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History of the Philippine Islands Vols 1 and 2 by Antonio de Morga

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Morales, arrived from Jolo with the advices and report of Joan Xuarez
Gallinato concerning the state of affairs in that island, whither
he had gone with the fleet at the beginning of that same year. The
governor, on account of the importance of the matter, wished to make
every effort possible, and determined to send him supplies and a
reënforcement of some men, which he did as soon as possible. He was
ordered to at least make an effort to punish that enemy, even if he
could do nothing more, and, whenever the opportunity presented itself,
to go to do the same thing in the river of Mindanao, and return to the
Pintados. When this commission reached Jolo, Gallinato was already so
worn out, and his men so ill, that the reënforcements only made it
possible for him to get away from there; accordingly without seeing
to another thing, he broke camp, burned the forts which he had built,
embarked, and went to Pintados, leaving the people of that island of
Jolo and their neighbors, those of Mindanao, emboldened more than
ever to make raids against the Pintados, and the islands within,
which they did.

The governor, without delaying any longer in Manila, hastily started
for the island of Panay and the town of Arevalo, in a galliot and
other small vessels, to see their needs with his own eyes, in order to
provide for them. He left war matters in Manila, during his absence, in
charge of Licentiate Don Antonio de Ribera, auditor of the Audiencia.

As soon as the governor left Manila, the auditor had plenty to look
after, because a squadron of twenty caracoas and other vessels from
Mindanao entered the islands as far as the island of Luzon and its
coasts, making captures. Having taken some ships bound from Sebu to
Manila, they captured ten Spaniards in them, among them a woman and
a priest and Captain Martin de Mandia, and they took them off with
them. They entered Calilaya, burned the church and all the town,
and captured many persons of all classes among the natives. Thence
they passed to the town of Valayan [Balayán] to do the same, but the
auditor, having received news of the enemy in Manila, had it already
in a state of defense with fifty Spaniards and a captain and some
vessels. Consequently, they did not dare to enter the town or its
bay, but crossed over to Mindoro, where, in the principal town, they
captured many men, women, and children among the natives, seizing their
gold and possessions, and burning their houses and church, where they
captured theprebendary Corral, curate of that doctrina. They filled
their own ships, and others which they seized there, with captives,
gold, and property, staying in the port of Mindoro as leisurely as
though in their own land, notwithstanding that it is but twenty-four
leguas from Manila. Captain Martin de Mendia, prisoner of these
pirates, offered for himself and the other Spanish captives that,
if they would let him go to Manila, he would get the ransom for all,
and would take it, or would send it within six months, to the river
of Mindanao, or otherwise he would return to their power. The chief
in command of the fleet agreed thereto, with certain provisions and
conditions, and caused the other captives to write, to the effect
that what had been agreed upon might be fulfilled, and then he
allowed the captain to leave the fleet. The latter came to the city,
and upon receiving his report, the auditor sent munitions, ships,
and more men to Valayan than there were there already, with orders
to go in pursuit of the enemy without delay, saying that they would
find him in Mindoro. Captain Gaspar Perez, who had charge of this in
Valayan, did not start so quickly as he should have done in order
to find the enemy in Mindoro, for when he arrived he found that he
had left that port six days before, laden with ships and booty, to
return to Mindanao. Then he went in pursuit of him, although somewhat
slowly. The enemy put into the river of a little uninhabited island
to get water and wood. Just at that time Governor Don Pedro de Acuña,
who was hastily returning to Manila, from the town of Arvalo, where
he had learned of the incursion of those pirates, passed. He passed
so near the mouth of this river, in two small champans and a virrey,
with very few men, that it was a wonder that he was not seen and
captured by the enemy. He learned that the enemy was there, from a
boat of natives which was escaping therefrom, and then he met Gaspar
Perez going in search of the enemy with twelve vessels, caracoas and
vireys, and some large champans. The governor made him make more haste
and gave him some of his own men to guide him to where he had left
the pirates the day before, whereupon they went to attack them. But
the latter espied the fleet through their sentinels whom they had
already stationed in the sea, outside the river. Accordingly they
left the river in haste, and took to flight, throwing into the sea
goods and slaves in order to flee more lightly. Their flagship and
almiranta caracoas protected the ships which were dropping behind
and made them throw overboard what they could and work with all
the strength of their paddles, assisted by their sails. The Spanish
fleet, the vessels of which were not so light, could not put forth
enough strength to overtake all of them, because, furthermore,
they went into the open without fear of the heavy seas which were
running, inasmuch as they were fleeing. Yet some of the ships of
Captain Gaspar Perez, being lighter, got among the enemy's fleet,
sunk some caracoas, and captured two, but the rest escaped, although
with great danger of being lost. Without accomplishing anything else,
the fleet returned to Manila where the governor had already entered,
very much disturbed that things should have come to such a pass that
these enemies, who had never dared to leave their houses, should have
been so daring and bold as to come to the very gates of the city,
doing great damage and making captures.

Some years before this his Majesty had ordered an expedition to be
prepared in Portuguese India for the capture of the fort of Terrenate
in Maluco, which was in the power of a Moro who had rebelled and
subjected it in a tyrannical manner, and had driven out the Portuguese
there. The necessary preparations of ships, munitions, and men were
made for this undertaking in India, and a hidalgo, named Andrea Furtado
de Mendoça, [158] was chosen general of this expedition. He was a
soldier skilled in the affairs of India, who had won many victories
of great importance and fame on sea and land in those parts, and had
lately had a very notable one at Jabanapatan. [159] He sailed from
Goa with six galleons of the kingdom, fourteen galliots and fustas,
and other ships, and one thousand five hundred fighting men, and with
supplies and munitions for the fleet. On account of the storms which
he met, his fleet was so scattered before reaching Amboino that the
galleys and fustas could not keep up with the galleons or follow them,
and only three of them, in convoy of the galleons, reached Amboino. The
other vessels put back into Goa and other forts on the line of that
voyage. The island of Amboino was in rebellion and the Portuguese
fort there was in great need, so that, while the galliots, fustas,
and other vessels of his fleet which had fallen off on the voyage were
gathering, and while help was coming which he had sent to ask of the
fort of Malaca, it seemed best to Andrea Furtado de Mendoça to stop
in Amboino, which is eighty leguas from Maluco, in order to pacify
the island and some towns of the neighborhood, and reduce them to
the crown of Portugal. He was more than six months in this, having
encounters with the enemy and with the rebels, in which he always
came out victorious, and from which he obtained the desired result,
and left everything reduced and pacified. His ships did not arrive,
however, and the help which he had requested did not come from Malaca,
and yet it was necessary for him to go to Terrenate, as that was the
principal purpose for which he had been sent. Considering this, and
yet seeing that he had fewer men than he needed for it, and that the
greater part of the munitions and supplies which he had brought were
spent, he determined to send word to the governor of the Filipinas of
his coming with that fleet, of what he had done in Amboino, that he
was to proceed to attack Terrenate, and that, because a part of his
ships had been scattered, and because he had stopped so many months
for those undertakings, he had fewer men than he wanted and was in need
of some things, especially supplies. He requested the governor, since
this matter was so important and so to the service of his Majesty,
and since so much had been spent on it from the royal treasury of the
crown of Portugal, to favor and help him, by sending him some supplies
and munitions and some Castilians for the undertaking. He asked that
all of this should reach Terrenate by January of six hundred and three,
for he would then be off that fort and the help would come to him very
opportunely. This message and his letters for the governor and the
Audiencia he sent to Manila from Amboino in a light vessel in charge
of Father Andre Pereira of the Society of Jesus, and Captain Antonio
Fogoça, one of his own followers. They found Governor Don Pedro de
Acuña in Manila, and presented the matter to him, making use of the
Audiencia and of the orders, and making many boasts of the Portuguese
fleet and the illustrious men who were in it, and of the valor and
renown of its general in whatever he undertook. They asserted at
the same time the success of the capture of Terrenate at that time,
especially if they received from Manila the succor and help for which
they had come, and which, in justice, should be given them, as it was
given from the Filipinas whenever the king of Tidore and the chief
captain of that fort requested it, and as his Majesty had ordered--and
with more good reason and foundation on such an occasion. [160]

Although Don Pedro de Acuña, from the time of his appointment to
the government, had the intention and desire to make an expedition
against Terrenate, and when he was in Mexico on his way, had treated
of this matter with those there who had any information about Maluco,
and sent Brother Gaspar Gomez of the Society of Jesus from Nueva
Españia to his Majesty's court--who had lived in Manila many years,
and also in Maluco in the time of Governor Gomez Perez Dasmariñas--to
treat of the matter in his name with his Majesty; and although he was
in hopes of making this expedition: nevertheless it seemed to him best,
without declaring his own desires, to aid in what Andrea Furtado asked,
and even more, not only on account of the importance of the matter,
but also because by thus helping, he would keep the general and his
messengers, in case they were unsuccessful, from excusing themselves
by saying that they had asked for help and reënforcement from the
governor of the Filipinas, and the latter had not given it, and so
that it might not be understood that he had failed to do so because
he himself was arranging for the expedition. Don Pedro de Acuñia
consulted about this matter with the Audiencia, which was of the
opinion that the aforesaid reënforcement, and more besides, should
be sent to the Portuguese at the time for which it was asked. When
this was decided upon, they put it into execution, very much to the
satisfaction of Father Andrea Pereira and Captain Fogaça. At the end of
the year six hundred and two they were despatched from the Filipinas,
taking with them the ship "Santa Potenciana" and three large frigates,
with one hundred and fifty well armed Spanish soldiers, ten thousand
fanégas of rice, one thousand five hundred earthen jars of palm wine,
two hundred head of salt beef, twenty hogsheads of sardines, conserves
and medicines, fifty quintals of powder, cannon-balls and bullets,
and cordage and other supplies, the whole in charge of the captain
and sargento-mayor, Joan Xuarez Gallinato--who had now returned from
Jolo and was in Pintados--with orders and instructions as to what he
was to do, namely, to take that help to Terrenate, to the Portuguese
fleet which he would find there, and to place himself at the orders
and command of its general. [161] Thither he made his voyage in a
fortnight, and anchored in the port of Talangame, in the island of
Terrenate, two leguas from the fort, where he found Andrea Furtado
de Mendoça with his galleons at anchor, awaiting what was being sent
from Manila. He and all his men were very much pleased with it.

In the month of March of this year six hundred and three, there
entered Manila Bay a ship from Great China, in which the sentinels
reported that three great mandarins were coming, with their insignia
as such, on business in the service of their king. The governor gave
them permission to leave their ship and enter the city with their
suites. In very curious chairs of ivory and fine gilded woods, borne
on the shoulders of men, they went straight to the royal houses of
the Audiencia, where the governor was awaiting them, with a large
suite of captains and soldiers throughout the house and through the
streets where they passed. When they had reached the doors of the
royal houses they alighted from their chairs and entered on foot,
leaving in the street the banners, plumes, lances and other very showy
insignia which they brought with them. The mandarins went into a large,
finely-decorated hall, where the governor received them standing,
they making many bows and compliments to him after their fashion, and
he replying to them after his. They told him through the interpreters
that their king had sent them, with a Chinaman whom they had with
them in chains, to see with their own eyes an island of gold, called
Cabit, which he had told their king was near Manila, and belonged to no
one. [162] They said that this man had asked for a quantity of ships,
which he said he would bring back laden with gold, and if it were
not so that they could punish him with his life. So they had come
to ascertain and tell their king what there was in the matter. The
governor replied briefly, saying only that they were welcome, and
appointed them quarters in two houses within the city which had been
prepared for them, in which they and their men could lodge. He said
that the business would be discussed afterwards. Thereupon they left
the royal houses again, and at the doors mounted in their chairs on
the shoulders of their servants, who were dressed in red, and were
carried to their lodgings, where the governor ordered them to be
supplied fully with whatever they needed during the days of their stay.

The coming of these mandarins seemed suspicious, and their purpose
to be different from what they said, because it seemed a fiction for
people, of so much understanding as the Chinese, to say that their
king was sending them on this business. Among the Chinese themselves
who came to Manila at the same time in eight merchant ships, and
among those who lived in the city, it was said that these mandarins
were coming to see the land and study its nature, because the king of
China wished to break relations with the Spaniards and send a large
fleet, before the end of the year, with one hundred thousand men to
take the country.

The governor and the Audiencia thought that they ought to be very
careful in guarding the city, and that these mandarins should be well
treated, but that they should not go out of the city nor be allowed to
administer justice, as they were beginning to do among the Sangleys,
at which the mandarins were somewhat angry. He asked them to treat
of their business, and then to return to China quickly, and he warned
the Spaniards not to show that they understood or were suspicious of
anything other than what the mandarins had said. The mandarins had
another interview with the governor, and he told them more clearly,
making some joke of their coming, that he was astonished that their
king should have believed what that Chinaman whom they had with them
had said, and even if it were true that there was so much gold in the
Filipinas, that the Spaniards would not allow it to be carried away,
since the country belonged to his Majesty. The mandarins said that they
understood very well what the governor had communicated to them, but
that their king had ordered them to come and that they must needs obey
and bring him a reply, and that when they had performed their duty,
that was all, and they would return. The governor, to cut short the
business, sent the mandarins, with their servants and the prisoner,
to Cabit, which is the port, two leguas from the city. There they were
received with a great artillery salute, which was fired suddenly as
they landed, at which they were very frightened and fearful. When they
had landed, they asked the prisoner if that was the island of which
he had spoken to the king, and he replied that it was. They asked him
where the gold was, and he replied that everything there was gold and
that he would make his statement good with the king. They asked him
other questions and he always replied the same thing. Everything was
written down in the presence of some Spanish captains who were there
with some confidential interpreters. The mandarins ordered a basketful
of earth to be taken from the ground, to take to the king of China,
and then, having eaten and rested, they returned to Manila the same
day, with the prisoner. The interpreters said that the prisoner,
when hard pressed by the mandarins to make suitable answers to their
questions, had said that what he had meant to tell the king of China
was that there was much gold and wealth in the hands of the natives
and Spaniards of Manila, and that if they gave him a fleet with men,
he offered, as a man who had been in Luzon and knew the country, to
capture it and bring the ships back laden with gold and riches. This,
together with what some Chinamen had said at the beginning, seemed very
much to have more meaning than the mandarins had implied, especially
to Don Fray Miguel de Benavides, archbishop-elect of Manila, who knew
the language. Thereupon the archbishop and other religious warned the
governor and the city, publicly and privately, to look to its defense,
because they felt sure of the coming of the Chinese fleet against it
shortly. Then the governor dismissed the mandarins and embarked them
on their ship, with their prisoner, after giving them some pieces
of silver and other things with which they were pleased. Although,
in the opinion of the majority of those in the city, it seemed that
it was beyond all reason that the Chinese should attack the country,
the governor began covertly to prepare ships and other things suitable
for defense, and made haste to complete extensive repairs which he
had begun to make on the fort of Sanctiago at the point of the river,
and for the defense of the fort he built on the inside a wall of
great strength, with its wings, facing toward the parade ground.

At the end of April of this year six hundred and three, on the
eve of Sts. Philip and James [Santiago] a fire started in a little
field house [casilla de zacate] used by some Indians and negroes of
the native hospital in the city, at three o'clock in the afternoon,
and passed to other houses so quickly, with the force of the rather
fresh wind, that it could not be stopped, and burned houses of wood
and stone, even the monastery of St. Dominic--house and church--the
royal hospital for the Spaniards, and the royal warehouses, without
leaving a building standing among them. Fourteen people died in the
fire, Spaniards, Indians, and negroes, and among them Licentiate Sanz,
canon of the cathedral. In all two hundred and sixty houses were
burned, with much property which was in them, and it was understood
that the damage and loss amounted to more than one million [pesos].

After Ocuña Lacasamanà, the Moro Malay, with the help of the mandarins
of Camboja who sided with him, and of the stepmother of King Prauncar,
had killed and put an end to Bias Ruyz de Hernan Gonçales and Diego
Belloso, and the Castilians, Portuguese, and Japanese on their side
who were in the kingdom, his boldness went so far that he even killed
the king himself, whereby the whole kingdom was divided into factions
and suffered greater disturbances than it had ever known before. God
permitted this for His just judgments, and because Prauncar did
not deserve to enjoy the good fortune which he had had in being
placed on his father's throne, since he lost it at the same time
that he did his life. Nor did Bias Ruiz de Hernan Gonzales and Diego
Belloso, and their companions, deserve the fruit and labor of their
expeditions and victories, since they were converted into disastrous
and cruel death at the time when they seemed most secure and certain,
for perchance their pretensions and claims were not so well adjusted
to the obligations of conscience as they ought to have been. But God
did not wish the Moro Malay to remain unpunished.

When this Malay thought that he was going to get the better part
of the kingdom of Camboja, because he had killed the Castilians and
Portuguese, their captains, and the legitimate and natural king himself
who favored them, he was more mistaken than he thought, because the
disorders and uprisings in the provinces gave opportunity for some
powerful mandarins in the kingdom, who held and maintained the saner
course, to join, and avenge the death of King Prauncar by force of
arms. So they turned against Ocuña Lacasamana and his Malays, and,
meeting them in battle on different occasions, conquered and routed
them, so that the Moro was forced to flee from Camboja, with the
remaining remnant of his men, and pass to the kingdom of Champa,
which bordered on it, with the purpose of disturbing it and making
war on the usurper who held it, and of seizing it all, or as much as
he could. This also did not turn out well for him, for, although he
brought war into Champa, and all the disturbances which it brings,
and caused the usurper and his men a great deal of trouble, at last
he was routed and killed and came to pay wretchedly for his sins at
the usurper's hands.

Seeing themselves rid of the Malay, but finding that the kingdom was
still disturbed, as he had left it, and without a male descendant
in the line of Prauncar Langara, who died in Laos, the mandarins
of Camboja turned their eyes toward a brother of his whom the
king of Sian had captured and taken with him in the war which he
had made against Langara, and whom he held in the city of Odia, as
they thought that he had the best right to the kingdom of Camboja,
by legitimate succession, and that it would be more easily pacified
in his presence. They sent an embassy to Sian, asking him to come to
reign, and asking the king of Sian, who held him captive, to allow
him to go. The king thought well of it, and, with certain provisions
and conditions which he made with his prisoner, gave him his liberty
and six thousand fighting men to serve and accompany him. With these
he came immediately to Camboja and was readily received in Sistor and
other provinces, and placed on the throne, and from those provinces
he went on pacifying and reducing the more distant ones.

This new king of Camboja who, from being a captive of the king of Sian,
came to the throne by such strange events and varying chances--for
God held this good fortune in store for him, and holds still more of
greater worth, if he can carry on what he has begun--caused search
to be made for Joan Diaz, a Castilian soldier, who survived from the
company of Blas Ruyz de Hernan Gonçales. He bade him go to Manila
and, in his behalf, tell the governor that he was on the throne, and
also what had happened in regard to the death of the Spaniards and
of his nephew Prauncar, in which he [the new king] was in no wise to
blame. He said that he recognized the friendship which they--Langara,
his brother, and the latter's son--received from the Spaniards in the
time of their troubles; that he himself was well disposed to continue
this friendship and understanding; and he again asked the governor,
if he were willing, to send him some religious and Castilians to reside
at his court and to make Christians of those who wished to become so.

With this message and embassy, and many promises, Joan Diaz came
to Manila, where he found Don Pedro de Acuña in the government,
and treated of the matter with him. The governor thought it unwise
to close the door to the preaching of the holy gospel in Camboja,
which God had opened again in this way, and he agreed to do what the
king asked. So, at the beginning of the year six hundred and three,
he sent a frigate to Camboja, with four religious of the Order of
St. Dominic with Fray Yñigo de Santa Maria, prior of Manila, at
their head with five soldiers to accompany them, among them Joan
Diaz himself. They were to give the king the reply to his message,
in confirmation of the peace and friendship for which he asked, and,
according to the circumstances which they found there, the religious
were to stay in his court and advise what seemed best to them. This
frigate reached Camboja after a ten days' voyage with favoring winds,
and the religious and the soldiers in their company ascended the river
to Chordemuco, where the king received them with great satisfaction. He
immediately built them a church, and gave them rice for their support,
and granted them liberty to preach and christianize. This seemed
to the religious to be the work of Heaven, and a matter in which a
great many workers could be employed. They sent immediate word of
their good reception and condition to Manila in the same frigate,
after asking permission of the king that it might return. The king
granted it and gave them the necessary supplies for their voyage, and
at the same time sent a servant of his with a present of ivory tusks,
benzoin, and other curious things for the governor, with a letter
thanking him for what he was doing and asking for more religious and
Castilians. Fray Yñigo de Santa Maria [163] with a companion embarked
on this frigate, in order to come to give a better report of what he
had found, but he sickened and died on the voyage. His companion and
those aboard the frigate reached Manila in May of six hundred and
three and gave an account of events in Camboja.

At the end of the same month of May, there came to Manila two ships
from Nueva España, in command of Don Diego de Camudio, with the
regular reënforcements for the Philipinas. It brought news that
Fray Diego de Soria, [164] of the Order of St. Dominic, bishop of
Cagayan, was in Mexico, and was bringing the bulls and pallium to
the archbishop-elect of Manila, and Fray Baltasar de Cobarrubias,
[165] of the Order of St. Augustine, appointed bishop of Camarines
by the death of Fray Francisco de Ortega. In the same ships came two
auditors for the Audiencia of Manila, Licentiates Andres de Alcaraz,
and Manuel de Madrid y Luna.

The captain and sargento-mayor, Joan Xuarez Gallinato, with the ship
"Santa Potenciana" and the men whom he had taken in it to Maluco in aid
of the Portuguese fleet which Andrea Furtado de Mendoça had brought
to assault the fortress of Terrenate, found this fleet in the port
of Talangame. As soon as this help arrived, Andrea Furtado landed
his men, Portuguese and Castilians, with six pieces of artillery,
and marched with them along the shore, toward the fort, to plant the
battery. He took two days to reach the fort, passing through some
narrow places and gullies which the enemy had fortified. When he had
reached the principal fort, he had all that he could do to plant the
artillery, for the enemy sallied out frequently against the camp and
hindered the work. Once they reached the very gate of the quarters,
and would have done a great deal of damage had not the Castilians
nearest the entrance stopped them and pressed the Moros so hard that,
leaving some dead, they turned and fled and shut themselves up in the
fort. At the same time five pieces were placed within cannon-shot
of it. The enemy, who had sufficient men for their defense, with
a great deal of artillery and ammunition, did much damage in the
camp, whereas the pieces of the battery had no considerable effect,
having but a short supply of powder and ammunition. Consequently what
Gallinato and his men had heard, when they joined the Portuguese fleet,
of the scant supply and outfit which Andrea Furtado had brought for so
great an enterprise, was seen and experienced very quickly. That they
might not all be killed, Andrea Furtado, having asked the opinion of
all the officers of his camp and fleet, withdrew his pieces and camp
to the port of Talangame. He embarked his men on his galleons and
returned to the forts and islands of Amboino and Vanda, where he had
first been, taking for the support of the fleet the supplies brought
him by Gallinato, to whom he gave permission to return to Manila,
with the Castilians. The latter did so, in company with Ruy Gonçales
de Sequeira, until recently chief captain of the fort of Tidore, who,
with his household and merchandise, left that fortress in another ship,
and they reached Manila at the beginning of the month of July of this
year six hundred and three, bearing the following letter from Andrea
Furtado de Mendoça to Governor Don Pedro de Acuña.

* * * * *

A letter which General Andrea Furtado de Mendoça wrote to Don Pedro
de Acuña from Terrenate on the twenty-fifth of March of the year one
thousand six hundred and three.

There are no misfortunes in the world, however great they may be,
from which some good may not be gained. Of all those through which
I have passed in this undertaking, and they have been infinite, the
result has been that I have learned the zeal and courage which your
Lordship shows in the service of his Majesty, on account of which I
envy your Lordship and hold you as master, affirming that the thing
which I would like most in this life would be for your Lordship to hold
the same opinion of me, and, as one that is very particularly your own,
that your Lordship should command me in what is for your service.

The help sent me by your Lordship came in time, by the favor of God,
and was what gave this fleet to his Majesty and our lives to all of
us alive today. By what happened in this expedition, his Majesty will
understand how much he owes to your Lordship and how little to the
captain of Malaca, for the latter was partly the cause that the service
of his Majesty was not accomplished. When the ship sent me by your
Lordship arrived, this fleet was without any supplies because it had
been two years since it had left Goa, and they had all been consumed
and spent on the occasions which had presented themselves. Admitting
this in order that it may not be imagined that it was on my account
that the service of his Majesty was not carried out, I went on shore,
which I gained, inflicting great losses on the enemy, and I placed
my last trenches a hundred paces from the enemy's fortification. I
landed five heavy pieces for battering, and in ten days of bombarding,
knocked to pieces a large part of a bastion where all the enemy's
force was concentrated. In these days all the powder in the fleet
was spent, without a grain being left with which its artillery could
be loaded even once, and if I should happen to run across a Dutch
squadron, of which I have little doubt, I should be forced to fight
with them. This was the principal cause for which I raised the siege,
when I had the enemy in great distress through hunger and also through
having killed many of his captains and other men in the course of the
fighting. From this your Lordship may judge of the state of suffering
and grief in which I must be. God be praised for everything, since
it is His will, and may He permit that His greatest enemies in these
regions may become the vassals of his Majesty.

I am leaving for Amboino to see if I can get help there, and if I
find sufficient, and if there is not elsewhere in the south anything
in such urgent need that I must attend to it, I am going to return to
this undertaking, and I will inform your Lordship of it at length. If
I do not find there the help which I expect, I shall go to Malaca to
refit, and from whatever place I am in, I shall always inform your
Lordship. I am writing to his Majesty, giving him a long account of the
affairs of this enterprise, and stating that it cannot be accomplished
or preserved in the future, unless it is done by the order of your
Lordship, and helped and increased by that government, since India is
so far that it could not receive help from there within two years. In
conformity with this, your Lordship should inform his Majesty, that
he may be undeceived in this regard about Maluco, and I trust to God
that I may be one of your Highness's soldiers.

I do not know with what words I can praise or thank your Lordship for
the kind things which you have done for me. These were made plain
to me by Antonio de Brito Fogaça, as well as by Tomas de Araux, my
servant. These are things which can not be rewarded or paid except by
risking life, honor, and property on every occasion which offers itself
in your service. If such an occasion should be presented to me, it will
be seen that I am not ungrateful for the favors which I have received;
the greatest of which, and the one which I esteem most highly, was
that, with this help, your Lordship sent me Joan Xuarez Gallinato,
Don Tomas de Acuña, and the other captains and soldiers. If I were to
mention to your Lordship the deserts of each and every one of these,
I should never end.

Joan Xuarez Gallinato is a person whom your Lordship should
esteem highly on every occasion, because he deserves it all. In
this expedition and enterprise he conducted himself with so great
satisfaction, courage, and prudence, that it is very clear that
he was sent by your Lordship and had fought under the banners of
so distinguished captains. Consequently, I shall be glad to know
that your Lordship has shown him many kindnesses, on account of his
services to his Majesty in these regions, and on my own account. The
thing which pleased me most in this undertaking, and which is worthy
of being remembered, is that, contrary to the proverb of the old
Portuguese women, in the course of this war there was not one harsh
word between the Spaniards and Portuguese, though they ate together at
one mess. But your Lordship may attribute this to your good fortune,
and to the intelligence and experience of Joan Xuarez Gallinato.

Don Tomas conducted himself in this war, not like a gentleman of
his age, but like an old soldier, full of experience. Your Lordship
should greatly esteem this relative, for I trust that your Lordship
may be a second father to him.

The sargento-mayor conducted himself in this war like an excellent
soldier, and he is a man whom your Lordship should regard favorably,
for I give my word that the Manilas do not contain a better soldier
than he, and I shall be greatly pleased if your Lordship honor him
and show him very particular favors on my account. Captain Villagra
fulfilled his duty well and Don Luys did the same. In short all the
soldiers, to a man, great and small, did likewise in this enterprise,
so that for this reason I am under so great obligations to them that,
if I were now before his Majesty, I would not leave his feet till I
had heaped them all with honors and favors since they also deserve
them. So for this reason I shall always be particularly glad if
your Lordship confers honors and favors on them all in general. May
our Lord preserve your Lordship for many years, as I, your servant,
desire. From the port of Talangame, in the island of Terrenate, on the
twenty-fifth of March, of the year one thousand six hundred and three.


(To be concluded)


Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, by Dr. Antonio de Morga.--The
translation is made from the Harvard original. In conjunction with it
have been used the following editions: The Zaragoza reprint (Madrid,
1887) a unique copy (No. 2658, Catálogo de la librería de P. Vindel)
owned by Edward E. Ayer, of Chicago; the Rizal reprint (Paris, 1890);
and Lord Stanley's translation (London, Hakluyt Society edition, 1868).


Thomas Candish or Cavendish, was a native of "Trimley in the country
of Suffolke." His fleet, consisting of three vessels, "The Desire,"
of 120 tons, "The Content," of 60 tons, and "Hugh Gallant," of 40 tons,
left Plymouth July 21, 1586, with one hundred and twenty-three men in
all, and provisions for two years. Steering a general southwest course
they reached the Strait of Magellan January 6, 1587. In the strait they
found the melancholy remains of a Spanish colony started three years
before--Twenty-three people out of the four hundred settlers, two of
whom were women. One named Hernando they took with them. This place
the Englishmen appropriately named Port Famine. Shortly after leaving
the strait they found at an Indian settlement, under the Spanish,
some "guinie wheat, which is called Maiz." The first capture was
May 1--a boat of three hundred tons from Guaianel laden with timber
and food. Prizes after that were thick and fast, and the vessels
were generally burned after being despoiled of valuables. On July 9,
near the coast of New Spain, a ship of one hundred and twenty tons was
taken, from one of the crew of which, Michael Sancius from Marseilles,
they first heard of "the great shippe called The Santa Anna, vvhich
vve aftervvard tooke comming from the Philippinas." After coasting
along New Spain and California committing various depredations,
among them the defacing of the Spanish churches, and various other
piratical deeds, they met on the fourth of November with the "Santa
Ana." They pursued it for three or four hours and finally overtaking
fought with and captured it. The fight is described as follows:

"In the afternoone we gat vp vnto them, giuing them the broad side
with our great ordnance, and a volee of small shot, and presently
laid the ship aboord, whereof the King of Spaine was owner, which was
Admirall of the South-sea, called the S. Anna, and thought to be seuen
hundred tvnnes in burthen. Now as we were readie on their ships side
to enter her, beeing not past fiftie or sixty men at the vttermost
in our ship, we perceived that the Captain of the said ship had made
fights fore and after, and laid their sailes close on their poope,
their mid-ship, with their fore-castle, and hauing not one man to
be seene, stood close vnder their fights, with Lances, Iauelings,
Rapiers and Targets, and an innumerable sort of great stones, which
they threw ouer boord vpon our heads, and into our ship so fast,
and beeing so many of them, that they put vs off the shippe againe,
with the losse of two of our men which were slaine, and with the
hurting of foure or fiue. But for all this we new trimmed our sailes,
and fitted euery man his furniture, and gaue them a fresh incounter
with our great Ordnance, and also with our small shot, raking them
thorough and thorough, to the killing and maiming of many of their
men. Their Captaine still like a valiant man with his companie, stood
very stoutly vnto his close fights, not yeelding as yet. Our General
incouraging his men afresh with the whole noyse of trumpets, gaue them
the third encounter with our great Ordnance, and all our small shot to
the great discomforting of our enemies, raking them through in diuerse
places, killing and spoyling many. They beeing thus discomforted,
and their shippe beeing in hazard of sinking by reason of the great
shot which were made, whereof some were vnder water, within fiue or
sixe houres fight, set out a flagge of truce, and parled for mercie,
desiring our Generall to saue their liues, and to take their goods,
and that they would presently yeeld. Our Generall promised them
mercy, and willed them to strike their sayles, and to hoyse out their
boat, & to come aboord: which newes they were full glad to heare,
and presently stroke their sailes, hoysed their boat out, and one of
their chiefe marchants came aboord vnto our Generall: and falling downe
vpon his knees, offered to haue kissed his feete, and craued mercie:
the Captaine and their Pilote, at their comming vsed the like duetie
and reuerence as the former did. The Generall promised their liues and
good vsage. They declared what goods they had within boord, to wit,
an hundreth and two and twenty thousand pezos of gold: and the rest
of the riches that the ship was laden with, was in Silkes, Sattens,
Damasks, with Muske and diuers other marchandize, and great store
of all manner of victualls, with the choice of many conserues of all
sorts for to eate, and of sundry sorts of very good wines. These things
beeing made knowne, they were commanded to stay aboord the Desire,
and on the sixt day of Nouember following, we went into an harbour,
which is called by the Spaniards, Aguada Segura, or Puerto Seguro."

During the division of the booty, a mutiny broke out, especially in
the ship "Content," but was quelled. The Spaniards, to the number
of one hundred and ninety men and women, were set ashore. Ammunition
and arms were left them, and the English departed: taking with them
however from the Spanish boat two clever young Japanese, three boys
born in Manila, a Portuguese, and one Thomas de Ersola, a pilot from
Acapulco. The "Santa Ana" was burned on the nineteenth of November,
and the English turned toward home. That same night the "Content"
vanished and was seen no more. January 3, 1588, the Ladrones were
reached. They had the experiences with the natives that are so often
described by the Spaniards, iron being the usual article bartered
by the English. The natives are described as "of a tawny colour, and
maruellous fat, and bigger ordinarily of stature then the most part of
our men in England, wearing their haire maruellous long: yet some of
them haue it made vp, and tyed with a knot on the Crowne and some with
two knots, much like vnto their Images which we faw carued in wood,
and standing in the head of their boats, like vnto the Images of the
deuill." January 14, they reached the Philippines at Cabo del Santo
Espiritu, "which is of very great bignesse and length .... and it is
short of the chiefest Island of the Philippinas called Manilla, about
sixtie leagues. Manilla is vvel planted and inhabited with Spaniards,
to the number of sixe or seuen hundred persons: vvhich dvvell in
a tovvne vnvvalled, which hath three or foure Blocke-houses, part
made of vvood, and part of stone, being indeed of no great strength:
they haue one or tvvo small Gallies belonging to the Tovvne. It is
a very rich place of Gold, and many other commodities; and they haue
yeerely traffique from Alcapulco in Nueva Espanna, and also twenty or
thirtie shippes from China, and from the Sanguelos, which bring them
many sorts of marchandize. They bring great store of gold vvith them,
vvhich they traffique and exchange for siluer, and give vveight for
vveight. These Sanguelos are men of maruellous capacity, in deuising
and making all manner of things, especially in all handiecrafts
and sciences: and euery one is so expert, perfect, and skilfull in
his facultie, as fevv or no Christians are able to go beyond them
in that vvhich they take in hand. For drawing and imbroidering vpon
Satten, Silke, or Lavvne, either beast, fovvle, fish, or vvorme, for
liuelinesse and perfectnesse, both in Silke, Siluer, Gold, and Pearle,
they excell. Also the fourteenth day at night we entred the Straits
between the Island of Luçon, and the Island of Camlaia." The natives
imagining them Spaniards willingly traded their food with them. At
an anchorage Thomas Ersola, the Spanish pilot, was hanged for trying
to inform the Spanish of the English. The following on the customs
of the inhabitants as seen at the island of Capul is interesting,
and accords, with slight differences, with the Spanish records:

"We roade for the space of nine dayes, about this Island of Capul,
where we had diuerse kinds of fresh victualls, with excellent fresh
water in euery bay, and great store of wood. The people of this
Island go almost all naked, and are tawny of colour. The men weare
onely a stroope about their wastes, of some kind of linnen of their
owne weauing, which is made of Plantan-leaues, and another stroope
comming from their backe vnder their twistes, Which couereth their
priuy parts, and is made fast to their girdles at their nauels;
which is this. Euery man and manchild among them, hath a nayle of
Tynne thrust quite through the head of his priuie part, being split
in the lower ende, and riuetted, and on the head of the nayle is as
it were a Crowne: which is driuen through their priuities when they
be yong, and the place groweth vp ag tine [sic], without any great
paine to the child: and they take this nayle out and in as occasion
serueth; and for the truth thereof, we our selues haue taken one of
these nayles from a Sonne of one of the Kings, which was of the age
of tenne yeeres, who did weare the same in his priuy member. This
custome was granted at the request of the women of the Country,
who finding their men to be giuen to the fovvle sinne of Sodomie,
desired fome remedie against that mischiefe, and obtained this before
named of the Magistrates. Moreouer all the males are circumcised,
hauing the fore skinne of their flesh cut avvay. These people vvholly
vvorshippe the Deuill, and oftentimes haue conference vvith him,
vvhich appeareth vnto them in moft vgly and monstrous shape."

In this island Candish, or Cavendish, announced their nationality
to the natives--whom he had made pay tribute in "Hogges, Hennes,
Potatoes, and Cocos"--and their hostility to the Spaniards. The
natives promised "both themselues and all the Islands thereabout,
to ayde him, whensoeuer hee should come againe to ouercome the
Spaniards." Their tribute money was returned to them in token of
the Englishmen's hostility to the Spaniards. January 24 the English
coasted along Luzón, and ran northwest between that island and Masbat.

"The eight and twentieth day, in the morning about seuen of the clocke,
riding at an anchor betwixt two Islands, wee espyed a Frigat vnder
her two Coarses, comming out betweene two other Islands, which (as wee
imagined) came from Manilla, sayling close aboord the shore, along the
maine Island of Panama. Here wee rode at anchor all that night, and
perceiued that certaine Spaniards (which came from Manilla to Ragaun,
to fetch a new shippe of the Kings, there builded) had disperfed their
Band into two or three parts, and kept great Watch in seuerall steedes,
with Fires, and shooting off their Pieces. This Island hath much plaine
Ground in it, in many places, and many faire and straight Trees doe
grow vpon it, fit for to make excellent good Masts for all sorts of
shippes. There are also Mynes of very fine Gold in it, which are in the
custodie of the Indians. And to the South-ward of this place, there
is another very great Island, which is not subdued by the Spaniards,
nor any other Nation. The people which inhabit it, are all Negros,
and the Island is called the Island of Negros; and is almost as bigge
as England, standing in nine degrees: The most part of it seemeth to
be very lowe Land, and by all likelyhood is very fruitfull.

"The nine and twentieth day of January, about six of the clocke in the
morning wee set sayle, sending our Boat before, vntill it was two of
the clocke in the afternoone, passing all this time as it were through
a Strait, betwixt the laid two Islands of Panama, and the Island of
Negros; and about sixteene Leagues off, wee espyed a faire opening,
trending South-west and by South: at which time our Boat came aboord,
and our Generall sent commendations to the Spanish Captaine, which
wee came from the Euening before, by a Spaniard which wee had taken,
and willed him to provide a good store of Gold; for hee meant for to
see him with his company at Manilla within few yeeres; and that hee
did but want a bigger Boat to haue landed his men; or else hee would
haue seene him then; and so caused him to be let on shore."

Thence the expedition passed through the Moluccas. At one of the
islands where they reprovisioned two Portuguese came to inquire of
"Don Antonio their King, then in England." These Portuguese declared
"that if their King Don Antonio, would come vnto them, they would
warrant him to haue all the Malucos at commandment, besides China,
Sangles, and the Isles of the Philippinas, and that he might be assured
to have all the Indians on his side that are in the countrey." The
sixteenth of May the Cape of Good Hope was sighted. August 23,
the Azores Islands hove in sight, and on September 9, they put into
Plymouth. A letter from the commander contains the following:

"The matter of most profit vnto me, was a great ship of the Kings
vvhich I tooke at California, vvhich ship came from the Philippinas,
beeing one of the richest of merchandize that euer passed those
Seas, as the Kings Register and marchants accounts did shew: for
it did amount in value to * in Mexico to be sold. Which goods (for
that my Ships vvere not able to containe the least part of them)
I vvas inforced to set on fire. From the Cape of California, being
the vthermost part of all Nueua Espanna, I nauigated to the Islands
of the Philippinas, hard vpon the Coast of China; of which Countrey
I haue brought such intelligence as hath not been heard of in these
parts. The statlinesse and riches of vvhich Countrey I feare to make
report of, least I should not be credited: for if I had not knovvn
sufficiently the incomparable vvealth of that Countrey, I should
haue beene as incredulous thereof, as others vvill be rhat [sic]
haue not had the like experience." [166]


The voyages of the Dutch into the East Indies had important results for
both Spain and Portugal. While they concerned themselves principally
with Java and the islands of the Moluccas, they made incursions among
the Philippines, where they were a constant menace for many years. The
first two expeditions--that of Houtman, June 11, 1596-August 14,
1597; and that of van Neck and van Warwyck, May 1, 1598-May 30,
1600--did little but establish the custom and make beginnings in
the East India trade. The first was concerned mainly with Java, but
the second entered (with four of its eight vessels) the Moluccas,
and brought back a load of cloves. These two expeditions also marked
the beginning of troubles with the Portuguese and natives. They were
both by way of the Cape of Good Hope.


The first voyage of great importance was that of Oliver van
Noordt. In 1598 a commercial company contracted with him to conduct
five vessels through the Strait of Magellan for traffic on South
American coasts. This fleet sailed on September 13, 1598, going
first to Plymouth, England, where an English pilot, who had been with
Candish on his expedition, was engaged. After various fortunes along
the eastern South American coasts, during which about one hundred
men were lost, the fleet entered the Strait of Magellan November 5,
1599. Contentions between van Noordt and his vice-admiral resulted
in the latter's being marooned, and the elevation to his place of
Captain Pierre de Lint, while Lambert Biesman was made captain of
the "Concordia." The vice-admiral and his ship were lost on March 14,
1600, which with other losses, reduced the fleet to but two vessels. On
debouching from the strait the fleet cruised along the Chilean coast,
alternately trading and committing depredations, and seizing prizes,
and finally determined to go to the Philippines by way of the
Ladrones. On September 15, the latter islands were sighted. There
they met the same experience as the Spaniards from the thievishness
of the natives. "These people, both men and women, seem amphibious,
and to be able to live on water as well as on the land, so well do
they swim and dive. Five pieces of iron were thrown into the sea to
them for the pleasure of seeing them exercise themselves. One of them
was skilful enough to get all five of them, and in so short a time
that one can regard it as marvelous.... Their canoes are so well
made ... and are fifteen or twenty feet long. They are quite roomy
and good sailers. They do not turn about to tack, but place the helm
in what was the bow, and leave the sail, which is made of reed mats
and resembles a mizzen-sail, in its same position without changing
it." Thence the route to the Philippines was continued. "They are
called also the Manillas, from the name of the chief port, and the
city built by the Spaniards.

"Some call them the islands of Luçon, because their chief
island is so named. It is said to be quite one hundred leagues in
circumference. There is located the city of Manille or Manilhe, the
capital of all these islands. They were formerly part of the crown
of China, which abandoned them for some slight pretext. After that
their laws and civilization were so poorly observed that they seemed
deadened when the Spaniards landed there. In fact, the inhabitants
there lived like beasts. Each one enslaved his neighbor, if he could,
and their chief occupation was mutual oppression.

"Such a nature gave the Spaniards great facility in subduing them,
which was rendered greater, since these people were simple and very
stupid. As soon as one mentioned baptism to them, they ran to get it
in droves, and became Christians to the extent desired. However the
Ilocos and others, too, who are called Pintados did not cease to give
trouble to their new masters.

"All these islands are densely populated and produce abundance of rice
and wine made from nypa. Deer, buffaloes, bulls, cows, swine, goats,
and other live-stock are found, although formerly they had none. But
now the care exercised by the Spaniards has made them so abundant,
that they yield in no way to Nouvelle Espagne.

"There are also many civet-cats, and all sorts of fruit as in
China. They yield considerable quantities of honey and wax. They
even have gold, but although the islanders pay their tribute to the
Spaniards in gold, the latter have not as yet--that is in the year
1600--been able to ascertain where they get it, notwithstanding their
efforts. They are commencing to sow wheat there. Flour was formerly
brought from Japon. The islands also supplied quantities of ebony
and bamboo.

"The Chinese engage extensively in trade there. They take all kinds
of merchandise there from China, namely, silks, cottons, china-ware,
gunpowder, sulphur, iron, steel, quicksilver, copper, flour, walnuts,
chestnuts, biscuits, dates, all sorts of stuffs, writing-desks,
and other curiosities.

"The Spaniards load all this merchandise in Manila and export it
to Nouvelle Espagne, whence more than one and one-half millions of
silver in money and in bars is taken annually to the Philippines. This
silver is exchanged for gold, giving four livres of silver for one
of gold. But this traffic is not extensive, since there is enough
gold in Pérou and Chili. They prefer to traffic with the Chinese,
for their returns reach one thousand per cent.

"The city of Manille is located in fourteen degrees of north
latitude. There is situated the residence of the Spanish governor,
who rules all the islands. The archbishop also lives there. He has
supreme authority in the ecclesiastical affairs of all the same
islands, where there are also three bishops suffragan to himself."

On October 14, 1600, the Dutch sighted the cape of Espiritu
Santo, whence they steered toward Manila. On the sixteenth
their first encounter with the Spanish in the islands occurred,
but the Dutch reassured the latter by flying a Spanish pennant,
and declaring themselves to be French commissioned by the Spanish
monarch. Consequently they were allowed to buy provisions freely,
in return for which the natives demanded money.

"The majority of these Indians were naked. Some wore a cloth
garment, while some were even clad like Spaniards. The chiefs, who
belong to the former race of commanders of the country, and who yet
remember that fact, have their skin cut or pricked very skilfully
and singularly. These cuts or pricks have been made with iron and
never fade.

"Besides this is a wretched race, who have no weapons, so that the
Spaniards tyrannize over them at will. They make them pay a tribute
of three reals [sic], that is, a trifle less than three Dutch florins,
per head, all men or women above twenty years.

"There are very few Spaniards in each district. They have a priest,
whom the inhabitants of the place revere greatly, so much so that
only lack of priests prevents them from holding all these islands
in servitude; for even in places where there are neither priests nor
Spaniards they have made the people pay tribute."

The Spaniards at last became suspicious of the strangers and
demanded to see their commission, upon which the one given by the
prince of Orange was produced, whereat great consternation reigned,
and the Dutch were forbidden more provisions. The latter continuing
their course entered the Manila strait on October 24, anchoring near
Capul. On landing near here, one of the crew, Jean Caleway [i.e., John
Calleway], an Englishman, and a musician, was somehow left behind,
and it was conjectured that the natives had seized him. November 1,
the vessels left Capul for Manila, sailing among the various islands,
and committing some depredations on Spanish, native, and Chinese
vessels. From a Chinese pilot, van Noordt gained certain information
concerning Manila.

"The houses of the city of Manila are built close together. The city is
surrounded by a rampart supported by a wall. More than fifteen thousand
Chinese live outside its walls. They engage in their business together,
and are given to various industries. In addition more than four hundred
vessels go there annually from China, from the city and province of
Chincheo, laden with silks and all sorts of merchandise. They take back
silver money in return. They come at a certain fixed time, namely,
after the month of December or between Christmas and Easter. At the
beginning of this present month of November ... two Japanese vessels
also generally sail to Manila, laden with iron, flour, bacon, and
other food....

"The walls of the city of Manila and the houses are built of stone, in
the modern fashion. It is so large and extensive that the Spaniards
have had a second wall built inside the city of less size than
the first, within which to retire in case of need.... It was made
especially in consideration of the Japanese, of whom the Spaniards
are very suspicious.

"The governor of all the islands, who resembles a viceroy, lives in
Manille, as does also the archbishop. Besides the cathedral there are
several other beautiful churches. All the inhabitants of these islands
are either Christians or pagans. As for the Moros or Mahometans,
they have all been exterminated."

The Dutch continued their depredations, and sent a letter by an
Indian to the governor, notifying him that they were going to visit
him. Biesman was sent on a scouting expedition, from which he finally
returned, after having been considered lost by some of the Dutch.

"The island of Manille, called Luçon by its inhabitants, is larger
than England and Scotland together. [167] There are other various
islands about it, also very large."

From a Japanese vessel some provisions were obtained, and the vessel
was allowed to continue its course to Manila. The depredations of
the Dutch were called to a sudden halt by the two Spanish vessels
sent out under Dr. Morga on the fourteenth of December, 1600, when
ensued the fight described in Morga. [168] Van Noordt inspired his
men with new courage by threatening to blow up the vessel unless they
fought more bravely. The Dutch found "a little silver box containing
little tickets filled with prayers and devotions to various saints,
to obtain their protection in times of peril," on the dead body of a
Spaniard. "The two Spanish vessels had about five hundred men, both
Spaniards and Indians, and ten pieces of cannon." The Dutch flagship
finally returned to Holland by way of Borneo, and Cape of Good Hope,
reaching Rotterdam August 26, 1601. [169]

* * * * *

Etienne van der Hagen's expedition (April 6, 1599--July 12, 1601)
reached the island of Amboina, where they besieged the Portuguese
fort there for two months, but were unable to take it. They made an
alliance with the natives before leaving against the Portuguese. The
Dutch fleet consisted of three vessels, and was sent out by the Dutch
East India Company for trading purposes.

The first expedition of Paul van Caerden (the Blancardo of the Spanish
accounts) occupied December 21, 1599--October 11, 1601, and was sent
out by the Nouvelle Compagnie des Brabançons. The fleet--four vessels
in all--left Holland in charge of Admiral Pierre Both. In their
company sailed four vessels of the old company, but they separated
almost immediately. They all went by way of the Cape of Good Hope. At
Bantam in Java two vessels of the four were sent, under command of van
Caerden, to trade for pepper. The two ships coasted the shore of the
island of Sumatra, stopping at various places, without much success,
on account of the tricks of the natives in their trade, until they
reached Achem in the northern part of the island. There they had
trouble with the natives which was instigated by a Portuguese priest,
and after seizing some pepper, which act they justified, returned
to Bantam in Java, where their cargo was completed. Van Caerden lost
twenty-seven men on this voyage, but brought back ten others who had
been held prisoners at Achem.

The second voyage of van Neck, or Nek (June 28, 1600--July 15, 1604),
followed, as the preceding expedition, the African route to Bantam,
where it met two Dutch vessels of the new trading company. The fleet of
six vessels had separated by common consent, October 10, 1600, in order
to facilitate their trade. Van Neck in the vessels with him, skirted
Celebes, and went to Ternate, where he was cordially received by the
natives. There the usual troubles with the Portuguese began, which
ended in an indecisive naval battle. Shortly after, the Dutch left for
China, leaving six men to watch their interests among the natives. "On
the nineteenth [of August] they anchored near the island of Coyo,
one of the Philippines. There they sent a small boat ashore. Its crew
learned that the inhabitants were savages, who paid tribute to the
Spaniards. On the twenty-second they anchored near another large island
of the Philippines, whose name cannot be found on the maps. It was
called Langhairs-eiland, or Longhair Island, because its inhabitants
wore their hair long, and hanging below the shoulders." September 20
they reached the Chinese coast, and on the twenty-seventh sighted "a
large city, built almost like Spanish cities," which they found to be
Macao. There unfortunate encounters with the Portuguese lost the Dutch
some men; and failing in their efforts there, they went to Patane,
where they traded some pepper. Thence the return voyage to Holland by
way of the Cape of Good Hope was made. The other three vessels of his
fleet arrived six weeks later. As consorts to van Neck's six vessels
two other vessels had left Holland on the same date, also sent by
the new trading company. After several mutinies they reached Sumatra,
whence after troubles with the king of Achem, the two vessels left,
leaving twelve of their men prisoners. The efforts of the latter to
escape were fruitless and even the efforts (in 1602) of one of the
vessels of Admiral Heemskerk, commander of a Dutch trading fleet,
were unable to rescue the prisoners.

April 5, 1601, a Dutch fleet of five vessels, under Wolphart Harmansan,
set out with another fleet under Jaques van Heemskerk. On May 8, the
two fleets separated, the former reaching the Bantam channel December
26, 1601. Several naval encounters with the Portuguese fleet under
Andrea Furtado de Mendoza resulted in partial victory for the Dutch,
who, after refitting at Bantam, took their course through the Moluccas,
and then returned to Bantam and Holland, reaching that country,
April 4, 1603.

Georges Spilberg left Holland May 5, 1601, with three vessels. Rounding
the cape, he cruised along until reaching Ceylon, whence he went
to Sumatra in September of 1602. At Sumatra he joined some English
vessels, and all remained together, and opposed the Portuguese. April
3, 1603, the Dutch and English left Sumatra and went to Java. At Bantam
they were joined by Admiral Wybrant Waarwyk with nine vessels. On June
30, Admiral Heemskerk anchored at the same place with a Portuguese
prize. After effecting their trade, the vessels returned to Holland,
and Spilberg reached that country May 24, 1604.

Corneille de Veen, in command of nine vessels, sailed from Holland
June 17, 1602, and was joined at sea by three others. April 15, 1603,
Sumatra was sighted, and the fleet anchored at Bantam in Java on the
twenty-ninth. Thence part of the fleet sailed for China. The fleet
captured near Macao a Portuguese vessel richly laden. They also
fought with a Siamese vessel, mistaking it for an enemy. Leaving
Bantam finally on their homeward trip, on January 27, 1604, they
reached Holland the thirtieth of August.

The expedition under Wybrandt van Waarwyk marked a new progression
in Dutch trading in Eastern seas. His expedition established
Bantam in Java more fully as the chief Dutch trading-post and
base of supplies. The number of vessels at his command (fifteen)
enabled him to despatch them in different directions to pursue their
trade. The hostility to, and competition with, the Portuguese became
more marked, and the entrance into India (through Ceylon), Siam,
and China, more pronounced. This expedition left Holland July 17,
1602, being joined on the nineteenth by other vessels. Near the
Cape of Good Hope three vessels separated with orders to proceed
directly to Achem in Sumatra. At that place they met three vessels,
which had left Holland May 30, 1602, and whose commander Sebald de
Weert received commission from Waarwyk as vice-admiral of the six
vessels. After negotiations at Achem, the six vessels established
relations and promised assistance against the Portuguese, in Ceylon,
but they almost ended by the massacre of the vice-admiral and a number
of his men. Engagements with the Portuguese through these seas,
and more or less successful attempts at trading and establishing
themselves marked the progress of these vessels, until the return of
three of them to Holland in the latter part of 1604. The main body of
the fleet had experiences about similar to the above vessels, singly
and in company, cruising through the East Indian seas, trading for
pepper, cinnamon, silks, and other products. The Moluccas and the
Philippines were generally given a wide berth, the Dutch seeking to
establish themselves fully on portions of the mainland and in Sumatra
and Java. François Wittert, who was later commander of a fleet, was
made chief commissary at Bantam and given detailed instructions. The
admiral finally reached Holland June 4, 1607, with several vessels.

The expedition in charge of Etienne van der Hagen (or Haagen), that
set out from Holland late in 1603 and early in 1604, had also decisive
results that more completely established the Dutch power in the East
Indies. This expedition was destined to come more intimately in contact
with the Portuguese and Spaniards than any former expedition. From
this time and even before, the Dutch expeditions overlapped, and
Dutch vessels in the Eastern seas were by no means rare. This fleet
(the second voyage of van der Hagen) comprised twelve vessels and
twelve hundred men. Its course was by way of Goa, Calicut, Cochin,
and Ceylon, to Sumatra and Java, reaching the post at Bantam December
31, 1604. There, shortly after, some English vessels were met. On
January 17, 1605, the principal vessels of the fleet left for the
Moluccas. February 21, they anchored at Amboina, where they were about
to storm the Portuguese fort, when the commander capitulated. "After
several conferences between the Portuguese commander's deputies
and the admiral, it was resolved that all the unmarried Portuguese
should retire, and that those married could be free to remain, if
they took the oath of allegiance to the States-general and to Prince
Maurice. Each one was allowed to take his gun or musket, but all
the cannon, ammunition, and arms of the king were to remain in the
fort." The admiral and fifty men went to the captured fort, where
they ran up the Dutch colors. The fort and island had contained six
hundred Portuguese. Forty-six Portuguese families remained and took
the oath. "This victory was considerable, not only because of its
slight cost, no blood having been shed, but because this place and
this island were of great importance." Thence five Dutch vessels went
to Tidore, where the Portuguese lost two vessels in a sea fight. Then
the Portuguese fort was attacked, which was taken May 19, 1605, with
a loss of two Dutchmen and seventy-three Portuguese. The Portuguese,
five hundred in number, took the boats offered them and set out for
the Philippines. "By this last victory, the Portuguese were driven
from all the Moluccas, and had nothing more there, except a small
fort in the island of Soler, near Timer." The conquered fort was
destroyed. Meanwhile other vessels of the fleet cruised about Sumatra,
Java, Malacca, and neighboring places, trading and seeking to check
the Portuguese. Shortly after June of 1607, the Spaniards, two hundred
and fifty in number, attacked one of the Dutch and Ternatan forts,
but were repulsed. On the desertion of the Tidore fort by the Dutch,
seven hundred Spaniards returned to it. Thus the Dutch continued to
strengthen their hold throughout the Indies.

The expedition under command of Admiral Corneille Matelief (1605-1608)
was remarkable chiefly for its siege of Malacca, and later its
manipulations in the Moluccas and in China. The fleet was composed of
eleven vessels and one thousand three hundred and fifty-seven men,
and cost 1,952,282 livres. Great trouble was experienced by the
admiral in the intoxication and excesses of his men, which led to
insubordination, during the entire course of the expedition. Also in
all parts he met a great unwillingness among the natives for work and
the coming to definite conclusions, the latter exercising duplicity
and at times treachery in their dealings with the Dutch. On March
22, 1606, the fleet sighted Sumatra, after hearing of the successes
in Amboina and Tidore. Going to the mainland they made agreements
or treaties with the king of Johore, clause ten of which reads:
"Neither of the two parties shall make peace with the king of Spain,
without the consent of the other." The succeeding siege of Malacca
resulted in failure, and on August 24, 1606, the Dutch retired after
losing two of their ships. The Portuguese were in charge of Andrea
Furtado de Mendoza. On the return of the Dutch to Sumatra and Java,
they met the great Portuguese fleet consisting of eighteen galleons,
four galleys, one caravel, and twenty-three fustas, with over three
thousand men--the largest fleet ever seen in the Indias--and in
the combat captured and destroyed four galleons, although with
some considerable loss to themselves. The Portuguese prisoners
taken formed lengthy material for debates between the Portuguese
and Dutch. On December 6, 1606, the admiral determined to go to the
Moluccas with six vessels, and to send the others to Achem to load
cargo for Holland. Reaching those islands after anchoring at Bantam,
the Dutch negotiated with the natives for their aid against the
Spaniards garrisoned in Ternate and Tidore. At Amboina, the admiral
"learned that the soldiers of the garrison were living there in great
debauchery, and that they became intoxicated, and nearly every man had
his concubine. On that account the inhabitants were greatly shocked
and were losing all their affection for the Dutch. They said that the
Portuguese married women among them, by which the two nations were
united. But since there were no marriages with the Dutch, the two races
could not be bound by affection." Besides the natives wished settlers
and not new men continually, whom they did not know. In consequence
the Dutch were permitted to marry the native women. Skirmishes with
the Spaniards resulted in little gain for the Dutch, and finally the
fleet sailed for China, after passing among a few of the Philippines,
where they entered into various relations and had various adventures,
trying ever to establish a fixed trade. Thence the vessels went in
different directions and on different missions toward the Dutch base
at Bantam. At Bantam Admiral Paul van Caerden anchored on January 5,
1608, to whom Matelief communicated the necessity of first attending
to Molucca affairs, giving him also information and advice concerning
those islands and the Dutch and Spaniards there. Shortly after Admiral
Matelief returned to Holland, where he anchored on September 2,
1608. Admiral Matelief drew up while on this expedition a good résumé
of Dutch aspirations in the East Indies that shows the compelling
motive in their expeditions thither. This memorial is as follows.

* * * * *

Memoir by Admiral C. Matelief, on the subject of the condition and
the commerce of the Indies

When I consider the condition of our country, and the wars that afflict
it, on the part of an enemy so powerful as Albert of Austria, who
is sustained by the house of Austria, and by his own house of Spain,
it seems to me that one cannot be more assured of the prosperity of
affairs in the Indias, than by leaving them solely in the hands of
the directors [of the trading company].

The Spaniards and the Portuguese are our adversaries. More than a
century ago they began to establish themselves there. They have gained
an entrance into several countries, where they have fortresses, many
men, and an established government. Consequently they are enabled to
attend to their business with greater certainty and by more convenient
methods than we, for we have to bring men from Holland, who become
weakened by the fatigues of the voyage, while the subjects of the
Portuguese, who live in the country, are fresh and full of health.

For, although the Portuguese have an insufficient number of men in
the Indias, to attend to all matters that arise, and at the same
time defend themselves against our nation, they can send men there
much easier than we. Vessels from Portugal are obliged to go only as
far as Goa, where their men disembark and rest. Then they form their
fleets from them; and the other Spaniards who come from the Manilles
do the same.

If, then, we would also establish ourselves advantageously and solidly
in the Indias, we must necessarily have some station, where we may
be received and free, on our arrival from Holland. This would be the
means of great profits. Refreshments could be found there ready for the
crews and for the vessels. That would increase our reputation among the
Indian princes, who as yet have not dared repose entire confidence in
us. The natives are sufficiently convinced that the Dutch are a good
race, and more gentle and tractable than the Spaniards. "But," they
say, "what good does that do us? The Dutch come here in passing, and
only while on their journey. As soon as their vessels are laden, they
return. After that we are abandoned to the Spaniards and Portuguese,
against whom we are powerless to defend ourselves. They come to pounce
upon us, because we have traded with the Dutch, their enemies. On the
other hand, if we attach ourselves to the Spanish, they, at least,
protect us in our needs. On the contrary, although the Dutch should
come with forces sufficient to protect us, we fear nothing from
them; they do not treat us as enemies. Even though we trade with the
Portuguese, the Dutch allow us to live quietly, and we have only to
be careful of those who molest us. Consequently our best plan is to
favor the Portuguese, lest they annihilate us."

Such are the reflections of all the Indians. Besides the Portuguese do
their best to persuade them that we have no forces, that we are but
a rabble, who scarcely have fixed habitations in our own country,
and quite far from being able to make lasting settlements in the
Indias. As for them, they are established there with men who wish to
live there. Therefore it is necessary for us to seek means by which
to gain the Indians, and make them understand that we have forces,
and wish also to become established among them. If not, one must
recognize that our affairs will prosper ill.

The commerce of the Indias consists chiefly: 1. In pepper, which
is loaded at Bantam, Jahor, Patane, Queda, and Achin; 2. in cloves,
which are loaded at Amboina and the Moluccas; 3. in nutmeg and mace,
or the rind of the nutmeg, which are loaded at Banda; 4. in the
commerce of Cambaie; 5. in the commerce of the Coromandel coast;
6. in the commerce of both the Chinese and Japanese coasts.

If the commerce of each of these is not managed by one nation, whether
the Portuguese or others, it will happen that one will destroy the
other. It will cause the price of merchandise in the Indias to advance,
and a low price will be paid for them in Europe.

However, in regard to pepper, it is impossible for us to get the
commerce all to ourselves; for, besides the Portuguese, the English
have also undertaken the navigation to Bantam. They have their
trading-posts and houses, and are trading there peacefully, while we
are at war against the Portuguese. We defend Bantam and the English
together, while they enjoy there the profits that cost them neither
defenses, blood, nor any annoyance.

[The king of Bantam is too young to negotiate with, and too much
money would be spent uselessly. For the natives throughout the Indies
would not hesitate to violate any treaty in any peril or to their
own profit.]

Besides we are at peace with the English, and it would be unjust to
try to find means to exclude them from a commerce which they have
already commenced. But measures can easily be taken to prevent them
from entering into the commerce of other spices. In regard to pepper,
we would have to make it serve as a ballast. By this means we could
give it so cheaply that the other nations, finding scarcely any profit
in it longer, would be obliged to cease trading in it themselves,
without counting on our part our profits from the other merchandise.

For, according to my opinion, we could easily attract all the commerce
of nutmegs and mace. For this purpose, instead of seizing Banda,
and building a fort there, which would cost considerable, and give
us a bad reputation among the Indian princes, the following is what
I think that we should do.

As the king of Macassar is a powerful prince, whose country is densely
populated, and well supplied with rice and all manner of food; and as
he furnishes them to Malacca and Banda: it would be necessary to make
a treaty with him, and to send him three vessels with two hundred men
for his country. This number, together with the Macassar men, would be
sufficient to attack Banda, and we would promise the king to deliver
it into his hands, without claiming any recompense for this aid,
except that no other nation but our own could load merchandise there,
and that the nutmegs and mace would be taken annually at a fixed price,
namely, at the selling price at the time of the expedition.

[Matelief is certain that the king of Macassar will acquiesce,
and would also probably be willing to build a trading-house for
the Dutch. Other conditions for the security of Banda might also be
imposed in the treaty.]

Of the clove-trade, it is very difficult for us to render ourselves
masters. We have the product of Amboina, Luho, and Cambelo; but not
that yielded by the Moluccas. The only means of obtaining it is to
drive the Spaniards from Ternate, and it can easily be imagined that
the task is not easy. However I shall not hesitate to write here my
thought concerning the matter.

The thing does not appear impossible to me, if one wishes to build on a
firm foundation. This would require a return to the Malacca affair. For
had the Portuguese lost Malacca, they could not easily go from Goa to
reënforce the Moluccas; and I do not think there would be much trouble
in preventing the sending of supplies to Ternate from the Manilles.

First, we should have to send three or four vessels to the king of
Mindanao, whose country is densely inhabited, and who, as report
runs, can launch fifty caracoas. All this fleet would go to Panama or
Panati [i.e., Panay] which is near the Manilles, and where there is
a place named Otting [i.e., Oton], guarded by but eighteen Spanish
soldiers with about the same number of other inhabitants, so that
in all there are but forty whites. This place would be destroyed,
or if the blacks of Mindanao wished to keep it, it would be given
them, for it is a country abounding in rice and several other foods,
which are transported to Ternate.

Thence I would suggest going directly to the Manilles to destroy
all the vessels in their ports, so that they could not aid
Ternate. Immediately a vessel of one hundred and sixty or two hundred
tons would be sent back to Mindanao, which would cross with the king's
caracoas to the strait of Tagima, to capture the vessels that should
try still to go to Ternate, because there is no other route. After
capturing one or two of them, no other vessels would dare to try it,
so that Ternate would perish from famine. For did we try at present
to overpower the island by force, I believe that the Spaniards could
fortify it so strongly, and have so many men there, that large armies
would be required to drive them out.

It would be difficult for them to provide Ternate with cloth, for the
little taken there now is brought by the Chinese to the Manilles. This
want of cloth would not fail to trouble the inhabitants, and it would
have to be sent from Malacca, and that could not be done easily. If
a galley could also be taken to Ternate, it would greatly annoy the

The commerce of China depends moreover upon Malacca. If the Portuguese
were driven from that place, the Chinese would have to give up that

The commerce of cotton stuffs at Coromandel is of great importance,
for all the inhabitants of the Indias dress in those stuffs, and must
have them at any price. There are different styles for each nation,
according to their taste, and they make them so in different places
... If Malacca were taken from the Portuguese, they would have no
further favorable opportunity for the trade in cloth....

If no means are found to besiege Malacca again, the Portuguese might
make use of their fustas to hinder our trade with Coromandel. For,
since this entire coast is low, and the fustas draw but little
water, they could always station themselves between the shore and our
vessels. Besides it is very dangerous for vessels to anchor there. If
the enemy is spry, he could carry the news to Goa in one week, whence
they could easily despatch their fleets against us.

It is certain that, if the Portuguese could be driven from Malacca,
they would have to renounce trade on the Coromandel coast; for
they would have no safe course, should they wish to get cloth,
and they could gain nothing, for the expense would overbalance the
profit. Consequently, I believe that all the commerce of the Portuguese
in the East Indies depends on Malacca, and that, in order to cut it,
one must take that place.

After that, there is no doubt that the inhabitants of Bantam would
not be reasonable, when they would see us in fixed establishments,
and would understand that since the English had no other commerce in
the Indias than that of pepper, they would not care to make frequent
voyages, or great expenses. The pepper of Jambeo, Andragyri, and
other points, that is taken to Bantam, would be taken to Malacca,
where, also, cloth for the return cargo would be found.

I have not learned whether the Portuguese have any strength at
Bengale. All whom I have heard speak of that country say that a good
commerce can be obtained there....

It would be advisable to send two vessels to Arracan to try to
trade. Besides the king is very anxious for us to go there. A
Portuguese, one Philippe de Britto, has a fort there, with a
garrison of eighty men. This fort is fifty leagues inland, and Britto
holds the entire country in check. Although the king of Arracan is
powerful, he has been unable as yet to find means for driving out
this Portuguese. This alarms all the kingdom of Pegu, especially
since it is annoyed by civil wars. That country has immense wealth,
especially in precious gems.

I do not believe that anything can be done with Cambaie while the
Portuguese have forts on the Malabar coast, and while the king is not
better disposed toward us. We must wait until he knows us better,
and until his mind is disabused concerning the Spaniards. For,
until he gives us permission to trade in his ports, we would always
encounter great danger, since large vessels can not enter. Besides
that country is so near Goa, that the Portuguese would be notified as
soon as we arrived there, and would pounce upon us with their forces,
so that we could hope for neither help nor protection.

All the above points to Malacca's importance, for the establishment
that we wish to make in the Indias. Therefore, for that reason, we
should reflect on it well. For, in short, it is time now for us to
assure ourselves of a fixed place and of a retreat. And this place
or that place that one might select, would cost immense sums before
it could reach the present condition of Malacca. Besides it will be
very difficult to find a place so advantageous.

* * * * *

The second expedition of Paul van Caerden (1606-1609) consisted of
eight vessels, equipped at a cost of 1,825,135 livres. Its chief
result was the capture of the Spanish fort at Machian and the two
captures of the commander, who finally died in prison at Manila. The
expedition sailed April 20, 1606, and shortly afterward began to have
trouble with the Portuguese. After rounding the cape they besieged
and took a Portuguese trading-post, after which they cruised past
Goa, Calcutta, and other places, finally sighting Sumatra, January 5,
1607, and anchoring at Bantam, January 6. There they met the Matelief
expedition. With a half-hearted following of Matelief's advice, van
Caerden anchored at Amboina in March, whence on May 10, he started
for Ternate. His capture by the Spanish of Ternate, the taking of the
Spanish fort at Machian--the place "most abounding in cloves of all
the Moluccas"--and other operations on land and sea followed. The
expedition finally left Ternate on August 3, 1608, and by way of
Bantam, reached Holland August 6, 1609, with a portion of its vessels.

The few years succeeding, events came thick and fast. Dutch
interests in the Indias multiplied. The taking of Malacca was
again considered. Resistance to Portuguese and Spanish interests
became even more pronounced, while the English and the Dutch came
to definite agreements, between their respective trading companies
as to trade in the Indias. The Dutch opened trade communication with
Japan. They became thoroughly established in the Moluccas, in Amboina,
and in the islands of Banda. The Spanish under Governor Juan de Silva
of Manila, took the offensive, and opposed the Dutch vigorously,
maintaining certain forts in Ternate, from which the efforts of the
Dutch failed to dislodge them. A Dutch fleet of thirteen vessels, with
Pierre Verhoeven as Admiral, and Francois Wittert as vice-admiral,
left Holland in 1607. Their course carried them along the shores of
India, before Malacca, and among the islands of Sumatra, Java, and
others. They had communication with vessels of other Dutch commanders,
among them those of the ill-fated van Caerden, who was exchanged by the
Spaniards March 23, 1610, proclaimed general of all the Moluccas July
1, 1610, and shortly after captured again by the Spaniards. They had
certain negotiations also with the English. At Borneo, Amboina, Banda,
Ternate, and their neighboring islands many important negotiations
were carried on, looking ever to the strengthening and prepetuation
of Dutch power. The war with the Banda islanders was at length
settled satisfactorily, although it required a number of years. In
this period came the twelve years' truce between Spain and Holland,
or the States-general, but notwithstanding active hostilities between
the two nations occurred afterward, the defeat and capture of Wittert's
vessels near Manila Bay occurring after news of the truce had reached
the Indias. In September of 1610 two vessels returning to Holland met
seven vessels under Admiral Both, in which were the first Dutch women
sent to the Indias. About 1613 the Spanish force in the Moluccas is
stated as follows:

"... The Spaniards have control of the city of Gammalamma, in the
island of Ternate, which they took from the inhabitants. They call
it Nuestra Signora di Rosario. It has a wall and bastions built of
stone. It is abundantly provided with cannon and war-supplies, which
are sent from the Manilles.

"It is at present garrisoned by 200 Spaniards and 90 Papaugos [i.e.,
Pampangos (?)] who are inhabitants of the Philippines, who are well
disciplined in arms, and serve as Spanish soldiers. There are also
30 Portuguese families, 60 or 80 Chinese families, who engage in
different trades, and 50 or 60 Christian Molucca families.

"They have another fort between Gammalamma and Malaia, called
Sts. Peter and Paul, located on an elevation, and mounted with six
pieces of cannon. There are thirty-three cast-iron cannon in the first
fort. The garrison of the latter consists generally of 27 Spaniards,
20 Papaugos, and some other people from the Manilles.

"They possess all the island of Tidore, where they have three forts,
namely, that of Taroula, located in the large city where the king
lives. It is stronger than the other two by its situation, which is
on an elevation. Its garrison is usually 50 Spaniards, and 8 or 10
Papaugos. It has ten large cast-iron cannon.

"The second fort is the old Portuguese castle taken by Corneille
Bastiaansz, which the Spaniards have retaken. It has 13 Spaniards,
with several islanders, and 2 pieces of cannon.

"The third is named Marieco, and is in sight of Gammalamma....Its
garrison consists of 14 Castilians and a few Papaugos, and it has two
pieces of cannon....The wars have somewhat depopulated the country...."

[The Spaniards also possessed several forts in Gilolo: Sabougo, taken
from the Dutch by Juan de Silva in 1611; Gilolo, also taken from the
Dutch by the same governor; and Aquilamo. All these forts contained
light garrisons. On the island of Moro, the Spaniards had the forts
Jolo, Isiau, and Joffougho. They usually maintained in the sea a
number of vessels. Juan de Silva is described as a brave, energetic,
and diplomatic man. The second capture of van Caerden proved a decided
blow to the Dutch, because of the loss of certain important papers.]

The Dutch power in the Moluccas was as follows:

"We have three forts at Ternate: that of Malaia, or Orange, commenced
by Admiral Matelief, where the king of Ternate lives; that of Toluco,
or Hollande, lying at the east end of the island, on an elevation,
one-half legua north of that of Malaia, built of stone; for fear lest
the Spaniards occupy this post, and for the same reason to send there
to live a portion of the superfluous men at Malaïa.

"Our third fort is that of Tacomma or Willemstad, lying at the
northwest. It was constructed by Admiral Simon Jansz Hoen...."

[In the island of Machian, they possessed the fort of Taffalo and
Tabillola. In Bachian they had a fort called Gammedource. All these
forts were adequately garrisoned.]

By 1627 affairs were still more flourishing and Batavia in Bantam,
on the island of Java, had already been made a base of supplies. Spain
still maintained forts at Ternate in that year. Signs of a desire to
attack the Spaniards in the Philippines began to be manifest.

In regard to Wittert's expedition, defeat, and death, the following
has been translated and condensed from Journal de l'amiral Wittert,
1607-10 (Liége, 1875), a small pamphlet in the library of Columbia
University, New York.

"In the year 1607, the Company of the East Indies despatched thirteen
vessels to find the Portuguese fleet, and probably to attack it, off
Mosambique or in neighboring waters. Pierre Willemsz, of Amsterdam,
was appointed admiral of this fleet; and François de Wittert, of the
ancient baronial family of that name--seignior of Hoogeland, Emeeclaar,
etc.--was made vice-admiral and president of the council-in-ordinary,
with full power to take the place of the admiral, who was very old
and infirm." The flagships of these officers were of eight hundred
and one thousand tons, respectively. The entire fleet carried two
thousand eight hundred to two thousand nine hundred men, forty-two
pieces of brass artillery and two hundred and eighty-three of
iron, one hundred stone-mortars, with the necessary munitions, and
provisions for more than three years. This armament cost ten million
eight hundred livres. The fleet set sail from the Texel on December
22, 1607, and reached "the fort of Mosambique" on the twenty-eighth
of July following. The Dutch besieged the fort, but were obliged to
retreat (August 13). "In this siege 30 of our men were killed, and 85
wounded. We fired 2,250 cannon-shots at this fortress, which is the
most important one possessed by the Portuguese in the East Indies;
it has four bastions and three ramparts. But after this siege, it
was almost entirely ruined, and the Portuguese power is destroyed,
especially as regards the puissant empire of the Abissinians, whose
emperor is named Preter-Jan [i.e., Prester John]." On November 5,
1608, the Dutch fleet reached Sumatra, where a naval battle with
some Portuguese vessels ensued. In January, 1609, Wittert went,
with some of the ships, to Johor, and aided the king of that state
to resist the Portuguese. On February 15, the fleet anchored at
Bantam, and on April 8, at Nera, one of the isles of Banda, where
they built a fort. Here, on May 22, the admiral and many of his
officers were treacherously assassinated by the natives. Here the
journal ends. Another and later entry reads: "Letters from Moluque
[Maluco] bring the news that on June 12, 1610, the admiral François
Wittert, while having some junks unloaded at Manila, was surprised by
the Spanish and slain in the combat. He was attacked by more than 12
vessels at once, but defended himself for a long time. The 'Amsterdam'
was finally captured by four ships which attacked it at once--one of
which, however, the Dutch blew up--and was taken to Manila with 51
dead on board, including the admiral; the yacht 'Faucon' had 34 dead,
and all its officers were slain except two--Piérre Gervits, master
of the yacht, and Piérre Hertsing--who were wounded. The 'Faucon'
also was carried away, with 22 dead. [170] The Spaniards made 120
prisoners on the two ships. As for the other vessels in their company
the yacht 'Aigle' was blown up; the 'Paon' and the shallop 'Delft'
escaped. It is not exactly known whither these vessels have gone;
but it is believed that they went to Patan."

With the increase of Dutch power in the Indias, complications
naturally multiplied. The year spent by Pierre van den Broeck
in the eastern seas, saw conflicts on the Indian coast, in Java,
against the English and Javanese, and also with the Portuguese. Van
den Broeck was in the service of the Dutch Trading Company for over
seventeen years. He went first to the Indias in the expedition under
Gerard Reyust, which left Holland May 3, 1613. On June 1, 1615,
he embarked with Admiral Verhagen for the Moluccas. He played an
important part in the establishment of Batavia in 1619, and in the
troubles with the English and Javanese. The truth of the inadequacy
of the natives against the more progressive races was proved again,
as it had previously been proved by the experiences of Portuguese
and Spanish. A siege of Batavia in 1629, by the Javanese failed in
its purpose. Van den Broeck returned to Holland June 6, 1630.

The second Dutch voyage to the East Indies under command of Georges
Spilberg sailed from Holland August 8, 1614, with six vessels. Its
object was chastisement of the Spanish. Reaching the Strait of
Magellan, March 28, 1615, after many adventures with the Portuguese
along the Brazilian coast, the fleet made the passage, and debouched
into the South Sea on May 6. Thence they coasted the western shores of
South America, and as far as Acapulco in New Spain. Near Lima a sea
fight with the Spanish occurred, in which the latter were worsted,
and three ships destroyed. When some of the Spanish who were in the
water called piteously for help, after saving the first and second
pilot, and a few sailors, "we left the remainder to the mercy of the
waves." The chronicle adds "Nevertheless some of the sailors killed
several who were swimming, and struggling against death--which they did
in disobedience to their orders." At Acapulco, the Spanish received the
Dutch well and some change of prisoners was effected. On November 18,
1615, the fleet turned westward, and sighted the Ladrones by January
1, 1616. On February 9, the cape of Espiritu Santo was sighted, and
on the 19th, under the guidance of native pilots, they sailed toward
Manila Bay, and anchored that same day near Luzón. "Our intention
was to make some Spaniard prisoner, in order to gain more detailed
information of what had been told us at Capul, namely, that a fleet had
been awaiting us for many days at the Manilles, and we wished eagerly
to learn more particular news of it." It was learned that the Spanish
fleet under Juan de Silva had gone to the Moluccas to aid the Spanish
there. Consequently, the Dutch fleet, after an ineffectual attempt
to exchange prisoners at Manila, went (March 10) to the Moluccas. On
the way they received assurance of the hatred in and about Mindanao
for the Spaniards, and their willingness to join the Dutch.

Reaching the Moluccas they cruised about for some time, and finally
two of the vessels were sent back to Holland, reaching that country,
July 1, 1617. With them they took the celebrated Jacques le Maire
who had attempted to find a new passage to the South Sea, below the
Strait of Magellan. As his voyage was not for the trading company
which enjoyed the monopoly of trade in the Indias, his ship was
confiscated. He died on the passage home. [171]

Although the Dutch were later in their explorations and conquests
throughout the Indias and neighboring regions than other nations,
their activity carried them to all the places visited or conquered by
the latter. As years went on the contests of the Dutch with the Spanish
tended to lessen, while those with the natives increased. Women went
to the new colonies in greater number, and life gradually assumed
a more settled aspect. The strenuous efforts of the Dutch sent
them into Formosa, China, Japan, and other countries. Expeditions
of more or less ships multiplied. The names of the Dutch famous in
the annals of the eastern seas are numerous. Their efforts, first
and foremost, were the establishment of a sound commerce. The above,
with the exception of the extract concerning François de Wittert, is
translated and condensed from Recueil des voyages ... de la Compagnie
des Indes Orientales (Amsterdam, 1725). See also, Histoire des voyages
(Paris, 1750); Isabelo de los Reyes y Florentino: Articulos varios,
(Manila, 1887), pp. 71-86, "Triunfos del Rosario ó Los Holandeses en
Filipinas;" and Ferdinand Blumentritt: Hollændische Angriffe auf die
Philippinen (Leitmeritz, 1880).

Morga's Philippine Islands

Volume II


From their discovery by Magellan in 1521 to the beginning of the XVII
Century; with descriptions of Japan, China and adjacent countries, by


Alcalde of Criminal Causes, in the Royal Audiencia of Nueva España,
and Counsel for the Holy Office of the Inquisition

Completely translated into English, edited and annotated by


With Facsimiles

[Separate publication from "The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898" in
which series this appears as volumes 15 and 16.]


CONTENTS OF VOLUME II [xvi of series]


Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas. Dr. Antonio de Morga; Mexico, 1609


View of Mallaca-Levinus Hulsius (Franckfurt am Mayn, 1612)

Weapons of the Moros; photograph of weapons in the Museo-Biblioteca
de Ultramar, Madrid

"Incola ex Insulis Moluco," from Voyage ofte Schipvaert, by Jan Huygen
van Linschoten; from original in Boston Public Library

View of corcoa (the vessel known as "caracoa"); photographic facsimile
of engraving in John Stevens's Collection of Voyages and Travels
(London, 1711), i.--in Argensola's "Discovery and conquest of the
Molucco and Philippine Islands," p. 61; from copy in library of
Wisconsin Historical Society

Map of the Philippine Islands, showing province of the Order of the
Hermits of St. Augustine; from Lubin's Orbis Augustianus ... (Paris,
1639); from copy in the Library of Congress

View of Acapulco Harbor, in Mexico; from Valentyn's Oud en Nieuw
Oost Indien (Dordrecht and Amsterdam, 1724); from copy in library of
Wisconsin State Historical Society

Autograph signature of Antonio de Morga; photographic facsimile from
MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla


In the present volume is concluded the notable work by Morga, Sucesos
de las Islas Filipinas, which was begun in VOL. I. The reader is
referred to the preface of that volume for some account of the book,
and of the manner in which it is presented in this series.

Continuing his narrative, Morga describes his voyage to Mexico,
whither he goes (1603) to be a member of the Audiencia there. He then
relates the events of the Chinese uprising in Luzón in that year,
which has been fully described in previous volumes of this series;
and his picturesque although plain narrative casts new light upon that
episode. Many Spaniards in Manila are so alarmed by this danger that
they remove, with all their households and property, to Nueva España;
but one of the ships carrying them is lost at sea, and the other is
compelled, after great injury and loss, to return to Manila--a serious
calamity for the colony there. The governor does his best to fortify
the city, and reënforcements and supplies are provided for him from
Nueva España. Bishop Benavides dies (1605). Friars from the islands
go to Japan, but the emperor of that country is offended at their
preaching, and advises Acuña to restrain them. In the summer of 1605
arrive supplies and men from Nueva España, and Acuña proceeds with his
preparations for the expedition against the Dutch in the Moluccas. In
the following spring he sets out on this enterprise, conducting it
in person; Morga describes this naval campaign in detail. Ternate is
captured by the Spaniards without bombardment, and with little loss to
themselves. The fugitive king of the island is persuaded to surrender
to the Spaniards and become a vassal of Felipe. Several other petty
rulers follow his example and promise not to allow the Dutch to engage
in the clove trade. Acuña builds a new fort there, and another in
Tidore, leaving Juan de Esquivel as governor of the Moluccas, with
a garrison and several vessels for their defense, and carrying to
Manila the king of Ternate and many of his nobles, as hostages. During
Acuña's absence a mutiny occurs among the Japanese near Manila, which
is quelled mainly by the influence of the friars. The governor dies,
apparently from poison, soon after his return to Manila. The trade
of the islands is injured by the restrictions laid upon it by the
home government; and the reduction of Ternate has not sufficed to
restrain the Moro pirates. The natives of the Moluccas are uneasy and
rebellious, especially as they have a prospect of aid from the Dutch,
who are endeavoring to regain their lost possessions there. Morga cites
a letter from a Spanish officer at La Palma, recounting the purpose
and outcome of van Noordt's expedition to the Indian archipelago.

The historical part of Morga's account ends here; and the final
chapter is devoted to a description of the islands and their people,
the customs and religious beliefs of the natives, and the condition at
that time of the Spanish colony and the city of Manila. He describes
the principal islands of the Philippine group, beginning with Luzón;
the various races of inhabitants--Moros, Negritos, and Visayans:
their mode of dress, their occupations and industries, their habits
of life; their weapons, their ships and boats; the trees and fruits of
the islands; the animals and birds, both wild and tame; the reptiles,
fishes, and other creatures; and various plants. Among these is the
buyo (or betel); the habit of chewing it has become universal among the
Spaniards, of all classes, and poison is often administered through
its medium. Various means and methods of poisoning are described,
as well as some antidotes therefor. Some account is given of the
gold mines and pearl fisheries, and of other products of the country
which form articles of commerce. Morga describes the two great lakes
of Luzón (Bombon and Bai), Manila and its harbor and approaches, and
other principal ports, with some neighboring islands; and gives some
account of the Visayan people and the larger islands inhabited by them,
and of the tides in the archipelago. Then follows an interesting and
detailed account of the Filipino peoples, their language, customs,
beliefs, etc. The language used in Luzón and other northern islands
is different from that of the Visayas; but all the natives write,
expressing themselves fluently and correctly, and using a simple
alphabet which resembles the Arabic. Their houses, and their mode
of life therein, are fully described; also their government, social
organization, and administration of justice. The classes and status
of slaves, and the causes of enslavement are recounted. Their customs
in marriages and dowries, divorces, adoption, and inheritance are
described; also in usury, trading, and punishment for crimes. The
standard of social purity is described by Morga as being very low;
yet infamous vices were not indigenous with them, but communicated by
foreigners, especially by the Chinese. The natives of Luzón appear
to be superior, both intellectually and morally, to the Visayan
peoples. Their religious beliefs and practices are recounted by Morga,
who naturally ascribes these to the influence of the devil. He also
narrates the entrance of Mahometanism into the islands, and how it
was checked by the coming of the Spaniards.

Morga next sketches the condition at that time of Spanish colonies
in the islands. He describes the city of Manila in detail, with
its fortifications, arsenals, government and municipal buildings,
cathedral, and convents; also the seminary of Santa Potenciana, and
the hospitals. There are six hundred houses, mostly built of stone,
within the walls, and even more in the suburbs; "and all are the
habitations and homes of Spaniards." All the people, both men and
women, are clad and gorgeously adorned in silks; and nowhere is there
greater abundance of food, and of other necessaries of human life,
than in Manila. Morga enumerates the dignitaries, ecclesiastical
and civil, who reside in the city; and mentions it as the center
and metropolis of the archipelago. He then briefly describes the
other Spanish settlements in the Philippines; and mentions in their
turn the various orders and their work there, with the number of
laborers in each. He praises their efforts for the conversion,
education, and social improvement of the Indians. He defines the
functions of both the civil and the ecclesiastical authorities,
and the policy of the government toward the natives; and describes
the application and results in the Philippines of the encomienda
system imported thither from America. He deprecates the permission
given to the Indians for paying their tributes in kind or in money,
at their option; for it has led to their neglecting their former
industries, and thus to the general damage of the country. Slavery
still exists among them, but the Spaniards have been forbidden to
enslave the natives. Personal services of various sorts are due
from the latter, however, to their encomenderos, to the religious,
and to the king, for all of which they receive a moderate wage; and
all other services for the Spaniards are voluntary and paid. Close
restrictions are laid upon the intercourse of the Spaniards with
natives. Various information is given regarding appointments to
office, residencias, elections, town government, and finances; also
of the ecclesiastical organization, expenses, and administration,
as well as of the incomes of the religious orders. Morga recounts
the numbers, character, pay, and organization of the military and
naval forces in the islands. The bulk of the citizens are merchants
and traders, commerce being the chief occupation and support of the
Spanish colony. Manila is a market for all the countries of Eastern
Asia, from Japan to Borneo. The China trade is restricted to the
inhabitants of the Philippines; Morga describes its nature and extent,
and the manner in which it is conducted, as well as the character
and methods of the Chinese traders. A similar account is given of the
trade carried on with the Philippines by the Japanese, Borneans, and
other neighboring peoples, and of the shipment to Nueva España of the
goods thus procured. This last commerce is "so great and profitable,
and easy to control, that the Spaniards do not apply themselves to,
or engage in, any other industry," and thus not only they neglect to
avail themselves of and develop the natural resources of the country,
but the natives are neglecting and forgetting their former industries;
and the supply of silver in the country steadily flows out of it and
into the hands of infidels. Morga enumerates the officials, revenues,
and expenditures of the colonial government. As its income is too small
for its necessary expenses, the annual deficit is made up from the
royal treasury of Nueva España. But this great expense is incurred
"only for the Christianization and conversion of the natives, for
the hopes of greater fruits in other kingdoms and provinces of Asia."

The large extent of the Chinese immigration to the islands is
disapproved by Morga, as unsafe to the Spaniards and injurious to the
natives. Some Chinese are needed for the service of the Spaniards,
for all the trades are carried on by them; but the number of Chinese
allowed to live in the islands should be restricted to those who are
thus needed. Morga describes the character, dress, mode of life,
and settlements of the Chinese near Manila; they are cared for in
religious matters by the Dominican friars. The Christian Chinese live
apart from the heathens, in a settlement of some five hundred people;
Morga has but a poor opinion of even these converts. Some account is
also given of the Japanese who have settled in Manila; Morga commends
them, and states that they prove to be good Christians.

He ends his work by a detailed account of the navigation and voyage
to and from the Philippines. The Mexican port of departure for this
route has been removed from Navidad to Acapulco. Morga describes the
westward voyage; the stop at the Ladrone Islands, and the traffic
of the natives with the ships; and the route thence, and among the
Philippine Islands. The return route to Mexico is much more difficult
and dangerous; for the winds are varying and not always favorable,
and the ship must change its course more frequently, and go far north
to secure favoring winds, there encountering cold weather. These severe
changes cause much suffering, and even death; and the vessel makes this
voyage without once touching land until it reaches Acapulco, a period
of five or six months. Morga also describes the voyage to Spain by
way of Goa and the Cape of Good Hope, which also is long and dangerous.


January, 1907.



By Dr. Antonio de Morga. Mexico: at the shop of Geronymo Balli in
the year 1609; printed by Cornelio Adriano Cesar.

Source: The translation is made from the Harvard copy of the original
printed work.

TRANSLATION: This is made by Alfonso de Salvio, Norman F. Hall,
and James Alexander Robertson.



On the tenth [of July] [173] of the same year, the vessels
"Espiritu-Santo" and "Jesus Maria" left the port of Cabit en route
for Nueva España--in the wake of two smaller vessels, which had been
despatched a fortnight before--with the Filipinas merchandise. Don Lope
de Ulloa was their commander, while Doctor Antonio de Morga left those
islands in the almiranta, the "Santo Espiritu," to fill the office of
alcalde of the court of Mexico. Before leaving the bay, both vessels
were struck head on by a storm, and went dragging upon the coast,
buffeted by the heavy seas and winds, and amid dark and tempestuous
weather, from three in the afternoon until morning of the next day,
notwithstanding that they were anchored with two heavy cables in the
shelter of the land, and their topmasts struck. Then they grounded
upon the coast, in La Pampanga, ten leguas from Manila. The storm
lasted for three more consecutive days. Consequently it was regarded
as impossible for those vessels to sail and make their voyage,
inasmuch as the season was now well advanced, and the vessels
were very large and heavily laden, and were deeply imbedded in the
sand. Advice was immediately sent overland to Manila, whence were
brought several Chinese ships, cables, and anchors. By dint of the
great efforts exerted, both vessels, each singly, were fitted with
tackle and cables, which were rigged at the stern. There awaiting the
high tide, the ships were drawn, by force of capstan and men, stern
first for more than one legua through a bank of sand, upon which
they had struck, until they were set afloat, on the twenty-second
of July, St. Magdelen's day. Immediately they set sail again,
as the vessels had sustained no injury, nor sprung any leak; and
they made their voyage and navigation, under light winds, to the
coast of Nueva España. A violent south-southwest gale, accompanied
by heavy showers, hail, and cold, struck the ship "Espiritu Sancto"
on the tenth of November, in forty-two degrees, and within sight of
land. The wind was blowing obliquely toward the shore, upon which the
vessel was almost wrecked several times. The vessel suffered distress
and lost its rigging, while the crew was worn out by the voyage and
with the cold. The storm lasted until November twenty-second. On the
morning of that day, while the ship was in the trough of the waves,
and with topmasts shipped, it was struck by a squall of rain and hail,
accompanied by great darkness. A thunderbolt, descending the mainmast,
struck the vessel amidships. It killed three men besides wounding and
maiming eight others; it had entered the hatches, and torn open the
mainhatch, with a blaze of light, so that the interior of the ship
could be seen. Another thunderbolt fell down along the same mast
among the entire crew, and stunned sixteen persons, some of whom
were speechless and unconscious all that day. It left the vessel
by the pump-dale. The next day, the wind veered to north-northeast,
whereupon the ship set sail, and went coasting along the land, with
sufficient winds until the nineteenth of the month of December,
when it made port at Acapulco. There were found the two smaller
vessels that had sailed first from Manila. Three days later, General
Don Lope de Ulloa entered the same port of Acapulco, in the ship
"Jesus Maria." That vessel had sustained the same storms as the ship
"Espiritu Sancto." From the time when the two vessels had separated,
on sailing out of the channel of Capul, in the Filipinas Islands,
they had not sighted one another again during the entire voyage.

In the same year six hundred and three, Governor Don Pedro de Acuña
sent the ship "Sanctiago" from Manila to Japon, with merchandise. It
was ordered to make its voyage to Quanto, in order to comply with
the desire and wish of Daifusama. As news had been already received
of the death of Fray Geronimo de Jesus, four of the most important
religious of his order in Manila--namely, Fray Diego de Bermeo [174]
(who had been provincial), Fray Alonso de la Madre de Dios, Fray
Luys Sotello, [175] and one other associate--sailed on that vessel
for the said kingdom.

As soon as the ships "Jesus Maria" and "Espiritu Sancto" sailed for
Nueva España, and the ship "Sanctiago" with the religious for Japon,
there was more time to discuss further the matter started by the
coming of the Chinese mandarins. For finding themselves unoccupied
with other matters, fear of the Sangleys became universal, and the
suspicions that were current that the Sangleys were about to commit
some mischievous outbreak. This the archbishop and some religious
affirmed and told, publicly and privately. At this time, a considerable
number of Chinese were living in Manila and its environs. Some of
them were baptized Christians living in the settlements of Baibai
and Minondoc, [176] on the other side of the river, opposite the
city. Most of them were infidels, occupied and living in these same
settlements and in the shops of the parián in the city; [they were
employed] as merchants and in all other occupations. The majority of
them were fishermen, stonecutters, charcoal-burners, porters, masons,
and day-laborers. Greater security was always felt in regard to the
merchants, for they are the better class of people, and those who are
most interested, because of their property. So great security was not
felt about the others, even though they were Christians; because, as
they are a poor and covetous people, they would be inclined to any act
of meanness. However, it was always thought that it would be difficult

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