Camillus military tribune, with five colleagues;
affairs then requiring a commander of authority and reputation, as well
as experience. And when the people had ratified the election, he
marched with his forces into the territories of the Faliscans, and laid
seige to Falerii, a well-fortified city, and plentifully stored with all
necessaries of war. And although he perceived it would be no small work
to take it, and no little time would be required for it, yet he was
willing to exercise the citizens and keep them abroad, that they might
have no leisure, idling at home, to follow the tribunes in factions and
seditions; a very common remedy, indeed, with the Romans, who thus
carried off, like good physicians, the ill humors of their commonwealth.
The Falerians, trusting in the strength of their city, which was well
fortified on all sides, made so little account of the siege, that all,
with the exception of those that guarded the walls, as in times of
peace, walked about the streets in their common dress; the boys went to
school, and were led by their master to play and exercise about the town
walls; for the Falerians, like the Greeks, used to have a single teacher
for many pupils, wishing their children to live and be brought up from
the beginning in each other's company.

This schoolmaster, designing to betray the Falerians by their children,
led them out every day under the town wall, at first but a little way,
and, when they had exercised, brought them home again. Afterwards by
degrees he drew them farther and farther, till by practice he had made
them bold and fearless, as if no danger was about them; and at last,
having got them all together, he brought them to the outposts of the
Romans, and delivered them up, demanding to be led to Camillus. Where
being come, and standing in the middle, he said that he was the master
and teacher of these children, but, preferring his favor before all
other obligations, he was come to deliver up his charge to him, and, in
that, the whole city. When Camillus had heard him out, he was astounded
at the treachery of the act, and, turning to the standers-by, observed,
that "war, indeed, is of necessity attended with much injustice and
violence! Certain laws, however, all good men observe even in war
itself; nor is victory so great an object as to induce us to incur for
its sake obligations for base and impious acts. A great general should
rely on his own virtue, and not on other men's vices." Which said, he
commanded the officers to tear off the man's clothes, and bind his hands
behind him, and give the boys rods and scourges, to punish the traitor
and drive him back to the city. By this time the Falerians had
discovered the treachery of the schoolmaster, and the city, as was
likely, was full of lamentations and cries for their calamity, men and
women of worth running in distraction about the walls and gates; when,
behold, the boys came whipping their master on, naked and bound, calling
Camillus their preserver and god and father. Insomuch that it struck
not only into the parents, but the rest of the citizens that saw what
was done, such admiration and love of Camillus's justice, that,
immediately meeting in assembly, they sent ambassadors to him, to resign
whatever they had to his disposal. Camillus sent them to Rome, where,
being brought into the senate, they spoke to this purpose: that the
Romans, preferring justice before victory, had taught them rather to
embrace submission than liberty; they did not so much confess themselves
to be inferior in strength, as they must acknowledge them to be superior
in virtue. The senate remitted the whole matter to Camillus, to judge
and order as he thought fit; who, taking a sum of money of the
Falerians, and, making a peace with the whole nation of the Faliscans,
returned home.

But the soldiers, who had expected to have the pillage of the city, when
they came to Rome empty-handed, railed against Camillus among their
fellow-citizens, as a hater of the people, and one that grudged all
advantage to the poor. Afterwards, when the tribunes of the people
again brought their motion for dividing the city to the vote, Camillus
appeared openly against it, shrinking from no unpopularity, and
inveighing boldly against the promoters of it, and so urging and
constraining the multitude, that, contrary to their inclinations, they
rejected the proposal; but yet hated Camillus. Insomuch that, though a
great misfortune befell him in his family (one of his two sons dying of
a disease), commiseration for this could not in the least make them
abate of their malice. And, indeed, he took this loss with immoderate
sorrow, being a man naturally of a mild and tender disposition, and,
when the accusation was preferred against him, kept his house, and
mourned amongst the women of his family.

His accuser was Lucius Apuleius; the charge, appropriation of the Tuscan
spoils; certain brass gates, part of those spoils, were said to be in
his possession. The people were exasperated against him, and it was
plain they would take hold of any occasion to condemn him. Gathering,
therefore, together his friends and fellow-soldiers, and such as had
borne command with him, a considerable number in all, he besought them
that they would not suffer him to be unjustly overborne by shameful
accusations, and left the mock and scorn of his enemies. His friends,
having advised and consulted among themselves, made answer, that, as to
the sentence, they did not see how they could help him, but that they
would contribute to whatsoever fine should be set upon him. Not able to
endure so great an indignity, he resolved in his anger to leave the city
and go into exile; and so, having taken leave of his wife and his son,
he went silently to the gate of the city, and, there stopping and
turning round, stretched out his hands to the Capitol, and prayed to the
gods, that if, without any fault of his own, but merely through the
malice and violence of the people, he was driven out into banishment,
the Romans might quickly repent of it; and that all mankind might
witness their need for the assistance, and desire for the return of

Thus, like Achilles, having left his imprecations on the citizens, he
went into banishment; so that, neither appearing nor making defense, he
was condemned in the sum of fifteen thousand asses, which, reduced to
silver, makes one thousand five hundred drachmas; for the as was the
money of the time, ten of such copper pieces making the denarius, or
piece of ten. And there is not a Roman but believes that immediately
upon the prayers of Camillus a sudden judgment followed, and that he
received a revenge for the injustice done unto him; which though we
cannot think was pleasant, but rather grievous and bitter to him, yet
was very remarkable, and noised over the whole world; such a punishment
visited the city of Rome, an era of such loss and danger and disgrace so
quickly succeeded; whether it thus fell out by fortune, or it be the
office of some god not to see injured virtue go unavenged.

The first token that seemed to threaten some mischief to ensue was the
death of the censor Julius; for the Romans have a religious reverence
for the office of a censor, and esteem it sacred. The second was that,
just before Camillus went into exile, Marcus Caedicius, a person of no
great distinction, nor of the rank of senator, but esteemed a good and
respectable man, reported to the military tribunes a thing worthy their
consideration: that, going along the night before in the street called
the New Way, and being called by somebody in a loud voice, he turned
about, but could see no one, but heard a voice greater than human, which
said these words, "Go, Marcus Caedicius, and early in the morning tell
the military tribunes that they are shortly to expect the Gauls." But
the tribunes made a mock and sport with the story, and a little after
came Camillus's banishment.

The Gauls are of the Celtic race, and are reported to have been
compelled by their numbers to leave their country, which was
insufficient to sustain them all, and to have gone in search of other
homes. And being, many thousands of them, young men and able to bear
arms, and carrying with them a still greater number of women and young
children, some of them, passing the Riphaean mountains, fell upon the
Northern Ocean, and possessed themselves of the farthest parts of
Europe; others, seating themselves between the Pyrenean mountains and
the Alps, lived there a considerable time, near to the Senones and
Celtorii; but, afterwards tasting wine which was then first brought them
out of Italy, they were all so much taken with the liquor, and
transported with the hitherto unknown delight, that, snatching up their
arms and taking their families along with them, they marched directly to
the Alps, to find out the country which yielded such fruit, pronouncing
all others barren and useless. He that first brought wine among them
and was the chief instigator of their coming into Italy is said to have
been one Aruns, a Tuscan, a man of noble extraction, and not of bad
natural character, but involved in the following misfortune. He was
guardian to an orphan, one of the richest of the country, and much
admired for his beauty, whose name was Lucumo. From his childhood he
had been bred up with Aruns in his family and when now grown up did not
leave his house, professing to wish for the enjoyment of his society.
And thus for a great while he secretly enjoyed Aruns's wife, corrupting
her, and himself corrupted by her. But when they were both so far gone
in their passion that they could neither refrain their lust nor conceal
it, the young man seized the woman and openly sought to carry her away.
The husband, going to law, and finding himself overpowered by the
interest and money of his opponent, left his country, and, hearing of
the state of the Gauls, went to them and was the conductor of their
expedition into Italy.

At their first coming they at once possessed themselves of all that
country which anciently the Tuscans inhabited, reaching from the Alps to
both the seas, as the names themselves testify; for the North or
Adriatic Sea is named from the Tuscan city Adria, and that to the south
the Tuscan Sea simply. The whole country is rich in fruit trees, has
excellent pasture, and is well watered with rivers. It had eighteen
large and beautiful cities, well provided with all the means for
industry and wealth, and all the enjoyments and pleasures of life. The
Gauls cast out the Tuscans, and seated themselves in them. But this was
long before.

The Gauls at this time were besieging Clusium, a Tuscan city. The
Clusinians sent to the Romans for succor desiring them to interpose with
the barbarians by letters and ambassadors. There were sent three of the
family of the Fabii, persons of high rank and distinction in the city.
The Gauls received them courteously, from respect to the name of Rome,
and, giving over the assault which was then making upon the walls, came
to conference with them; when the ambassadors asking what injury they
had received of the Clusinians that they thus invaded their city,
Brennus, king of the Gauls, laughed and made answer, "The Clusinians do
us injury, in that, being able only to till a small parcel of ground,
they must needs possess a great territory, and will not yield any part
to us who are strangers, many in number, and poor. In the same nature,
O Romans, formerly the Albans, Fidenates, and Ardeates, and now lately
the Veientines and Capenates, and many of the Faliscans and Volscians,
did you injury; upon whom ye make war if they do not yield you part of
what they possess, make slaves of them, waste and spoil their country,
and ruin their cities; neither in so doing are cruel or unjust, but
follow that most ancient of all laws, which gives the possessions of the
feeble to the strong; which begins with God and ends in the beasts;
since all these, by nature, seek, the stronger to have advantage over
the weaker. Cease, therefore, to pity the Clusinians whom we besiege,
lest ye teach the Gauls to be kind and compassionate to those that are
oppressed by you." By this answer the Romans, perceiving that Brennus
was not to be treated with, went into Clusium, and encouraged and
stirred up the inhabitants to make a sally with them upon the
barbarians, which they did either to try their strength or to show their
own. The sally being made, and the fight growing hot about the walls,
one of the Fabii, Quintus Ambustus, being well mounted, and setting
spurs to his horse, made full against a Gaul, a man of huge bulk and
stature, whom he saw riding out at a distance from the rest. At the
first he was not recognized, through the quickness of the conflict and
the glittering of his armor, that precluded any view of him; but when he
had overthrown the Gaul, and was going to gather the spoils, Brennus
knew him; and, invoking the gods to be witnesses, that, contrary to the
known and common law of nations, which is holily observed by all
mankind, he who had come as an ambassador had now engaged in hostility
against him, he drew off his men, and, bidding Clusium farewell, led his
army directly to Rome. But not wishing that it should look as if they
took advantage of that injury, and were ready to embrace any occasion of
quarrel, he sent a herald to demand the man in punishment, and in the
meantime marched leisurely on.

The senate being met at Rome, among many others that spoke against the
Fabii, the priests called fecials were the most decided, who, on the
religious ground, urged the senate that they should lay the whole guilt
and penalty of the fact upon him that committed it, and so exonerate the
rest. These fecials Numa Pompilius, the mildest and justest of kings,
constituted guardians of peace, and the judges and determiners of all
causes by which war may justifiably be made. The senate referring the
whole matter to the people, and the priests there, as well as in the
senate, pleading against Fabius, the multitude, however, so little
regarded their authority, that in scorn and contempt of it they chose
Fabius and the rest of his brothers military tribunes. The Gauls, on
hearing this, in great rage threw aside every delay, and hastened on
with all the speed they could make. The places through which they
marched, terrified with their numbers and the splendor of their
preparations for war, and in alarm at their violence and fierceness,
began to give up their territories as already lost, with little doubt
but their cities would quickly follow; contrary, however, to
expectation, they did no injury as they passed, nor took anything from
the fields; and, as they went by any city, cried out that they were
going to Rome; that the Romans only were their enemies, and that they
took all others for their friends.

Whilst the barbarians were thus hastening with all speed, the military
tribunes brought the Romans into the field to be ready to engage them,
being not inferior to the Gauls in number (for they were no less than
forty thousand foot), but most of them raw soldiers, and such as had
never handled a weapon before. Besides, they had wholly neglected all
religious usages, had not obtained favorable sacrifices, nor made
inquiries of the prophets, natural in danger and before battle. No less
did the multitude of commanders distract and confound their proceedings;
frequently before, upon less occasions, they had chosen a single leader,
with the title of dictator, being sensible of what great importance it
is in critical times to have the soldiers united under one general with
the entire and absolute control placed in his hands. Add to all, the
remembrance of Camillus's treatment, which made it now seem a dangerous
thing for officers to command without humoring their soldiers. In this
condition they left the city, and encamped by the river Allia, about ten
miles from Rome, and not far from the place where it falls into the
Tiber; and here the Gauls came upon them, and, after a disgraceful
resistance, devoid of order and discipline, they were miserably
defeated. The left wing was immediately driven into the river, and
there destroyed; the right had less damage by declining the shock, and
from the low grounds getting to the tops of the hills, from whence most
of them afterwards dropped into the city; the rest, as many as escaped,
the enemy being weary of the slaughter, stole by night to Veii, giving
up Rome and all that was in it for lost.

This battle was fought about the summer solstice, the moon being at
full, the very same day in which the sad disaster of the Fabii had
happened, when three hundred of that name were at one time cut off by
the Tuscans. But from this second loss and defeat the day got the name
of Alliensis, from the river Allia, and still retains it. The question
of unlucky days, whether we should consider any to be so, and whether
Heraclitus did well in upbraiding Hesiod for distinguishing them into
fortunate and unfortunate, as ignorant that the nature of every day is
the same, I have examined in another place; but upon occasion of the
present subject, I think it will not be amiss to annex a few examples
relating to this matter. On the fifth of their month Hippodromius,
which corresponds to the Athenian Hecatombaeon, the Boeotians gained two
signal victories, the one at Leuctra, the other at Ceressus, about three
hundred years before, when they overcame Lattamyas and the Thessalians,
both which asserted the liberty of Greece. Again, on the sixth of
Boedromion, the Persians were worsted by the Greeks at Marathon; on the
third, at Plataea, as also at Mycale; on the twenty-fifth, at Arbela.
The Athenians, about the full moon in Boedromion, gained their sea-
victory at Naxos under the conduct of Chabrias; on the twentieth, at
Salamis, as we have shown in our treatise on Days. Thargelion was a
very unfortunate month to the barbarians, for in it Alexander overcame
Darius's generals on the Granicus; and the Carthaginians, on the twenty-
fourth, were beaten by Timoleon in Sicily, on which same day and month
Troy seems to have been taken, as Ephorus, Callisthenes, Damastes, and
Phylarchus state. On the other hand, the month Metagitnion, which in
Boeotia is called Panemus, was not very lucky to the Greeks; for on its
seventh day they were defeated by Antipater, at the battle in Cranon,
and utterly ruined; and before, at Chaeronea, were defeated by Philip;
and on the very same day, same month, and same year, those that went
with Archidamus into Italy were there cut off by the barbarians. The
Carthaginians also observe the twenty-first of the same month, as
bringing with it the largest number and the severest of their losses. I
am not ignorant, that, about the Feast of Mysteries, Thebes was
destroyed the second time by Alexander; and after that, upon the very
twentieth of Boedromion, on which day they lead forth the mystic
Iacchus, the Athenians received a garrison of the Macedonians. On the
selfsame day the Romans lost their army under Caepio by the Cimbrians,
and in a subsequent year, under the conduct of Lucullus, overcame the
Armenians and Tigranes. King Attalus and Pompey died both on their
birthdays. One could reckon up several that have had variety of fortune
on the same day. This day, meantime, is one of the unfortunate ones to
the Romans, and for its sake two others in every month; fear and
superstition, as the custom of it is, more and more prevailing. But I
have discussed this more accurately in my Roman Questions.

And now, after the battle, had the Gauls immediately pursued those that
fled, there had been no remedy but Rome must have wholly been ruined,
and all those who remained in it utterly destroyed; such was the terror
that those who escaped the battle brought with them into the city, and
with such distraction and confusion were themselves in turn infected.
But the Gauls, not imagining their victory to be so considerable, and
overtaken with the present joy, fell to feasting and dividing the spoil,
by which means they gave leisure to those who were for leaving the city
to make their escape, and to those that remained, to anticipate and
prepare for their coming. For they who resolved to stay at Rome,
abandoning the rest of the city, betook themselves to the Capitol, which
they fortified with the help of missiles and new works. One of their
principal cares was of their holy things, most of which they conveyed
into the Capitol. But the consecrated fire the vestal virgins took, and
fled with it, as likewise their other sacred things. Some write that
they have nothing in their charge but the ever-living fire which Numa
had ordained to be worshipped as the principle of all things; for fire
is the most active thing in nature, and all production is either motion,
or attended with motion; all the other parts of matter, so long as they
are without warmth, lie sluggish and dead, and require the accession of
a sort of soul or vitality in the principle of heat; and upon that
accession, in whatever way, immediately receive a capacity either of
acting or being acted upon. And thus Numa, a man curious in such
things, and whose wisdom made it thought that he conversed with the
Muses, consecrated fire, and ordained it to be kept ever burning, as an
image of that eternal power which orders and actuates all things.
Others say that this fire was kept burning in front of the holy things,
as in Greece, for purification, and that there were other things hid in
the most secret part of the temple, which were kept from the view of
all, except those virgins whom they call vestals. The most common
opinion was, that the image of Pallas, brought into Italy by Aeneas, was
laid up there; others say that the Samothracian images lay there,
telling a story how that Dardanus carried them to Troy, and, when he had
built the city, celebrated those rites, and dedicated those images
there; that after Troy was taken, Aeneas stole them away, and kept them
till his coming into Italy. But they who profess to know more of the
matter affirm that there are two barrels, not of any great size, one of
which stands open and has nothing in it, the other full and sealed up;
but that neither of them may be seen but by the most holy virgins.
Others think that they who say this are misled by the fact that the
virgins put most of their holy things into two barrels at this time of
the Gaulish invasion, and hid them underground in the temple of
Quirinus; and that from hence that place to this day bears the name of

However it be, taking the most precious and important things they had,
they fled away with them, shaping their course along the river side,
where Lucius Albinius, a simple citizen of Rome, who among others was
making his escape, overtook them, having his wife, children, and goods
in a cart; and, seeing the virgins dragging along in their arms the holy
things of the gods, in a helpless and weary condition, he caused his
wife and children to get down, and, taking out his goods, put the
virgins in the cart, that they might make their escape to some of the
Greek cities. This devout act of Albinius, and the respect he showed
thus signally to the gods at a time of such extremity, deserved not to
be passed over in silence. But the priests that belonged to other gods,
and the most elderly of the senators, men who had been consuls and had
enjoyed triumphs, could not endure to leave the city; but, putting on
their sacred and splendid robes, Fabius the high-priest performing the
office, they made their prayers to the gods, and, devoting themselves,
as it were, for their country, sat themselves down in their ivory
chairs in the forum, and in that posture expected the event.

On the third day after the battle, Brennus appeared with his army at the
city, and, finding the gates wide open and no guards upon the walls,
first began to suspect it was some design or stratagem, never dreaming
that the Romans were in so desperate a condition. But when he found it
to be so indeed, he entered at the Colline gate, and took Rome, in the
three hundred and sixtieth year, or a little more, after it was built;
if, indeed, it can be supposed probable that an exact chronological
statement has been preserved of events which were themselves the cause
of chronological difficulties about things of later date; of the
calamity itself, however, and of the fact of the capture, some faint
rumors seem to have passed at the time into Greece. Heraclides
Ponticus, who lived not long after these times, in his book upon the
Soul, relates that a certain report came from the west, that an army,
proceeding from the Hyperboreans, had taken a Greek city called Rome,
seated somewhere upon the great sea. But I do not wonder that so
fabulous and high-flown an author as Heraclides should embellish the
truth of the story with expressions about Hyperboreans and the great
sea. Aristotle the philosopher appears to have heard a correct
statement of the taking of the city by the Gauls, but he calls its
deliverer Lucius; whereas Camillus's surname was not Lucius, but Marcus.
But this is a matter of conjecture.

Brennus, having taken possession of Rome, set a strong guard about the
Capitol, and, going himself down into the forum, was there struck with
amazement at the sight of so many men sitting in that order and silence,
observing that they neither rose at his coming, nor so much as changed
color or countenance, but remained without fear or concern, leaning upon
their staves, and sitting quietly, looking at each other. The Gauls,
for a great while, stood wondering at the strangeness of the sight not
daring to approach or touch them, taking them for an assembly of
superior beings. But when one, bolder than the rest, drew near to
Marcus Papirius, and, putting forth his hand, gently touched his chin
and stroked his long beard, Papirius with his staff struck him a severe
blow on the head; upon which the barbarian drew his sword and slew him.
This was the introduction to the slaughter; for the rest, following his
example, set upon them all and killed them, and dispatched all others
that came in their way; and so went on to the sacking and pillaging the
houses, which they continued for many days ensuing. Afterwards, they
burnt them down to the ground and demolished them, being incensed at
those who kept the Capitol, because they would not yield to summons;
but, on the contrary, when assailed, had repelled them, with some loss,
from their defenses. This provoked them to ruin the whole city, and to
put to the sword all that came to their hands, young and old, men,
women, and children.

And now, the siege of the Capitol having lasted a good while, the Gauls
began to be in want of provision; and dividing their forces, part of
them stayed with their king at the siege, the rest went to forage the
country, ravaging the towns and villages where they came, but not all
together in a body, but in different squadrons and parties; and to such
a confidence had success raised them, that they carelessly rambled about
without the least fear or apprehension of danger. But the greatest and
best ordered body of their forces went to the city of Ardea, where
Camillus then sojourned, having, ever since his leaving Rome,
sequestered himself from all business, and taken to a private life; but
now he began to rouse up himself, and consider not how to avoid or
escape the enemy, but to find out an opportunity to be revenged upon
them. And perceiving that the Ardeatians wanted not men, but rather
enterprise, through the inexperience and timidity of their officers, he
began to speak with the young men, first, to the effect that they ought
not to ascribe the misfortune of the Romans to the courage of their
enemy, nor attribute the losses they sustained by rash counsel to the
conduct of men who had no title to victory; the event had been only an
evidence of the power of fortune; that it was a brave thing even with
danger to repel a foreign and barbarous invader, whose end in conquering
was like fire, to lay waste and destroy, but if they would be courageous
and resolute, he was ready to put an opportunity into their hands to
gain a victory without hazard at all. When he found the young men
embraced the thing, he went to the magistrates and council of the city,
and, having persuaded them also, he mustered all that could bear arms,
and drew them up within the walls, that they might not be perceived by
the enemy, who was near; who, having scoured the country, and now
returned heavy-laden with booty, lay encamped in the plains in a
careless and negligent posture, so that, with the night ensuing upon
debauch and drunkenness, silence prevailed through all the camp. When
Camillus learned this from his scouts, he drew out the Ardeatians, and
in the dead of the night, passing in silence over the ground that lay
between, came up to their works, and, commanding his trumpets to sound
and his men to shout and halloo, he struck terror into them from all
quarters; while drunkenness impeded and sleep retarded their movements.
A few, whom fear had sobered, getting into some order, for awhile
resisted; and so died with their weapons in their hands. But the
greatest part of them, buried in wine and sleep, were surprised without
their arms, and dispatched; and as many of them as by the advantage of
the night got out of the camp were the next day found scattered abroad
and wandering in the fields, and were picked up by the horse that
pursued them.

The fame of this action soon flew through the neighboring cities, and
stirred up the young men from various quarters to come and join
themselves with him. But none were so much concerned as those Romans
who escaped in the battle of Allia, and were now at Veii, thus lamenting
with themselves, "O heavens, what a commander has Providence bereaved
Rome of, to honor Ardea with his actions! And that city, which brought
forth and nursed so great a man, is lost and gone, and we, destitute of
a leader and shut up within strange walls, sit idle, and see Italy
ruined before our eyes. Come, let us send to the Ardeatians to have
back our general, or else, with weapons in our hands, let us go thither
to him; for he is no longer a banished man, nor we citizens, having no
country but what is in the possession of the enemy." To this they all
agreed, and sent to Camillus to desire him to take the command; but he
answered, that he would not, until they that were in the Capitol should
legally appoint him; for he esteemed them, as long as they were in
being, to be his country; that if they should command him, he would
readily obey; but against their consent he would intermeddle with
nothing. When this answer was returned, they admired the modesty and
temper of Camillus; but they could not tell how to find a messenger to
carry the intelligence to the Capitol, or rather, indeed, it seemed
altogether impossible for any one to get to the citadel whilst the enemy
was in full possession of the city. But among the young men there was
one Pontius Cominius, of ordinary birth, but ambitious of honor, who
proffered himself to run the hazard, and took no letters with him to
those in the Capitol, lest, if he were intercepted, the enemy might
learn the intentions of Camillus; but, putting on a poor dress and
carrying corks under it, he boldly traveled the greatest part of the way
by day, and came to the city when it was dark; the bridge he could not
pass, as it was guarded by the barbarians; so that taking his clothes,
which were neither many nor heavy, and binding them about his head, he
laid his body upon the corks, and, swimming with them, got over to the
city. And avoiding those quarters where he perceived the enemy was
awake, which he guessed at by the lights and noise, he went to the
Carmental gate, where there was greatest silence, and where the hill of
the Capitol is steepest, and rises with craggy and broken rock. By this
way he got up, though with much difficulty, by the hollow of the cliff,
and presented himself to the guards, saluting them, and telling them his
name; he was taken in, and carried to the commanders. And a senate
being immediately called, he related to them in order the victory of
Camillus, which they had not heard of before, and the proceedings of the
soldiers; urging them to confirm Camillus in the command, as on him
alone all their fellow-countrymen outside the city would rely. Having
heard and consulted of the matter, the senate declared Camillus
dictator, and sent back Pontius the same way that he came, who, with the
same success as before, got through the enemy without being discovered,
and delivered to the Romans outside the decision of the senate, who
joyfully received it. Camillus, on his arrival, found twenty thousand
of them ready in arms; with which forces, and those confederates he
brought along with him, he prepared to set upon the enemy.

But at Rome some of the barbarians, passing by chance near the place at
which Pontius by night had got into the Capitol, spied in several places
marks of feet and hands, where he had laid hold and clambered, and
places where the plants that grew to the rock had been rubbed off, and
the earth had slipped, and went accordingly and reported it to the king,
who, coming in person, and viewing it, for the present said nothing, but
in the evening, picking out such of the Gauls as were nimblest of body,
and by living in the mountains were accustomed to climb, he said to
them, "The enemy themselves have shown us a way how to come at them,
which we knew not of before, and have taught us that it is not so
difficult and impossible but that men may overcome it. It would be a
great shame, having begun well, to fail in the end, and to give up a
place as impregnable, when the enemy himself lets us see the way by
which it may be taken; for where it was easy for one man to get up, it
will not be hard for many, one after another; nay, when many shall
undertake it, they will be aid and strength to each other. Rewards and
honors shall be bestowed on every man as he shall acquit himself."

When the king had thus spoken, the Gauls cheerfully undertook to perform
it, and in the dead of night a good party of them together, with great
silence, began to climb the rock, clinging to the precipitous and
difficult ascent, which yet upon trial offered a way to them, and proved
less difficult than they had expected. So that the foremost of them
having gained the top of all, and put themselves into order, they all
but surprised the outworks, and mastered the watch, who were fast
asleep; for neither man nor dog perceived their coming. But there were
sacred geese kept near the temple of Juno, which at other times were
plentifully fed, but now, by reason that corn and all other provisions
were grown scarce for all, were but in a poor condition. The creature
is by nature of quick sense, and apprehensive of the least noise, so
that these, being moreover watchful through hunger, and restless,
immediately discovered the coming of the Gauls, and, running up and down
with their noise and cackling, they raised the whole camp, while the
barbarians on the other side, perceiving themselves discovered, no
longer endeavored to conceal their attempt, but with shouting and
violence advanced to the assault. The Romans, every one in haste
snatching up the next weapon that came to hand, did what they could on
the sudden occasion. Manlius, a man of consular dignity, of strong body
and great spirit, was the first that made head against them, and,
engaging with two of the enemy at once, with his sword cut off the right
arm of one just as he was lifting up his blade to strike, and, running
his target full in the face of the other, tumbled him headlong down the
steep rock; then mounting the rampart, and there standing with others
that came running to his assistance, drove down the rest of them, who,
indeed, to begin, had not been many, and did nothing worthy of so bold
an attempt. The Romans, having thus escaped this danger, early in the
morning took the captain of the watch and flung him down the rock upon
the heads of their enemies, and to Manlius for his victory voted a
reward, intended more for honor than advantage, bringing him, each man
of them, as much as he received for his daily allowance, which was half
a pound of bread, and one eighth of a pint of wine.

Henceforward, the affairs of the Gauls were daily in a worse and worse
condition; they wanted provisions, being withheld from foraging through
fear of Camillus, and sickness also was amongst them, occasioned by the
number of carcasses that lay in heaps unburied. Being lodged among the
ruins, the ashes, which were very deep, blown about with the winds and
combining with the sultry heats, breathed up, so to say, a dry and
searching air, the inhalation of which was destructive to their health.
But the chief cause was the change from their natural climate, coming as
they did out of shady and hilly countries, abounding in means of shelter
from the heat, to lodge in low, and, in the autumn season, very
unhealthy ground; added to which was the length and tediousness of the
siege, as they had now sat seven months before the Capitol. There was,
therefore, a great destruction among them, and the number of the dead
grew so great, that the living gave up burying them. Neither, indeed,
were things on that account any better with the besieged, for famine
increased upon them, and despondency with not hearing any thing of
Camillus, it being impossible to send any one to him, the city was so
guarded by the barbarians. Things being in this sad condition on both
sides, a motion of treaty was made at first by some of the outposts, as
they happened to speak with one another; which being embraced by the
leading men, Sulpicius, tribune of the Romans, came to a parley with
Brennus, in which it was agreed, that the Romans laying down a thousand
weight of gold, the Gauls upon the receipt of it should immediately quit
the city and territories. The agreement being confirmed by oath on both
sides, and the gold brought forth, the Gauls used false dealing in the
weights, secretly at first, but afterwards openly pulled back and
disturbed the balance; at which the Romans indignantly complaining,
Brennus in a scoffing and insulting manner pulled off his sword and
belt, and threw them both into the scales; and when Sulpicius asked what
that meant, "What should it mean," says he, "but woe to the conquered?"
which afterwards became a proverbial saying. As for the Romans, some
were so incensed that they were for taking their gold back again, and
returning to endure the siege. Others were for passing by and
dissembling a petty injury, and not to account that the indignity of the
thing lay in paying more than was due, since the paying anything at all
was itself a dishonor only submitted to as a necessity of the times.

Whilst this difference remained still unsettled, both amongst themselves
and with the Gauls, Camillus was at the gates with his army; and, having
learned what was going on, commanded the main body of his forces to
follow slowly after him in good order, and himself with the choicest of
his men hastening on, went at once to the Romans; where all giving way
to him, and receiving him as their sole magistrate, with profound
silence and order, he took the gold out of the scales, and delivered it
to his officers, and commanded the Gauls to take their weights and
scales and depart; saying that it was customary with the Romans to
deliver their country with iron, not with gold. And when Brennus began to
rage, and say that he was unjustly dealt with in such a breach of
contract, Camillus answered that it was never legally made, and the
agreement of no force or obligation; for that himself being declared
dictator, and there being no other magistrate by law, the engagement had
been made with men who had no power to enter into it; but now they might
say anything they had to urge, for he was come with full power by law
to grant pardon to such as should ask it, or inflict punishment on the
guilty, if they did not repent. At this, Brennus broke into violent
anger, and an immediate quarrel ensued; both sides drew their swords and
attacked, but in confusion, as could not otherwise be amongst houses,
and ill narrow lanes and places where it was impossible to form in any
order. But Brennus, presently recollecting himself, called off his men,
and, with the loss of a few only, brought them to their camp; and,
rising in the night with all his forces, left the city, and, advancing
about eight miles, encamped upon the way to Gabii. As soon as day
appeared, Camillus came up with him, splendidly armed himself, and his
soldiers full of courage and confidence; and there engaging with him in
a sharp conflict, which lasted a long while, overthrew his army with
great slaughter, and took their camp. Of those that fled, some were
presently cut off by the pursuers; others, and these were the greatest
number, dispersed hither and thither, and were dispatched by the people
that came sallying out from the neighboring towns and villages.

Thus Rome was strangely taken, and more strangely recovered, having been
seven whole months in the possession of the barbarians who entered her a
little after the Ides of July, and were driven out about the Ides of
February following. Camillus triumphed, as he deserved, having saved
his country that was lost, and brought the city, so to say, back again
to itself. For those that had fled abroad, together with their wives
and children, accompanied him as he rode in; and those who had been shut
up in the Capitol, and were reduced almost to the point of perishing
with hunger, went out to meet him, embracing each other as they met, and
weeping for joy and, through the excess of the present pleasure, scarce
believing in its truth. And when the priests and ministers of the gods
appeared, bearing the sacred things, which in their flight they had
either hid on the spot, or conveyed away with them, and now openly
showed in safety, the citizens who saw the blessed sight felt as if with
these the gods themselves were again returned unto Rome. After Camillus
had sacrificed to the gods, and purified the city according to the
direction of those properly instructed, he restored the existing
temples, and erected a new one to Rumour, or Voice, informing himself
of the spot in which that voice from heaven came by night to Marcus
Caedicius, foretelling the coming of the barbarian army.

It was a matter of difficulty, and a hard task, amidst so much rubbish,
to discover and redetermine the consecrated places; but by the zeal of
Camillus, and the incessant labor of the priests, it was at last
accomplished. But when it came also to rebuilding the city, which was
wholly demolished, despondency seized the multitude, and a backwardness
to engage in a work for which they had no materials; at a time, too,
when they rather needed relief and repose from their past labors, than
any new demands upon their exhausted strength and impaired fortunes.
Thus insensibly they turned their thoughts again towards Veii, a city
ready-built and well-provided, and gave an opening to the arts of
flatterers eager to gratify their desires, and lent their ears to
seditious language flung out against Camillus; as that, out of ambition
and self-glory, he withheld them from a city fit to receive them,
forcing them to live in the midst of ruins, and to re-erect a pile of
burnt rubbish, that he might be esteemed not the chief magistrate only
and general of Rome, but, to the exclusion of Romulus, its founder,
also. The senate, therefore, fearing a sedition, would not suffer
Camillus, though desirous, to lay down his authority within the year,
though no other dictator had ever held it above six months.

They themselves, meantime, used their best endeavors, by kind
persuasions and familiar addresses, to encourage and to appease the
people, showing them the shrines and tombs of their ancestors, calling
to their remembrance the sacred spots and holy places which Romulus and
Numa or any other of their kings had consecrated and left to their
keeping; and among the strongest religious arguments, urged the head,
newly separated from the body, which was found in laying the foundation
of the Capitol, marking it as a place destined by fate to be the head of
all Italy; and the holy fire which had just been rekindled again, since
the end of the war, by the vestal virgins; "What a disgrace would it be
to them to lose and extinguish this, leaving the city it belonged to, to
be either inhabited by strangers and new-comers, or left a wild pasture
for cattle to graze on?" Such reasons as these, urged with complaint
and expostulation, sometimes in private upon individuals, and sometimes
in their public assemblies, were met, on the other hand, by laments and
protestations of distress and helplessness; entreaties, that, reunited
as they just were, after a sort of shipwreck, naked and destitute, they
would not constrain them to patch up the pieces of a ruined and
shattered city, when they had another at hand ready-built and prepared.

Camillus thought good to refer it to general deliberation, and himself
spoke largely and earnestly in behalf of his country, as also many
others. At last, calling to Lucius Lucretius, whose place it was to
speak first, he commanded him to give his sentence, and the rest as they
followed, in order. Silence being made, and Lucretius just about to
begin, by chance a centurion, passing by outside with his company of the
day-guard, called out with a loud voice to the ensign-bearer to halt and
fix his standard, for this was the best place to stay in. This voice,
coming in that moment of time, and at that crisis of uncertainty and
anxiety for the future, was taken as a direction what was to be done;
so that Lucretius, assuming an attitude of devotion, gave sentence in
concurrence with the gods, as he said, as likewise did all that
followed. Even among the common people it created a wonderful change of
feeling; every one now cheered and encouraged his neighbor, and set
himself to the work, proceeding in it, however, not by any regular lines
or divisions, but every one pitching upon that plot of ground which came
next to hand, or best pleased his fancy; by which haste and hurry in
building, they constructed their city in narrow and ill-designed lanes,
and with houses huddled together one upon another; for it is said that
within the compass of the year the whole city was raised up anew, both
in its public walls and private buildings. The persons, however,
appointed by Camillus to resume and mark out, in this general confusion,
all consecrated places, coming, in their way round the Palatium, to the
chapel of Mars, found the chapel itself indeed destroyed and burnt to
the ground, like everything else, by the barbarians; but whilst they
were clearing the place, and carrying away the rubbish, lit upon
Romulus's augural staff, buried under a great heap of ashes. This sort
of staff is crooked at one end, and is called lituus; they make use of
it in quartering out the regions of the heavens when engaged in
divination from the flight of birds; Romulus, who was himself a great
diviner, made use of it. But when he disappeared from the earth, the
priests took his staff and kept it, as other holy things, from the touch
of man; and when they now found that, whereas all other things were
consumed, this staff had altogether escaped the flames, they began to
conceive happier hopes of Rome, and to augur from this token its future
everlasting safety.

And now they had scarcely got a breathing time from their trouble, when
a new war came upon them; and the Aequians, Volscians, and Latins all at
once invaded their territories, and the Tuscans besieged Sutrium, their
confederate city. The military tribunes who commanded the army, and
were encamped about the hill Maecius, being closely besieged by the
Latins, and the camp in danger to be lost, sent to Rome, where Camillus
was a third time chosen dictator. Of this war two different accounts
are given; I shall begin with the more fabulous. They say that the
Latins (whether out of pretense, or a real design to revive the ancient
relationship of the two nations) sent to desire of the Romans some free-
born maidens in marriage; that when the Romans were at a loss how to
determine (for on one hand they dreaded a war, having scarcely yet
settled and recovered themselves, and on the other side suspected that
this asking of wives was, in plain terms, nothing else but a demand for
hostages, though covered over with the specious name of intermarriage
and alliance), a certain handmaid, by name Tutula, or, as some call her,
Philotis, persuaded the magistrates to send with her some of the most
youthful and best looking maid-servants, in the bridal dress of noble
virgins, and leave the rest to her care and management; that the
magistrates consenting, chose out as many as she thought necessary for
her purpose, and, adorning them with gold and rich clothes, delivered
them to the Latins, who were encamped not far from the city; that at
night the rest stole away the enemy's swords, but Tutula or Philotis,
getting to the top of a wild fig-tree, and spreading out a thick woolen
cloth behind her, held out a torch towards Rome, which was the signal
concerted between her and the commanders, without the knowledge,
however, of any other of the citizens, which was the reason that their
issuing out from the city was tumultuous, the officers pushing their men
on, and they calling upon one another's names, and scarce able to bring
themselves into order; that setting upon the enemy's works, who either
were asleep or expected no such matter, they took the camp, and
destroyed most of them; and that this was done on the nones of July,
which was then called Quintilis, and that the feast that is observed on
that day is a commemoration of what was then done. For in it, first,
they run out of the city in great crowds, and call out aloud several
familiar and common names, Caius, Marcus, Lucius, and the like, in
representation of the way in which they called to one another when they
went out in such haste. In the next place, the maid-servants, gaily
dressed, run about, playing and jesting upon all they meet, and amongst
themselves, also, use a kind of skirmishing, to show they helped in the
conflict against the Latins; and while eating and drinking, they sit
shaded over with boughs of wild fig-tree, and the day they call Nonae
Caprotinae, as some think from that wild fig-tree on which the maid-
servant held up her torch, the Roman name for a wild fig-tree being
caprificus. Others refer most of what is said or done at this feast to
the fate of Romulus, for, on this day, he vanished outside the gates in
a sudden darkness and storm (some think it an eclipse of the sun), and
from this, the day was called Nonae Caprotinae, the Latin for a goat
being capra, and the place where he disappeared having the name of
Goat's Marsh, as is stated in his life.

But the general stream of writers prefer the other account of this war,
which they thus relate. Camillus, being the third time chosen dictator,
and learning that the army under the tribunes was besieged by the Latins
and Volscians, was constrained to arm, not only those under, but also
those over, the age of service; and taking a large circuit round the
mountain Maecius, undiscovered by the enemy, lodged his army on their
rear, and then by many fires gave notice of his arrival. The besieged,
encouraged by this, prepared to sally forth and join battle; but the
Latins and Volscians, fearing this exposure to an enemy on both sides,
drew themselves within their works, and fortified their camp with a
strong palisade of trees on every side, resolving to wait for more
supplies from home, and expecting, also, the assistance of the Tuscans,
their confederates. Camillus, detecting their object, and fearing to be
reduced to the same position to which he had brought them, namely, to be
besieged himself, resolved to lose no time; and finding their rampart
was all of timber, and observing that a strong wind constantly at sun-
rising blew off from the mountains, after having prepared a quantity of
combustibles, about break of day he drew forth his forces, commanding a
part with their missiles to assault the enemy with noise and shouting on
the other quarter, whilst he, with those that were to fling in the fire,
went to that side of the enemy's camp to which the wind usually blew,
and there waited his opportunity. When the skirmish was begun, and the
sun risen, and a strong wind set in from the mountains, he gave the
signal of onset; and, heaping in an infinite quantity of fiery matter,
filled all their rampart with it, so that the flame being fed by the
close timber and wooden palisades, went on and spread into all quarters.
The Latins, having nothing ready to keep it off or extinguish it, when
the camp was now almost full of fire, were driven back within a very
small compass, and at last forced by necessity to come into their
enemy's hands, who stood before the works ready armed and prepared to
receive them; of these very few escaped, while those that stayed in the
camp were all a prey to the fire, until the Romans, to gain the pillage,
extinguished it.

These things performed, Camillus, leaving his son Lucius in the camp to
guard the prisoners and secure the booty, passed into the enemy's
country, where, having taken the city of the Aequians and reduced the
Volscians to obedience, he then immediately led his army to Sutrium, not
having heard what had befallen the Sutrians, but making haste to assist
them, as if they were still in danger and besieged by the Tuscans.
They, however, had already surrendered their city to their enemies, and
destitute of all things, with nothing left but their clothes, met
Camillus on the way, leading their wives and children, and bewailing
their misfortune. Camillus himself was struck with compassion, and
perceiving the soldiers weeping, and commiserating their case, while the
Sutrians hung about and clung to them, resolved not to defer revenge,
but that very day to lead his army to Sutrium; conjecturing that the
enemy, having just taken a rich and plentiful city, without an enemy
left within it, nor any from without to be expected, would be found
abandoned to enjoyment and unguarded. Neither did his opinion fail him;
he not only passed through their country without discovery, but came up
to their very gates and possessed himself of the walls, not a man being
left to guard them, but their whole army scattered about in the houses,
drinking and making merry. Nay, when at last they did perceive that the
enemy had seized the city, they were so overloaded with meat and wine,
that few were able so much as to endeavor to escape, but either waited
shamefully for their death within doors, or surrendered themselves to
the conqueror. Thus the city of the Sutrians was twice taken in one
day; and they who were in possession lost it, and they who had lost
regained it, alike by the means of Camillus. For all which actions he
received a triumph, which brought him no less honor and reputation than
the two former ones; for those citizens who before most regarded him
with an evil eye, and ascribed his successes to a certain luck rather
than real merit, were compelled by these last acts of his to allow the
whole honor to his great abilities and energy.

Of all the adversaries and enviers of his glory, Marcus Manlius was the
most distinguished, he who first drove back the Gauls when they made
their night attack upon the Capitol, and who for that reason had been
named Capitolinus. This man, affecting the first place in the
commonwealth, and not able by noble ways to outdo Camillus's reputation,
took that ordinary course towards usurpation of absolute power, namely,
to gain the multitude, those of them especially that were in debt;
defending some by pleading their causes against their creditors,
rescuing others by force, and not suffering the law to proceed against
them; insomuch that in a short time he got great numbers of indigent
people about him, whose tumults and uproars in the forum struck terror
into the principal citizens. After that Quintius Capitolinus, who was
made dictator to suppress these disorders, had committed Manlius to
prison, the people immediately changed their apparel, a thing never done
but in great and public calamities, and the senate, fearing some tumult,
ordered him to be released. He, however, when set at liberty, changed
not his course, but was rather the more insolent in his proceedings,
filling the whole city with faction and sedition. They chose,
therefore, Camillus again military tribune; and a day being appointed
for Manlius to answer to his charge, the prospect from the place where
his trial was held proved a great impediment to his accusers; for the
very spot where Manlius by night fought with the Gauls overlooked the
forum from the Capitol, so that, stretching forth his hands that way,
and weeping, he called to their remembrance his past actions, raising
compassion in all that beheld him. Insomuch that the judges were at a
loss what to do, and several times adjourned the trial, unwilling to
acquit him of the crime, which was sufficiently proved, and yet unable
to execute the law while his noble action remained, as it were, before
their eyes. Camillus, considering this, transferred the court outside
the gates to the Peteline Grove, from whence there is no prospect of the
Capitol. Here his accuser went on with his charge, and his judges were
capable of remembering and duly resenting his guilty deeds. He was
convicted, carried to the Capitol, and flung headlong from the rock; so
that one and the same spot was thus the witness of his greatest glory,
and monument of his most unfortunate end. The Romans, besides, razed
his house, and built there a temple to the goddess they call Moneta,
ordaining for the future that none of the patrician order should ever
dwell on the Capitoline.

And now Camillus, being called to his sixth tribuneship, desired to be
excused, as being aged, and perhaps not unfearful of the malice of
fortune, and those reverses which seem to ensue upon great prosperity.
But the most apparent pretense was the weakness of his body, for he
happened at that time to be sick; the people, however, would admit of no
excuses, but, crying that they wanted not his strength for horse or for
foot service, but only his counsel and conduct, constrained him to
undertake the command, and with one of his fellow-tribunes to lead the
army immediately against the enemy. These were the Praenestines and
Volscians, who, with large forces, were laying waste the territory of
the Roman confederates. Having marched out with his army, he sat down
and encamped near the enemy, meaning himself to protract the war, or if
there should come any necessity or occasion of fighting, in the mean
time to regain his strength. But Lucius Furius, his colleague, carried
away with the desire of glory, was not to be held in, but, impatient to
give battle, inflamed the inferior officers of the army with the same
eagerness; so that Camillus, fearing he might seem out of envy to be
wishing to rob the young men of the glory of a noble exploit, consented,
though unwillingly, that he should draw out the forces, whilst himself,
by reason of weakness, stayed behind with a few in the camp. Lucius,
engaging rashly, was discomfited, when Camillus, perceiving the Romans
to give ground and fly, could not contain himself, but, leaping from his
bed, with those he had about him ran to meet them at the gates of the
camp, making his way through the flyers to oppose the pursuers; so that
those who had got within the camp turned back at once and followed him,
and those that came flying from without made head again and gathered
about him, exhorting one another not to forsake their general. Thus the
enemy for that time, was stopped in his pursuit. The next day Camillus
drawing out his forces and joining battle with them, overthrew them by
main force, and, following close upon them, entered pell-mell with them
into their camp and took it, slaying the greatest part of them.
Afterwards, having heard that the city Satricum was taken by the
Tuscans, and the inhabitants, all Romans, put to the sword, he sent home
to Rome the main body of his forces and heaviest-armed, and, taking
with him the lightest and most vigorous soldiers, set suddenly upon the
Tuscans, who were in the possession of the city, and mastered them,
slaying some and expelling the rest; and so, returning to Rome with
great spoils, gave signal evidence of their superior wisdom, who, not
mistrusting the weakness and age of a commander endued with courage and
conduct, had rather chosen him who was sickly and desirous to be
excused, than younger men who were forward and ambitious to command.

When, therefore, the revolt of the Tusculans was reported, they gave
Camillus the charge of reducing them, choosing one of his five
colleagues to go with him. And when every one was eager for the place,
contrary to the expectation of all, he passed by the rest and chose
Lucius Furius, the very same man who lately, against the judgment of
Camillus, had rashly hazarded and nearly lost a battle; willing, as it
should seem, to dissemble that miscarriage, and free him from the shame
of it. The Tusculans, hearing of Camillus's coming against them, made a
cunning attempt at revoking their act of revolt; their fields, as in
times of highest peace, were full of plowman and shepherds; their gates
stood wide open, and their children were being taught in the schools; of
the people, such as were tradesmen, he found in their workshops, busied
about their several employments, and the better sort of citizens walking
in the public places in their ordinary dress; the magistrates hurried
about to provide quarters for the Romans, as if they stood in fear of no
danger and were conscious of no fault. Which arts, though they could
not dispossess Camillus of the conviction he had of their treason, yet
induced some compassion for their repentance; he commanded them to go to
the senate and deprecate their anger, and joined himself as an
intercessor in their behalf, so that their city was acquitted of all
guilt and admitted to Roman citizenship, These were the most memorable
actions of his sixth tribuneship.

After these things, Licinius Stolo raised a great sedition in the city,
and brought the people to dissension with the senate, contending, that
of two consuls one should be chosen out of the commons, and not both out
of the patricians. Tribunes of the people were chosen, but the election
of consuls was interrupted and prevented by the people. And as this
absence of any supreme magistrate was leading to yet further confusion,
Camillus was the fourth time created dictator by the senate, sorely
against the people's will, and not altogether in accordance with his
own; he had little desire for a conflict with men whose past services
entitled them to tell him that he had achieved far greater actions in
war along with them than in politics with the patricians, who, indeed,
had only put him forward now out of envy; that, if successful, he might
crush the people, or, failing, be crushed himself. However, to provide
as good a remedy as he could for the present, knowing the day on which
the tribunes of the people intended to prefer the law, he appointed it
by proclamation for a general muster, and called the people from the
forum into the Campus, threatening to set heavy fines upon such as
should not obey. On the other side, the tribunes of the people met his
threats by solemnly protesting they would fine him in fifty thousand
drachmas of silver, if he persisted in obstructing the people from
giving their suffrages for the law. Whether it were, then, that he
feared another banishment or condemnation which would ill become his age
and past great actions, or found himself unable to stem the current of
the multitude, which ran strong and violent, he betook himself, for the
present, to his house, and afterwards, for some days together,
professing sickness, finally laid down his dictatorship. The senate
created another dictator; who, choosing Stolo, leader of the sedition,
to be his general of horse, suffered that law to be enacted and
ratified, which was most grievous to the patricians, namely, that no
person whatsoever should possess above five hundred acres of land.
Stolo was much distinguished by the victory he had gained; but, not long
after, was found himself to possess more than he had allowed to others,
and suffered the penalties of his own law.

And now the contention about election of consuls coming on (which was
the main point and original cause of the dissension, and had throughtout
furnished most matter of division between the senate and the people),
certain intelligence arrived, that the Gauls again, proceeding from the
Adriatic Sea, were marching in vast numbers upon Rome. On the very
heels of the report followed manifest acts also of hostility; the
country through which they marched was all wasted, and such as by flight
could not make their escape to Rome were dispersing and scattering among
the mountains. The terror of this war quieted the sedition; nobles and
commons, senate and people together, unanimously chose Camillus the
fifth time dictator; who, though very aged, not wanting much of
fourscore years, yet, considering the danger and necessity of his
country, did not, as before, pretend sickness, or depreciate his own
capacity, but at once undertook the charge, and enrolled soldiers. And,
knowing that the great force of the barbarians lay chiefly in their
swords, with which they laid about them in a rude and inartificial
manner, hacking and hewing the head and shoulders, he caused head-pieces
entire of iron to be made for most of his men, smoothing and polishing
the outside, that the enemy's swords, lighting upon them, might either
slide off or be broken; and fitted also their shields with a little rim
of brass, the wood itself not being sufficient to bear off the blows.
Besides, he taught his soldiers to use their long javelins in close
encounter, and, by bringing them under their enemy's swords, to receive
their strokes upon them.

When the Gauls drew near, about the river Anio, dragging a heavy camp
after them, and loaded with infinite spoil, Camillus drew forth his
forces, and planted himself upon a hill of easy ascent, and which had
many dips in it, with the object that the greatest part of his army
might lie concealed, and those who appeared might be thought to have
betaken themselves, through fear, to those upper grounds. And the more
to increase this opinion in them, he suffered them, without any
disturbance, to spoil and pillage even to his very trenches, keeping
himself quiet within his works, which were well fortified; till, at
last, perceiving that part of the enemy were scattered about the country
foraging, and that those that were in the camp did nothing day and night
but drink and revel, in the nighttime he drew up his lightest-armed
men, and sent them out before to impede the enemy while forming into
order, and to harass them when they should first issue out of their
camp; and early in the morning brought down his main body, and set them
in battle array in the lower grounds, a numerous and courageous army,
not, as the barbarians had supposed, an inconsiderable and fearful
division. The first thing that shook the courage of the Gauls was, that
their enemies had, contrary to their expectation, the honor of being
aggressors. In the next place, the light-armed men, falling upon them
before they could get into their usual order or range themselves in
their proper squadrons, so disturbed and pressed upon them, that they
were obliged to fight at random, without any order at all. But at last,
when Camillus brought on his heavy-armed legions, the barbarians, with
their swords drawn, went vigorously to engage them; the Romans, however,
opposing their javelins and receiving the force of their blows on those
parts of their defenses which were well guarded with steel, turned the
edge of their weapons, being made of a soft and ill-tempered metal, so
that their swords bent and doubled up in their hands; and their shields
were pierced through and through, and grew heavy with the javelins that
stuck upon them. And thus forced to quit their own weapons, they
endeavored to take advantage of those of their enemies, laid hold of the
javelins with their hands, and tried to pluck them away. But the
Romans, perceiving them now naked and defenseless, betook themselves to
their swords, which they so well used, that in a little time great
slaughter was made in the foremost ranks, while the rest fled over all
parts of the level country; the hills and upper grounds Camillus had
secured beforehand, and their camp they knew it would not be difficult
for the enemy to take, as, through confidence of victory, they had left
it unguarded. This fight, it is stated, was thirteen years after the
sacking of Rome; and from henceforward the Romans took courage, and
surmounted the apprehensions they had hitherto entertained of the
barbarians, whose previous defeat they had attributed rather to
pestilence and a concurrence of mischances than to their own superior
valor. And, indeed, this fear had been formerly so great, that they
made a law, that priests should be excused from service in war, unless
in an invasion from the Gauls.

This was the last military action that ever Camillus performed; for the
voluntary surrender of the city of the Velitrani was but a mere
accessory to it. But the greatest of all civil contests, and the
hardest to be managed, was still to be fought out against the people;
who, returning home full of victory and success, insisted, contrary to
established law, to have one of the consuls chosen out of their own
body. The senate strongly opposed it, and would not suffer Camillus to
lay down his dictatorship, thinking, that, under the shelter of his
great name and authority, they should be better able to contend for the
power of the aristocracy. But when Camillus was sitting upon the
tribunal, dispatching public affairs, an officer, sent by the tribunes
of the people, commanded him to rise and follow him, laying his hand
upon him, as ready to seize and carry him away; upon which, such a noise
and tumult as was never heard before, filled the whole forum; some that
were about Camillus thrusting the officer from the bench, and the
multitude below calling out to him to bring Camillus down. Being at a
loss what to do in these difficulties, he yet laid not down his
authority, but, taking the senators along with him, he went to the
senate-house; but before he entered, besought the gods that they would
bring these troubles to a happy conclusion, solemnly vowing, when the
tumult was ended, to build a temple to Concord. A great conflict of
opposite opinions arose in the senate; but, at last, the most moderate
and most acceptable to the people prevailed, and consent was given, that
of two consuls, one should be chosen from the commonalty. When the
dictator proclaimed this determination of the senate to the people, at
the moment, pleased and reconciled with the senate, as indeed could not
otherwise be, they accompanied Camillus home, with all expressions and
acclamations of joy; and the next day, assembling together, they voted a
temple of Concord to be built, according to Camillus's vow, facing the
assembly and the forum; and to the feasts, called the Latin holidays,
they added one day more, making four in all; and ordained that, on the
present occasion, the whole people of Rome should sacrifice with
garlands on their heads.

In the election of consuls held by Camillus, Marcus Aemilius was chosen
of the patricians, and Lucius Sextius the first of the commonalty; and
this was the last of all Camillus's actions. In the year following, a
pestilential sickness infected Rome, which, besides an infinite number
of the common people, swept away most of the magistrates, among whom was
Camillus; whose death cannot be called immature, if we consider his
great age, or greater actions, yet was he more lamented than all the
rest put together that then died of that distemper.


Caesar once, seeing some wealthy strangers at Rome, carrying up and
down with them in their arms and bosoms young puppy-dogs and monkeys,
embracing and making much of them, took occasion not unnaturally to ask
whether the women in their country were not used to bear children; by
that prince-like reprimand gravely reflecting upon persons who spend and
lavish upon brute beasts that affection and kindness which nature has
implanted in us to be bestowed on those of our own kind. With like
reason may we blame those who misuse that love of inquiry and
observation which nature has implanted in our souls, by expending it on
objects unworthy of the attention either of their eyes or their ears,
while they disregard such as are excellent in themselves, and would do
them good.

The mere outward sense, being passive in responding to the impression of
the objects that come in its way and strike upon it, perhaps cannot help
entertaining and taking notice of everything that addresses it, be it
what it will, useful or unuseful; but, in the exercise of his mental
perception, every man, if he chooses, has a natural power to turn
himself upon all occasions, and to change and shift with the greatest
ease to what he shall himself judge desirable. So that it becomes a
man's duty to pursue and make after the best and choicest of everything,
that he may not only employ his contemplation, but may also be
improved by it. For as that color is most suitable to the eye whose
freshness and pleasantness stimulates and strengthens the sight, so a
man ought to apply his intellectual perception to such objects as, with
the sense of delight, are apt to call it forth, and allure it to its
own proper good and advantage.

Such objects we find in the acts of virtue, which also produce in the
minds of mere readers about them, an emulation and eagerness that may
lead them on to imitation. In other things there does not immediately
follow upon the admiration and liking of the thing done, any strong
desire of doing the like. Nay, many times, on the very contrary, when
we are pleased with the work, we slight and set little by the workman or
artist himself, as, for instance, in perfumes and purple dyes, we are
taken with the things themselves well enough, but do not think dyers and
perfumers otherwise than low and sordid people. It was not said amiss
by Antisthenes, when people told him that one Ismenias was an excellent
piper, "It may be so," said he, "but he is but a wretched human being,
otherwise he would not have been an excellent piper." And king Philip,
to the same purpose, told his son Alexander, who once at a merry-meeting
played a piece of music charmingly and skillfully, "Are you not ashamed,
son, to play so well?" For it is enough for a king, or prince to find
leisure sometimes to hear others sing, and he does the muses quite honor
enough when he pleases to be but present, while others engage in such
exercises and trials of skill.

He who busies himself in mean occupations produces, in the very pains he
takes about things of little or no use, an evidence against himself of
his negligence and indisposition to what is really good. Nor did any
generous and ingenuous young man, at the sight of the statue of Jupiter
at Pisa, ever desire to be a Phidias, or, on seeing that of Juno at
Argos, long to be a Polycletus, or feel induced by his pleasure in their
poems to wish to be an Anacreon or Philetas or Archilochus. For it does
not necessarily follow, that, if a piece of work please for its
gracefulness, therefore he that wrought it deserves our admiration.
Whence it is that neither do such things really profit or advantage the
beholders, upon the sight of which no zeal arises for the imitation of
them, nor any impulse or inclination, which may prompt any desire or
endeavor of doing the like. But virtue, by the bare statement of its
actions, can so affect men's minds as to create at once both admiration
of the things done and desire to imitate the doers of them. The goods
of fortune we would possess and would enjoy; those of virtue we long to
practice and exercise; we are content to receive the former from others,
the latter we wish others to experience from us. Moral good is a
practical stimulus; it is no sooner seen, than it inspires an impulse to
practice; and influences the mind and character not by a mere imitation
which we look at, but, by the statement of the fact, creates a moral
purpose which we form.

And so we have thought fit to spend our time and pains in writing of the
lives of famous persons; and have composed this tenth book upon that
subject, containing the life of Pericles, and that of Fabius Maximus,
who carried on the war against Hannibal, men alike, as in their other
virtues and good parts, so especially in their mild and upright temper
and demeanor, and in that capacity to bear the cross-grained humors of
their fellow-citizens and colleagues in office which made them both most
useful and serviceable to the interests of their countries. Whether we
take a right aim at our intended purpose, it is left to the reader to
judge by what he shall here find.

Pericles was of the tribe Acamantis, and the township Cholargus, of the
noblest birth both on his father's and mother's side. Xanthippus, his
father, who defeated the king of Persia's generals in the battle at
Mycale, took to wife Agariste, the grandchild of Clisthenes, who drove
out the sons of Pisistratus, and nobly put an end to their tyrannical
usurpation, and moreover made a body of laws, and settled a model of
government admirably tempered and suited for the harmony and safety of
the people.

His mother, being near her time, fancied in a dream that she was brought
to bed of a lion, and a few days after was delivered of Pericles, in
other respects perfectly formed, only his head was somewhat longish and
out of proportion. For which reason almost all the images and statues
that were made of him have the head covered with a helmet, the workmen
apparently being willing not to expose him. The poets of Athens called
him Schinocephalos, or squill-head, from schinos, a squill, or sea-
onion. One of the comic poets, Cratinus, in the Chirons,
tells us that --

Old Chronos once took queen Sedition to wife;
Which two brought to life
That tyrant far-famed,
Whom the gods the supreme skull-compeller have named.

And, in the Nemesis, addresses him --

Come, Jove, thou head of gods.

And a second, Teleclides, says, that now, in embarrassment with
political difficulties, he sits in the city,--

Fainting underneath the load
Of his own head; and now abroad,
From his huge gallery of a pate,
Sends forth trouble to the state.

And a third, Eupolis, in the comedy called the Demi, in a series of
questions about each of the demagogues, whom he makes in the play to
come up from hell, upon Pericles being named last, exclaims,--

And here by way of summary, now we've done,
Behold, in brief, the heads of all in one.

The master that taught him music, most authors are agreed, was Damon
(whose name, they say, ought to be pronounced with the first syllable
short). Though Aristotle tells us that he was thoroughly practiced in
all accomplishments of this kind by Pythoclides. Damon, it is not
unlikely, being a sophist, out of policy, sheltered himself under the
profession of music to conceal from people in general his skill in other
things, and under this pretense attended Pericles, the young athlete of
politics, so to say, as his training-master in these exercises. Damon's
lyre, however, did not prove altogether a successful blind; he was
banished the country by ostracism for ten years, as a dangerous
intermeddler and a favorer of arbitrary power, and, by this means, gave
the stage occasion to play upon him. As, for instance, Plato, the comic
poet, introduces a character, who questions him --

Tell me, if you please,
Since you're the Chiron who taught Pericles.

Pericles, also, was a hearer of Zeno, the Eleatic, who treated of
natural philosophy in the same manner as Parmenides did, but had also
perfected himself in an art of his own for refuting and silencing
opponents in argument; as Timon of Phlius describes it, --

Also the two-edged tongue of mighty Zeno, who,
Say what one would, could argue it untrue.

But he that saw most of Pericles, and furnished him most especially with
a weight and grandeur of sense, superior to all arts of popularity, and
in general gave him his elevation and sublimity of purpose and of
character, was Anaxagoras of Clazomenae; whom the men of those times
called by the name of Nous, that is, mind, or intelligence, whether in
admiration of the great and extraordinary gift he displayed for the
science of nature, or because that he was the first of the philosophers
who did not refer the first ordering of the world to fortune or chance,
nor to necessity or compulsion, but to a pure, unadulterated
intelligence, which in all other existing mixed and compound things acts
as a principle of discrimination, and of combination of like with like.

For this man, Pericles entertained an extraordinary esteem and
admiration, and, filling himself with this lofty, and, as they call it,
up-in-the-air sort of thought, derived hence not merely, as was natural,
elevation of purpose and dignity of language, raised far above the base
and dishonest buffooneries of mob-eloquence, but, besides this, a
composure of countenance, and a serenity and calmness in all his
movements, which no occurrence whilst he was speaking could disturb, a
sustained and even tone of voice, and various other advantages of a
similar kind, which produced the greatest effect on his hearers. Once,
after being reviled and ill-spoken of all day long in his own hearing by
some vile and abandoned fellow in the open marketplace, where he was
engaged in the dispatch of some urgent affair, he continued his business
in perfect silence, and in the evening returned home composedly, the man
still dogging him at the heels, and pelting him all the way with abuse
and foul language; and stepping into his house, it being by this time
dark, he ordered one of his servants to take a light, and to go along
with the man and see him safe home. Ion, it is true, the dramatic poet,
says that Pericles's manner in company was somewhat over-assuming and
pompous; and that into his high bearing there entered a good deal of
slightingness and scorn of others; he reserves his commendation for
Cimon's ease and pliancy and natural grace in society. Ion, however,
who must needs make virtue, like a show of tragedies, include some comic
scenes, we shall not altogether rely upon; Zeno used to bid those who
called Pericles's gravity the affectation of a charlatan, to go and
affect the like themselves; inasmuch as this mere counterfeiting might
in time insensibly instill into them a real love and knowledge of those
noble qualities.

Nor were these the only advantages which Pericles derived from
Anaxagoras's acquaintance; he seems also to have become, by his
instructions, superior to that superstition with which an ignorant
wonder at appearances, for example, in the heavens possesses the minds
of people unacquainted with their causes, eager for the supernatural,
and excitable through an inexperience which the knowledge of natural
causes removes, replacing wild and timid superstition by the good hope
and assurance of an intelligent piety.

There is a story, that once Pericles had brought to him from a country
farm of his, a ram's head with one horn, and that Lampon, the diviner,
upon seeing the horn grow strong and solid out of the midst of the
forehead, gave it as his judgment, that, there being at that time two
potent factions, parties, or interests in the city, the one of
Thucydides and the other of Pericles, the government would come about to
that one of them in whose ground or estate this token or indication of
fate had shown itself. But that Anaxagoras, cleaving the skull in
sunder, showed to the bystanders that the brain had not filled up its
natural place, but being oblong, like an egg, had collected from all
parts of the vessel which contained it, in a point to that place from
whence the root of the horn took its rise. And that, for that time,
Anaxagoras was much admired for his explanation by those that were
present; and Lampon no less a little while after, when Thucydides was
overpowered, and the whole affairs of the state and government came into
the hands of Pericles.

And yet, in my opinion, it is no absurdity to say that they were both in
the right, both natural philosopher and diviner, one justly detecting
the cause of this event, by which it was produced, the other the end for
which it was designed. For it was the business of the one to find out
and give an account of what it was made, and in what manner and by what
means it grew as it did; and of the other to foretell to what end and
purpose it was so made, and what it might mean or portend. Those who
say that to find out the cause of a prodigy is in effect to destroy its
supposed signification as such, do not take notice that, at the same
time, together with divine prodigies, they also do away with signs and
signals of human art and concert, as, for instance, the clashings of
quoits, fire-beacons, and the shadows on sun-dials, every one of which
things has its cause, and by that cause and contrivance is a sign of
something else. But these are subjects, perhaps, that would better
befit another place.

Pericles, while yet but a young man, stood in considerable apprehension
of the people, as he was thought in face and figure to be very like the
tyrant Pisistratus, and those of great age remarked upon the sweetness
of his voice, and his volubility and rapidity in speaking, and were
struck with amazement at the resemblance. Reflecting, too, that he had
a considerable estate, and was descended of a noble family, and had
friends of great influence, he was fearful all this might bring him to
be banished as a dangerous person; and for this reason meddled not at
all with state affairs, but in military service showed himself of a
brave and intrepid nature. But when Aristides was now dead, and
Themistocles driven out, and Cimon was for the most part kept abroad by
the expeditions he made in parts out of Greece, Pericles, seeing things
in this posture, now advanced and took his side, not with the rich and
few, but with the many and poor, contrary to his natural bent, which was
far from democratical; but, most likely, fearing he might fall under
suspicion of aiming at arbitrary power, and seeing Cimon on the side of
the aristocracy, and much beloved by the better and more distinguished
people, he joined the party of the people, with a view at once both to
secure himself and procure means against Cimon.

He immediately entered, also, on quite a new course of life and
management of his time. For he was never seen to walk in any street but
that which led to the marketplace and the council-hall, and he avoided
invitations of friends to supper, and all friendly visiting and
intercourse whatever; in all the time he had to do with the public,
which was not a little, he was never known to have gone to any of his
friends to a supper, except that once when his near kinsman Euryptolemus
married, he remained present till the ceremony of the drink-offering,
and then immediately rose from table and went his way. For these
friendly meetings are very quick to defeat any assumed superiority, and
in intimate familiarity an exterior of gravity is hard to maintain.
Real excellence, indeed, is most recognized when most openly looked
into; and in really good men, nothing which meets the eyes of external
observers so truly deserves their admiration, as their daily common life
does that of their nearer friends. Pericles, however, to avoid any
feeling of commonness, or any satiety on the part of the people,
presented himself at intervals only, not speaking to every business, nor
at all times coming into the assembly, but, as Critolaus says, reserving
himself, like the Salaminian galley,@ for great occasions, while matters
of lesser importance were dispatched by friends or other speakers under
his direction. And of this number we are told Ephialtes made one, who
broke the power of the council of Areopagus, giving the people,
according to Plato's expression, so copious and so strong a draught of
liberty, that, growing wild and unruly, like an unmanageable horse, it,
as the comic poets say, --

" -- got beyond all keeping in,
Champing at Euboea, and among the islands leaping in."

The style of speaking most consonant to his form of life and the dignity
of his views he found, so to say, in the tones of that instrument with
which Anaxagoras had furnished him; of his teaching he continually
availed himself, and deepened the colors of rhetoric with the dye of
natural science. For having, in addition to his great natural genius,
attained, by the study of nature, to use the words of the divine Plato,
this height of intelligence, and this universal consummating power, and
drawing hence whatever might be of advantage to him in the art of
speaking, he showed himself far superior to all others. Upon which
account, they say, he had his nickname given him, though some are of
opinion he was named the Olympian from the public buildings with which
he adorned the city; and others again, from his great power in public
affairs, whether of war or peace. Nor is it unlikely that the
confluence of many attributes may have conferred it on him. However,
the comedies represented at the time, which, both in good earnest and in
merriment, let fly many hard words at him, plainly show that he got that
appellation especially from his speaking; they speak of his "thundering
and lightning" when he harangued the people, and of his wielding a
dreadful thunderbolt in his tongue.

A saying also of Thucydides, the son of Melesias, stands on record,
spoken by him by way of pleasantry upon Pericles's dexterity.
Thucydides was one of the noble and distinguished citizens, and had been
his greatest opponent; and, when Archidamus, the king of the
Lacedaemonians, asked him whether he or Pericles were the better
wrestler, he made this answer: "When I," said he, "have thrown him and
given him a fair fall, by persisting that he had no fall, he gets the
better of me, and makes the bystanders, in spite of their own eyes,
believe him." The truth, however, is, that Pericles himself was very
careful what and how he was to speak, insomuch that, whenever he went up
to the hustings, he prayed the gods that no one word might unawares slip
from him unsuitable to the matter and the occasion.

He has left nothing in writing behind him, except some decrees; and
there are but very few of his sayings recorded; one, for example, is,
that he said Aegina must, like a gathering in a man's eye, be removed
from Piraeus; and another, that he said he saw already war moving on its
way towards them out of Peloponnesus. Again, when on a time Sophocles,
who was his fellow-commissioner in the generalship, was going on board
with him, and praised the beauty of a youth they met with in the way to
the ship, "Sophocles," said he, "a general ought not only to have clean
hands, but also clean eyes." And Stesimbrotus tells us, that, in his
encomium on those who fell in battle at Samos, he said they were become
immortal, as the gods were. "For," said he, "we do not see them
themselves, but only by the honors we pay them, and by the benefits they
do us, attribute to them immortality; and the like attributes belong
also to those that die in the service of their country."

Since Thucydides describes the rule of Pericles as an aristocratical
government, that went by the name of a democracy, but was, indeed, the
supremacy of a single great man, while many others say, on the contrary,
that by him the common people were first encouraged and led on to such
evils as appropriations of subject territory; allowances for attending
theaters, payments for performing public duties, and by these bad habits
were, under the influence of his public measures, changed from a sober,
thrifty people, that maintained themselves by their own labors, to
lovers of expense, intemperance, and license, let us examine the cause
of this change by the actual matters of fact.

At the first, as has been said, when he set himself against Cimon's
great authority, he did caress the people. Finding himself come short of
his competitor in wealth and money, by which advantages the other was
enabled to take care of the poor, inviting every day some one or other
of the citizens that was in want to supper, and bestowing clothes on the
aged people, and breaking down the hedges and enclosures of his grounds,
that all that would might freely gather what fruit they pleased,
Pericles, thus outdone in popular arts, by the advice of one Damonides
of Oea, as Aristotle states, turned to the distribution of the public
moneys; and in a short time having bought the people over, what with
moneys allowed for shows and for service on juries, and what with other
forms of pay and largess, he made use of them against the council of
Areopagus, of which he himself was no member, as having never been
appointed by lot either chief archon, or lawgiver, or king, or captain.
For from of old these offices were conferred on persons by lot, and they
who had acquitted themselves duly in the discharge of them were advanced
to the court of Areopagus. And so Pericles, having secured his power
and interest with the populace, directed the exertions of his party
against this council with such success, that most of those causes and
matters which had been used to be tried there, were, by the agency of
Ephialtes, removed from its cognizance, Cimon, also, was banished by
ostracism as a favorer of the Lacedaemonians and a hater of the people,
though in wealth and noble birth he was among the first, and had won
several most glorious victories over the barbarians, and had filled the
city with money and spoils of war; as is recorded in the history of his
life. So vast an authority had Pericles obtained among the people.

The ostracism was limited by law to ten years; but the Lacedaemonians,
in the mean time, entering with a great army into the territory of
Tanagra, and the Athenians going out against them, Cimon, coming from
his banishment before his time was out, put himself in arms and array
with those of his fellow-citizens that were of his own tribe, and
desired by his deeds to wipe off the suspicion of his favoring the
Lacedaemonians, by venturing his own person along with his country-men.
But Pericles's friends, gathering in a body, forced him to retire as a
banished man. For which cause also Pericles seems to have exerted
himself more in that than in any battle, and to have been conspicuous
above all for his exposure of himself to danger. All Cimon's friends,
also, to a man, fell together side by side, whom Pericles had accused
with him of taking part with the Lacedaemonians. Defeated in this
battle on their own frontiers, and expecting a new and perilous attack
with return of spring, the Athenians now felt regret and sorrow for the
loss of Cimon, and repentance for their expulsion of him. Pericles,
being sensible of their feelings, did not hesitate or delay to gratify
it, and himself made the motion for recalling him home. He, upon his
return, concluded a peace betwixt the two cities; for the Lacedaemonians
entertained as kindly feelings towards him as they did the reverse
towards Pericles and the other popular leaders.

Yet some there are who say that Pericles did not propose the order for
Cimon's return till some private articles of agreement had been made
between them, and this by means of Elpinice, Cimon's sister; that Cimon,
namely, should go out to sea with a fleet of two hundred ships, and be
commander-in-chief abroad, with a design to reduce the king of Persia's
territories, and that Pericles should have the power at home.

This Elpinice, it was thought, had before this time procured some
favor for her brother Cimon at Pericles's hands, and induced him to be
more remiss and gentle in urging the charge when Cimon was tried for his
life; for Pericles was one of the committee appointed by the commons to
plead against him. And when Elpinice came and besought him in her
brother's behalf, he answered, with a smile, "O Elpinice, you are too
old a woman to undertake such business as this." But, when he appeared
to impeach him, he stood up but once to speak, merely to acquit himself
of his commission, and went out of court, having done Cimon the least
prejudice of any of his accusers.

How, then, can one believe Idomeneus, who charges Pericles as if he had
by treachery procured the murder of Ephialtes, the popular statesman,
one who was his friend, and of his own party in all his political
course, out of jealousy, forsooth, and envy of his great reputation?
This historian, it seems, having raked up these stories, I know not
whence, has befouled with them a man who, perchance, was not altogether
free from fault or blame, but yet had a noble spirit, and a soul that
was bent on honor; and where such qualities are, there can no such cruel
and brutal passion find harbor or gain admittance. As to Ephialtes, the
truth of the story, as Aristotle has told it, is this: that having made
himself formidable to the oligarchical party, by being an
uncompromising asserter of the people's rights in calling to account and
prosecuting those who any way wronged them, his enemies, lying in wait
for him, by the means of Aristodicus the Tanagraean, privately
dispatched him.

Cimon, while he was admiral, ended his days in the Isle of Cyprus. And
the aristocratical party, seeing that Pericles was already before this
grown to be the greatest and foremost man of all the city, but
nevertheless wishing there should be somebody set up against him, to
blunt and turn the edge of his power, that it might not altogether prove
a monarchy, put forward Thucydides of Alopece, a discreet person, and a
near kinsman of Cimon's, to conduct the opposition against him; who,
indeed, though less skilled in warlike affairs than Cimon was, yet was
better versed in speaking and political business, and keeping close
guard in the city, and engaging with Pericles on the hustings, in a
short time brought the government to an equality of parties. For he
would not suffer those who were called the honest and good (persons of
worth and distinction) to be scattered up and down and mix themselves
and be lost among the populace, as formerly, diminishing and obscuring
their superiority amongst the masses; but taking them apart by
themselves and uniting them in one body, by their combined weight he was
able, as it were upon the balance, to make a counter-poise to the other

For, indeed, there was from the beginning a sort of concealed split, or
seam, as it might be in a piece of iron, marking the different popular
and aristocratical tendencies; but the open rivalry and contention of
these two opponents made the gash deep, and severed the city into the
two parties of the people and the few. And so Pericles, at that time
more than at any other, let loose the reins to the people, and made his
policy subservient to their pleasure, contriving continually to have
some great public show or solemnity, some banquet, or some procession or
other in the town to please them, coaxing his countrymen like children,
with such delights and pleasures as were not, however, unedifying.
Besides that every year he sent out threescore galleys, on board of
which there went numbers of the citizens, who were in pay eight months,
learning at the same time and practicing the art of seamanship.

He sent, moreover, a thousand of them into the Chersonese as planters,
to share the land among them by lot, and five hundred more into the isle
of Naxos, and half that number to Andros, a thousand into Thrace to
dwell among the Bisaltae, and others into Italy, when the city Sybaris,
which now was called Thurii, was to be repeopled. And this he did to
ease and discharge the city of an idle, and, by reason of their
idleness, a busy, meddling crowd of people; and at the same time to meet
the necessities and restore the fortunes of the poor townsmen, and to
intimidate, also, and check their allies from attempting any change, by
posting such garrisons, as it were, in the midst of them.

That which gave most pleasure and ornament to the city of Athens, and
the greatest admiration and even astonishment to all strangers, and that
which now is Greece's only evidence that the power she boasts of and her
ancient wealth are no romance or idle story, was his construction of the
public and sacred buildings. Yet this was that of all his actions in
the government which his enemies most looked askance upon and caviled at
in the popular assemblies, crying out how that the commonwealth of
Athens had lost its reputation and was ill-spoken of abroad for removing
the common treasure of the Greeks from the isle of Delos into their own
custody; and how that their fairest excuse for so doing, namely, that
they took it away for fear the barbarians should seize it, and on
purpose to secure it in a safe place, this Pericles had made
unavailable, and how that "Greece cannot but resent it as an
insufferable affront, and consider herself to be tyrannized over openly,
when she sees the treasure, which was contributed by her upon a
necessity for the war, wantonly lavished out by us upon our city, to
gild her all over, and to adorn and set her forth, as it were some vain
woman, hung round with precious stones and figures and temples, which
cost a world of money."

Pericles, on the other hand, informed the people, that they were in no
way obliged to give any account of those moneys to their allies, so long
as they maintained their defense, and kept off the barbarians from
attacking them; while in the meantime they did not so much as supply
one horse or man or ship, but only found money for the service; "which
money," said he, "is not theirs that give it, but theirs that receive
it, if so be they perform the conditions upon which they receive it."
And that it was good reason, that, now the city was sufficiently
provided and stored with all things necessary for the war, they should
convert the overplus of its wealth to such undertakings, as would
hereafter, when completed, give them eternal honor, and, for the
present, while in process, freely supply all the inhabitants with
plenty. With their variety of workmanship and of occasions for service,
which summon all arts and trades and require all hands to be employed
about them, they do actually put the whole city, in a manner, into
state-pay; while at the same time she is both beautified and maintained
by herself. For as those who are of age and strength for war are
provided for and maintained in the armaments abroad by their pay out of
the public stock, so, it being his desire and design that the
undisciplined mechanic multitude that stayed at home should not go
without their share of public salaries, and yet should not have them
given them for sitting still and doing nothing, to that end he thought
fit to bring in among them, with the approbation of the people, these
vast projects of buildings and designs of works, that would be of some
continuance before they were finished, and would give employment to
numerous arts, so that the part of the people that stayed at home might,
no less than those that were at sea or in garrisons or on expeditions,
have a fair and just occasion of receiving the benefit and having their
share of the public moneys.

The materials were stone, brass, ivory, gold, ebony cypress-wood; and
the arts or trades that wrought and fashioned them were smiths and
carpenters, molders, founders and braziers, stone-cutters, dyers,
goldsmiths, ivory-workers, painters, embroiderers, turners; those again
that conveyed them to the town for use, merchants and mariners and ship-
masters by sea, and by land, cartwrights, cattle-breeders, waggoners,
rope-makers, flax-workers, shoe-makers and leather-dressers, roadmakers,
miners. And every trade in the same nature, as a captain in an army has
his particular company of soldiers under him, had its own hired company
of journeymen and laborers belonging to it banded together as in array,
to be as it were the instrument and body for the performance of the
service. Thus, to say all in a word, the occasions and services of
these public works distributed plenty through every age and condition.

As then grew the works up, no less stately in size than exquisite in
form, the workmen striving to outvie the material and the design with
the beauty of their workmanship, yet the most wonderful thing of all was
the rapidity of their execution. Undertakings, any one of which singly
might have required, they thought, for their completion, several
successions and ages of men, were every one of them accomplished in the
height and prime of one man's political service. Although they say,
too, that Zeuxis once, having heard Agatharchus the painter boast of
dispatching his work with speed and ease, replied, "I take a long time."
For ease and speed in doing a thing do not give the work lasting
solidity or exactness of beauty; the expenditure of time allowed to a
man's pains beforehand for the production of a thing is repaid by way of
interest with a vital force for its preservation when once produced.
For which reason Pericles's works are especially admired, as having been
made quickly, to last long. For every particular piece of his work was
immediately, even at that time, for its beauty and elegance, antique;
and yet in its vigor and freshness looks to this day as if it were just
executed. There is a sort of bloom of newness upon those works of his,
preserving them from the touch of time, as if they had some perennial
spirit and undying vitality mingled in the composition of them.

Phidias had the oversight of all the works, and was surveyor-general,
though upon the various portions other great masters and workmen were
employed. For Callicrates and Ictinus built the Parthenon; the chapel
at Eleusis, where the mysteries were celebrated, was begun by Coroebus,
who erected the pillars that stand upon the floor or pavement, and
joined them to the architraves; and after his death Metagenes of Xypete
added the frieze and the upper line of columns; Xenocles of Cholargus
roofed or arched the lantern on the top of the temple of Castor and
Pollux; and the long wall, which Socrates says he himself heard Pericles
propose to the people, was undertaken by Callicrates. This work
Cratinus ridicules, as long in finishing, --

'Tis long since Pericles, if words would do it,
Talk'd up the wall; yet adds not one mite to it.

The Odeum, or music-room, which in its interior was full of seats and
ranges of pillars, and outside had its roof made to slope and descend
from one single point at the top, was constructed, we are told, in
imitation of the king of Persia's Pavilion; this likewise by Pericles's
order; which Cratinus again, in his comedy called The Thracian Women,
made an occasion of raillery, --

So, we see here,
Jupiter Long-pate Pericles appear,
Since ostracism time, he's laid aside his head,
And wears the new Odeum in its stead.

Pericles, also, eager for distinction, then first obtained the decree
for a contest in musical skill to be held yearly at the Panathenaea, and
he himself, being chosen judge, arranged the order and method in which
the competitors should sing and play on the flute and on the harp. And
both at that time, and at other times also, they sat in this music-room
to see and hear all such trials of skill.

The propylaea, or entrances to the Acropolis, were finished in five
years' time, Mnesicles being the principal architect. A strange
accident happened in the course of building, which showed that the
goddess was not averse to the work, but was aiding and cooperating to
bring it to perfection. One of the artificers, the quickest and the
handiest workman among them all, with a slip of his foot fell down from
a great height, and lay in a miserable condition, the physicians having
no hopes of his recovery. When Pericles was in distress about this,
Minerva appeared to him at night in a dream, and ordered a course of
treatment, which he applied, and in a short time and with great ease
cured the man. And upon this occasion it was that he set up a brass
statue of Minerva, surnamed Health, in the citadel near the altar, which
they say was there before. But it was Phidias who wrought the goddess's
image in gold, and he has his name inscribed on the pedestal as the
workman of it; and indeed the whole work in a manner was under his
charge, and he had, as we have said already, the oversight over all the
artists and workmen, through Pericles's friendship for him; and this,
indeed, made him much envied, and his patron shamefully slandered with
stories, as if Phidias were in the habit of receiving, for Pericles's
use, freeborn women that came to see the works. The comic writers of
the town, when they had got hold of this story, made much of it, and
bespattered him with all the ribaldry they could invent, charging him
falsely with the wife of Menippus, one who was his friend and served as
lieutenant under him in the wars; and with the birds kept by Pyrilampes,
an acquaintance of Pericles, who, they pretended, used to give presents
of peacocks to Pericles's female friends. And how can one wonder at any
number of strange assertions from men whose whole lives were devoted to
mockery, and who were ready at any time to sacrifice the reputation of
their superiors to vulgar envy and spite, as to some evil genius, when
even Stesimbrotus the Thasian has dared to lay to the charge of Pericles
a monstrous and fabulous piece of criminality with his son's wife? So
very difficult a matter is it to trace and find out the truth of
anything by history, when, on the one hand, those who afterwards write
it find long periods of time intercepting their view, and, on the other
hand, the contemporary records of any actions and lives, partly through
envy and ill-will, partly through favor and flattery, pervert and
distort truth.

When the orators, who sided with Thucydides and his party, were at one
time crying out, as their custom was, against Pericles, as one who
squandered away the public money, and made havoc of the state revenues,
he rose in the open assembly and put the question to the people, whether
they thought that he had laid out much; and they saying, "Too much, a
great deal." "Then," said he, "since it is so, let the cost not go to
your account, but to mine; and let the inscription upon the buildings
stand in my name." When they heard him say thus, whether it were out of
a surprise to see the greatness of his spirit, or out of emulation of
the glory of the works, they cried aloud, bidding him to spend on, and
lay out what he thought fit from the public purse, and to spare no cost,
till all were finished.

At length, coming to a final contest with Thucydides, which of the two
should ostracize the other out of the country, and having gone through
this peril, he threw his antagonist out, and broke up the confederacy
that had been organized against him. So that now all schism and
division being at an end, and the city brought to evenness and unity, he
got all Athens and all affairs that pertained to the Athenians into his
own hands, their tributes, their armies, and their galleys, the islands,
the sea, and their wide-extended power, partly over other Greeks and
partly over barbarians, and all that empire, which they possessed,
founded and fortified upon subject nations and royal friendships and

After this he was no longer the same man he had been before, nor as tame
and gentle and familiar as formerly with the populace, so as readily to
yield to their pleasures and to comply with the desires of the
multitude, as a steersman shifts with the winds. Quitting that loose,
remiss, and, in some cases, licentious court of the popular will, he
turned those soft and flowery modulations to the austerity of
aristocratical and regal rule; and employing this uprightly and
undeviatingly for the country's best interests, he was able generally to
lead the people along, with their own wills and consents, by persuading
and showing them what was to be done; and sometimes, too, urging and
pressing them forward extremely against their will, he made them,
whether they would or no, yield submission to what was for their
advantage. In which, to say the truth, he did but like a skillful
physician, who, in a complicated and chronic disease, as he sees
occasion, at one while allows his patient the moderate use of such
things as please him, at another while gives him keen pains and drugs to
work the cure. For there arising and growing up, as was natural, all
manner of distempered feelings among a people which had so vast a
command and dominion, he alone, as a great master, knowing how to handle
and deal fitly with each one of them, and, in an especial manner, making
that use of hopes and fears, as his two chief rudders, with the one to
check the career of their confidence at any time, with the other to
raise them up and cheer them when under any discouragement, plainly
showed by this, that rhetoric, or the art of speaking, is, in Plato's
language, the government of the souls of men, and that her chief
business is to address the affections and passions, which are as it were
the strings and keys to the soul, and require a skillful and careful
touch to be played on as they should be. The source of this
predominance was not barely his power of language, but, as Thucydides
assures us, the reputation of his life, and the confidence felt in his
character; his manifest freedom from every kind of corruption, and
superiority to all considerations of money. Notwithstanding he had made
the city Athens, which was great of itself, as great and rich as can be
imagined, and though he were himself in power and interest more than
equal to many kings and absolute rulers, who some of them also
bequeathed by will their power to their children, he, for his part, did
not make the patrimony his father left him greater than it was by one

Thucydides, indeed, gives a plain statement of the greatness of his
power; and the comic poets, in their spiteful manner, more than hint at
it, styling his companions and friends the new Pisistratidae, and
calling on him to abjure any intention of usurpation, as one whose
eminence was too great to be any longer proportionable to and compatible
with a democracy or popular government. And Teleclides says the
Athenians had surrendered up to him --

The tribute of the cities, and with them, the cities too, to do with
them as he pleases, and undo;
To build up, if he likes, stone walls around a town; and again, if so he
likes, to pull them down;
Their treaties and alliances, power, empire, peace, and war, their
wealth and their success forevermore.

Nor was all this the luck of some happy occasion; nor was it the mere
bloom and grace of a policy that flourished for a season; but having for
forty years together maintained the first place among statesmen such as
Ephialtes and Leocrates and Myronides and Cimon and Tolmides and
Thucydides were, after the defeat and banishment of Thucydides, for no
less than fifteen years longer, in the exercise of one continuous
unintermitted command in the office, to which he was annually reelected,
of General, he preserved his integrity unspotted; though otherwise he
was not altogether idle or careless in looking after his pecuniary
advantage; his paternal estate, which of right belonged to him, he so
ordered that it might neither through negligence be wasted or lessened,
nor yet, being so full of business as he was, cost him any great trouble
or time with taking care of it; and put it into such a way of management
as he thought to be the most easy for himself, and the most exact. All
his yearly products and profits he sold together in a lump, and supplied
his household needs afterward by buying everything that he or his
family wanted out of the market. Upon which account, his children, when
they grew to age, were not well pleased with his management, and the
women that lived with him were treated with little cost, and complained
of this way of housekeeping, where everything was ordered and set down
from day to day, and reduced to the greatest exactness; since there was
not there, as is usual in a great family and a plentiful estate, any
thing to spare, or over and above; but all that went out or came in, all
disbursements and all receipts, proceeded as it were by number and
measure. His manager in all this was a single servant, Evangelus by
name, a man either naturally gifted or instructed by Pericles so as to
excel every one in this art of domestic economy.

All this, in truth, was very little in harmony with Anaxagoras's wisdom;
if, indeed, it be true that he, by a kind of divine impulse and
greatness of spirit, voluntarily quitted his house, and left his land to
lie fallow and to be grazed by sheep like a common. But the life of a
contemplative philosopher and that of an active statesman are, I
presume, not the same thing; for the one merely employs, upon great and
good objects of thought, an intelligence that requires no aid of
instruments nor supply of any external materials; whereas the other, who
tempers and applies his virtue to human uses, may have occasion for
affluence, not as a matter of mere necessity, but as a noble thing;
which was Pericles's case, who relieved numerous poor citizens.

However, there is a story, that Anaxagoras himself, while Pericles was
taken up with public affairs, lay neglected, and that, now being grown
old, he wrapped himself up with a resolution to die for want of food;
which being by chance brought to Pericles's ear, he was horror-struck,
and instantly ran thither, and used all the arguments and entreaties he
could to him, lamenting not so much Anaxagoras's condition as his own,
should he lose such a counselor as he had found him to be; and that,
upon this, Anaxagoras unfolded his robe, and showing himself, made
answer: "Pericles," said he, "even those who have occasion for a lamp
supply it with oil."

The Lacedaemonians beginning to show themselves troubled at the growth
of the Athenian power, Pericles, on the other hand, to elevate the
people's spirit yet more, and to raise them to the thought of great
actions, proposed a decree, to summon all the Greeks in what part
soever, whether of Europe or Asia, every city, little as well as great,
to send their deputies to Athens to a general assembly, or convention,
there to consult and advise concerning the Greek temples which the
barbarians had burnt down, and the sacrifices which were due from them
upon vows they had made to their gods for the safety of Greece when they
fought against the barbarians; and also concerning the navigation of the
sea, that they might henceforward all of them pass to and fro and trade
securely, and be at peace among themselves.

Upon this errand, there were twenty men, of such as were above fifty
years of age, sent by commission; five to summon the Ionians and Dorians
in Asia, and the islanders as far as Lesbos and Rhodes; five to visit
all the places in the Hellespont and Thrace, up to Byzantium; and other
five besides these to go to Boeotia and Phocis and Peloponnesus, and
from hence to pass through the Locrians over to the neighboring
continent, as far as Acarnania and Ambracia; and the rest to take their
course through Euboea to the Oetaeans and the Malian Gulf, and to the
Achaeans of Phthiotis and the Thessalians; all of them to treat with the
people as they passed, and to persuade them to come and take their part
in the debates for settling the peace and jointly regulating the affairs
of Greece.

Nothing was effected, nor did the cities meet by their deputies, as was
desired; the Lacedaemonians, as it is said, crossing the design
underhand, and the attempt being disappointed and baffled first in
Peloponnesus. I thought fit, however, to introduce the mention of it,
to show the spirit of the man and the greatness of his thoughts.

In his military conduct, he gained a great reputation for wariness; he
would not by his good-will engage in any fight which had much
uncertainty or hazard; he did not envy the glory of generals whose rash
adventures fortune favored with brilliant success, however they were
admired by others; nor did he think them worthy his imitation, but
always used to say to his citizens that, so far as lay in his power,
they should continue immortal, and live forever. Seeing Tolmides, the
son of Tolmaeus, upon the confidence of his former successes, and
flushed with the honor his military actions had procured him, making
preparation to attack the Boeotians in their own country, when there was
no likely opportunity, and that he had prevailed with the bravest and
most enterprising of the youth to enlist themselves as volunteers in the
service, who besides his other force made up a thousand, he endeavored
to withhold him and to advise him from it in the public assembly,
telling him in a memorable saying of his, which still goes about, that,
if he would not take Pericles's advice, yet he would not do amiss to
wait and be ruled by time, the wisest counselor of all. This saying, at
that time, was but slightly commended; but within a few days after, when
news was brought that Tolmides himself had been defeated and slain in
battle near Coronea, and that many brave citizens had fallen with him,
it gained him great repute as well as good-will among the people, for
wisdom and for love of his countrymen.

But of all his expeditions, that to the Chersonese gave most
satisfaction and pleasure, having proved the safety of the Greeks who
inhabited there. For not only by carrying along with him a thousand
fresh citizens of Athens he gave new strength and vigor to the cities,
but also by belting the neck of land, which joins the peninsula to the
continent, with bulwarks and forts from sea to sea, he put a stop to the
inroads of the Thracians, who lay all about the Chersonese, and closed
the door against a continual and grievous war, with which that country
had been long harassed, lying exposed to the encroachments and influx of
barbarous neighbors, and groaning under the evils of a predatory
population both upon and within its borders.

Nor was he less admired and talked of abroad for his sailing round the
Peloponnesus, having set out from Pegae, or The Fountains, the port of
Megara, with a hundred galleys. For he not only laid waste the sea-
coast, as Tolmides had done before, but also, advancing far up into main
land with the soldiers he had on board, by the terror of his appearance
drove many within their walls; and at Nemea, with main force, routed and
raised a trophy over the Sicyonians, who stood their ground and joined
battle with him. And having taken on board a supply of soldiers into
the galleys, out of Achaia, then in league with Athens he crossed with
the fleet to the opposite continent, and, sailing along by the mouth of
the river Achelous overran Acarnania, and shut up the Oeniadae within
their city walls, and having ravaged and wasted their country, weighed
anchor for home with the double advantage of having shown himself
formidable to his enemies, and at the same time safe and energetic to
his fellow-citizens; for there was not so much as any chance-miscarriage
that happened, the whole voyage through, to those who were under his

Entering also the Euxine Sea with a large and finely equipped fleet, he
obtained for the Greek cities any new arrangements they wanted, and
entered into friendly relations with them; and to the barbarous nations,
and kings and chiefs round about them, displayed the greatness of the
power of the Athenians, their perfect ability and confidence to sail
wherever they had a mind, and to bring the whole sea under their
control. He left the Sinopians thirteen ships of war, with soldiers
under the command of Lamachus, to assist them against Timesileus the
tyrant; and when he and his accomplices had been thrown out, obtained a
decree that six hundred of the Athenians that were willing should sail
to Sinope and plant themselves there with the Sinopians, sharing among
them the houses and land which the tyrant and his party had previously

But in other things he did not comply with the giddy impulses of the
citizens, nor quit his own resolutions to follow their fancies, when,
carried away with the thought of their strength and great success, they
were eager to interfere again in Egypt, and to disturb the king of
Persia's maritime dominions. Nay, there were a good many who were, even
then, possessed with that unblessed and inauspicious passion for Sicily,
which afterward the orators of Alcibiades's party blew up into a flame.
There were some also who dreamt of Tuscany and of Carthage, and not
without plausible reason in their present large dominion and the
prosperous course of their affairs.

But Pericles curbed this passion for foreign conquest, and unsparingly
pruned and cut down their ever busy fancies for a multitude of
undertakings; and directed their power for the most part to securing and
consolidating what they had already got, supposing it would be quite
enough for them to do, if they could keep the Lacedaemonians in check;
to whom he entertained all along a sense of opposition; which, as upon
many other occasions, so he particularly showed by what he did in the
time of the holy war. The Lacedaemonians, having gone with an army to
Delphi, restored Apollo's temple, which the Phocians had got into their
possession, to the Delphians; immediately after their departure,
Pericles, with another army, came and restored the Phocians. And the
Lacedaemonians having engraven the record of their privilege of
consulting the oracle before others, which the Delphians gave them, upon
the forehead of the brazen wolf which stands there, he, also, having
received from the Phocians the like privilege for the Athenians, had it
cut upon the same wolf of brass on his right side.

That he did well and wisely in thus restraining the exertions of the
Athenians within the compass of Greece, the events themselves that
happened afterward bore sufficient witness. For, in the first place,
the Euboeans revolted, against whom he passed over with forces; and
then, immediately after, news came that the Megarians were turned their
enemies, and a hostile army was upon the borders of Attica, under the
conduct of Plistoanax, king of the Lacedaemonians. Wherefore Pericles
came with his army back again in all haste out of Euboea, to meet the
war which threatened at home; and did not venture to engage a numerous
and brave army eager for battle; but perceiving that Plistoanax was a
very young man, and governed himself mostly by the counsel and advice of
Cleandrides, whom the ephors had sent with him, by reason of his youth,
to be a kind of guardian and assistant to him, he privately made trial
of this man's integrity, and, in a short time, having corrupted him with
money, prevailed with him to withdraw the Peloponnesians out of Attica.
When the army had retired and dispersed into their several states, the
Lacedaemonians in anger fined their king in so large a sum of money,
that, unable to pay it, he quitted Lacedaemon; while Cleandrides fled,
and had sentence of death passed upon him in his absence. This was the
father of Gylippus, who overpowered the Athenians in Sicily. And it
seems that this covetousness was an hereditary disease transmitted from
father to son; for Gylippus also afterwards was caught in foul
practices, and expelled from Sparta for it. But this we have told at
large in the account of Lysander.

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