Full Text Archive logoFull Text Archive — Free Classic E-books

History of Friedrich II of Prussia V 18 by Thomas Carlyle

Part 2 out of 7

Adobe PDF icon
Download this document as a .pdf
File size: 0.8 MB
What's this? light bulb idea Many people prefer to read off-line or to print out text and read from the real printed page. Others want to carry documents around with them on their mobile phones and read while they are on the move. We have created .pdf files of all out documents to accommodate all these groups of people. We recommend that you download .pdfs onto your mobile phone when it is connected to a WiFi connection for reading off-line.

to have had his really considerable career closed upon him by the
smallest of mankind; and, except occasional blurts of strong rugged
speech which come from him, and a good deal of wine taken into him,
disdains making farther debate with the world and its elect
Newcastles. Carteret, at this crisis, was again applied to, 'Cannot
you? In behalf of an afflicted old King?' But Carteret answered,
No. [Ib. i. 464.]

"In short, it is admitted and bewailed by everybody, seldom was
there seen such a Government of England (and England has seen some
strange Governments), as in these last Three Years.
Chaotic Imbecility reigning pretty supreme. Ruler's Work,--policy,
administration, governance, guidance, performance in any kind,--
where is it to be found? For if even a Walpole, when his Talking-
Apparatus gets out of gear upon him, is reduced to extremities,
though the stoutest of men,--fancy what it will be, in like case,
and how the Acting-Apparatuses and Affairs generally will go, with
a poor hysterical Newcastle, now when his Common Sense is fatally
withdrawn! The poor man has no resource but to shuffle about in
aimless perpetual fidget; endeavoring vainly to say Yes and No to
all questions, Foreign and Domestic, that may rise. Whereby, in the
Affairs of England, there has, as it were, universal St.-Vitus's
dance supervened, at an important crisis: and the Preparations for
America, and for a downright Life-and-Death Wrestle with France on
the JENKINS'S-EAR QUESTION, are quite in a bad way. In an ominously
bad. Why cannot we draw a veil over these things!"--

2. PITT, AND THE HOUR OF TIDE. "The fidgetings and shufflings, the
subtleties, inane trickeries, and futile hitherings and thitherings
of Newcastle may be imagined: a man not incapable of trick;
but anxious to be well with everybody; and to answer Yes and No to
almost everything,--and not a little puzzled, poor soul, to get
through, in that impossible way! Such a paralysis of wriggling
imbecility fallen over England, in this great crisis of its
fortunes, as is still painful to contemplate: and indeed it has
been mostly shaken out of mind by the modern Englishman; who tries
to laugh at it, instead of weeping and considering, which would
better beseem. Pitt speaks with a tragical vivacity, in all
ingenious dialects, lively though serious; and with a depth of sad
conviction, which is apt to be slurred over and missed altogether
by a modern reader. Speaks as if this brave English Nation were
about ended; little or no hope left for it; here a gleam of
possibility, and there a gleam, which soon vanishes again in the
fatal murk of impotencies, do-nothingisms. Very sad to the heart of
Pitt. A once brave Nation arrived at its critical point, and doomed
to higgle and puddle there till it drown in the gutters:
considerably tragical to Pitt; who is lively, ingenious, and,
though not quitting the Parliamentary tone for the Hebrew-
Prophetic, far more serious than the modern reader thinks.

"In Walpole's Book [ Memoirs of the Last Ten Years of
George II. ] there is the liveliest Picture of this
dismal Parliamentary Hellbroth,--such a Mother of Dead Dogs as one
has seldom looked into! For the Hour is great; and the Honorable
Gentlemen, I must say, are small. The hour, little as you dream of
it, my Honorable Friends, is pregnant with questions that are
immense. Wide Continents, long Epochs and AEons hang on this poor
jargoning of yours; the Eternal Destinies are asking their much-
favored Nation, 'Will you, can you?'--much-favored Nation is
answering in that manner. Astonished at its own stupidity, and
taking refuge in laughter. The Eternal Destinies are very patient
with some Nations; and can disregard their follies, for a long
while; and have their Cromwell, have their Pitt, or what else is
essential, ready for the poor Nation, in a grandly silent way!

"Certain it is,--though how could poor Newcastle know it at all!--
here is again the hour of tide for England. Tide is full again;
has been flowing long hundreds of years, and is full: certain, too,
that time and tide wait on no man or nation. In a dialect different
from Cromwell's or Pitt's, but with a sense true to theirs, I call
it the Eternal Destinies knocking at England's door again: 'Are you
ready for the crisis, birth-point of long Ages to you, which is now
come?' Greater question had not been, for centuries past. None to
be named with it since that high Spiritual Question (truly a much
higher, and which was in fact the PARENT of this and of all of high
and great that lay ahead), which England and Oliver Cromwell were
there to answer: 'Will you hold by Consecrated Formulas, then, you
English, and expect salvation from traditions of the elders; or are
you for Divine Realities, as the one sacred and indispensable
thing?' Which they did answer, in what way we know. Truly the
Highest Question; which if a Nation can answer WELL, it will grow
in this world, and may come to be considerable, and to have many
high Questions to answer,--this of Pitt's, for example. And the
Answers given do always extend through coming ages; and do always
bear harvests, accursed or else blessed, according as the Answers
were. A thing awfully true, if you have eye for it;--a thing to
make Honorable Gentlemen serious, even in the age of percussion-
caps! No, my friend, Newcastleisms, impious Poltrooneries, in a
Nation, do not die:--neither (thank God) do Cromwellisms and pious
Heroisms; but are alive for the poor Nation, even in its
somnambulancies, in its stupidest dreams. For Nations have their
somnambulancies; and, at any rate, the questions put to Nations, in
different ages, vary much. Not in any age, or turning-point in
History, had England answered the Destinies in such a dialect as
now under its Newcastle and National Palaver."

3. OF WALPOLE, AS RECORDING ANGEL. "Walpole's George the
Second is a Book of far more worth than is commonly
ascribed to it; almost the one original English Book yet written on
those times,--which, by the accident of Pitt, are still memorable
to us. But for Walpole,--burning like a small steady light there,
shining faithfully, if stingily, on the evil and the good,--that
sordid muddle of the Pelham Parliaments, which chanced to be the
element of things now recognizable enough as great, would be
forever unintelligible. He is unusually accurate, punctual, lucid;
an irrefragable authority on English points. And if, in regard to
Foreign, he cannot be called an understanding witness, he has read
the best Documents accessible, has conversed with select
Ambassadors (Mitchell and the like, as we can guess); and has
informed himself to a degree far beyond most of his contemporaries.
In regard to Pitt's Speeches, in particular, his brief jottings,
done rapidly while the matter was still shining to him, are the
only Reports that have the least human resemblance. We may thank
Walpole that Pitt is not dumb to us, as well as dark. Very curious
little scratchings and etchings, those of Walpole; frugal, swift,
but punctual and exact; hasty pen-and-ink outlines; at first view,
all barren; bald as an invoice, seemingly; but which yield you,
after long study there and elsewhere, a conceivable notion of what
and how excellent these Pitt Speeches may have been. Airy, winged,
like arrow-flights of Phoebus Apollo; very superlative Speeches
indeed. Walpole's Book is carefully printed,--few errors in it like
that 'Chapeau' for CHASOT," which readers remember:--"but, in
respect to editing, may be characterized as still wanting an
Editor. A Book UNedited; little but lazy ignorance of a very
hopeless type, thick contented darkness, traceable throughout in
the marginal part. No attempt at an Index, or at any of the natural
helps to a reader now at such distance from it. Nay, till you have
at least marked, on the top of each page, what Month and Year it
actually is, the Book cannot be read at all,--except by an idle
creature, doing worse than nothing under the name of reading!"

4. PITT'S SPEECHES, FORESHADOWING WHAT. "It is a kind of epoch in
your studies of modern English History when you get to understand
of Pitt's Speeches, that they are not Parliamentary Eloquences, but
things which with his whole soul he means, and is intent to DO.
This surprising circumstance, when at last become undeniable,
makes, on the sudden, an immense difference for the Speeches and
you! Speeches are not a thing of high moment to this Editor; it is
the Thing spoken, and how far the speaker means to do it, that this
Editor inquires for. Too many Speeches there are, which he hears
admired all round, and has privately to entertain a very horrid
notion of! Speeches, the finest in quality (were quality really
'fine' conceivable in such case), which WANT a corresponding
fineness of source and intention, corresponding nobleness of
purport, conviction, tendency; these, if we will reflect, are
frightful instead of beautiful. Yes;--and always the frightfuler,
the 'finer' they are; and the faster and farther they go, sowing
themselves in the dim vacancy of men's minds. For Speeches, like
all human things, though the fact is now little remembered, do
always rank themselves as forever blessed, or as forever unblessed.
Sheep or goats; on the right hand of the Final Judge, or else on
the left. There are Speeches which can be called true; and, again,
Speeches which are not true:--Heavens, only think what these latter
are! Sacked wind, which you are intended to SOW,--that you may reap
the whirlwind! After long reading, I find Chatham's Speeches to be
what he pretends they are: true, and worth speaking then and there.
Noble indeed, I can call them with you: the highly noble
Foreshadow, necessary preface and accompaniment of Actions which
are still nobler. A very singular phenomenon within those walls,
or without!

"Pitt, though nobly eloquent, is a Man of Action, not of Speech;
an authentically Royal kind of Man. And if there were a Plutarch in
these times, with a good deal of leisure on his hands, he might run
a Parallel between Friedrich and Chatham. Two radiant Kings: very
shining Men of Action both; both of them hard bested, as the case
often is. For your born King will generally have, if not "all
Europe against him," at least pretty much all the Universe.
Chatham's course to Kingship was not straight or smooth,--as
Friedrich, too, had his well-nigh fatal difficulties on the road.
Again, says the Plutarch, they are very brave men both; and of a
clearness and veracity peculiar among their contemporaries.
In Chatham, too, there is something of the flash of steel; a very
sharp-cutting, penetrative, rapid individual, he too; and shaped
for action, first of all, though he has to talk so much in the
world. Fastidious, proud, no King could be prouder, though his
element is that of Free-Senate and Democracy. And he has a
beautiful poetic delicacy, withal; great tenderness in him,
playfulness, grace; in all ways, an airy as well as a solid
loftiness of mind. Not born a King,--alas, no, not officially so,
only naturally so; has his kingdom to seek. The Conquering of
Silesia, the Conquering of the Pelham Parliaments--But we will shut
up the Plutarch with time on his hands.

"Pitt's Speeches, as I spell them from Walpole and the other faint
tracings left, are full of genius in the vocal kind, far beyond any
Speeches delivered in Parliament: serious always, and the very
truth, such as he has it; but going in many dialects and modes;
full of airy flashings, twinkles and coruscations. Sport, as of
sheet-lightning glancing about, the bolt lying under the horizon;
bolt HIDDEN, as is fit, under such a horizon as he had.
A singularly radiant man. Could have been a Poet, too, in some
small measure, had he gone on that line. There are many touches of
genius, comic, tragic, lyric, something of humor even, to be read
in those Shadows of Speeches taken down for us by Walpole. ...

"In one word, Pitt, shining like a gleam of sharp steel in that
murk of contemptibilities, is carefully steering his way towards
Kingship over it. Tragical it is (especially in Pitt's case, first
and last) to see a Royal Man, or Born King, wading towards his
throne in such an element. But, alas, the Born King (even when he
tries, which I take to be the rarer case) so seldom can arrive
there at all;--sinful Epochs there are, when Heaven's curse has
been spoken, and it is that awful Being, the Born Sham-King, that
arrives! Pitt, however, does it. Yes; and the more we study Pitt,
the more we shall find he does it in a peculiarly high, manful and
honorable as well as dexterous manner; and that English History has
a right to call him 'the acme and highest man of Constitutional
Parliaments; the like of whom was not in any Parliament called
Constitutional, nor will again be.'"

Well, probably enough; too probably! But what it more concerns us
to remember here, is the fact, That in these dismal shufflings
which have been, Pitt--in spite of Royal dislikes and Newcastle
peddlings and chicaneries--has been actually in Office, in the due
topmost place, the poor English Nation ardently demanding him, in
what ways it could. Been in Office;--and is actually out again, in
spite of the Nation. Was without real power in the Royal Councils;
though of noble promise, and planting himself down, hero-like,
evidently bent on work, and on ending that unutterable
"St.-Vitus's-dance" that had gone so high all round him.
Without real power, we say; and has had no permanency. Came in
llth-19th November, 1756; thrown out 5th April, 1757. After six
months' trial, the St. Vitus finds that it cannot do with him;
and will prefer going on again. The last act his Royal Highness of
Cumberland did in England was to displace Pitt: "Down you, I am the
man!" said Royal Highness; and went to the Weser Countries on
those terms.

Would the reader wish to see, in summary, what Pitt's Offices have
been, since he entered on this career about thirty years ago?
Here, from our Historian, is the List of them in order of time;
STAGES OF PITT'S COURSE, he calls it:--

1. "DECEMBER, 1734, Comes into Parliament, age now twenty-six;
Cornet in the Blues as well; being poor, and in absolute need of
some career that will suit. APRIL, 1736, makes his First Speech:--
Prince Frederick the subject,--who was much used as battering-ram
by the Opposition; whom perhaps Pitt admired for his madrigals, for
his Literary patronizings, and favor to the West-Wickham set.
Speech, full of airy lightning, was much admired. Followed by many,
with the lightning getting denser and denser; always on the
Opposition side [once on the JENKINS'S-EAR QUESTION, as we saw,
when the Gazetteer Editor spelt him Mr. Pitts]: so that Majesty was
very angry, sulky Public much applausive; and Walpole was heard to
say, 'We must muzzle, in some way, that terrible Cornet of Horse!'
--but could not, on trial; this man's 'price,' as would seem, being
awfully high! AUGUST-OCTOBER, 1744, Sarah Duchess of Marlborough
bequeathed him 10,000 pounds as Commissariat equipment in this his
Campaign against the Mud-gods, [Thackeray, i. 138.]--glory to the
old Heroine for so doing! Which lifted Pitt out of the Cornetcy or
Horse-guards element, I fancy; and was as the nailing of his
Parliamentary colors to the mast.

2. "FEBRUARY 14th, 1746, Vice-Treasurer for Ireland: on occasion of
that Pelham-Granville 'As-you-were!' (Carteret Ministry, which
lasted One Day), and the slight shufflings that were necessary.
Now first in Office,--after such Ten Years of colliding and
conflicting, and fine steering in difficult waters.
Vice-Treasurer for Ireland: and 'soon after, on Lord Wilmington's
death,' PAYMASTER OF THE FORCES. Continued Paymaster about nine
years. Rejects, quietly and totally, the big income derivable from
Interest of Government Moneys lying delayed in the Paymaster's hand
('Dishonest, I tell you!')--and will none of it, though poor.
Not yet high, still low over the horizon, but shining brighter and
brighter. Greatly contemptuous of Newcastle and the Platitudes and
Poltrooneries; and still a good deal in the Opposition strain, and
NOT always tempering the wind to the shorn lamb. For example, Pitt
(still Paymaster) to Newcastle on King of the Romans Question (1752
or so): 'You engage for Subsidies, not knowing their extent;
for Treaties, not knowing the terms!'--'What a bashaw!' moan
Newcastle and the top Officials. 'Best way is, don't mind it,' said
Mr. Stone [one of their terriers,--a hard-headed fellow, whose
brother became Primate of Ireland by and by].

3. "NOVEMBER 20th, 1755, Thrown out:--on Pelham's death, and the
general hurly-burly in Official regions, and change of partners
with no little difficulty, which had then ensued! Sir Thomas
Robinson," our old friend, "made Secretary,--not found to answer.
Pitt sulkily looking on America, on Minorca; on things German, on
things in general; warily set on returning, as is thought; but How?
FOX to Pitt: 'Will you join ME?'--PITT: 'No,'--with such
politeness, but in an unmistakable way! Ten months of consummate
steering on the part of Pitt; Chancellor Hardwicke coming as
messenger, he among others; Pitt's answer to him dexterous,
modestly royal. Pitt's bearing, in this grand juncture and crisis,
is royal, his speakings and also his silences notably fine.
OCTOBER 20th, 1756: to Newcastle face to face, 'I will accept no
situation under your Grace!'--and, about that day month, comes IN,
on his own footing. That is to say,

"NOVEMBER 19th, 1756, to England's great comfort, Sees himself
Secretary of State (age now just forty-eight). Has pretty much all
England at his back; but has, in face of him, Fox, Newcastle and
Company, offering mere impediment and discouragement;
Royal Highness of Cumberland looking deadly sour. Till finally,

"APRIL 5th, 1757, King bids him resign; Royal Highness setting off
for Germany the second day after. Pitt had been IN rather more than
Four months. England, at that time a silent Country in comparison,
knew not well what to do; took to offering him Freedoms of
Corporations in very great quantity. Town after Town, from all the
four winds, sympathetically firing off, upon a misguided Sacred
Majesty, its little Box, in this oblique way, with extraordinary
diligence. Whereby, after six months bombardment by Boxes, and also
by Events, JUNE 29th, 1757"-- We will expect June 29th.
[Thackeray, i. 231, 264; Almon, Anecdotes of Pitt italic> (London, 1810), i. 151, 182, 218.]

In these sad circumstances, Preparations so called have been making
for Hanover, for America;--such preparations as were never seen
before. Take only one instance; let one be enough:--

"By the London Gazette, well on in February, 1756, we learn that
Lord Loudon, a military gentleman of small faculty, but of good
connections, has been nominated to command the Forces in America;
and then, more obscurely, some days after, that another has been
nominated:--one of them ought certainly to make haste out, if he
could; the French, by account, have 25,000 men in those countries,
with real officers to lead them! Haste out, however, is not what
this Lord Loudon or his rival can make. In March, we learn that
Lord Loudon has been again nominated; in an improved manner, this
time;--and still does not look like going. 'Again nominated, why
again?' Alas, reader, there have been hysterical fidgetings in a
high quarter; internal shiftings and shufflings, contradictions,
new proposals, one knows not what. [ Gentleman's Magazine
for 1756, pp. 92, 150, 359, 450.] One asks only:
How is the business ever to be done, if you cannot even settle what
imbecile is to go and try it?

"Seldom had Country more need of a Commander than America now.
America itself is of willing mind; and surely has resources, in
such a Cause; but is full of anarchies as well: the different
States and sections of it, with their discrepant Legislatures,
their half-drilled Militias, pulling each a different way, there
is, as in the poor Mother Country, little result except of the
St.-Vitus kind. In some Legislatures are anarchic Quakers, who
think it unpermissible to fight with those hectoring French, and
their tail of scalping Indians; and that the 'method of love' ought
to be tried with them. What is to become of those poor people, if
not even a Lord Loudon can get out?"

The result was, Lord Loudon had not in his own poor person come to
hand in America till August, 1756, Season now done; and could only
write home, "All is St. Vitus out here! Must have reinforcement of
10,000 men!" "Yes," answers Pitt, who is now in Office: "you shall
have them; and we will take Cape Breton, please Heaven!"--but was
thrown out; and by the wrigglings that ensued, nothing of the
10,000 reached Lord Loudon till Season 1757 too was done. Nor did
they then stead his Lordship much, then or afterwards; who never
took Cape Breton, nor was like doing it;--but wriggled to and fro a
good deal, and revolved on his axis, according to pattern given.
And set (what chiefly induces us to name him here) his not reverent
enough Subordinate, Lord Charles Hay, our old Fontenoy friend, into
angry impatient quizzing of him;--and by and by into Court-Martial
for such quizzing. [Peerage Books, ? Tweeddale.] Court-Martial,
which was much puzzled by the case; and could decide nothing, but
only adjourn and adjourn;--as we will now do, not mentioning Lord
Loudon farther, or the numerous other instances at all. ["1st May,
1760, Major-General Lord Charles Hay died" ( Gentleman's
Magazine of Year); and his particular Court-Martial
could adjourn for the last time.--"I wrote something for Lord
Charles," said the great Johnson once, many years afterwards;
"and I thought he had nothing to fear from a Court-Martial.
I suffered a great loss when he died: he was a mighty pleasing man
in conversation, and a reading man" (Boswell's Life of
Johnson: under date, "3d April, 1776").]

Pitt, we just saw, far from being confirmed and furthered, has been
thrown out by Royal Highness of Cumberland, the last thing before
crossing to that exquisite Weser Problem. "Nothing now left at home
to hinder us and our Hanover and Weser Problem!" thinks Royal
Highness. No, indeed: a comfortable pacific No-government, or
Battle of the Four Elements, left yonder; the Anarch Old waggling
his addle head over it; ready to help everybody, and bring fire and
water, and Yes and No, into holy matrimony, if he could!--Let us
return to Prag. Only one remark more; upon "April 5th." That was
the Day of Pitt's Dismissal at St. James's: and I find, at
Schonbrunn it is likewise the day when REICHS-HOFRATH (Kaiser in
Privy Council) decides, in respect to Friedrich, that Ban of the
Reich must be proceeded with, and recommends Reich's Diet to get
through with the same. [ Helden-Geschichte
(Reichs-Procedures, UBI SUPRA).] Official England ordering its Pitt
into private life, and Official Teutschland its Friedrich into
outlawry ("Be quiet henceforth, both of YOU!")--are, by chance,
synchronous phenomena.


Friedrich's Siege of Prag proved tedious beyond expectation.
In four days he had done that exploit in 1744; but now, to the
world's disappointment, in as many weeks he cannot. Nothing was
omitted on his part: he seized all egresses from Prag, rapidly
enough; had beset them with batteries, on the very night or morrow
of the Battle; every egress beset, cannon and ruin forbidding any
issue there. On the 9th of May, cannonading began; proper siege-
cannon and ammunition, coming up from Dresden, were completely come
May 19th; after which the place is industriously battered,
bombarded with red-hot balls; but except by hunger, it will not do.
Prag as a fortress is weak, but as a breastwork for 50,000 men it
is strong. The Austrians tried sallies; but these availed nothing,
--very ill-conducted, say some. The Prussians, more than once, had
nearly got into the place by surprisal; but, owing to mere luck of
the Austrians, never could,--say the same parties. [Archenholtz, i.
85, 87.]

A DIARIUM of Prag Siege is still extant, Two DIARIUMS;
punctual diurnal account, both Austrian and Prussian: [In
Helden-Geschichte, iv. 42-56, Prussian DIARIUM;
ib. 73-86, Austrian.] which it is far from our intention to inflict
on readers, in this haste. Siege lasted six weeks; four weeks
extremely hot,--from May 19th, when the proper artilleries, in
complete state, got up from Dresden. Line of siege-works, or
intermittent series of batteries, is some twelve miles long;
from Branik southward to beyond the Belvedere northward, on both
sides of the Moldau. King's Camp is on the Ziscaberg; Keith's on
the Lorenz Berg, embracing and commanding the Weissenberg;
there are two Bridges of communication, Branik and Podoli:
King lodges in the Parsonage of Michel,--the busiest of all the
sons of Adam; what a set of meditations in that Parsonage!
The Besieged, 46,000 by count, offer to surrender Prag on condition
of "Free withdrawal:" "No; you shall engage, such of you as won't
enlist with us, not to serve against me for six years." Here are
some select Specimens; Prussian chiefly, in an abridged state:--

"MAY 19th, No sooner was our artillery come (all the grounds and
beds for it had been ready beforehand), than as evening fell, it
began to play in terrific fashion."

"NIGHT OF THE 23d-24th MAY, There broke out a furious sally;
their first, and much their hottest, say the Prussians: a very
serious affair;--which fell upon Keith's quarter, west side of the
Moldau. Sally, say something like 10,000 strong; picked men all,
and strengthened with half a pound of horse-flesh each" (unluckily
without salt): judge what the common diet must have been, when that
was generous! "No salt to it; but a fair supplement of brandy.
Browne, from his bed of pain (died 26th June), had been strongly
urgent. Aim is, To force the Prussian lines, by determination and
the help of darkness, in some weak point: the whole Army, standing
ranked on the walls, shall follow, if things go well; and storm
itself through,--away Daun-wards, across the River by
Podoli Bridge.

"Sally broke out between 1 and 2 A.M.; but we had wind of it, and
were on the alert. Sally tried on this place and on that;
very furious in places, but could not anywhere prevail.
The tussling lasted for near six hours (Prince Ferdinand" of
Preussen, King's youngest Brother, "and others of us, getting hurts
and doing exploits),--till, about 7 A.M., it was wholly swept in,
with loss of 1,000 dead. Upon which, their whole Army retired to
its quarters, in a hopeless condition. Escape impossible.
Near 50,000 of them; but in such a posture. Provision of bread, the
spies say, is not scarce, unless the Prussians can burn it, which
they are industriously trying (diligent to learn where the
Magazines are, and to fire incessantly upon the same): plenty of
meal hitherto; but for butcher's-meat, only what we saw.
Forage nearly done, and 12,000 horses standing in the squares and
market-places,--not even stabling for them, not to speak of food or
work,--slaughtering and salting [if one but had salt!] the one
method. Horse-flesh two kreutzers a pound; rises gradually to
double that value.

"MAY 29th, About sunset there came a furious burst of weather:
rain-torrents mixed with battering hail;--some flaw of water-spout
among the Hills; for it lasted hour on hour, and Moldau came down
roaring double-deep, above a hundred yards too wide each way;
with cargoes of ruin, torn-up trees, drowned horses; which sorely
tried our Bridge at Branik. Bridge, half of it, did break away
(Friedrich's half, forty-four pontoons; Keith's people got their
end of the Bridge doubled in and saved): the Austrians, in Prag,
fished out twenty-four of Friedrich's pontoons; the other twenty we
caught at our Bridge of Podoli, farther down. A most wild night for
the Prussian Army in tents; and indeed for Prag itself, the low
parts of which were all under water; unfortunate individuals
getting drowned in the cellars; and, still more important, a great
deal of Austrian meal, which had been carried thither, to be safe
from the red-hot balls.

"It was thought the Austrians, our Bridge being down, might try a
sally again. To prevent which, hardly was the rain done, when, on
our part, a rocket flew aloft; and there began on the City, from
all sides, a deluge of bombs and red hot balls. So that the still-
dripping City was set fire to, in various parts: and we could hear
[what this Editor never can forget] the WEH-KLAGEN (wail) of the
Townsfolk as they tried to quench it, and it always burst out
again. The fire-deluge lasted for six hours."--Human WEH-KLAGEN,
through the hollow of Night, audible to the Prussians and us:
"Woe's me! water-deluges, then fire-deluges; death on every hand!"
According to the Austrian accounts, there perished, by bursting of
bomb-shells, falling of walls, by hunger and other misery and
hurts, "above 9,000 Townsfolk in this Siege." Yes, my Imperial
friends; War is not a thing of streamering and ornamental
trumpeting alone; War is an inexorable, dangerously incalculable
thing. Is it not a terrible question, at whose door lies the
beginning of a War!

"JUNE 5th, 12,000 poor people of Prag were pushed out:
'Useless mouths, will you contrive to disappear some way!'
But, after haggling about all day, they had to be admitted in
again, under penalty of being shot.

"JUNE 8th, City looking black and ruinous, whole of the Neustadt in
ashes; few houses left in the Jew Town; in the Altstadt the fire
raged on (WUTHETE FORT). Nothing but ruin and confusion over there;
population hiding in cellars, getting killed by falling buildings.
Burgermeister and Townsfolk besiege Prince Karl, 'For the Virgin's
sake, have pity on us, Your Serenity!' Poor Prince Karl has to be
deaf, whatever his feelings.

"He was diligent in attending mass, they say: he alone of the
Princes, of whom there were several; two Saxon Princes among
others, Prince Xavier the elder of them, who will be heard of
again. A profane set, these, lodging in the CLEMENTINUM [vast
Jesuit Edifice, which had been cleared out for them, and "the
windows filled with dung outside," against balls]: there, with
wines of fine vintage, and cookeries plentiful and exquisite, that
know nothing of famine outside, they led an idle disorderly life,--
ran races in the long corridors [not so bad a course], dressed
themselves in Priests' vestures [which are abundant in such
locality], and made travesties and mummeries of Holy Religion;
the wretched creatures, defying despair, as buccaneers might when
their ship is sinking. To surrender, everything forbids; of escape,
there is no possibility. [Archenholtz i. 86; Helden-
Geschichte, iv. 73-84.]

"JUNE 9th, The bombardment abates; a LABORATORIUM of our own flew
aloft by some spark or accident; and killed tbirteen men.

"JUNE 15th, From the King's Camp a few bombs [King himself now
gone] kindled the City in three places:"--but there is, by this
time, new game afield; Prag Siege awaiting its decision not at
Prag, but some way off.

Friedrich has been doing his utmost; diligent, by all methods, to
learn where the Austrian Magazines were, that is, on what special
edifices and localities shot might be expended with advantage;
and has fired into these "about 12,000 bombs." Here is a small
thing still remembered:--

"Spies being, above all, essential in this business, Friedrich had
bethought him of one Kasebier, a supreme of House-breakers, whom he
has, safe with a ball at his ankle, doing forced labor at Spandau
[in Stettin, if it mattered]. Kasebier was actually sent for,
pardon promised him if he could do the State a service.
Kasebier smuggled himself twice, perhaps three times, into Prag;
but the fourth time he did not come back." [Retzow, i. 108. n.]
Another Note says: "Kasebier was a Tailor, and Son of a Tailor, in
Halle; and the expertest of Thieves. Had been doing forced labor,
in Stettin, since 1748; twice did get into Prag; third time,
vanished. A highly celebrated Prussian thief; still a myth among
the People, like Dick Turpin or Cartouche, except that his was
always theft without violence." [Preuss, ii. 57 n.]

We learn vaguely that the price of horse-flesh in Prag has risen to
double; famine very sore: but still one hears nothing of surrender.
And again there is vague rumor that the City may be as it will;
but that the Garrison has meal, after all we have ruined, which
will last till October. Such a Problem has this King:
soluble within the time; or not soluble? Such a question for the
whole world, and for himself more than any.


Chapter IV.


On and after June 9th, the bombardment at Prag abated, and never
rose to briskness again; the place of trial for decision of that
Siege having flitted else-whither, as we said. About that time,
rumors came in, not so favorable, from the Duke of Bevern;
which Friedrich, strong in hope, strove visibly to disbelieve, but
at last could not. Bevern reports that Daun is actually coming on,
far too strong for his resisting;--in other terms, that the Siege
of Prag will not decide itself by bombardment, but otherwise and
elsewhere. Of which we must now give some account; brief as may be,
especially in regard to the preliminary or marching part.

Daun, whose light troops plundered Brandeis (almost within wind of
the Prussian Rear) on the day while Prag Battle was fighting, had,
on that fatal event, gradually drawn back to Czaslau, a place we
used to know fifteen years ago; and there, or in those
neighborhoods, defensively manoeuvring, and hanging upon
Kuttenberg, Kolin, especially upon his Magazine of Suchdol, Daun,
always rather drawing back, with Brunswick-Bevern vigilantly
waiting on him, has continued ever since; diligently recruiting
himself; ranking the remains of the right wing defeated at Prag;
drawing regiments out of Mahren, or whencesoever to be had.
Till, by these methods, he is grown 60,000 strong; nearly thrice
superior to Bevern; though being a "Fabius Cunctator" (so called by
and by), he as yet attempts nothing. Forty thousand in Prag, with
Sixty here in the Czaslau Quarter, [Tempelhof, i. 196; Retzow (i.
107, 109) counts 46,000+66,000.] that makes 100,000; say his
Prussian Majesty has two-thirds of the number: can the Fabius
Cunctator attempt nothing, before Prag utterly famish?

Order comes to him from Vienna: "Rescue Prag; straightway go upon
it, cost what it like!" Daun does go upon it; advances visibly
towards Prag, Bevern obliged to fall back in front of him.
Sunday, 12th June, Daun despatches several Officers to Prince Karl
at Prag, with notice that, "On the 20th, Monday come a week, he
will be in the neighborhood of Prag with this view:--they, of
course, to sally out, and help from rearward." "Several Officers,
under various disguises," go with that message, June 12th; but none
of them could get into the City; and some of them, I judge, must
have fallen into the Prussian Hussar Parties:--at any rate, the
news they carried did get into the Prussian circuit, and produced
an instant resolution there. Early next morning, Monday 13th, King
Friedrich, with what disposable force is on the spot,--10,000
capable of being spared from siege-work, and 4,000 more that will
be capable of following, under Prince Moritz, in two days,--sets
forth in all speed. Joins Bevern that same night; at Kaurzim,
thirty-five miles off, which is about midway from Prag to Czaslau,
and only three miles or so from Daun's quarters that night,--had
the King known it, which he did not.

Daun must be instantly gone into; and shall,--if he is there at
all, and not fallen back at the first rumor of us, as Friedrich
rather supposes. In any case, there are preliminaries
indispensable: the 4,000 of Prince Moritz still to come up;
secondly, bread to be had for us, which is baking at Nimburg,
across the Elbe, twenty miles off; lastly (or rather firstly, and
most indispensable of all), Daun to be reconnoitred.
Friedrich reconnoitres Daun with all diligence; pushes on
everything according to his wont; much obstructed in the
reconnoitring by Pandour clouds, under which Daun has veiled
himself, which far outnumber our small Hussar force. Daun, as
usual,--showing always great skill in regard to camps and
positions,--has planted himself in difficult country: a little
river with its boggy pools in front; behind and around, an
intricate broken country of knolls and swamps, one ridge in it
which they even call a BERG or Hill, Kamhayek Berg; not much of a
Hill after all, but forming a long backbone to the locality, west
end of it straight behind Daun's centre, at present.
Friedrich's position is from north to south; like Daun's, taking
advantage of what heights and brooks there are; and edging
northward to be near his bread-ovens: right wing still holds by
Kaurzim, left wing looking down on Planian, a little Town on the
High Road (KAISER-STRASSE) from Prag to Vienna. Little Town
destined to get up its name in a day or two,--next little Town to
which, twelve miles farther on, is Kolin, secretly destined to
become and continue still more famous among mankind. Kolin is close
to the Elbe, left or south bank; Elbe hereabouts strikes into his
long northwestern course (to Wittenberg all the way; Pirna, say 150
miles off, is his half-way house in that direction);--strikes off
northward hereabouts, making for Nimburg, among other places:
Planian, right south of Nimburg, is already fifteen good miles
from Elbe.

This is Friedrich's position, Wednesday, June 15th and the day
following; somewhat nearer his ovens than yesterday. Daun is yet
parallel to him, has his centre behind Swoyschitz, an insignificant
Village at the foot of those Kamhayek Heights, which is, ever
since, to be found in Maps. Friday, 17th, Friedrich's bread-wagons
and 4,000 having come in, as doubtless the Pandours report in the
proper place, Daun does not quite like his strong position any
more, but would prefer a stronger. Friday about sunset, "great
clouds of dust" rise from Daun: changing his position, the
Prussians see, if for Pandours and gathering darkness they can at
present see little else. Daun, truly, observing the King to have in
that manner edged up, towards Planian, is afraid of his right wing
from such a neighbor. So that the reader must take his Map again.
Or, if he care not for such things, let him skip, and leave me
solitary to my sad function; till we can meet on easier ground, and
report the battle which ensued. Daun hustles his right wing back
out of that dangerous proximity; wheels his whole right wing and
centre ninety degrees round, so as to reach out now towards Kolin,
and lie on the north slope of the Kamhayek ridge; places his left
wing EN POTENCE (gibbet-wise), hanging round the western end of
said Kamhayek, its southern extremity at Swoyschitz, its northern
at Hradenin, where (not a mile from Planian) his right wing had
formerly been;--with other intricate movements not worth following,
under my questionable guidance, on a Map with unpronounceable
names. Enough to say that Daun's right wing is now far east at
Krzeczhorz, well beyond Chotzemitz, whereabouts his centre now
comes to stand (and most of his horse THERE, both the wings being
hilly and rough, unfit for horse);--and that, this being nearly the
last of Daun's shiftings and hustlings for the present, or indeed
in essential respects the very last, readers may as well note the
above main points in it.

Hustled into this still stronger place, with wheeling and shoving,
which lasted to a late hour, Daun composes himself for the night.
He lies now, with centre and right looking northward, pretty much
parallel to the Planian-Kolin or Prag-Vienna Highway, and about a
mile south of the same; extreme posts extending almost to Kolin on
that side; left wing well planted EN POTENCE; Kamhayek ridge, north
face and west end of it, completely his on both the exposed or
Anti-Prussian faces. Friedrich feels uncertain whether he has not
gone his ways altogether; but proposes to ascertain by break
of day.

By break of day Friedrich starts, having cleared off certain
Pandour swarms visible in places of difficulty, who go on first
notice, and without shot fired. [Lloyd, i. 61 et seq. (or
Tempelhof's Translation, i. 151-164); Tempelhof's own Account is,
i. 179-196; Retzow's, i. 120-149 (fewer errors of detail than
usual); Kutzen, Der Tag von Kolin (Breslau,
1857), a useful little compilation from many sources. Very
incorrect most of the common accounts are; Kausler's
Schlachten, Jomini, and the like.] Marches through
Planian in two columns, along the Kolin Highway and to north of it;
marches on, four or five miles farther, nothing visible but the
skirts of retiring Pandours,--"Daun's rear-guard probably?"--
Friedrich himself is with Ziethen, who has the vanguard, as
Friedrich's wont is, eagerly enough looking out; reaches a certain
Inn on the wayside (WIRTHSHAUS "of Slatislunz or GOLDEN-SUN," say
the Modern Books,--though I am driven to think it Novomiesto,
nearer Planian; but will not quarrel on the subject); Inn of good
height for one thing; and there, mounting to the top-story or
perhaps the leads, descries Daun, stretching far and wide, leant
against the Kamhayek, in the summer morning. What a sight for
Friedrich: "Big game SHALL be played, then; death sure, this day,
to thousands of men: and to me--? Well!"

Friedrich calls halt: rest here a little; to consider, examine,
settle how. A hot close morning; rest for an hour or two, till our
rear from Kaurzim come up: horses and men will be the better for
it,--horses can have a mouthful of grass, mouthful of water;
some of them "had no drink last night, so late in getting home."
Poor quadrupeds, they also have to get into a blaze of battle-rage
this day, and be blown to pieces a great many of them,--in a
quarrel not of their seeking! Horse and rider are alike satisfied
on that latter point; silently ready for the task THEY have;
and deaf on questions that are bottomless.

At this Hostelry of Novomiesto (not of Slatislunz or "GOLDEN-SUN"
at all, which is a "Sun" fallen dismally eclipsed in other ways
["The Inn of Slati-Slunz was burnt, about twenty years ago;
nothing of it but the stone walls now dates from Friedrich's time.
It is a biggish solid-looking House of two stories (whether ever of
three, I could not learn); stands pleasantly, at the crown of a
long rise from Kolin;--and inwardly, alas, in our day, offers
little but bad smells and negative quantities! Only the ground-
floor is now inhabited. From the front, your view northward,
Nimburg way, across the Elbe Valley, is fertile, wide-waving,
pretty: but rearward, upstairs,--having with difficulty got
permission,--you find bare balks, tattered feathers, several
hundredweight of pigeon's dung, and no outlook at all, except into
walls of office-houses and the overhanging brow of Heights,--fatal,
clearly, to any view of Daun, even from a third story!" (TOURIST'S
NOTE, 1858.)--Tempelhof (UBI SUPRA) seems to have known the right,
place; not, Retzow, or almost anybody since: and indeed the
question, except for expressly Military people, is of no moment.]),
Friedrich halted for three hours and more; saw Daun developing
himself into new Order of Battle, "every part of his position
visible;" considered with his whole might what was to be tried upon
him;--and about noon, having made up his mind, called his Generals,
in sight of the phenomenon itself there, to give them their various
orders and injunctions in regard to the same. The Plan of Fight,
which was thought then, and is still thought by everybody, an
excellent one,--resting on the "oblique order of attack,"
Friedrich's favorite mode,--was, if the reader will take his Map,
conceivable as follows.

Daun has by this time deployed himself; in three lines, or two
lines and a reserve; on the high-lying Champaign south of the
Planian-Kolin Great Road; south, say a mile, and over the crests of
the rising ground, or Kamhayek ridge, so that from the Great Road
you can see nothing of him. His line, swaying here and there a
little, to take advantage of its ground, extends nearly five miles,
from east to west; pointing towards Planian side, the left wing of
it; from Planian, eastward, the way Friedrich has marched, Daun's
left wing may be four miles distant. On the other side, Daun's
right wing--main line always pretty parallel to the Highway, and
pointing rather southward of Kolin--reaches to the small Hamlet of
Krzeczhorz, which is two miles off Kolin. In front of his centre is
a Village called Chotzemitz (from which for a while, in those
months, the Battle gets its name, "Battle of Chotzemitz," by Daun's
christening): in front of him, to right or to left of Chotzemitz,
are some four or even six other Villages (dim rustic Hamlets,
invisible from the High Road), every Village of which Daun has well
beset with batteries, with good infantry, not to speak of Croat
parties hovering about, or dismounted Pandours squatted in the
corn. That easternmost Village of his is spelt "Krzeczhorz"
(unpronounceable to mankind), a dirty little place; in and round
which the Battle had its hinge or cardinal point: the others, as
abstruse of spelling, all but equally impossible to the human
organs, we will forbear to name, except in case of necessity.
Half a mile behind Krzeczhorz (let us write it Kreczor, for the
future: what can we do?), is a thin little Oak-wood, bushes mainly,
but with sparse trees too, which is now quite stubbed out, though
it was then important enough, and played a great part in the result
of this day's work. Radowesnitz, a pronounceable little Village,
half a mile farther or southward of the Oak-bush, is beyond the
extremity of Daun's position; low down on a marshy little Brook,
which oozes through lakes and swamps towards Kolin, in the
northerly direction.

Most or all of these Villages are on little Brooks (natural thirst
so leading them): always some little runlet of water, not so swampy
when there is any fall for it; in general lively when it gets over
the ridge, and becomes visible from this Highway. And it is curious
to see what a considerable dell, or green ascending chasm, this
little thread of water, working at all moments for thousands of
years, has hollowed out for itself in the sloping ground; making a
great military obstacle, if you are mounting to attack there.
Poor Czech Hamlets all of them, dirty, dark, mal-odorous, ignorant,
abhorrent of German speech;--in what nook those inarticulate
inhabitants, diving underground at a great rate this morning, have
hidden themselves to-day, I know not. The country consists of
knolls and slopes, with swamps intermediate; rises higher on the
Planian side; but except the top of that Kamhayek ridge on the
Planian side, and "Friedrich's-Berg" on the Kolin side, there is
nothing that you could think of calling a Hill, though many Books
(and even Friedrich's Book) rashly say otherwise. Friedrich's-Berg,
now so called, is on the north side of the Highway: half a mile
northeastward of Slatislunz, the mal-odorous Inn. A conical height
of perhaps a hundred and fifty feet; rises rather suddenly from the
still-sloping ground, checking the slope there; on which the
Austrian populations have built some memorial lately, notable to
Tourists. Here Friedrich "stood during the Battle," say they;
and the Prussians "had a battery there." Which remains uncertain to
me, at least the battery part of it: that Friedrich himself was
there, now and then, can be believed; but not that he kept
"standing there" for long together. Friedrich's-Berg does command
some view of the Kreczor scene, which at times was cardinal, at
others not: but Friedrich did not stand anywhere: "oftenest in the
thick of the fire," say those who saw.

Friedrich, from his Inn near Planian, seeing how Daun deploys
himself, considers him impregnable on the left wing; impregnable,
too, in front: not so on the Kreczor side, right flank and rear;
but capable of being rolled together, if well struck at there.
Thither therefore; that is his vulnerable point. March along his
front: quietly parallel in due Order of Battle, till we can bend
round, and plunge in upon that. The Van, which consists of
Ziethen's Horse and Hulsen's Infantry; Van, having faced to right
at the proper moment and so become Left Wing, will attack Kreczor;
probably carry it; each Division following will in like manner face
to right when it arrives there, and fall on in regular succession
in support of Hulsen (at Hulsen's right flank, if Hulsen be found
prospering): our Right Wing is to refuse itself, and be as a
Reserve,--no fighting on the road, you others, but steady towards
Hulsen, in continual succession, all you; no facing round, no
fighting anywhere, till we get thither:--"March!"

The word is given about 2 P.M.; and all, on the instant, is in
motion; rolls steadily eastward, in two columns, which will become
First Line and Second. One along the Highway, the second at due
distance leftward on the green ground, no hedge or other obstacle
obstructing in that part of the world. Daun's batteries, on the
right, spit at them in passing, to no purpose; sputters of Pandour
musketry, from coverts, there may be: Prussians finely
disregarding, pass along; flowing tide-like towards THEIR goal and
place of choice. An impressive phenomenon in the sunny afternoon;
with Daun expectant of them, and the Czech populations well
hidden underground!--

Ziethen, vanmost of all, finds Nadasti and his Austrian squadrons
drawn across the Highway, hitherward of the Kreczor latitude:
Ziethen dashes on Nadasti; tumbles his squadrons and him away;
clears the Road, and Kreczor neighborhood, of Nadasti: drives him
quite into the hollow of Radowesnitz, where he stood inactive for
the rest of the day. Hulsen now at the level of Kreczor (in the
latitude of Kreczor, as we phrased it), halts, faces to right;
stiffly presses up, opens his cannon-thunders, his bayonet-charges
and platoon-fires upon Kreczor. Stiffly pressing up, in spite of
the violent counter-thunders, Hulsen does manage Kreczor without
very much delay, completely enough, and like a workman; takes the
battery, two batteries; overturns the Infantry;--in a word, has
seized Kreczor, and, as new tenant, swept the old, and their
litter, quite out. Of all which Ziethen has now the chase, and by
no means will neglect that duty. Ziethen, driving the rout before
him, has driven it in some minutes past the little Oak-wood above
mentioned; and, or rather BUT,--what is much to be noted,--is there
taken in flank with cannon-shot and musketry, Daun having put
batteries and Croat parties in the Oak-wood; and is forced to draw
bridle, and get out of range again.

Hulsen, advancing towards this little Oak-wood, is surprised to
discover, not the wood alone, but a strong Austrian force, foot and
horse, to rear of it;--such had been Daun's and Nadasti's
precaution, on view of those Friedrich phenomena, flowing on from
Planian, guessed to be hitherward. At sight of which Wood and foot-
party, Hulsen, no new Battalion having yet arrived to second him,
pauses, merely cannonading from the distance, till new Battalions
shall arrive. Unhappily they did not arrive, or not in due quantity
at the set time,--for what reason, by what strange mistake? men
still ask themselves. Probably by more mistakes than one.
Enough, Hulsen struggling here all day, with reinforcements never
adequate, did take the Wood, and then lose it; did take and lose
this and that;--but was unable to make more of it than keep his
ground thereabouts. A resolute man, says Retzow, but without
invention of his own, or head to mend the mistakes of others.
In and about Kreczor, Hulsen did maintain himself with more and
more tenacity, till the general avalanche, fruit of sad mistakes
swept HIM, quite spasmodically struggling at that period, off to
the edge of it, and all the others clean away! Mistakes have been
to rightwards, one or even two, the fruit of which, small at first,
suffices to turn the balance, and ends in an avalanche, or
precipitous descent of ruin on the Prussian side

One mistake there was, miles westward on the right wing; due to
Mannstein, our too impetuous Russian friend, Mannstein well to
right, while marching forward according to order, has Croat
musketry spitting upon him from amid the high corn, to an
inconvenient extent: such was the common lot, which others had
borne and disregarded: perhaps it was beyond the average on
Mannstein, or Mannstein's patience was less infinite; any way it
provoked Mannstein to boil over; and in an evil moment he said,
"Extinguish me that Croat canaille, then!" Regiment Bornstedt faced
to right, accordingly; took to extinguishing the Croat canaille,
which of course fled at once, or squatted closer, but came back
with reinforcements; drew Mannstein deeper in, fatally delayed
Bornstedt, and proved widely ruinous. For now he stopped the way to
those following him: regiments marching on to rear of Mannstein see
Mannstein halted, volleying with the Austrians; ask themselves
"How? Is there new order come? Attack to be in this point?"
And successively fall on to support Mannstein, as the one clear
point in such dubiety. So that the whole right wing from Regiment
Bornstedt westward is storming up the difficult steeps, in hot
conflict with the Austrians there, where success against them had
been judged impracticable;--and there is now no reserve force
anywhere to be applied to in emergency, for Hulsen's behoof or
another's; and the Plan of Battle from Mannstein westward has been
fatally overturned. Poor Mannstein, there is no doubt, committed
this error, being too fiery a man. Surely to him it was no luxury,
and he paid the smart for it in skin and soul: "badly wounded in
this business;" nay, in direct sequel, not many weeks after, killed
by it, as we shall see!--

To Mannstein's mistake, Friedrich himself, in his account of Kolin,
mainly imputes the disaster that followed; and such, then and
afterwards, was the universal judgment in military circles;
loading the memory of too impetuous Mannstein with the whole.
[See Retzow, i. 135; Templehof, i. 214, 220.] Much talk there was
in Prussian military circles; but there must also have been an
admirable silence on the part of some. To Three Persons it was
known that another strange incident had happened far ahead, far
eastward, of Mannstein's position: incident which did not by any
means tend to alleviate, which could only strengthen and widen, the
evil results of Mannstein; and which might have lifted part of the
load from Mannstein's memory! Not till the present Century, after
the lapse of almost fifty years, was this secret slowly dug out of
silence, and submitted to modern curiosity.

The incident is this;--never whispered of for near fifty years (so
silent were the three); and endlessly tossed about since that;
the sense of it not understood till almost now. [See Retzow, i.
126; Berenhorst; &c. &c.;--then FINALLY Kutzen, pp. 99, 217.]
The three parties were: King Friedrich; Moritz of Dessau, leading
on the centre here; Moritz's young Nephew Franz, Heir of Dessau, a
brisk lad of seventeen, learning War here as Aide-de-camp to
Moritz: the exact spot is not known to me,--probably the ground
near that Inn of Slatislunz, or Golden-Sun; between the foot of
Friedrich's-Berg and that:--fact indubitable, though kept dark so
long. Moritz is marching with the centre, or main battle, that way,
intending to wheel and turn hillwards, Kreczor-wise, as per order,
certain furlongs ahead; when Friedrich (having, so I can conceive
it, seen from his Hill-top, how Hulsen had done Kreczor, altogether
prosperous there; and what endless capability there was of
prospering to all lengths and speeding the general winning, were
Hulsen but supported soon enough, were there any safe short-cut to
Hulsen) dashed from his Hill-top in hot haste towards Prince
Moritz, General of the centre, intending to direct him upon such
short-cut; and hastily said, with Olympian brevity and fire, "Face
to right HERE!" With Jove-like brevity, and in such blaze of
Olympian fire as we may imagine. Moritz himself is of brief,
crabbed, fiery mind, brief in temper; and answers to the effect,
"Impossible to attack the enemy here, your Majesty; postured as
they are; and we with such orders gone abroad!"--"Face to right, I
tell you!" said the King, still more Olympian, and too emphatic for
explaining. Moritz, I hope, paused, but rather think he did not,
before remonstrating the second time; neither perhaps was his voice
so low as it should have been: it is certain Friedrich dashed quite
up to Moritz at this second remonstrance, flashed out his sword
(the only time he ever drew his sword in battle); and now, gone all
to mere Olympian lightning and thundertone, asks in THIS attitude,
"WILL ER (Will He) obey orders, then?"--Moritz, fallen silent of
remonstrance, with gloomy rapidity obeys.

Prince Franz, the young Nephew of Moritz, alone witnessed this
scene; scene to be locked in threefold silence. In his old age,
Franz had whispered it to Berenhorst, his bastard Half-Uncle, a
famed military Critic,--who is still in the highest repute that way
(Berenhorst's KRIEGSKUNST, and other deep Books), and is
recognizable, to LAY readers, for an abstruse strong judgment;
with equal strength of abstruse temper hidden behind it, and very
privately a deep grudge towards Friedrich, scarcely repressible on
opportunity. From Berenhorst it irrepressibly oozed out;
["Heinrich van Berenhorst [a natural son of the Old Dessauer's], in
his Betrachtungen uber die Kriegskunst, is
the first that alludes to it in print. (Leipzig, 1797,--page in
SECOND edition, 1798, is i. 219)."] much more to Friedrich's
disadvantage than it now looks when wholly seen into. Not change of
plan, not ruinous caprice on Friedrich's part, as Berenhorst,
Retzow and others would have it; only excess of brevity towards
Moritz, and accident of the Olympian fire breaking out.
Friedrich is chargeable with nothing, except perhaps (what Moritz
knows the evil of) trying for a short-cut! Such is now the received
interpretation. Prince Franz, to his last day, refused to speak
again on the subject; judiciously repentant, we can fancy, of
having spoken at all, and brought such a matter into the streets
and their pie-powder adjudications. [In KUTZEN, pp. 217-237, a long
dissertation on it.] For the present, he is Adjutant to Moritz,
busy obeying to the letter.

Friedrich, withdrawing to his Height again, and looking back on
Moritz, finds that he is making right in upon the Austrian line;
which was by no means Friedrich's meaning, had not he been so
brief. Friedrich, doubtless with pain, remembers now that he had
said only, "Face to right!" and had then got into Olympian tempest,
which left things dark to Moritz. "HALB-LINKS, Half to left
withal!" he despatches that new order to Moritz, with the utmost
speed: "Face to right; THEN, forward half to left." Had Moritz, at
the first, got that commentary to his order, there had probably
been no remonstrance on Moritz's part, no Olympian scene to keep
silent; and Moritz, taking that diagonal direction from the first,
had hit in at or below Kreczor, at the very point where he was
needed. Alas for overhaste; short-cuts, if they are to be good,
ought at least to be made clear! Moritz, on the new order reaching
him, does instantly steer half-left: but he arrives now above
Kreczor, strikes the Austrian line on this side of Kreczor;
disjoined from Hulsen, where he can do no good to Hulsen: in brief,
Moritz, and now the whole line with him, have to do as Mannstein
and sequel are doing, attack in face, not in flank; and try what,
in the proportion of one to two, uphill, and against batteries,
they can make of it in that fashion!

And so, from right wing to left, miles long, there is now universal
storm of volleying, bayonet-charging, thunder of artillery, case-
shot, cartridge-shot, and sulphurous devouring whirlwind;
the wrestle very tough and furious, especially on the assaulting
side. Here, as at Prag, the Prussian troops were one and all in the
fire; each doing strenuously his utmost, no complaint to be made of
their performance. More perfect soldiers, I believe, were rarely or
never seen on any field of war. But there is no reserve left:
Mannstein and the rest, who should have been reserve, and at a
General's disposal, we see what they are doing! In vain, or nearly
so, is Friedrich's tactic or manoeuvring talent; what now is there
to manoeuvre? All is now gone up into one combustion. To fan the
fire, to be here, there, fanning the fire where need shows: this is
now Friedrich's function; "everywhere in the hottest of the fight,"
that is all we at present know of him, invisible to us otherwise.
This death-wrestle lasted perhaps four hours; till seven or towards
eight o'clock in the June evening; the sun verging downwards;
issue still uncertain.

And, in fact, at last the issue turned upon a hair;--such the
empire of Chance in War matters. Cautious Daun, it is well known,
did not like the aspect of the thing; cautious Daun thinks to
himself, "If we get pushed back into that Camp of yesternight, down
the Kamhayek Heights, and right into the impassable swamps;
the reverse way, Heights now HIS, not ours, and impassable swamps
waiting to swallow us? Wreck complete, and surrender at
discretion--!" Daun writes in pencil: "The retreat is to Suchdol"
(Kuttenberg way, southward, where we have heights again and
magazines); Daun's Aide-de-camp is galloping every-whither with
that important Document; and Generals are preparing for retreat
accordingly,--one General on the right wing has, visibly to Hulsen
and us, his cannon out of battery, and under way rearwards;
a welcome sight to Hulsen, who, with imperfect reinforcement, is
toughly maintaining himself there all day.

And now the Daun Aide-de-camp, so Chance would have it, cannot find
Nostitz the Saxon Commandant of Horse in that quarter; finds a
"Saxon Lieutenant-Colonel B---" ("Benkendorf" all Books now write
him plainly), who, by another little chance, had been still left
there: "Can the Herr Lieutenant-Colonel tell me where General
Nostitz is?" Benkendorf can tell;--will himself take the message:
but Benkendorf looks into the important Pencil Document; thinks it
premature, wasteful, and that the contrary is feasible! persuades
Nostitz so to think; persuades this regiment and that (Saxon,
Austrian, horse and foot); though the cannon in retreat go
trundling past them: "Merely shifting their battery, don't you
see:--Steady!" And, in fine, organizes, of Saxon and Austrian horse
and foot in promising quantity (Saxons in great fury on the Pirna
score, not to say the Striegau, and other old grudges), a new
unanimous assault on Hulsen.

The assault was furious, and became ever more so; at length
irresistible to Hulsen. Hulsen's horse, pressing on as to victory,
are at last hurled back; could not be rallied; [That of "RUCKER,
WOLLT IHR EWIG LEBEN, Rascals, would you live forever?" with the
"Fritz, for eight groschen, this day there has been enough!"--is to
be counted pure myth; not unsuccessful, in its withered kind.]
fairly fled (some of them); confusing Hulsen's foot,--foot is
broken, instantly ranks itself, as the manner of Prussians is;
ranks itself in impromptu squares, and stands fiercely defensive
again, amid the slashing and careering: wrestle of extreme fury,
say the witnesses. "This for Striegau!" cried the Saxon dragoons,
furiously sabring. [Archenholtz, i. 100.] Yes; and is there nothing
to account of Pirna, and the later scores? Scores unliquidated,
very many still; but the end is, Hulsen is driven away;
retreats, Parthian-like, down-hill, some space; whose sad example
has to spread rightwards like a powder-train, till all are in
retreat,--northward, towards Nimburg, is the road;--and the Battle
of Kolin is finished.

Friedrich made vehement effort to rally the Horse, to rally this
and that; but to no purpose: one account says he did collect some
small body, and marched forth at the head of it against a certain
battery; but, in his rear, man after man fell away, till
Lieutenant-Colonel Grant (not "Le Grand," as some call him, and
indeed there is an ACCENT of Scotch in him, still audible to us
here) had to remark, "Your Majesty and I cannot take the battery
ourselves!" Upon which Friedrich turned round; and, finding nobody,
looked at the Enemy through his glass, and slowly rode away
[Retzow, i. 139.]--on a different errand.

Seeing the Battle irretrievably lost, he now called Bevern and
Moritz to him; gave them charge of the retreat--"To Nimburg;
cross Elbe there [fifteen good miles away]; and in the defiles of
Planian have especial care!" and himself rode off thitherward, his
Garde-du-Corps escorting. Retzow says, "a swarm of fugitive horse-
soldiers, baggage-people, grooms and led horses gathered in the
train of him: these latter, at one point," Retzow has heard in
Opposition circles, "rushed up, galloping: 'Enemy's hussars upon
us!' and set the whole party to the gallop for some time, till they
found the alarm was false." [Ib. i. 140.] Of Friedrich we see
nothing, except as if by cloudy moonlight in an uncertain manner,
through this and the other small Anecdote, perhaps semi-mythical,
and true only in the essence of it.

Daun gave no chase anywhere; on his extreme left he had, perhaps as
preparative for chasing, ordered out the cavalry; "General Stampach
and cavalry from the centre," with cannon, with infantry and
appliances, to clear away the wrecks of Mannstein, and what still
stands, to right of him, on the Planian Highway yonder.
But Stampach found "obstacles of ground," wet obstacles and also
dry,--Prussian posts, smaller and greater, who would not stir a
hand-breadth: in fact, an altogether deadly storm of Negative,
spontaneous on their part, from the indignant regiments
thereabouts, King's First Battalion, and two others; who blazed out
on Stampach in an extraordinary manner, tearing to shreds every
attempt of his, themselves stiff as steel: "Die, all of us, rather
than stir!" And, in fact, the second man of these poor fellows did
die there? [Kutzen, p. 138 (from the canonical, or
"STAFF-OFFICER'S" enumeration: see SUPRA, p. 403 n.).] So that
Bevern, Commander in that part, who was absent speaking with the
King, found on his return a new battle broken out; which he did not
forbid but encourage; till Stampach had enough, and withdrew in
rather torn condition. This, if this were some preparative for
chasing, was what Daun did of it, in the cavalry way; and this was
all. The infantry he strictly prohibited to stir from their
position,--"No saying, if we come into the level ground, with such
an enemy!"--and passed the night under arms. Far on our left, or
what was once our left, Ziethen with all his squadrons, nay Hulsen
with most of his battalions, continued steady on the ground;
and marched away at their leisure, as rear-guard.

"It seemed," says Tempelhof, in splenetic tone, "as if
Feldmarschall Daun, like a good Christian, would not suffer the sun
to go down on his wrath. This day, nearly the longest in the year,
he allowed the Prussian cavalry, which had beaten Nadasti, to stand
quiet on the field till ten at night [till nine]; he did not send a
single hussar in chase of the infantry. He stood all night under
arms; and next day returned to his old Camp, as if he had been
afraid the King would come back. Arriving there himself, he could
see, about ten in the morning, behind Kaurzim and Planian, the
whole Prussian Baggage fallen into such a coil that the wagons were
with difficulty got on way again; nevertheless he let it, under
cover of the grenadier battalion Manteuffel, go in peace."
[Tempelhof, i. 195.] A man that for caution and slowness could make
no use of his victory!

The Austrian force in the Field this day is counted to have been
60,000; their losses in killed, wounded and missing, 8,114.
The Prussians, who began 34,000 in strength, lost 13,773; of whom
prisoners (including all the wounded), 5,380. Their baggage, we
have seen, was not meddled with: they lost 45 cannon, 22 flags,--a
loss not worth adding, in comparison to this sore havoc, for the
second time, in the flower of the Prussian Infantry. [Retzow, i.
141 (whose numbers are apt to be inaccurate); Kutzen, p. 144 (who
depends on the Canonical STAFF-OFFICER Account).]

The news reached Prag Camp at two in the morning (Sunday, 19th):
to the sorrowful amazement of the Generals there; who "stood all
silent; only the Prince of Prussia breaking out into loud
lamentations and accusations," which even Retzow thinks unseemly.
Friedrich arrived that Sunday evening: and the Siege was raised,
next day; with next to no hindrance or injury. With none at all on
the part of Daun; who was still standing among the heights and
swamps of Planian,--busy singing, or shooting, universal TE-DEUM,
with very great rolling fire and other pomp, that day while
Friedrich gathered his Siege-goods and got on march.


No tongue can express the joy of the Austrians over this victory,--
vouchsafed them, in this manner, by Lieutenant-Colonel Benkendorf
and the Powers above. Miraculously, behold, they are not upon the
retreat to Suchdol, at double-quick, and in ragged ever-lengthening
line; but stand here, keeping rank all night, on the Planian-Kolin
upland of the Kamhayek:--behold, they have actually beaten
Friedrich; for the first time, not been beaten by him.
Clearly beaten that Friedrich, by some means or other. With such a
result, too; consider it,--drawn sword was at our throat;
and marvellously now it is turned round upon his (if Daun be
alert), and we--let us rejoice to all lengths, and sing TE-DEUM and
TE-DAUNUM with one throat, till the Heavens echo again.

There was quite a hurricane, or lengthened storm, of jubilation
and tripudiation raised at Vienna on this victory: New ORDER OF
MARIA THERESA, in suitable Olympian fashion, with no end of
regulating and inaugurating,--with Daun the first Chief of it;
and "Pensions to Merit" a conspicuous part of the plan, we are glad
to see. It subsists to this day: the grandest Military Order the
Austrians yet have. Which then deafened the world, with its
infinite solemnities, patentings, discoursings, trumpetings, for a
good while. As was natural, surely, to that high Imperial Lady with
the magnanimous heart; to that loyal solid Austrian People with its
pudding-head. Daun is at the top of the Theresa Order, and of
military renown in Vienna circles;--of Lieutenant-Colonel
Benkendorf I never heard that he got the least pension or
recognition;--continued quietly a military lion to discerning men,
for the rest of his days. ["Died at Dresden, General of Cavalry,"
5th May, 1801 (Rodenbeck, i. 338, 339).]

Nay once, on Dauu's TE-DEUM day, he had a kind of recognition;--and
even, by good accident, can tell us of it in his own words:
[Kutzen (citing some BIOGRAPHY of Benkendorf), p. 143.]--

"I was sent for to head-quarters by a trumpeter,"--Benkendorf was,
--"when all was ready for the TE-DEUM. Feldmarschall Daun was
pleased to say at sight of me, 'That as I had had so much to do
with the victory, it was but right I should thank our Herr Gott
along with him.' Having no change of clothes,--as the servant, who
was to have a uniform and some linens ready for me, had galloped
off during the Fight, and our baggage was all gone to rearward,--
I tried to hustle out of sight among the crowd of Imperial Officers
all in gala: but the reigning Duke of Wurtemberg [Wilhelmina's
Son-in-law, a perverse obstinate Herr, growing ever more perverse;
one of Wilhelmina's sad afflictions in these days] called me to
him, and said, 'He would give his whole wardrobe, could he wear
that dusty coat with such honor as I!'"--yes; and tried hard, in
his perverse way, for some such thing; but never could, as we
shall see.

How lucky that Polish Majesty had some remains of Cavalry still at
Warsaw in the Pirna time; that they were made into a Saxon Brigade,
and taken into the Austrian service; Brigade of three Regiments,
Nostitz for Chief, and this Benkendorf a Lieutenant-Colonel, among
them;--and that Polish Majesty, though himself lost, has been the
saving of Austria twice within one year!

Chapter V.


Of Friedrich's night-thoughts at Nimburg; how he slept, and what
his dreams were, we have no account. Seldom did a wearied heart
sink down into oblivion on such terms. By narrow miss, the game
gone; and with such results ahead. It was a right valiant plunge
this that he made, with all his strength and all his skill, home
upon the heart of his chief enemy. To quench his chief enemy before
another came up: it was a valiant plan, and valiantly executed;
and it has failed. To dictate peace from the walls of Vienna:
that lay on the cards for him this morning; and at night--?
Kolin is lost, the fruit of Prag Victory too is lost; and Schwerin
and new tens of thousands, unreplaceable for worth in this world,
are lost; much is lost! Courage, your Majesty, all is not lost, you
not, and honor not.

To the young Graf von Anhalt, on the road to Nimburg, he is
recorded to have said, "Don't you know, then, that every man must
DOIT AVOIR SES REVERS)? It appears I am to have mine." [Rodenbeck,
i. 309.] And more vaguely, in the Anecdote-Books, is mention of
some stanch ruggedly pious old Dragoon, who brought, in his steel
cap, from some fine-flowing well he had discovered, a draught of
pure water to the King; old Mother Earth's own gift, through her
rugged Dragoon, exquisite refection to the thirsty wearied soul;
and spoke, in his Dragoon dialect,--"Never mind, your Majesty!
DER ALLMACHTIGE and we; It shall be mended yet. 'The Kaiserin may
get a victory for once; but does that send us to the Devil (DAVON
HOLT UNS DER TEUFEL-NICHT)!'"--words of rough comfort, which were
well taken.

Next morning, several Books, and many Drawings and Sculptures of a
dim unsuccessful nature, give us view of him, at Kimburg;
sitting silent "on a BRUNNEN-ROHR" (Fountain Apparatus, waste-pipe
or feeding-pipe, too high for convenient sitting): he is stooping
forward there, his eyes fixed on the ground, and is scratching
figures in the sand with his stick, as the broken troops reassemble
round him. Archenholtz says: "He surveyed with speechless feeling
the small remnant of his Life-guard of Foot, favorite First
Battalion; 1,000 strong yesterday morning, hardly 400 now;"--gone
the others, in that furious Anti-Stampach outburst which ended the
day's work! "All soldiers of this chosen Battalion were personally
known to him; their names, their age, native place, their history
[the pick of his Ruppin regiment was the basis of it]: in one day,
Death had mowed them down; they had fought like heroes, and it was
for him that they had died. His eyes were visibly wet, down his
face rolled silent tears." [Archenholtz, i. 104, 101; Kutzen,
pp. 259, 138; Retzow, i. 142.]

In public I never saw other tears from this King,--though in
private I do not warrant him; his sensibilities, little as you
would think it, being very lively and intense. "To work, however!"
This King can shake away such things; and is not given overmuch to
retrospection on the unalterable Past. "Like dewdrops from the
lion's mane" (as is figuratively said); the lion swiftly rampant
again! There was manifold swift ordering, considering and
determining, at Nimburg, that day; and towards night Friedrich shot
rapidly into Head-quarters at Prag, where, by order, there is, as
the first thing of all, a very rapid business going on, well
forward by the time he arrives.

To fold one's Siege-gear and Army neatly together from those Two
Hill-tops, and march away with them safe, in sight of so many
enemies: this has to be the first and rapidest thing; if this be
found possible, as one calculates it may. After which, the world of
enemies, held in the slip so long, will rush in from all the four
winds,--unknown whitherward; one must wait to see whitherward
and how.

Friedrich's History for the remaining six months of this Year
falls, accordingly, into three Sections. Section FIRST: Waiting how
and towards what objects his enemies, the Austrians first of all,
will advance;--this lasts for about a month; Friedrich waiting
mainly at Leitmeritz, on guard there both of Saxony and of Silesia,
till this slowly declare itself. Slowly, perhaps almost stupidly,
but by no means satisfactorily to Friedrich, as will be seen!
After which, Section SECOND of his History lasts above two months;
Friedrich's enemies being all got to the ground, and united in hope
and resolution to overwhelm and abolish him; but their plans,
positions, operations so extremely various that, for a long time
(end of August to beginning of November), Friedrich cannot tell
what to do with them; and has to scatter himself into thin threads,
and roam about, chiefly in Thuringen and the West of Saxony,
seeking something to fight with, and finding nothing; getting more
and more impatient of such paltry misery; at times nigh desperate;
and habitually drifting on desperation as on a lee shore in the
night, despite all his efforts. Till, in Section THIRD, which goes
from November 5th, through December 5th, and into the New Year, he
does find what to do; and does it,--in a forever memorable way.

Three Sections; of which the reader shall successively have some
idea, if he exert himself; though it is only in snatches,
suggestive to an active fancy, that we can promise to dwell on
them, especially on the First Two, which lie pretty much
unsurveyable in those chaotic records, like a world-wide coil of
thrums. Let us be swift, in Friedrich's own manner; and try to
disimprison the small portions of essential! Here, partly from
Eye-witnesses, are some Notes in regard to Section First:
[Westphalen, Geschichte der Feldzuge des Herzogs Ferdinand
(and a Private Journal of W.'s there), ii. 13-19;
Retzow; &c.]--

"SUNDAY, 19th JUNE, At 2 A.M., Major Grant arrives at Prag [must
have started instantly after that of "We two cannot take the
battery, your Majesty!"]--goes to Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick,
interim Commander on the Ziscaberg, with order To raise Siege.
Consternation on the part of some; worse, on the Prince of
Prussia's part; the others kept silence at least,--and set
instantly to work. On both Hills, the cannons are removed (across
Moldau the Zisca-Hill ones), batteries destroyed, Siege-gear neatly
gathered up, to go in wagons to Leitmeritz, thence by boat to
Dresden; all this lies ready done, the dangerous part of it done,
when Friedrich arrives.

"MONDAY, 20th, before sunrise, Siege raised. At three in the
morning Friedrich marches from the Ziscaberg; to eastward he, to
Alt-Bunzlau, thence to Ah-Lissa,"--Nimburg way, with what objects
we shall see. "Marshal Keith's fine performance. Keith, from the
Weissenberg, does not march, such packing and loading still;
all the baggages and artilleries being with Keith. Not till four in
the afternoon did Keith march; but beautifully then; and folded
himself away,--rear-guard under Schmettau 'retreating checkerwise,'
nothing but Tolpatcheries attempting on him,--westward, Budin-ward,
without loss of a linstock, not to speak of guns. Very prettily
done on the part of Keith. By Budin, to Leitmeritz, he; where the
King will join him shortly."

Friedrich's errand in Alt-Lissa, eastward, while Keith went
westward, was, To be within due arm's-length of the Moritz-Bevern,
or beaten Kolin Army, which is coming up that way; intending to
take post, and do its best, in those parts, with Zittau Magazine
and the Lausitz to rear of it. One of our Eye-witnesses, a Herr
Westphalen, Ferdinand of Brunswick's Secretary,--who, with his
Chief, got into wider fields before long,--yields these additional
particulars face to face:--

"TUESDAY, 21st JUNE, 1757. King's Head-quarters in Lissa or
neighborhood till Friday next; which is central for both these
movements,--Thursday, orders seven regiments of horse to reinforce
Keith. No symptom yet of pursuit anywhere.

"FRIDAY, 24th. Prince Moritz with the Kolin Army made appearance,
all safe, and is to command here; King intending for Keith.
After dinner, and the due interchange of battalions to that end,
King sets off, with Prince Henri, towards Keith; Head-quarter in
Alt-Bunzlau again. SATURDAY NIGHT, at Melnick; SUNDAY, Gastorf:
MONDAY NIGHT, 27th JUNE, Leitmeritz; King lodges in the Cathedral
Close, in sight of Keith, who is on the opposite side of Elbe,--but
the town has a Bridge for to-morrow. 'Never was a quieter march;
not the shadow of a Pandour visible. The Duke [Ferdinand, my Chief,
Chatham's jewel that is to be, and precious to England] has
suffered much from a'--in fact, from a COURS DE VENTRE, temporary
bowel-derangement, which was very troublesome, owing to the
excessive heats by day, and coldness of the nights.

"TUESDAY, 28th. Junction with Keith,--Bridge rightly secured, due
party of dragoons and foot left on the right bank, to occupy a
height which covers Leitmeritz. 'Clearing of the Pascopol' (that
is, sweeping the Pandours out of it) is the first business;
Colonel Loudon with his Pandours, a most swift sharpcutting man,
being now here in those parts; doing a deal of mischief. Three days
ago, Saturday, 25th, Keith had sent seven battalions, with the
proper steel-besoms, on that Pascopol affair; Tuesday, on junction,
Majesty sends three more: job done on Wednesday; reported 'done,'--
though I should not be surprised," says Westphalen, "if some little
highway robbery still went on among the Mountains up there."

No;--and before quitting hold, what is this that Loudon (on the
very day of the King's arrival, June 27th), on the old Field of
Lobositz over yonder, has managed to do! General Mannstein, wounded
at Kolin, happened, with others in like case, to be passing that
way, towards Dresden and better surgery,--when Loudon's Croats set
upon them, scattering their slight escort: "Quarter, on surrender!
Prisoners?" "Never!" answered Mannstein; "Never!" that too
impetuous man, starting out from his carriage, and snatching a
musket: and was instantly cut down there. And so ends;--a man of
strong head, and of heart only too strong. [Preuss, ii. 58;
Militair-Lexikon, iii. 10.]

From Prag onwards, here has been a delicate set of operations;
perfectly executed,--thanks to Friedrich's rapidity of shift, and
also to the cautious slowly puzzling mind of Daun. Had Daun used
any diligence, had Daun and Prince Karl been broad awake, together
or even singly! But Friedrich guessed they seldom or never were;
that they would spend some days in puzzling; and that, with
despatch, he would have time for everything. Daun, we could
observe, stood singing TE-DEUM, greatly at leisure, in his old
Camp, 20th June, while Friedrich, from the first gray of morning,
and diligently all day long, was withdrawing from the trenches of
Prag,--Friedrich's people, self and goods getting folded out in the
finest gradation, and with perfect success; no Daun to hinder him,
--Daun leisurely doing TE-DEUM, forty miles off, helping on the
WRONG side by that exertion! [Cogniazzo, ii. 367.]--"Poor Browne,
he is dead of his wounds, in Prag yonder," writes Westphalen, in
his Leitmeritz Journal, "news came to us July 1st: men said, 'Ah,
that was why they lay asleep.'"

Till June 26th, Daun and Karl had not united; nor, except sending
out Loudon and Croats, done anything, either of them. Sunday, June
26th, at Podschernitz on the old Field of Prag, a week and a day
after Kolin, they did get together; still seemingly a little
puzzled, "Shall we follow the King? Shall we follow Moritz and
Bevern?"--nothing clear for some time, except to send out Pandour
parties upon both. Moritz, since parting with the King in Alt-
Bunzlau neighborhood, has gone northward some marches, thirty miles
or so, to JUNG-Bunzlau,--meeting of Iser and Elbe, surely a good
position:--Moritz, on receipt of these Pandour allowances of his,
writes to the King, "Shall we retreat on Zittau, then, your
Majesty? Straight upon Zittau?" Fancy Friedrich's astonishment;--
who well intends to eat the Country first, perhaps to fight if
there be chance, and at least to lie OUTSIDE the doors of Silesia
and the Lausitz, as well as of Saxony here!--and answers, with his
own hand, on the instant: "Your Dilection will not be so mad!"
[In Preuss, ii. 58, the pungent little Autograph in full.] And at
once recalls Moritz, and appoints the Prince of Prussia to go and
take command. Who directly went;--a most important step for the
King's interests and his own. Whose fortunes in that business we
shall see before long!--

At Leitmeritz the King continues four weeks, with his Army parted
in this way; waiting how the endless hostile element, which
begirdles his horizon all round, will shape itself into
combinations, that he may set upon the likeliest or the needfulest
of these, when once it has disclosed itself. Horizon all round is
black enough: Austrians, French, Swedes, Russians, Reichs Army;
closer upon him or not so close, all are rolling in: Saxony, the
Lausitz and Silesia, Brandenburg itself, it is uncertain which of
these may soonest require his active presence.

The very day after his arrival in Leitmeritz,--Tuesday, 28th June,
while that junction with Keith was going on, and the troops were
defiling along the Bridge for junction with Keith,--a heavy sorrow
had befallen him, which he yet knew not of. An irreparable Domestic
loss; sad complement to these Military and other Public disasters.
Queen Sophie Dorothee, about whose health he had been anxious, but
had again been set quiet, died at Berlin that day. [Monbijou, 28th
June, 1757; born at Hanover, 27th March, 1687.] In her seventy-
first year: of no definite violent disease; worn down with chagrins
and apprehensions, in this black whirlpool of Public troubles.
So far as appears, the news came on Friedrich by surprise:--"bad
cough," we hear of, and of his anxieties about it, in the Spring
time; then again of "improvement, recovery, in the fine weather;"--
no thought, just now, of such an event: and he took it with a depth
of affliction, which my less informed readers are far from
expecting of him.

July 2d, the news came: King withdrew into privacy; to weep and
bewail under this new pungency of grief, superadded to so many
others. Mitchell says: "For two days he had no levee; only the
Princes dined with him [Princes Henri and Ferdinand; Prince of
Prussia is gone to Jung-Bunzlau, would get the sad message there,
among his other troubles]: yesterday, July 3d, King sent for me in
the afternoon,--the first time he has seen anybody since the news
came:--I had the honor to remain with him some hours in his closet.
I must own to your Lordship I was most sensibly afflicted to see
him indulging his grief, and giving way to the warmest filial
affections; recalling to mind the many obligations he had to her
late Majesty; all she had suffered, and how nobly she bore it;
the good she did to everybody; the one comfort he now had, to think
of having tried to make her last years more agreeable."
[ Papers and Memoirs, i. 253; Despatch to
Holderness, 4th July (slightly abridged);--see ib. i. 357-359
(Private Journal). Westphalen, ii. 14. See OEuvres de
Frederic, iv. 182.] In the thick of public business,
this kind of mood to Mitchell seems to have lasted all the time of
Leitmeritz, which is about three weeks yet: Mitchell's Note-books
and Despatches, in that part, have a fine Biographic interest;
the wholly human Friedrich wholly visible to us there as he seldom
is. Going over his past Life to Mitchell; brief, candid, pious to
both his Parents;--inexpressibly sad; like moonlight on the grave
of one's Mother, silent that, while so much else is too noisy!

This Friedrich, upon whom the whole world has risen like a mad
Sorcerer's-Sabbath, how safe he once lay in his cradle, like the
rest of us, mother's love wrapping him soft:--and now!
These thoughts commingle in a very tragic way with the avalanche of
public disasters which is thundering down on all sides. Warm tears
the meed of this new sorrow; small in compass, but greater in
poignancy than all the rest together. "My poor old Mother, oh, my
Mother, that so loved me always, and would have given her own life
to shelter mine!"--It was at Leitmeritz, as I guess, that Mitchell
first made decisive acquaintance, what we may almost call intimacy,
with the King: we already defined him as a sagacious, long-headed,
loyal-hearted diplomatic gentleman, Scotch by birth and by turn of
character; abundantly polite, vigilant, discreet, and with a fund
of general sense and rugged veracity of mind; whom Friedrich at
once recognized for what he was, and much took to, finding a hearty
return withal; so that they were soon well with one another, and
continued so. Mitchell, as orders were, "attended the King's
person" all through this War, sometimes in the blaze of battle
itself and nothing but cannon-shot going, if it so chanced; and has
preserved, in his multifarious Papers, a great many traits of
Friedrich not to be met with elsewhere.

Mitchell's occasional society, conversation with a man of sense and
manly character, which Friedrich always much loved, was, no doubt,
a resource to Friedrich in his lonely roamings and vicissitudes in
those dark years. No other British Ambassador ever had the luck to
please him or be pleased by him,--most of them, as Ex-Exchequer
Legge and the like Ex-Parliamentary people, he seems to have
considered dull, obstinate, wooden fellows, of fantastic, abrupt
rather abstruse kind of character, not worth deciphering;--some of
them, as Hanbury Williams, with the mischievous tic (more like
galvanism or St.-Vitus'-dance) which he called "wit," and the
inconvenient turn for plotting and intriguing, Friedrich could not
endure at all, but had them as soon as possible recalled,--of
course, not without detestation on their part.

At Leitmeritz, it appears, he kept withdrawn to his closet a good
deal; gave himself up to his sorrows and his thoughts; would sit
many hours drowned in tears, weeping bitterly like a child or a
woman. This is strange to some readers; but it is true,--and ought
to alter certain current notions. Friedrich, flashing like clear
steel upon evildoers and mendacious unjust persons and their works,
is not by nature a cruel man, then, or an unfeeling, as Rumor
reports? Reader, no, far the reverse;--and public Rumor, as you may
have remarked, is apt to be an extreme blockhead, full of fury and
stupidity on such points, and had much better hold its tongue till
it know in some measure. Extreme sensibility is not sure to be a
merit; though it is sure to be reckoned one, by the greedy dim
fellows looking idly on: but, in any case, the degree of it that
dwelt (privately, for most part) in Friedrich was great; and to
himself it seemed a sad rather than joyful fact. Speaking of this
matter, long afterwards, to Garve, a Silesian Philosopher, with
whom he used to converse at Breslau, he says;--or let dull Garve
himself report it, in the literal third-person:--

"And herein, I," the Herr Garve (venturing to dispute, or qualify,
on one of his Majesty's favorite topics), "believe, lies the real
ground of 'happiness:' it is the capacity and opportunity to
accomplish great things. This the King would not allow; but said,
That I did not sufficiently take into account the natural feelings,
different in different people, which, when painful, imbittered the
life of the highest as of the lowest. That, in his own life, he had
experienced the deepest sufferings of this kind: 'And,' added he,
with a touching tone of kindness and familiarity, which never
occurred again in his interviews with me, 'if you (ER) knew, for
instance, what I underwent on the death of my Mother, you would see
that I have been as unhappy as any other, and unhappier than
others, because of the greater sensibility I had (WEIL ICH MEHR
EMPFINDLICHKEIT GEHABT HABE).'" [ Fragmente zur Schilderung
des Geistes, des Charakters und der Regierung Friedrichs des
Zweiten, von Christian Garve (Breslau, 1798), i.
314-316. An unexpectedly dull Book (Garve having talent and
reputation); kind of monotonous Preachment upon Friedrich's
character: almost nothing but the above fraction now derivable
from it.]

There needed not this new calamity in Friedrich's lot just now!
From all points of the compass, his enemies, held in check so long,
are floating on: the confluence of disasters and ill-tidings, at
this time, very great. From Jung-Bunzlau, close by, his Brother's
accounts are bad; and grow ever worse,--as will be seen! On the
extreme West, "July 3d," while Friedrich at Leitmeritz sat weeping
for his Mother, the French take Embden from him; "July 5th," the
Russians, Memel, on the utmost East. June 30th, six days before,
the Russians, after as many months of haggling, did cross the
Border; 37,000 of them on this point; and set to bombarding Memel
from land and sea. Poor Memel (garrison only 700) answered very
fiercely, "sank two of their gunboats" and the like; but the end
was as we see,--Feldmarschall Lehwald able to give no relief.
For there were above 70,000 other Russians (Feldmarschall Apraxin
with these latter, and Cossacks and Calmucks more than enough)
crossing elsewhere, south in Tilsit Country, upon old Lehwald.
[ Helden-Geschichte, iv. 407-413.]
Lehwald, with 30,000, in such circumstances--what is to become of
Preussen and him! Nearer hand, the Austrians, the French, the very
Reichs Army, do now seem intent on business.

The Reichs Execution Army, we saw how Mayer and the Battle of Prag
had checked it in the birth-pangs; and given rise to pangs of
another sort; the poor Reichs Circles generally exclaiming, "What!
Bring the war into our own borders? Bring the King of Prussia on
our own throats!"--and stopping short in their enlistments and
preparations; in vain for Austrian Officials to urge them.
Watching there, with awe-struck eye, while the 12,000 bombs flew
into Prag.

The Battle of Kolin has reversed all that; and the poor old Reich
is again bent on business in the Execution way. Drumming,
committeeing, projecting, and endeavoring, with all her might, in
all quarters; and, from and after the event of Kolin, holding
visible Encampment, in the Nurnberg Country; fractions of actual
troops assembling there. "On the Plains of Furth, between Furth and
Farrenbach, east side the River Regnitz, there was the Camp
pitched," says my Anonymous Friend; who gives me a cheerful
Copperplate of the thing: red pennons, blue, and bright mixed
colors; generals, tents; order-of-battle, and respective rallying
points: with Bamberg Country in front, and the peaks of the Pine
Mountains lying pleasantly behind: a sight for the curious.
[J.F.S. (whom I named ANONYMOUS OF HAMBURG long since; who has
boiled down, with great diligence, the old Newspapers, and gives a
great many dates, notes, &c., without Index), i. 211, 224 (the
Copperplate).] It is the same ground where Mayer was careering
lately; neighboring nobility and gentry glad to come in gala, and
dance with Mayer. Hither, all through July, come contingents
straggling in, thicker and thicker; "August 8th," things now about
complete, the Bishop of Bamberg came to take survey of the Reichs-
Heer (Bishop's remarks not given); August 10th, came the young
reigning Duke of Hildburghausen (Duke's grand-uncle is to be
Commander), on like errand; August 11th) the Reichs-Heer got on
march. Westward ho!--readers will see towards what.

A truly ELENDE, or miserable, Reichs Execution Army (as the
MISprinter had made it); but giving loud voice in the Gazettes;
and urged by every consideration to do something for itself.
Prince of Hildburghausen--a general of small merit, though he has
risen in the Austrian service, and we have seen him with Seckendorf
in old Turk times--has, for his Kaiser's sake, taken the command;
sensible perhaps that glory is not likely to be rife here;
but willing to make himself useful. Kaiser and Austria urge,
everywhere, with all their might: Prince of Hessen-Darmstadt, who
lay on the Weissenberg lately, one of Keith's distinguished seconds
there and a Prussian Officer of long standing, has, on Kaiser's
order, quitted all that, and become Hildburghausen's second here,
in the Camp of Furth; thinking the path of duty lay that way,--
though his Wife, one of the noble women of her age, thought very
differently. [Her Letter to Friedrich, "Berlin, 30th October,
1757," OEuvres de Frederic, xxvii. ii. 135.]
A similar Kaiser's order, backed by what Law-thunder lay in the
Reich, had gone out against Friedrich's own Brothers, and against
every Reichs Prince who was in Friedrich's service; but, except him
of Hessen-Darmstadt, none of them had much minded. [In Orlich,
Furst Moritz von Anhalt Dessau (Berlin,
1842), pp. 74, 75, Prince Moritz's rather mournful Letter on the
subject, with Friedrich's sharp Answer.] I did not hear that his
strategic talent was momentous: but Prussia had taught him the
routine of right soldiering, surely to small purpose;
and Friedrich, no doubt, glanced indignantly at this small thing,
among the many big ones.

From about the end of June, the Reichs Army kept dribbling in:
the most inferior Army in the world; no part of it well drilled,
most of it not drilled at all; and for variety in color, condition,
method, and military and pecuniary and other outfit, beggaring
description. Hildburghausen does his utmost; Kaiser the like.
The number should have far exceeded 50,000; but was not, on the
field, of above half that number: 25,000; add at least 8,000
Austrian troops, two regiments of them cavalry; good these 8,000,
the rest bad,--that was the Reichs Execution Army; most inferior
among Armies; and considerable part of it, all the Protestant part,
privately wishing well to Friedrich, they say. Drills itself
multifariously in that Camp between Furth and Farrenbach, on the
east side of Regnitz River. Fancy what a sight to Wilhelmina, if
she ever drove that way; which I think she hardly would.
The Baireuth contingent itself is there; the Margraf would have
held out stiff on that point; but Friedrich himself advised
compliance. Margraf of Anspach--perverse tippling creature, ill
with his Wife, I doubt--has joyfully sent his legal hundreds;
will vote for the Reichs Ban against this worst of Germans, whom he
has for Brother-in-law. Dark days in the heart of Wilhelmina, those
of the Camp at Furth. Days which grow ever darker, with strange
flashings out of empyrean lightning from that shrill true heart;
no peace more, till the noble heroine die!--

This ELENDE Reichs-Heer, miserable "Army of the Circles," is
mockingly called "the Hoopers, Coopers (TONNELIERS)," and gets
quizzing enough, under that and other titles, from an Opposition
Public. Far other from the French and Austrians; who are bent that
it should do feats in the world, and prove impressive on a robber
King. Thus too, "for Deliverance of Saxony," to co-operate with
Reichs-Heer in that sacred object, thanks to the zeal of Pompadour,
Prince de Soubise has got together, in Elsass, a supplementary
30,000 (40,330 said Theory, but Fact never quite so many): and is
passing them across the Rhine, in Frankfurt Country, all through
July, while the drilling at Furth goes on. With these, Soubise,
simultaneously getting under way, will steer northeastward;
join the Reichs-Heer about Erfurt, before August end; and--and we
shall see what becomes of the combined Soubise and Reichs Army
after that!

It must be owned, the French, Pompadour and love of glory urging,
are diligent since the event of Kolin. In select Parisian circles,
the Soubise Army, or even that of D'Estrees altogether,--produced
by the tears of a filial Dauphiness,--is regarded as a quasi-
sacred, or uncommonly noble thing; and is called by her name,
"L'ARMEE DE LA DAUPHINE;" or for shortness "LA DAUPHINE" without
adjunct. Thus, like a kind of chivalrous Bellona, vengeance in her
right hand, tears and fire in her eyes, the DAUPHINESS advances;
and will join Reichs-Heer at Erfurt before August end. Such the
will of Pompadour; Richelieu encouraging, for reasons of his own.
Soubise, I understand, is privately in pique against poor
D'Estrees; ["Reappeared unexpectedly in Paris [from D'Estree's
Army], 22d June" (four days after Kolin): got up this DAUPHINESS
ARMY, by aid of Pompadour, with Richelieu, &c.: BARBIER, iv. 227,
231. Richelieu "busy at Strasburg lately" (29th July: Collini's
VOLTAIRE, p. 191).] and intends to eclipse him by a higher style of
diligence; though D'Estrees too is doing his best.

July 3d, we saw the D'Estrees people taking Embden; D'Estrees,
quiet so long in his Camp at Bielefeld, had at once bestirred
himself, Kolin being done;--shot out a detachment leftwards, and
Embden had capitulated that day. Adieu to the Shipping Interests
there, and to other pleasant things! "July 9th, after sunset,"
D'Estrees himself got on march from Bielefeld; set forth, in the
cool of night, 60,000 strong, and 10,000 more to join him by the
road (the rest are left as garrisons, reserves,--1,000 marauders of
them swing as monitory pendulums, on their various trees, for one
item),--direct towards Hanover and Royal Highness of Cumberland;
who retreats, and has retreated, behind the Ems, the Weser, back,
ever back; and, to appearance, will make a bad finish yonder.

To Friedrich, waiting at Leitmeritz, all these things are gloomily
known; but the most pressing of them is that of the Austrians and
Jung-Bunzlau close by. Let us give some utterances of his to
Wilhelmina, nearly all we have of direct from him in that time;
and then hasten to the Prince of Prussia there:--


LEITMERITZ, 1st JULY, 1757. ... "Sensible as heart can be to the
tender interest you deign to take in what concerns me. Dear Sister,
fear nothing on my score: men are always in the hand of what we
call Fate" ("Predestination, GNADENWAHL,"--Pardon us, Papa!--"CE
QU'ON NOMME LE DESTIN); accidents will befall people, walking on
the streets, sitting in their room, lying in their bed; and there
are many who escape the perils of war. ... I think, through Hessen
will be the safest route for your Letters, till we see; and not to
write just now except on occasions of importance. Here is a piece
in cipher; anonymous,"--intended for the Newspapers, or some
such road.

JULY 5th. "By a Courier of Plotho's, returning to Regensburg [who
passes near you], I write to apprise my dear Sister of the new
misery which overwhelms us. We have no longer a Mother. This loss
puts the crown on my sorrows. I am obliged to act; and have not
time to give free course to my tears. Judge, I pray you, of the
situation of a feeling heart put to so cruel a trial. All losses in
the world are capable of being remedied; but those which Death
causes are beyond the reach of hope."

JULY 7th. "You are too good; I am ashamed to abuse your indulgence.
But do, since you will, try to sound the French, what conditions of
Peace they would demand; one might judge as to their intentions.
Send that Mirabeau (CE M. DE MIRABEAU) to France. Willingly will I
pay the expense. He may offer as much as five million thalers
[750,000 pounds] to the Favorite [yes, even to the Pompadour] for
Peace alone. Of course, his utmost discretion will be needed;"
--should the English get the least wind of it! But if they
are gone to St. Vitus, and fail in every point, what can one do?
CE M. DE MIRABEAU, readers will be surprised to learn, is an Uncle
of the great Mirabeau's; who has fallen into roving courses, gone
abroad insolvent; and "directs the Opera at Baireuth," in these
years!--One Letter we will give in full:--

"LEITMERITZ, 13th Jnly, 1757.

"MY DEAREST SISTER,--Your Letter has arrived: I see in it your
regrets for the irreparable loss we have had of the best and
worthiest Mother in this world. I am so struck down with all these
blows from within and without, that I feel myself in a sort
of Stupefaction.

"The French have just laid hold of Friesland [seized Embden, July
3d]; are about to pass the Weser: they have instigated the Swedes
to declare War against me; the Swedes are sending 17,000 men
[rather more if anything; but they proved beautifully ineffectual]
into Pommern,"--will be burdensome to Stralsund and the poor
country people mainly; having no Captain over them but a hydra-
headed National Palaver at home, and a Long-pole with Cocked-hat on
it here at hand. "The Russians are besieging Memel [have taken it,
ten days ago]: Lehwald has them on his front and in his rear.
The Troops of the Reich," from your Plains of Furth yonder, "are
also about to march. All this will force me to evacuate Bohemia, so
soon as that crowd of Enemies gets into motion.

"I am firmly resolved on the extremest efforts to save my Country.
We shall see (QUITTE A VOIR) if Fortune will take a new thought, or
if she will entirely turn her back upon me. Happy the moment when I
took to training myself in philosophy! There is nothing else that
can sustain the soul in a situation like mine. I spread out to you,
dear Sister, the detail of my sorrows: if these things regarded
only myself, I could stand it with composure; but I am bound
Guardian of the safety and happiness of a People which has been put
under my charge. There lies the sting of it: and I shall have to
reproach myself with every fault, if, by delay or by over-haste, I
occasion the smallest accident; all the more as, at present, any
fault may be capital.

"What a business! Here is the liberty of Germany, and that
Protestant Cause for which so much blood has been shed; here are
those Two great Interests again at stake; and the pinch of this
huge game is such, that an unlucky quarter of an hour may establish
over Germany the tyrannous domination of the House of Austria
forever! I am in the case of a traveller who sees himself
surrounded and ready to be assassinated by a troop of cut-throats,
who intend to share his spoils. Since the League of Cambrai
[1508-1510, with a Pope in it and a Kaiser and Most Christian King,
iniquitously sworn against poor Venice;--to no purpose, as happily
appears], there is no example of such a Conspiracy as that infamous
Triumvirate [Austria, France, Russia] now forms against me. Was it
ever seen before, that three great Princes laid plot in concert to
destroy a Fourth, who had done nothing against them? I have not had
the least quarrel either with France or with Russia, still less
with Sweden. If, in common life, three citizens took it into their
heads to fall upon their neighbor, and burn his house about him,
they very certainly, by sentence of tribunal, would be broken on
the wheel. What! and will Sovereigns, who maintain these tribunals
and these laws in their States, give such example to their
subjects? ... Happy, my dear Sister, is the obscure man, whose good
sense from youth upwards, has renounced all sorts of glory;
who, in his safe low place, has none to envy him, and whose fortune
does not excite the cupidity of scoundrels!

"But these reflections are vain. We have to be what our birth,
which decides, has made us in entering upon this world. I reckoned
that, being King, it beseemed me to think as a Sovereign; and I
took for principle, that the reputation of a Prince ought to be
dearer to him than life. They have plotted against me; the Court of
Vienna has given itself the liberty of trying to maltreat me;
my honor commanded me not to suffer it. We have come to War; a gang
of robbers falls on me, pistol in hand: that is the adventure which
has happened to me. The remedy is difficult: in desperate diseases
there are no methods but desperate ones.

"I beg a thousand pardons, dear Sister: in these three long pages I
talk to you of nothing but my troubles and affairs. A strange abuse
it would be of any other person's friendship. But yours, my dear
Sister, yours is known to me; and I am persuaded you are not
impatient when I open my heart to you:--a heart which is yours
altogether; being filled with sentiments of the tenderest esteem,
with which I am, my dearest Sister, your [in truth, affectionate
Brother at all times] F."
[ OEuvres de Frederic, xxvii. i. 294, 295,


The Prince of Prussia's Enterprise had its intricacies; but, by
good management, was capable of being done. At least, so Friedrich
thought;--though, in truth, it would have been better had Friedrich
gone himself, since the chief pressure happened to fall there!
The Prince has to retire, Parthian-like, as slowly as possible,
with the late Kolin or Moritz-Bevern Army, towards the Lausitz,
keeping his eye upon Silesia the while; of course securing the
passes and strong places in his passage, for defence of his own
rear at lowest; especially securing Zittau, a fine opulent Town,
where his chief Magazine is, fed from Silesia now. The Army is in
good strength (guess 30,000), with every equipment complete, in
discipline, in health and in heart, such as beseems a Prussian
Army,--probably longing rather, if it venture to long or wish for
anything not yet commanded, to have a stroke at those Austrians
again, and pay them something towards that late Kolin score.

The Prince arrived at Jung-Bunzlau, June 30th; Winterfeld with him,
and, at his own request, Schmettau. The Austrians have not yet
stirred: if they do, it may be upon the King, it may be upon the
Prince: in three or even in two marches, Prince and King can be
together,--the King only too happy, in the present oppressive coil
of doubts, to find the Austrians ready for a new passage of battle,
and an immediate decision. The Austrians did, in fact, break out,--
seemingly, at first, upon the King; but in reality upon the Prince,
whom they judge safer game; and the matter became much more
critical upon him than had been expected.

The Prince was thought to have a good judgment (too much talk in
it, we sometimes feared), and fair knowledge in military matters.
The King, not quite by the Prince's choice, has given him
Winterfeld for Mentor; Winterfeld, who has an excellent military
head in such matters, and a heart firm as steel,--almost like a
second self in the King's estimation. Excellent Winterfeld;--but
then there are also Schmettau, Bevern and others, possibly in
private not too well affected to this Winterfeld. In fact, there is
rather a multitude of Counsellers;--and an ingenuous fine-spirited
Prince, perhaps more capable of eloquence on the Opposition side,
than of condensing into real wisdom a multitude of counsels, when
the crisis rises, and the affair becomes really difficult.
Crisis did rise: the victorious Austrians, after such delay, had
finally made up their minds to press this one a little, this one
rather than the King, and hang upon his skirts; Daun and Prince
Karl set out after him, just about the time of his arrival,--
"70,000 strong," the Prince hears; including plenty of Pandours.
Certain it is, the poor Prince's mind did flounder a good deal;
and his procedures succeeded extremely ill on this occasion.
Certain, too, that they were extremely ill-taken at head-quarters:
and that he even died soon after,--chiefly of broken heart, said
the censorious world. It is well known how Europe rang with the
matter for a long while; and Books were printed, and Documents, and
COLLECTIONS BY A MASTER'S HAND. [ Lettres Secretes touchant
la Deniere Guerre; de Main de Maitre; divisees en deux parties italic> (Francfort et Amsterdam, 1772): this is the Prince's own
Statement, Proof in hand. By far the clearest Account is in
Schmettau's Leben (by his Son), pp. 353-384.
See also Preuss, ii. 57-61, and especially ii. 407.] We, who can
spend but a page or two on it, must carefully stand by the
essential part.

"JUNE 30th-JULY 3d, Prince at Jung-Bunzlau, in chief command.
Besides Winterfeld, the Generals under him are Ziethen, Schmettau,
Fouquet, Retzow, Goltz, and two others who need not be of our
acquaintance. Impossible to stay there, thinks the Prince, thinks
everybody; and they shift to Neuschloss, westward thirty miles.
July 1st, Daun had crossed the Elbe (Daun let us say for brevity,
though it is Daun and Karl, or even Karl and Daun, Karl being
chief, and capable of saying so at times, though Daun is very
splendent since Kolin),--crossed the Elbe above Brandeis;
Nadasti, with precursor Pandours, now within an hour's march of
Jung-Bunzlau;--and it was time to go.

"JULY 3d-6th, At Neuschloss, which is thought a strong position,
key of the localities there, and nearer Friedrich too, the Prince
stayed not quite four days; shifted to Bohm (BohmISCH) Leipa, JULY
7th,--rather off from Leitmeritz, but a march towards Zittau, where
the provisions are. 'A bad change,' said the Prince's friends
afterwards; (change advised by Winterfeld,--who never mentioned
that circumstance to his Majesty, many as he did mention, not in
the best way!'--Prince gets to Bohm Leipa July 7th; stays there, in
questionable circumstances, nine days.

"Bohm Leipa is still not above thirty miles northeastward of the
King; and it is about the same distance southwestward from Zittau,
out of which fine Town, partly by cross-roads, the Prince gets his
provisions on this march. From Zittau hitherward, as far as the
little Town of Gabel, which lies about half way, there is broad
High Road, the great Southern KAISER-STRASSE: from Gabel, for Bohm
Leipa, you have to cross southwestward by country roads; the keys
to which, especially Gabel, the Prince has not failed to secure by
proper garrison parties. And so, for about a week, not quite
uncomfortably, he continues at Bohm Leipa; getting in his convoys
from Zittau. Diligently scanning the Pandour stragglings and
sputterings round him, which are clearly on the increasing hand.
Diligently corresponding with the King, meanwhile; who much
discourages undue apprehension, or retreat movement till the last
pinch. 'Edging backward, and again backward, you come bounce upon
Berlin one day, and will then have to halt!'--which is not pleasant
to the Prince. But, indisputably, the Pandour spurts on him do
become Pandour gushings, with regulars also noticeable: it is
certain the Austrians are out,--pretending first to mean the King
and Leitmeritz; but knowing better, and meaning the Prince and Bohm
Leipa all the while."--By way of supplement, take Daun's positions
in the interim:--

Daun and Karl were at Podschernitz 26th June; 1st July, cross the
Elbe, above Brandeis (Nadasti now within an hour's march of Jung-
Bunzlau); 7th July (day while the Prince is flitting to Bohm
Leipa), Daun is through Jung-Bunzlau to Munchengratz; thence to
Liebenau; 14th, to Niemes, not above four miles from the Prince's
rightmost outpost (rightmost or eastmost, which looks away from his
Brother); while a couple of advanced parties, Beck and Maguire,
hover on his flank Zittau-ward, and Nadasti (if he knew it) is
pushing on to rear.

"THURSDAY, 14th JULY, About six in the evening, at Bohm Leipa,
distinct cannon-thunder is heard from northeast: 'Evidently Gabel
getting cannonaded, and our wagon convoy [empty, going to Zittau
for meal, General Puttkammer escorting] is in a dangerous state!'

Book of the day:
Facebook Google Reddit StumbleUpon Twitter Pinterest