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A History of Rome, Vol 1 by A H.J. Greenidge

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[293] Oros. v. 9. This _Mamertium oppidum_ of Orosius has often been
interpreted as Messana (_Mamertinorum oppidum_, Bücher, p. 68); for,
although the slaves of this town had not revolted (Oros. v. 6. 4), it
might have been captured by the rebels. Schäfer, however (_Jahrb. f.
Class. Philol_. 1873 p. 71) explains Mamertium as Morgantia
(_Murgentinum oppidum_).

[294] Val. Max. ix. 12 _ext_. 1. Diodorus (xxxiv. 2. 20) calls him
Comanus and speaks of his being captured during the siege of

[295] Oros. v. 9.

[296] Wallon _Hist. de l'Esclavage_ ii. p. 308.

[297] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 8.

[298] For the _lex Rupilia_ see Cic. _in Verr_. ii. 13. 32; 15. 37; 16.
39; 24. 59.

[299] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8. Plutarch speaks of an "attempt" ([Greek:
_epecheiraese men oun tae diorthosei_]); but the effort perhaps went no
further than the testing of opinion to discover the probability of
support. The enterprise may have belonged to the praetorship of Laelius
(145 B.C.).

[300] Polyb. vi. 11.

[301] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 203.

[302] Cic. _Brut_. 27. 104 Fuit Gracchus diligentia Corneliae matris a
puero doctus et Graecis litteris eruditus. Id. Ib. 58. 211 Legimus
epistulas Corneliae matris Gracchorum: apparet filios non tam in gremio
educatos quam in sermone matris. Cf. Quinctil. _Inst. Or_. i. 1. 6;
Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 1.

[303] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 1. The King referred to in this story is
perhaps Ptolemy Euergetes, who reigned from 146 to 117 B.C.

[304] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8.

[305] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ pp. 208 foll., 258.

[306] Polyb. vi. 14 [Greek: _krinei men oun ho daemos kai diaphorou_]
(money penalties) [Greek: _pollakis ... thanatou de krinei monos_].

[307] Polyb. vi. 16 [Greek: _opheilousi d' aei poiein oi daemarchoi to
dokoun to daemo kai malista stochazesthai taes toutou boulaeseos_].

[308] Polyb. vi. 57.

[309] Polyb. xxxvii. 4.

[310] Ibid.

[311] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 2.

[312] Ibid., 4 [Greek: _outos haen periboaetos hoste taes ton Augouron
legomenaes hierosonaes axiothaenai di' aretaen mallon hae dia taen
eugeneian_.] Tiberius may have filled the place vacated by the death of
his father (_circa_ 148 B.C.). He would have been barely sixteen; and
Plutarch says (l.c.) that he had but just emerged from boyhood.
Election to the augural college at this time was effected by
co-optation. See Underhill in loc.

[313] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 4.

[314] Cic. _pro Cael_. 14. 34; Suet. _Tib_. 2.

[315] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 4. The story is also told of the betrothal of
Cornelia herself to the elder Gracchus (Liv. xxxviii. 57; Val. Max. iv.
2. 3; Gell. xii. 8); but Plutarch records a statement of Polybius that
Cornelia was not betrothed until after her father's death, and Livy
(l.c.) is conscious of this version.

[316] Fannius ap. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 4 [Greek: _tou ge teichous
epebae ton polemion protos_]. As the context seems to show that Tiberius
did not remain until the end of the siege, the _teichos_ was probably
that of Megara, the suburb of Carthage (Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 244);
cf. App. _Lib_. 117.

[317] Plut. l.c.

[318] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 7; cf. App. _Iber_. 83; Nitzsch _Die
Gracchen_ p. 280; Long _Decline of Rom. Rep_. i. p. 83.

[319] Plut. l.c.

[320] Vellei. ii. 1 Mancinum verecundia, poenam non recusando, perduxit
huc, ut per fetialis nudus ac post tergam religatis manibus dederetur
hostibus. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 7 [Greek: _ton men gar hypaton
epsaephisanto gymnon kai dedemenon paradounai tois Nomantinois, ton d'
allon epheisanto panton dia Tiberion_.] Cf. Cic. _de Off_. iii.
30. 109.

[321] Cic. _Brut_. 27. 103 (Ti. Gracchus) propter turbulentissimum
tribunatum, ad quem ex invidia foederis Numantini bonis iratus
accesserat, ab ipsa re publica est interfectus. Id. _de Har. Resp_. 20.
43 Ti. Graccho invidia Numantini foederis, cui feriendo, quaestor C.
Mancini consulis cum esset, interfuerat, et in eo foedere improbando
senatus severitas dolori et timori fuit, eaque res illum fortem et
clarum virum a gravitate patrum desciscere coegit. The same motive is
suggested by Vellei. ii. 2; Quinctil. _Inst. Or_. vii. 4. 13; Dio Cass.
_frg_. 82; Oros. v. 8. 3; Florus ii. 2 (iii. 14).

[322] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8.

[323] Plut. l.c.

[324] Plut. l.c.

[325] Gell. i. 13. 10 Is Crassas a Sempronio Asellione et plerisque
aliis historiae Romanae scriptoribus traditur habuisse quinque rerum
bonarum maxima et praecipua: quod esset ditissimus, quod nobilissimus,
quod eloquentissimus, quod jurisconsultissimus, quod pontifex maximus.

[326] Cic. _Acad. Prior_. ii. 5. 13 Duo ... sapientissimos et
clarissimos fratres, P. Crassum et P. Scaevolam, aiunt Ti. Graccho
auctores legum fuisse, alterum quidem, ut videmus, palam; alterum, ut
suspicantur, obscurius.

[327] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 9.

[328] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 9 [Greek: _esemnologaese peri tou Italikou
genous_]. The expression suggests the further question whether Gracchus
intended Italians, as well as Romans, to benefit by his law. On this
question see p. 115. But, whatever our opinion on this point, the
widening of the issue by an appeal to Italian interests was natural, if
not inevitable.

[329] App. l.c.

[330] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 9.

[331] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 9; cf. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 8.

[332] The most respectable of the authorities for the Licinian law
having dealt with the land question is Varro (_R.R_. 1. 2. 9 Stolonis
illa lex, quae vetat plus D jugera habere civem R). A similar account is
found in many other authors (Liv. vi. 35; Vellei. ii. 6; Plut. _Cam_.
39; Gell. vi. 3. 40; Val. Max. viii. 6. 3). A variant in the maximum
amount permitted to a single holder is given by [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_.
20 [(Licinius Stolo) legem scivit, ne cui plebeio plus centum jugera
agri habere liceret]; or the word "plebeio," if not a mistake, may
suggest another clause in the supposed law.

[333] Cato ap. Gell. vi. (vii.) 3. 37. Cato asks whether any enactment
punishes _intent_ (for the Rhodians were charged with having _intended_
hostility to Rome), and points his argument by the following _reductio
ad absurdum_ of legislation conceived in this spirit, Si quis plus
quingenta jugera habere voluerit, tanta poena esto: si quis majorem
pecuum numerum habere voluerit, tantum damnas esto.

[334] On this subject see Niese _Das sogenannte Licinisch-sextische
Ackergesetz_ (Hermes xxiii. 1888), Soltau _Das Aechtheit des licinischen
Ackergesetzes von_ 367 v. Chr. (Hermes xxx. 1895).

[335] Mommsen in C.I.L. i. pp. 75 ff.

[336] Cic. _de Leg. Agr_. ii. 29. 81 Nec duo Gracchi, qui de plebis
Romanae commodis plurimum cogitaverunt, nec L. Sulla ... agrum Campanum
attingere ausus est. Cf. i. 7. 21.

[337] Exemptions were specified in the agrarian law of C. Gracchus,
which must have appeared in that of his elder brother. They are noticed
in the extant _Lex agraria_ (C.I.L. 1. n. 200; Bruns _Fontes_ 1. 3.
11) l. 6 Extra eum agrum, quei ager ex lege plebive scito, quod C.
Sempronius Ti. f. tr. pl. rog(avit), exceptum cavitumve est nei
divideretur.... The law of C. Gracchus is here mentioned as being the
later enactment. Cicero, when he writes (_ad Att_. 1. 19. 4) of his own
attitude to the Flavian agrarian law of 60 B.C. Liberabam agrum eum, qui
P. Mucio L. Calpurnio consulibus publicus fuisset, is probably referring
to land that, public in 133 B.C., still remained public in his own day.

[338] See Voigt _Ueber die staatsrechtliche Possessio und den Ager
Compascuus_ p. 229.

[339] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 9 [Greek: _anekainize ton nomon maedena ton
pentakosion plethron pleon hechein, paisi d' auton hyper ton palaion
nomon prosetithei ta haemisea touton_]. Liv. _Ep_. lviii. Ne quis ex
publico agro plus quam mille jugera possideret, cf. [Victor] _de Vir.
Ill_. 64. The conclusion stated in the text, which is gained by a
combination of these passages, is, however, somewhat hazardous.

[340] App, _Bell, Civ_. 1. 11 [Greek: _ekeleue tous plousious ... mae,
en ho peri mikron diapherontai, ton pleonon hyperidein, misthon hama
taes peponaemenaes exergasias autarkae pheromenous taen exaireton aneu
timaes ktaesin es aei bebaion hekasto pentakosion plethron, kai paisin,
ois eisi paides, ekasto kai touton ta haemisea_]. If [Greek: _aneu
timaes_] means "without paying for it," the phrase has no relation to
the _timae_ mentioned by Plutarch (see the next note) which was a
valuation to be _received_ by the dispossessed. It can scarcely mean
"without further compensation"; but, if interpreted in this way, the two
accounts can be brought into some relation with each other.

[341] Plut, _Ti. Gracch_. 9 [Greek: _ekeleuse timaen proslambanontas
ekbainein hon adikos ekektaento_].

[342] Siculus Flaccus (p. 136 Lachm.); cf. Mommsen l.c.

[343] There is a reference to this limit in the extant _Lex Agraria_ (C.
I. L. i. n. 200; Bruns _Fontes_ 1. 3. 11) l. 14 Sei quis ... agri jugra
Non amplius xxx possidebit habebitve, but there is no direct evidence to
connect it with the Gracchan legislation.

[344] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 10.

[345] Cf. p. 110.

[346] Mommsen l.c.

[347] App, _Bell. Civ_. i. 10

[348] Cic. _de Leg. Agr_. ii. 12. 31 Audes etiam, Rulle, mentionem
facere legis Semproniae, nec te ea lex ipsa commonet III viros illos
XXXV tribuum suffragio creatos esse? App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 9 [Greek:
_prosetithei ... taen loipaen treis airetous andras, henallassomenous
kat' hetos, dianemein tois penaesin_]. Strachan-Davidson (in loc.)
doubts this latter characteristic of the magistracy. The history of the
land-commission proves at least that the occupants of the post were
perpetually re-eligible and could be chosen in their absence. Thus
Gracchus, in spite of his two years' quaestorship in Sardinia, was still
a commissioner in 124 B.C. (App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 21). See Mommsen
_Staatsr_. ii. i. p. 632. The electing body was doubtless the _plebeian_
assembly of the tribes under the guidance of a tribune. This was the
mode prescribed by Rullus's law of 63 B.C. (Cic. _de Leg. Agr_, ii.
7. 16).

[349] App. _Bell, Civ_. i. 11.

[350] Cf. App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 10.

[351] App. l.c. [Greek: _daneistai te chrea kai tautaes epedeiknuon_.]

[352] App. l.c. [Greek: _plaethos hallo hoson en tais apoikois polesin
hae tais isopolitisin hae hallos ekoinonei taesde taes gaes, dediotes
homoios epaeesan kai es hekaterous auton diemerizonto. isopolitides_]
would naturally be the _municipia (c.f. Lex Agraria_ l. 31); but
Strachan-Davidson (in loc.) thinks that the _civitates foederatae_ are
here intended. There is a possibility that Appian has used the term
vaguely: but there is no real difficulty in conceiving the _municipia_
to be meant. Even the majority, that had received Roman citizenship,
still continued to bear the name, and they may have continued to enjoy
municipal rights in public land. The wealthier classes in these towns
were therefore alarmed; the poorer classes (possessed of Roman
citizenship) hoped for a share in the assignment.

[353] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 10.

[354] Plut. l.c.

[355] Plut. l.c.

[356] Plut. l.c. [Greek: _ouden eipein legontai peri allaelon phlauron,
oude rhaema prospesein thaterou pros ton heteron di' horgaen

[357] Diod. xxxiv 6 [Greek: _synerreon eis taen Rhomaen oi hochloi apo
taes choras hosperei potamoi tines eis taen panta dynamenaen dechesthai

[358] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 12.

[359] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 10 [Greek: _paroxyntheis ho Tiberios ton men
philanthropon epaneileto nomon, ton d' haedio te tois pollois kai
sphodroteron epi tous adikountas eisepheren haedae, keleuon existasthai
taes choras haen ekektaento para tous proterous nomous_]. Plutarch is
apparently thinking of the abolition of what he calls the _timae_
(c. 9.); but his words do not necessarily imply that the original
concessions mentioned by Appian (p. 114) were removed.

[360] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 10.

[361] Plut. l.c.

[362] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 12. Plutarch (_Ti. Gracch_. 11) preserves a
tradition that the meeting was practically broken up by the adherents of
the _possessores_ who, to prevent the passing of an illegal decree,
carried off the voting urns.

[363] [Greek: _Mallios kai phoulbios_] (Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 11). Schäfer
(_Jahrb. f. Class. Philol_. 1873 p. 71) thinks that the first name is a
mistake for that of Manilius the jurist, consul in 149 B.C., and that
the second refers to Ser. Fulvius Flaccus, consul in 135 B.C.

[364] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 12 _oi dunatoi tous daemarchous aexioun
hepitrepsai tae boulae peri hon diapherontai_.

[365] App. _l. c_.

[366] App. _l. c_.

[367] Or in _contio_ held before the meeting. The scene is described in
Plut. _Ti. Gracch_, 11.

[368] Plut. l.c. [Greek: _hypeipon ho Tiberios hos ouk estin archontas
amphoterous kai peri pragmaton megalon ap' isaes exousias diapheromenous
aneu polemou diexelthein ton chronon_.]

[369] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 12.

[370] Cf. Mommsen _Staatsr_. iii. p. 409, note 1.

[371] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 12.

[372] This is the name given by Appian (_Bell. Civ_. 1. 13); Plutarch
(_Ti. Gracch_. 13) calls him Mucius; Orosius (v. 8. 3) Minucius.

[373] App. _Iber_. 83. Cf. Liv. xxvii. 20, xxix. 19. See Mommsen
_Staatsr_. i. p. 629.

[374] Mommsen l.c.

[375] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 13; Plut. _Ti. Gracch. 13.

[376] Liv. _Ep_. lviii Promulgavit et aliam legem agrariam, qua sibi
latius agrum patefaceret, ut iidem triumviri judicarent qua publicus
ager, qua privatus esset. The titles borne by the commissioners appear
as III vir a. d. a. (_Lex Latina Tabulae Bantinae_, C.I.L. 1. 197;
Bruns _Fontes_ i. 3. 9; cf. _Lex Acilia Repetundarum_ 1. 13, C.I.L.
i. 198; Bruns _Fontes_ i. 3. 10): III vir a. i. a. (C.I.L. i. nn.
552-555); III vir a.d.a. i. (C.I.L. i. n. 583).

[377] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 13.

[378] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 13.

[379] Plut. l.c.

[380] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 14.

[381] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 315.

[382] Liv. _Ep_. lviii Deinde, cum minus agri esset quam quod dividi
posset sine offensa etiam plebis, quoniam eos ad cupiditatem amplum
modum sperandi incitaverat, legem se promulgaturum ostendit, ut iis, qui
Sempronia lege agrum accipere deberent, pecunia quae regia Attali
fuisset divideretur. [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 64 Tulit ut ea familia quae
ex Attali hereditate erat ageretur et populo divideretur, Cf. Plut.
_Ti. Gracch_. 14; Oros. v. 8. 4.

[383] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 14.

[384] Ibid.; Oros. v. 8. 4.

[385] Plut. l.c.. Cicero (_Brut_. 21. 81) speaks of a speech of
Metellus "contra Ti. Gracchum". Plutarch's citation may be from
this speech.

[386] Cicero regarded Octavius's deposition as the ruin of Gracchus.
_Brut_. 25. 95 Injuria accepta fregit Ti. Gracchum patientia civis in
rebus optimis constantissimus M. Octavius. _De Leg_. iii. 10. 24 Ipsum
Ti. Gracchum non solum neglectus sed etiam sublatus intercessor evertit;
quid enim illum aliud perculit, nisi quod potestatem intercedenti
collegae abrogavit? The deposition was an act of "seditio" (_pro
Mil_. 27. 72).

[387] Plut. _Quaest. Rom_. Section 81.

[388] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 14.

[389] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 15.

[390] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 14.

[391] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 16 [Greek: _authis allois nomois anelambane to
plaethos, tou te chronou ton strateion aphairon, kai didous
epikaleisthai ton daepon apo ton dikaston kai tois krinousi tote
synklaetikois ousi [triakosiois] katamignus ek ton hippeon ton ison
arithmon_.] Dio Cass. _Frg_. 88 [Greek: _ta dikastaeria apo taes boulaes
epi tous hippeas metaege_] (Cf. Plin. _H.N_. xxxiii. 34).

[392] Polyb. vi. 19.

[393] There was already such a maximum according to Polybius (vi. 19).
What it precisely was, is uncertain, as the passage is corrupt.
According to Lipsius's reading, it was twenty years, according to
Casaubon's, sixteen under ordinary conditions, twenty in emergencies.
The knights were required to serve ten campaigns. See Marquardt
_Staatsverw_. ii. p. 381. The nature of the reduction proposed by
Gracchus is unknown.

[394] _Lex Acilia_ ll. 23 and 74.

[395] Cic. _de Fin_. ii. 16. 54.

[396] No mention is made of the appeal in five cases in which criminal
commissions had been established by the senate. The dates of these
commissions are B.C. 331 (Liv. viii. 18; Val. Max. ii. 5. 3), 314 (Liv.
ix. 26), 186 (Liv. xxxix. 8-19), 184 (Liv. xxxix. 41) and 180 (Liv.
xl. 37).

[397] Vellei. ii. 2 (Tiberius Gracchus) pollicitus toti Italiae

[398] Cicero is perhaps stating the result, rather than the intention,
of the Gracchan legislation when he says (_de Rep_. iii. 29. 41) Ti.
Gracchus perseveravit in civibus, sociorum nominisque Latini jura
neglexit ac foedera. No point in the Gracchan agrarian law is more
remarkable than its strict, perhaps inequitable, legality. That its
author consciously violated treaty relations is improbable.

[399] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 14.

[400] For the qualifications at this period see Mommsen _Staatsr_. i. p.

[401] Dio Cass. _frg_. 88 [Greek: _epecheiraese kai es to epion etos meta
tou adelphou daemarchaesai kai ton pentheron hypaton apodeixai_].

[402] App. l.c.

[403] Mommsen _Staatsr_. i. p. 523. Dio Cassius indeed says (_fr_. 22)
[Greek: _koluphen to tina dis taen archaen lambanein_]; but tradition held
that the proviso had been violated in the early plebeian agitations.

[404] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 14.

[405] App. l.c.; Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 13. The scene is thus described
by Asellio (a contemporary):--Orare coepit, id quidem ut se defenderent
liberosque suos, eumque, quem virile secus tum in eo tempore habebat,
produci jussit populoque commendavit prope flens (Gell. ii. 13. 5).
Appian also speaks of a son, Plutarch of children.

[406] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_., 16.

[407] App. _Bell. Civ_. 1. 15.

[408] [Greek: _prostataes de tou Rhomaion daemou_] (Plut. _Ti. Gracch_.

[409] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16.

[410] Richter _Topographie_ p. 128.

[411] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 18.

[412] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 19.

[413] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 15.

[414] Ibid. 16.

[415] The dictator was usually nominated by the consul between midnight
and morning (Liv. viii. 23), for the purpose of the avoidance of
unfavourable omens.

[416] Tradition ultimately carried it back to the fourth century B.C. In
the revolution threatened by Manlius Capitolinus (384 B.C., Liv. vi. 19)
the phrase Ut videant magistrates ne quid ... res publica detrimenti
capiat was believed to have been employed.

[417] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 19 [Greek: _epei ... prodidosin ho archon
taen polin, oi boulomenoi tois nomois boaethein akoloutheite_.] The
most specific and juristically exact account of these proceedings (one
probably drawn from Livy) is preserved by Valerius Maximus (iii. 2. l7):
--In aedem Fidei publicae convocati patres conscripti a consule Mucio
Scaevola quidnam in tali tempestate faciendum esset deliberabant,
cunctisque censentibus ut consul armis rem publicam tueretur, Scaevola
negavit se quicquam vi esse acturum. Tum Scipio Nasica Quoniam, inquit,
consul dum juris ordinem sequitur id agit ut cum omnibus legibus Romanum
imperium corruat, egomet me privatus voluntati vestrae ducem offero....
Qui rem publicam salvam esse volunt me sequantur.

[418] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16; Plut. l.c. Appian speculates as to the
meaning of the act. It may have been meant to attract the attention of
his supporters, it may have been a signal of war, it may have been
intended to veil the impending deed of horror from the eyes of the gods.
Cf. Vellei. ii. 3.

[419] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 19.

[420] [Cic.] _ad Herenn_, iv. 55. 68.

[421] In the highly rhetorical exercise contained in [Cic.] _ad Herenn_.
iv. 55. 68 is to be found the following picture:--Iste spumans ex ore
scelus, anhelans ex infirmo pectore crudelitatem, contorquet brachium et
dubitanti Graccho quid esset, neque tamen locum, in quo constiterat,
relinquenti, percutit tempus.

[422] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16.

[423] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 19.

[424] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16 [Greek: _kai pantas autous nyktos
exerripsan es to rheuma ton potamou_]. [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 64
(Gracchi) corpus Lucretii aedilis manu in Tiberim missum; unde ille
Vespillo dictus.

[425] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 1.

[426] Vellei. ii. 3. 3 Hoc initium in urbe Roma civilis sanguinis
gladiorumque impunitatis fuit. Inde jus vi obrutum potentiorque habitus
prior, discordiaeque civium antea condicionibus sanari solitae ferro
dijudicatae (cf. Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 20; App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 17).
Cic. _de Rep_. i. 19. 31 Mors Tiberii Gracchi et jam ante tota illius
ratio tribunatus divisit populum unum in duas partes.

[427] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 20 [Greek: _tautaen protaen historousin en
Rhomae stasin, aph' ou to basileuesthai katelysan, aimati kai phono
politon diakrithaenai_.]

[428] Sall. _Jug_. 31. 7 Occiso Ti. Graccho, quem regnum parare aiebant,
in plebem Romanam quaestiones habitae sunt. Val. Max. iv. 7, 1 Cum
senatus Rupilio et Laenati consulibus mandasset ut in eos, qui cum
Graccho consenserant, more majorum animadverterent ... Cf. Vellei.
ii. 7. 4.

[429] Cic. _de Amic_. 11. 37.

[430] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 20.

[431] Cic. _de Amic_. ii. 37; Val. Max. iv. 7. 1.

[432] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 20.

[433] Ibid. 21.

[434] Val Max. v. 3. 2 e Is quoque (Scipio Nasica) propter iniquissimam
virtutum suarum apud cives aestimationem sub titulo legationis Pergamum
secessit et quod vitae superfuit ibi sine ullo ingratae patriae
desiderio peregit. Cf. Plut. l.c.; Strabo xiv. 1. 38. See Waddington
_Fastes_ p. 662.

[435] Vellei. ii. 3. 1 P. Scipio Nasica ... ob eas virtutes primus
omnium absens pontifex maximus factus est. The other view, that Nasica
was already pontifex maximus before his exile, was widely prevalent and
is stated by nearly all our authorities (Cic. _in Cat_. i. 1. 3; Val.
Max. 1. 4. 1; Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 21; App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 16).

[436] Plut. l.c.

[437] Val. Max. vii. 2, 6 Par illa sapientia senatus. Ti. Gracchum
tribunum pl. agrariam legem promulgare ausum morte multavit. Idem ut
secundum legem ejus per triumviros ager populo viritim divideretur
egregie censuit.

[438] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 21, C.I.L. i. n. 552 C. Sempronius _Ti. F.
Grac_., Ap. Claudius C. F. Pulc., P. Licinius P. F. Crass. III vir. A.
I. A. (Cf. nn. 553. 1504), n. 583 (82-81 B.C.) M. Terentius M. F.
Varro Lucullus Pro Pr. terminos restituendos ex s. c. coeravit qua P.
Licinius Ap. Claudius C. Graccus III vir A. D. A. I. statuerunt. These
_termini_ suggest the _limites Graccani_ of the _Liber Coloniarum
(Gromatici_ ed. Lachmann, pp. 209. 210) which may refer to the agrarian
assignments under the _leges Semproniae_ (of Ti. and C. Gracchus) rather
than to the colonial foundations of the younger brother.

[439] Liv. _Ep_. lix. Seditiones a triumviris Fulvio Flacco et
C. Graccho et C. Papirio Carbone agro dividendo creatis excitatae.
App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 18. C.I.L. i. n. 554 M. Folvios M.F. Flac.,
C. Sempronius Ti. F. Grac., C. Paperius C.F. Carb. III vire. A.I.A.
(cf. n. 555).

[440] C.I.L. i. 551 (Wilmanns 797) Primus fecei ut de agro poplico
aratoribus cederent pastores.

[441] Liv. _Ep_. lix. (131 B.C.) Censa sunt civium capita CCCXVIII milia
DCCCXXIII praeter pupillos et viduas. Ib. lx. (125 B.C.) Censa sunt
civium capita CCCLXXXXIIII milia DCCXXVI. See de Boor _Fasti Censorii_.

[442] Mommsen _Hist. of Rome_ bk. iv. c. 3.

[443] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 18 [Greek: _amelounton de ton kektaemenon
autaen (sc. taen gaen) apographesthai, kataegorous ekaerytton
endeiknynai; kai tachy plaethos haen dikon chalepon_].

[444] App. l.c.

[445] Unless we take such to be the meaning of Hyginus (_de Condic.
Agr_. p. 116) Vectigales autem agri sunt obligati, quidam r. p. P. R.,
quidam coloniarum aut municipiorum aut civitatium aliquarum. Qui et ipsi
plerique ad populum Romanum pertinentes.... The passage seems to state
that some _agri_ which owed _vectigal_ to communities belonged to the
Roman people. There might therefore be a fear of their resumption,
although it should have been remote, since these lands, as the context
shows, were dealt with by a system of lease (for its nature see Mitteis
_Zur Gesch. der Erbpacht im Alterthum_ pp. 13 foll.), and leaseholds do
not seem to have been threatened by Gracchus.

[446] App. _Bell. Civ_. i 19.

[447] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 21. Hom. _Od_. i. 47.

[448] Cic. _Phil_. xi. 8. 18; Liv. _Ep_. lix.; Eutrop. iv. 19.

[449] Liv. _Ep_. lix. Cum Carbo tribunus plebis rogationem tulisset, ut
eundem tribunum plebi, quoties vellet, creare liceret, rogationem ejus
P. Africanus gravissima oratione dissuasit. Cic. _de Amic_. 25. 95
Dissuasimus nos (Laelius), sed nihil de me: de Scipione dicam libentius.
Quanta illi, dii immortales! fuit gravitas! quanta in oratione majestas!
... Itaque lex popularis suffragiis populi repudiata est. Cf. Cic. _de
Or_. ii. 40. 170.

[450] Vellei. ii. 4. 4 Hic, eum interrogante tribuno Carbone quid de Ti.
Gracchi caede sentiret, respondit, si is occupandae rei publicae animum
habuisset, jure caesum. Et cum omnis contio adclamasset, "Hostium,"
inquit, "armatorum totiens clamore non territus, qui possum vestro
moveri, quorum noverca est Italia?" Val. Max. vi. 2. 3 Orto deinde
murmure "Non efficietis," ait, "ut solutos verear quos alligatos
adduxi." Cf. Cic, _pro Mil_. 3. 8; Liv. _Ep_. lix; Plut. _Ti.
Gracch_. 21.

[451] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 19 [Greek: _ho d' es tous polemous autois
kechraemenos prothymotatois hyperidein ... oknaese_.]

[452] Liv. _Ep_. lvii.

[453] App. _Bell. Civ_. i 19.

[454] Liv. _Ep_. lviii (p. 127).

[455] App. l.c.

[456] App. l.c.

[457] App. l.c.

[458] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 10.

[459] Oros. v. 10. 9; Cic. _de Amic_. 3. 12.

[460] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 20.

[461] Plut. _Rom_. 27 [Greek: _oi men automatos onta physei nosodae
kamein legousin_.]

[462] Villei. ii. 4 Mane in lectulo repertus est mortuus, ita ut quaedam
elisarum faucium in cervice reperirentur notae.

[463] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 10 [Greek: _kai deinon outos ergon ep' andri
to proto kai megisto Rhomaion tolmaethen ouk etyche dikaes oud' eis
elenchon proaelthen; enestaesan gar oi polloi kai katelysan taen krisin
hyper tou Gaiou phobaethentes, mae peripetaes tae aitia tou phonou
zaetoumenou genaetai_.] Vellei. ii. 4 De tanti viri morte nulla habita
est quaestio. Cf. Liv. _Ep_. lix.

[464] Schol. Bob. _ad Cic. Milon_. 7. p. 383.

[465] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 20.

[466] Schol. Bob. l.c.; cf. Plut. _C. Gracch_. 10.

[467] Plut. l.c.

[468] Cic. _ad Fam_. ix. 21. 3, _ad Q. fr_. ii 3. 3, _de Or_. ii. 40.
170. Cf. _de Amic_. 12. 41.

[469] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 20.

[470] App. l.c.

[471] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 20 [Greek: _hos enioi dokousin, ekon apethane
synidon hoti ouk esoito dynatos kataschein hon hyposchoito_.] For the
theory of suicide cf. Plut. _Rom_. 27 [Greek: _oi d' auton hyph' eautou
pharmakois apothanein (legousin)_.]

[472] Schol. Bob. _in Milon_, l.c.

[473] Val. Max. iv. 1. 12.

[474] Cic. _de Leg_. iii. 16. 35 Carbonis est tertia (lex tabellaria) de
jubendis legibus ac vetandis.

[475] Liv. _Ep_. lvi.

[476] App. Bell. _Civ_. i. 21 [Greek: _kai gar tis haedae nomos
ekekyroto, ei daemarchos endeoi tais parangeliais, ton daemon ek
panton epilegesthai_.] It is possible that Appian has misconstrued
the provision that, if enough candidates did not receive the absolute
majority required for election (_explere tribus_), any one--even a
tribune already in office--should be eligible. See Strachan-Davidson
in loc.

[477] Or possibly by securing that some of its candidates should not
receive the number of votes requisite for election. See the last note.

[478] App. _Bell. Civ_. i 21 [Greek: _kai tines esaegounto tous
symmachous hapantas, oi dae teri taes gaes malista antelegon, es taen
Rhomaion politeian anagrapsai, os meizoni chariti peri taes gaes ou
dioisomenous; kai edechonto hasmenoi touth' oi Italiotai, protithentes
ton chorion taen politeian_.]

[479] Cic. _de Off_. iii. 11. 47 Male etiam qui peregrinos urbibus uti
prohibent eosque exterminant, ut Pennus apud patres nostros.... Nam esse
pro cive qui civis non sit rectum est non licere; quam legem tulerunt
sapientissimi consules Crassus et Scaevola (95 B.C.); usu vero urbis
prohibere peregrinos sane inhumanum est. For the date of Pennus's law
see Cic. _Brut_. 28. 109:--Fuit ... M. Lepido et L. Oreste consulibus
quaestor Gracchus, tribunus Pennus.

[480] Festus p. 286 Resp. multarum civitatum pluraliter dixit C.
Gracchus in ea, quam conscripsit de lege p. Enni (Penni _Müller_) et
peregrinis, cum ait: "eae nationes, cum aliis rebus, per avaritiam atque
stultitiam res publicas suas amiserunt".

[481] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 34 [Greek: _Phoulouios phlakkos hypateion
malista dae protos ode es to phanerotaton haerethize tous Italiotas
epithymein taes Rhomaion politeias hos koinonous taes haegemonias anti
hypaekoon esomenous_]. (Cf. i. 21), Val. Max. ix. 5. 1 M. Fulvius
Flaccus consul, ... cum perniciosissimas rei publicae leges introduceret
de civitate Italiae danda et de provocatione ad populum eorum, qui
civitatem mutare noluissent, aegre compulsus est ut in Curiam veniret.

[482] Liv. xxxviii. 36. Four tribunes vetoed a _rogatio_ to grant voting
rights to the _municipia_ of Formiae, Fundi and Arpinum in 188 B.C. on
the ground that the senate's judgment had not been taken, but Edocti
populi esse, non senatus jus, suffragium quibus velit impertire,
destiterunt incepto.

[483] Val. Max. ix. 5, 1 Deinde partim monenti, partim oranti senatui ut
incepto desisteret, responsum non dedit ... Flaccus in totius amplissimi
ordinis contemnenda majestate versatus est. Cf. App. _Bell. Civ_.
i. 21.

[484] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 34 [Greek: _esaegoumenos de taen gnomaen
kai epimenon autae karteros, upa taes boulaes epi tina strateian
exepemphthae dia tode_].

[485] Liv. _Ep_. lx; Ammian, xv. 12. 5.

[486] An isolated notice speaks of a rising at Asculum. [Victor] _de
Vir. Ill_. 65 (C. Gracchus) Asculanae et Fregellanae defectionis
invidiam sustinuit.

[487] Liv. viii. 22.

[488] Liv. xxvii. 10.

[489] Liv. _Ep_. lx L. Opimius praetor Fregellanos, qui defecerant, in
deditionem accepit; Fregellas diruit. Cf. Vellei. ii. 6; Obsequens 90;
Plut. _C. Gracch_. 3; [Cic.] _ad Herenn_. iv. 15. 22.

[490] Vellei. i. 15 Cassio autem Longino et Sextio Calvino ...
consulibus Fabrateria deducta est.

[491] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 3.

[492] It has been supposed that this boy may really have been the son of
Attalus brother of Eumenes, a fruit of the transitory connection between
this prince and Stratonice, which followed the false news of Eumenes's
death in 172 B.C. See F. Köpp _De Attali III patre_ in _Rhein. Mus_.
xlviii. pp. 154 ff.; Wilcken in Pauly-Wissowa _Real, Enc_. p. 2170, and
for the temporary marriage of Attalus with Stratonice Plut. _de Frat.
Amor_. 18; Polyb. xxx. 2. 6. Livy (xlii. 16) and perhaps Diodorus (xxix.
34) speak only of Attalus's wooing, not of his marriage. If Attalus the
Third was not the son of Eumenes, he was at least adopted by the king
and was clearly recognised as his heir. The official view made the
relationship between the Attali that of uncle and nephew.

[493] For the guardianship of the younger Attalus see Strabo xiii. 4. 2.
The recognition of the regent as king is clearly attested by
inscriptions (Fränkel _Inschriften von Pergamon_ nn. 214 ff., 224, 225,
248. In n. 248.) the future Attalus the Third is called by the king
[Greek: _ho tadelphon nios_] (l. 18, cf. l. 32 [Greek: _ho theios
mon_] used by Attalus the Third) and has some power of appointment to
the priesthood. There is no sign that the nephew was in any other
respect a co-regent of the uncle. See Fränkel op. cit. p. 169.

[494] Liv. xxxviii. cc. 12, 23, 25; Polyb. xxi. 39.

[495] Liv. xliv. 36; xlv. 19.

[496] Wilcken in Pauly-Wissowa _Real. Enc_. p. 2168 foll.

[497] Polyb. xxxii. 22; Diod. xxxi. 32 b.

[498] For the details of this struggle see Wilcken l.c. p. 2172;
Ussing _Pergamos_ p. 50.

[499] Ussing op. cit. p. 51.

[500] Strabo xiii. 4. 2.

[501] Strabo l.c.; Lucian. _Macrob_. 12. He was sixty-one years old at
his accession and eighty-two years old at the time of his death.

[502] Justin. xxxvi. 4; Diod. xxxiv. 3.

[503] Once, indeed, he seems to have taken the field with some success,
as is proved by a decree in honour of a victory (Fränkel _Inschr. von
Pergamon_ n. 246). A vote of the town of Elaea honours the king [Greek:
_aretaes heneken kai andragathias taes kata polemon, krataesanta ton
hupenantion_] (l. 22). The victory is also mentioned in n. 249.

[504] Liv. _Ep_. lviii. Heredem autem populum Romanum reliquerat
Attalus, rex Pergami, Eumenis filius. Cf. ib. lix; Strabo xiii. 4. 2;
Vellei. ii. 4; Val. Max. v. 2, ext. 3; Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 14; Eutrop.
iv. 18; Justin. xxxvi. 4. 5; Florus ii. 3 (iii. 15); Oros. v. 8; App.
_Mithr_. 62.

[505] Sall. _Hist_. iv. 69 Maur. (Epistula Mithridatis) Eumenen, cujus
amicitiam gloriose ostentant, initio prodidere (Romani) Antiocho, pacis
mercedem; post habitum custodiae agri captivi sumptibus et contumeliis
ex rege miserrimum servorum effecere, simulatoque impio testamento
filium ejus Aristonicum, quia patrium regnum petiverat, hostium more per
triumphum duxere.

[506] The reality of the will is attested by a Pergamene inscription
(Fränkel _Inschr. von Pergamon_ n. 249). The inscription records a
resolution taken by the [Greek: _daemos_] on the proposal of the [Greek:
_strataegoi_]. The resolution is elicited after the will has become
known and in view of its ratification by Rome (l. 7 [_Greek: dei de
epicurothaenai taen diathaekaen hupo Rhomaion_]). Pergamon has by the
death of the king, and perhaps in accordance with the will (see p. 177),
been left "free" (l. 5 Attalus by passing away [Greek: _apoleloipen taen
patrida haemon eleutheran_)]. The first result of this freedom is that
the people extends the privileges of its citizenship. Full civic rights
are given to Paroeci (i.e. _incolae_) and (mercenary) soldiers; the
rights of Paroeci are given to other classes:--freedmen, royal and
public slaves. The motive assigned for the conferment is public
security, and the extension of rights seems to be justified (l. 6) by
the liberal spirit shown by the late king in the organisation of his
conquests (see p. 175 note 2). The ruling idea seems to be that, if
Pergamon was to be free, she must be strong. See Frankel in loc.,
Ussing _Pergamos_ p. 55.

[507] At the same time the self-governing character of the civic
corporation might be recognised: and Attalus, if he made the will, may
have been courteous enough to recognise the "freedom" of the city from
this point of view. See p. 177.

[508] Liv. _Ep_. lix. Cum testamento Attali regis legata populo Romano
libera esse deberet (Asia). Cf. pp. 175, 176, notes 5 and 1.

[509] Justin. xxxvi. 4. 6 Sed erat ex Eumene Aristonicus, non justo
matrimonio, sed ex paelice Ephesia, citharistae cujusdam filia, genitus,
qui post mortem Attali velut paternum regnum Asiam invasit. The
epitomator of Livy (lix.) speaks of him as "Eumenis filius". Strabo
(xiv. 1. 38) describes him as [Greek: _dokon tou genous einai tou ton

[510] Florus i. 35 (ii. 20).

[511] Strabo xiv. 1. 38.

[512] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 26 [Greek: _to paraplaesion de_] (to the slave
revolt in Sicily) [Greek: _gegone kai kata taen Asian kata tous autous
kairous, Aristonikou men antipoiaesamenou taes mae prosaekousaes
basileias, ton de doulon dia tas ek ton despoton kakouchias
synaponoaesamenon ekeino kai megalois atychaemasi pollas poleis

[513] Strabo l.c. [Greek: _eis de taen mesogaian anion haethroise
dia tacheon plaethos aporon te anthropon kai doulon ep' eleutheria
katakeklaemenon, ous Haeliopolitas ekalese_]. For the view that
Heliopolis was a merely ideal city deriving its name from the sun-god
of Syria, see Mommsen _Hist. of Rome_ bk. iv. c. 1; Bücher op. cit.
pp. 105 foll. For the hopes of divine deliverance which pervade the
slave revolts, see Mahaffy in _Hermathena_ xvi. 1890, and cf. p. 89.

[514] Strabo l.c.

[515] Florus i. 35 (ii. 20).

[516] Val. Max. iii. 2. 12.

[517] Strabo xiv. i. 38.

[518] Strabo l.c. [Greek: _euthus ai te poleis hepempsan plaethos, kai
Nikomaedaes ho Bithynos epekouraese kai oi ton Kappadokon basileis_].
Eutrop. iv. 20 P. Licinius Crassus infinita regum habuit auxilia. Nam et
Bithyniae rex Nicomedes Romanos juvit et Mithridates Ponticus, cum quo
bellum postea gravissimum fuit, et Ariarathes Cappadox et Pylaemenes
Paphlagon. The Pontic king was Mithradates Euergetes, not Eupator.

[519] Cic. _Phil_. xi. 8. 18 Populus Romanus consuli potius Crasso quam
privato Africano bellum gerendum dedit.

[520] In B.C. 189 (Liv. xxxvii. 51) and 180 (Liv. xi. 42).

[521] Cic. l.c. Rogatus est populus quem id bellum gerere placeret.
Crassus consul, pontifex maximus, Flacco collegae, flamini Martiali,
multam dixit si a sacris discessisset; quam multam populus remisit,
pontifici tamen flaminem parere jussit.

[522] Cf. Liv. _Ep_. lix. Adversus eum (Aristonicum) P. Licinius
Crassus consul, cum idem pontifex maximus esset, quod numquam antea
factum erat, extra Italiam profectus....

[523] Quinctil, _Inst. Or_. xi. 2. 50.

[524] Gell. i. 13.

[525] Intentior Attalicae praedae quam bello (Justin. xxxvi. 4. 8).

[526] Cf. Eutrop. iv. 20 Perperna, consul Romanus (130 B.C.) qui
successor Crasso veniebat.

[527] Val. Max. iii. 2. 12; Strabo xiv. i. 38.

[528] Val. Max. _l.c. Cf_. Oros. v. 10; Florus i. 34 (ii. 20). Eutropius
(iv. 20) states that Crassus's head was taken to Aristonicus, his body
buried at Smyrna.

[529] Justin. xxxvi. 4 Prima congressione Aristonicum superatum in
potestatem suam redegit.

[530] Eutrop. iv. 20. Cf. Liv. _Ep_. lix.

[531] Justin. l.c.

[532] Justin. xxxvi. 4 M. Aquilius consul ad eripiendum Aristonicum
Perpernae, veluti sui potius triumphi munus esse deberet, festinata
velocitate contendit.

[533] Eutrop. iv. 20; Justin. xxxvi. 4.

[534] Vellei. ii. 4.

[535] Eutrop. l.c. Aristonicus jussu senatus Romae in carcere
strangulatus est. According to Strabo (xiv. i. 38) he had been sent to
Rome by Perperna.

[536] Florus i. 35 (ii. 20) Aquillius Asiatici belli reliquias confecit,
mixtis-nefas-veneno fontibus ad deditionem quarundam urbium. Quae res ut
maturam ita infamem fecit victoriam, quippe cum contra fas deum moresque
majorum medicaminibus impuris in id tempus sacrosancta Romana arma

[537] Strabo xiv. 1. 38 [Greek: _Manion d' Akyllios, epelthon hypatos
meta deka presbeuton, dietaxe taen eparchian eis to nyn eti symmenon
taes politeias schaema_.]

[538] An inscription with the words [Greek: _Man(i)os Aky(l)ios Man(i)ou
hypato(s) Rhomaion_] has been found near Tralles. It probably belongs to
a milestone (C.I.L. i. n. 557 = C.I.Gr. n. 2920).

[539] Where the rights of _city-states_ were in question the lines of
demarcation between "province" and "protectorate" were necessarily
vague. Even a protectorate over small political units would demand
organisation and justify the appointment of a commission.

[540] The evidence is furnished by a Cistophorus of 77 B.C. struck at
Ephesus. See Waddington _Fastes_ p. 674.

[541] His triumph is dated to 126 B.C. (628 A. U. C., 627 according to
the reckoning of the _Fasti_). See _Fasti triumph_, in C.I.L. i.

[542] Waddington _Fastes_ pp. 662 foll. Caria belongs to the province of
Asia in 76 B.C. (Le Bas-Waddington, no. 409).

[543] It is dependent on this province in the time of Cicero (_in Pis_.
35. 86).

[544] Strabo xiv. 3. 4.

[545] Justin. xxxvii. i. Cf. Bergmann in _Philologus_ 1847 p. 642.

[546] Forbiger _Handb. der All. Geogr_. ii. p. 338.

[547] Reinach _Mithridate Eupator_ p. 43.

[548] Justin. xxxviii. 5.

[549] C. Gracchus ap. Gell. xi. 10. Cf. Plin. _H.N_. xxxiii. ii.
148 Asia primum devicta luxuriam misit in Italiam.... At eadem Asia
donata multo etiam gravius adflixit mores, inutiliorque victoria illa
hereditas Attalo rege mortuo fuit. Tum enim haec emendi Romae in
auctionibus regiis verecundia exempta est.

[550] Ramsay, _Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_ i. 2, pp. 423, 762;
Reinach. _Mithridate Eupator_ p. 457.

[551] For the evidence as to the islands, see Waddington _Fastes l. c_.

[552] Regni attalici opes (Justin. xxxviii. 7. 7); Attalicae conditiones
(Hor, _Od_. i. 1. 12); Attalicae vestes (Prop. iii. 18. 19) etc. (from
Ihne _Rom. Gesch_. v., p. 76).

[553] Liv. _Ep_. lix; App. _Illyr_. 10, _Bell. Civ_. i. 19; Plin. _H.N_.
iii. 19. 129; _Fasti triumph_. C. Sempronius C.F.C.N. Tuditan. a. dcxxiv
cos. de Iapudibus k. Oct.

[554] Liv. _Ep_. lx; Florus i. 37 (iii. 2); Obsequens 90 (28); Ammian.
xv. 12. 5.

[555] Liv. _Ep_. lx; Plut. _C. Gracch_. 1. 2.

[556] _Fasti Triumph_. L. Aurelius L.F.L.N. Orestes pro an. dcxxi cos.
ex Sardinia vi Idus Dec. (123 B.C.)

[557] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 2.

[558] Diod. v. 17, 2.

[559] Besides Mago (Mahon), Bocchori and Guiuntum on Majorca, Iamo on
Minorca are supposed to be Punic names. See Hübner in Pauly-Wissowa
_Real. Enc_. p. 2823. On the islands generally (Baliares, later Baleares
of the Romans, [Greek: _Gymnaesiai, Baliareis_] of the Greeks) see the
same author's _Römische Heerschaft in Westeuropa_ 208 ff.

[560] Strabo iii. v. 1.

[561] Diod. v. 17. 4.

[562] Hübner in Pauly-Wissowa _Real. Enc. l. c_.

[563] They also purchased wine. They were so [Greek: _philogynai_] that
they would give pirates three or four men as a ransom for one woman
(Diod. v. 17).

[564] Strabo l.c. [Greek: _oi katoikountes eiraenaioi ... kakourgon de
tinon oligon koinonias systaesamenon pros tous en tois pelagesi laestas,
dieblaethaesan hapantes, kai diebae Metellos ep' autous ho Baliarikos

[565] Strabo l.c.

[566] Strabo l.c. [Greek: _eisaegage de (Metellos) epoikous trischilious
ton ek taes Ibaerias Rhomaion_.]

[567] _Fasti Triumph_. (121 B.C.) Q. Caecilius Q.F.Q.N. Metellus
a. dcxxxii Baliaric. procos. de Baliarib.

[568] Plut. _Ti. Gracch_. 2.

[569] Quae sic ab illo acta esse constabat oculis, voce, gestu, inimici
ut lacrimas tenere non possent (Cic. _de Or_, iii. 56. 214).

[570] Plut. l.c.

[571] Plut. l.c.

[572] Cic. _Brut_, 33. 125 Sed ecce in manibus vir et praestantissimo
ingenio et flagranti studio et doctus a puero, C. Gracchus.... Grandis
est verbis, sapiens sententiis, genere toto gravis. His "impetus" is
dwelt on in Tac. _de Orat_. 26.

[573] Cic. _Brut_. 33. 126 Manus extrema non accessit operibus ejus:
praeclare inchoata multa, perfecta non plane. Cf. Tac. _de Orat_. 18
Sic Catoni seni comparatus C. Gracchus plenior et uberior; sic Graccho
politior et ornatior Crassus.

[574] Cic, _de Or_. iii. 56. 214.

[575] P. 127

[576] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 1.

[577] C. Gracchus ap. Charis. ii. p. 177 Qui sapientem eum faciet? Qui
et vobis et rei publicae et sibi communiter prospiciat, non qui pro
suilla humanam trucidet.

[578] Plut. l.c.

[579] Ibid. Cf. [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 65 Pestilentem Sardiniam
quaestor sortitus.

[580] Plut. l.c.

[581] Cic. _de Div_. i. 26. 56 C. vero Gracchus multis dixit, ut
scriptum apud eundem Coelium est, sibi in somniis quaesturam petere
dubitanti Ti. fratrem visum esse dicere, quam vellet cunctaretur, tamen
eodem sibi leto quo ipse interisset esse pereundum. Hoc, ante quam
tribunus plebi C. Gracchus factus esset, et se audisse scribit Coelius
et dixisse eum multis. Cf. Plut. l.c.

[582] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 2.

[583] Plut. l.c.

[584] Plut. l.c.

[585] Ibid. [Greek: _alla kai pollois allokotom edokei to tamian onta
proapostaenai tou archontos_].

[586] Cic. _Div. in Caec_. 19. 61 Sic enim a majoribus nostris accepimus
praetorem quaestori suo parentis loco esse oportere: nullam neque
justiorem neque graviorem causam necessitudinis posse reperiri quam
conjunctionem sortis, quam provinciae, quam officii, quam publici
muneris societatem.

[587] A passage from Caius's speech "apud censores" is quoted by Cicero
_Orat_. 70.233.

[588] Plutarch says (C. _Gracch_. 2) that Caius [Greek: _aitaesamenos
logon outo metestaese tas gnomes ton akousanton, hos apelthein
haedikaesthai ta megista doxas_]. The passage seems to imply acquittal
by the censors, although [Greek: _ton akousanton_] suggests the larger
audience. The arguments cited by Plutarch as developed by Caius
appeared, or were repeated, in the speech that he subsequently made
before the people.

[589] Gell. xv. 12.

[590] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 3; [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 65.

[591] Plut. l.c.

[592] Plut. l.c.

[593] Cic. _pro Rab_. 4. 12 C. Gracchus legem tulit ne de capite civium
Romanorum injussu vestro (sc. populi) judicaretur. Plut. _C. Gracch. 4
[Greek: _(nomon eisepheren) ei tis archon akriton ekpekaerychoi politaen,
kat' auton didonta krisin to daemo_.] Schol. Ambros. p. 370 Quia
sententiam tulerat Gracchus, ut ne quis in civem Romanum capitalem
sententiam diceret. Cic. _in Cat_. iv. 5. 10; _in Verr_. v. 63. 163.
Cf. Cic. _pro Sest_. 28. 61; Dio Cass. xxxviii. 14.

[594] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 4.

[595] Schol. Ambros. p. 370. Cf. Cic. _pro Sest_. 28, 61 Consule me,
cum esset designatus (Cato) tribunus plebis (63 B.C.), obtulit in
discrimen vitam suam: dixit eam sententiam cujus invidiam capitis
periculo sibi praestandam videbat. Dio Cass. xxxviii. 14.

[596] Cic. _pro Domo_ 31. 82 Ubi enim tuleras ut mihi aqua et igni
interdiceretur? quod C. Gracchus de P. Popilio ... tulit. _de Leg_.
iii. 11. 26 Si nos multitudinis furentis inflammata invidia pepulisset
tribuniciaque vis in me populum, sicut Gracchus in Laenatem ...
incitasset, ferremus. Cf. _pro Cluent_. 35. 95; _de Rep_. i. 3.6. For
the speeches of Caius Gracchus on Popillius see Gell. 1.7.7; xi. 13.1.5.

[597] Cic. _post Red. in Sen_. 15. 37 Pro me non ut pro P. Popilio,
nobilissimo homine, adulescentes filii, non propinquorum multitudo
populum Romanum est deprecata.

[598] Diod. xxxv. 26 [Greek: _ho Popillios meta dakruon hypo ton ochlon
proepemphthae ekballomenos ek taes poleos_.] Cf. Plut. _C. Gracch_. 4.

[599] Vellei. ii. 7 Rupilium Popiliumque, qui consules asperrime in
Tiberii Gracchi amicos saevierant, postea judiciorum publicorum merito
oppressit invidia. It is a little difficult to harmonise Fannius's
account of Rupilius's death (ap. Cic. _Tusc_. iv. 17.40) with this
condemnation. Here Rupilius is said to have died of grief at his
brother's failure to obtain the consulship, and this failure happened
before Scipio's death (Cic. _de Am_ 20.73). But his brother may have
continued his unsuccessful efforts up to the time of Rupilius's

[600] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 4 [Greek: _(nomon) eisephere ... ei tinos
archontos aphaeraeto ton archaen ho daemos, ouk eonta touto deuteras
archaes metousian einai_.] Cf. Diod. xxxv. 25. Magistrates who had been
deposed, or compelled to abdicate, were known as _abacti_ (Festus p. 23
Abacti magistratus dicebantur, qui coacti deposuerant imperium).

[601] Plut. l.c.

[602] Diod. xxxv. 25 [Greek: _ho Grakchos daemaegoraesas peri tou
katalysai aristokratian, daemokratian de systaesai, kai ephikomenos taes
hapanton euchraestias ton meron, ouketi synagonistas alla kathaper
authentas eiche toutous hyper taes idias tolmaes; dedekasmenos gar
hekastos tais idiais elpisin hos hyper idion agathon ton eispheromenon
nomon hetoimos haen panta kindynon hypomenein_.]

[603] Liv. _Ep_. xlviii (155 B.C.) Cum locatum a censoribus theatrum
exstrueretur; P. Cornelio Nasica auctore, tanquam inutile et nociturum
publicis moribus, ex senatus consulto destructum est, populusque
aliquamdiu stans ludos spectavit.

[604] Liv. _Ep_. lx.; Oros. v. II; Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 393.

[605] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 5 [Greek: _ho de sitikos (nomos) epeuonizon
tois penaesi taen agoran_.] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 21 [Greek:
_sitaeresion hemmaenon horisas hekasto ton daemoton apo ton koinon
chraematon, ou proteron eiothos diadidosthai_.] Vellei. ii. 6 Frumentum
plebi dari instituerat. Liv. _Ep_. lx Leges tulit, inter quas
frumentariam, ut senis et triente frumentum plebi daretur. Schol. Bob.
p. 303 Ut senis aeris et trientibus modios singulos populus acciperet.
Cf. Mommsen _Die römischen Tribus_ pp. 179 and 182.

[606] Mommsen (_Hist. of Rome_ bk. iv. c. 3) considers it rather less
than half. The average market-price of the _modius_ is difficult to fix.
A low price seems to have been about 12 asses the _modius_. See Smith
and Wilkins in Smith _Dict. of _Antiq_. i. p. 877. For occasional sales
below the market-price at an earlier period see Plin. _H.N_. xviii. 3.
17 M. Varro auctor est, cum L. Metellus (cos. 251 B.C.) in triumpho
plurimos duxit elephantos, assibus singulis farris modios fuisse.

[607] Cic. _Tusc. Disp_. iii. 20. 48 C. Gracchus, cum largitiones
maximas fecisset et effudisset aerarium, verbis ramen defendebat

[608] Cic. _Tusc. Disp_. iii. 20. 48.

[609] Cic. _de Off_. ii. 21. 72 C. Gracchi frumentaria magna largitio;
exhauriebat igitur aerarium: _pro Sest_. 48. 103 Frumentariam legem C.
Gracchus ferebat. Jucunda res plebei; victus enim suppeditabatur large
sine labore. Cf. _Brut_. 62. 222. Diod. xxxv. 25 [Greek: _to koinon
tamieion eis aischras kai akairous dapanas kai charitas analiskon eis
heauton pantas apoblepein epoiaese_.] Cf. Oros. v. 12.

[610] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 6 [Greek: _egrapse de kai ... kataskeuazesthai
sitobolia_.] Festus p. 290 Sempronia horrea qui locus dicitur, in eo
fuerunt lege Gracchi, ad custodiam frumenti publici.

[611] This view is represented in a criticism preserved by Diodorus
xxxv. 25 [Greek: _tois stratiotais dia ton nomon ta taes archaias agogaes
austaera katacharisamenos apeithian kai anarchian eisaegagen eis taen

[612] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 5 [Greek: _ho de stratiotikos (nomos) esthaeta
te keleuon daemosia choraegeisthai kai maeden eis touto taes
misthophoras hyphaireisthai ton stratenomenon_].

[613] [Greek: _kai neoteron eton heptakaideka mae katalegesthai
stratiotaen_] (Plut. l.c.).

[614] Plut. l.c. [Greek: _ton de nomon ... ho men haen klaerouchikos
hama nemon tois penaesi taen daemosian_.] Liv. _Ep_. lx Tulit ... legem
agrariam, quam et frater ejus tulerat. Vellei. ii. 6 (C. Gracchus)
dividebat agros, vetabat quemquam civem plus quingentis jugeribus
habere, quod aliquando lege Licinia cautum erat. Cf. Cic. _de Leg. Agr_.
i. 7. 21; ii. 5. 10; Oros. v. 12; Florus ii. 3 (iii. 15).

[615] _Lex Agraria_ (C.I.L. i. n. 200; Bruns _Fontes_ 1. 3. 11) 1. 6.
See p. 113, note 2.

[616] In 125 B.C. the census had been 394, 726 (Liv. _Ep_. lx), in 115
it was 394, 336 (Liv. _Ep_. lxiii). See de Boor _Fasti Censorii_.

[617] Herzog _Staatsverf_. i. p. 466.

[618] In 142 B.C. (Cic. _de Fin_. ii. 16. 54).

[619] Polyb. vi. 14.

[620] Cic. _pro Mur_. 28. 58; _pro Font_. 13. 38; _Brut_. 21. 81; _Div.
in Caec_. 21. 69; Tac_. Ann_ 111. 66. Valerius Maximus (viii. 1. 11) can
scarcely be correct in saying that the trial took place _apud populum_.
It seems to have been a trial for extortion.

[621] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 22. Cf. Cic. _Div. in Caec_. 21. 69
[Ascon.] in loc.; App. _Mithr_. 57.

[622] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 22 [Greek: _oi te presbeis oi kat auton eti
parontes syn phthono tauta permontes ekekragesan_.]

[623] Plut, _C. Gracch_. 5 [Greek: _ho de dikastikos (nomos) ho to
pleiston apekopse taes ton synklaetikon dynameos ... ho de priakosious
ton hippeon proskatelexen antois ousi triakosiois kai tas kriseis koinas
ton hexakosion epoiaese_]. Cf. _Compar_. 2. Liv. _Ep_. lx Tertiam (legem
tulit) qua equestrem ordinem, tunc cum senatu consentientem,
corrumperet: "ut sexcenti ex equitibus in curiam sublegerentur: et quia
illis temporibus trecenti tantum senatores erant, sexcenti equites
trecentis senatoribus admiscerentur": id est, ut equester ordo bis
tantum virium in senatu haberet.

[624] Vellei. ii. 6 C. Gracchus ... judicia a senatu transferebat ad
equites. (Cf. ii. 13. 32). Tac. _Ann_. xii. 60 Cum Semproniis
rogationibus equester ordo in possessione judiciorum locaretur. Plin.
_H.N_. xxxiii. 34 Judicum autem appellatione separare eum (equestrem)
ordinem primi omnium instituere Gracchi, discordi popularitate in
contumeliam senatus. Cf. Diod. xxxv. 25; xxxvii. 9; App. _Bell.
Civ_. 1. 22.

[625] The qualifications of the Gracchan jurors were probably identical
with those required for jurors under the extant _lex Repetundarum_ (C.I.
L. i. n. 198; Bruns _Fontes_ i. 3. 10) which is probably the _lex
Acilia_ (Cic. _in Verr_. Act. i. 17. 51; cf. Mommsen in C.I.L. l.c.).
The conditions fixed by this law are as follows (ll. 12, l3):--Praetor
quei inter peregrinos jous deicet, is in diebus x proxumeis, quibus h. l.
populus plebesve jouserit, facito utei CDL viros legat, quei in hac
civit[ate ... dum nei quem eorum legat, quei tr. pl., q., iii vir cap.,
tr. mil. l. iv primis aliqua earum, iii vi]rum a. d. a. siet fueri[tve,
queive mercede conductus depugnavit depugnaverit, queive quaestione
joudicioque puplico conde]mnatus siet quod circa eum in senatum legei
non liceat, queive minor anneis xxx majorve annos lx gnatus siet, queive
in u[rbem Romam propiusve urbem Romam passus M domicilium non habeat,
queive ejus magistratus, quei supra scriptus est, pater frater filiusve
siet, queive ejus, quei in senatu siet fueritve, pater frater filiusve
siet, queive trans mar]e erit. (Cf. ll. 16, 17). Unfortunately the main
qualification for the jurors, which was stated after the words "in hac
civitate," has been lost.

[626] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 6 [Greek: _kakeino tous krinountas ek ton
hippeon hedoken (ho daemos) katalexai_].

[627] The _lex Acilia_ says "within ten days of its becoming law" (p.
214, note 2). If Plutarch _(l.c.)_ is right about Gracchus selecting the
original judices, the provision of this _lex_ shows that it cannot be,
as some have thought, the law which first _created_ the Gracchan jurors.
It must have been passed subsequently to Gracchus's own _lex

[628] In the Ciceronian period we find a knight as a _judex_ in a civil
case (Cic. _pro Rosc. Com_. 14. 42), but it is not probable that
senators were ever excluded from the civil bench. See Greenidge _Legal
Procedure of Cicero's Time_ p. 265.

[629] Cic. _in Verr_. Act. i. 13. 38.

[630] Cic. _pro Cluent_. 56. 154 Lege ... quae tum erat Sempronia, nunc
est Cornelia (i.e. the law mentioned in note 4) ... intellegebant ...
ea lege equestrem ordinem non teneri. Livius Drusus in 91 B.C. attempted
to fix a retrospective liability on the equestrian jurors (Cic. _pro
Rab. Post_ 7. 16). Cf. App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 35. Yet Appian elsewhere
(_Bell. Civ_. i. 22) says that the equites obviated trials for bribery
[Greek: _synistamenoi sphisin autois kai biazomenoi_]. It is possible
that prosecutions for corruption before the _judicia populi_ are meant.
See Strachan-Davidson in loc.

[631] Cic. _pro Cluent_. 55. 151 Hanc ipsam legem NE QUIS JUDICIO
CIRCUMVENIRETUR C. Gracchus tulit; eam legem pro plebe, non in plebem
tulit. Postea L. Sulla ... cum ejus rei quaestionem hac ipsa lege
constitueret, ... populum Romanum ... alligare novo quaestionis genere
ausus non est. 56. 154 Illi non hoc recusabant, ea ne lege accusarentur
... quae tum erat Sempronia, nunc est Cornelia ... intellegebant enim ea
lege equestrem ordinem non teneri.

[632] Gell. 1. xx. 7; Justin. _Inst_. iv. 5. 2.

[633] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 22.

[634] App. l.c. [Greek: _kataegorous te enetous epi tois plousiois

[635] C. Gracchus ap. Gell. xi. 10 Ego ipse, qui aput vos verba facio,
uti vectigalia vestra augeatis, quo facilius vestra commoda et rem
publicam administrare possitis, non gratis prodeo.

[636] Vellei. ii. 6. 3 Nova constituebat portoria.

[637] Cf. App. _Bell. Civ_. v. 4 (M. Antonius to the Asiatics) [Greek:
_ous ... eteleite phorous Attalo, methaekamen hymin, mechri, daemokopon
andron kai par' haemin genomenon, edeaese phoron, epei de edeaesen ...
merae pherein ton ekastote karpon epetazamen_].

[638] Fronto _ad Verum_ p. 125 (Naber) Gracchus locabat Asiam. Cic.
_in Verr_. iii. 6. 12 Inter Siciliam ceterasque provincias, judices, in
agrorum vectigalium ratione hoc interest, quod ceteris aut impositum
vectigal est certum ... aut censoria locatio constituta est, ut Asiae
lege Sempronia.

[639] Decumani, hoc est, principes et quasi senatores publicanorum (Cic.
_in Verr_. ii. 71. 175).

[640] Polyb. vi. 17.

[641] Schol. Bob. p. 259 Cum princeps esset publicanorum Cn. Plancii
pater, et societas eadem in exercendis vectigalibus gravissimo damno
videretur adfecta, desideratum est in senatu nomine publicanorum ut cum
iis ratio putaretur lege Sempronia, et remissionis tantum fieret de
summa pecunia, quantum aequitas postularet, pro quantitate damnorum
quibus fuerant hostili incursione vexati (60 B.C.; cf. Cic. _ad Att_.
i. 17. 9).

[642] Varro ap. Non. p. 308 G. Equestri ordini judicia tradidit ac
bicipitem civitatem fecit discordiarum civilium fontem. Cf. Florus ii. 5
(iii. 17).

[643] Diod. xxxvii. 9 [Greek: _apeilousaes taes synklaetou polemon to
Grakcho dia taen metathesin ton kritaerion, tetharraekotos outos eipen
hoti kan apothano, ou dialeipso to eiphos apo taes pleuras ton
synklaetikon diaeraemenos_.] Diodorus has preserved the utterance in a
more intelligible form than Cicero (_de Leg_. iii. 9. 20 C. vero
Gracchus ... sicis iis, quas ipse se projecisse in forum dixit, quibus
digladiarentur inter se cives, nonne omnem rei publicae statum

[644] Cic. _pro Domo_ 9, 24 Tu provincias consulares, quas C. Gracchus,
qui unus maxime popularis fuit, non modo non abstulit a senatu, sed
etiam, ut necesse esset quotannis constitui per senatum decretas lege
sanxit, eas lege Sempronia per senatum decretas rescidisti. Sall, _Fug_.
27 Lege Sempronia provinciae futuris consulibus Numidia atque Italia
decretae. Cic. _de Prov. Cons_. 2. 3 Decernendae nobis sunt lege
Sempronia duae (provinciae). Cf. _ad Fam_. i. 7. 10; _pro Balbo_ 27. 61.

[645] Cic. _de Prov. Cons_. 7. 17.

[646] The colonists were to be [Greek: _oi chariestatoi ton politon_]
(Plut. _C. Gracch_. 9).

[647] Liv. _Ep_. lx Legibus agrariis latis effecit ut complures coloniae
in Italia deducerentur. Cf. Plut. _C. Gracch_, 6. App. _Bell. Civ_. 1.
23; Foundations at Abellinum, Cadatia, Suessa Aurunca etc. are
attributed to a _lex Sempronia_ or _lex Graccana_ in _Liber Coloniarum_
(_Gromatici_ Lachmann) pp. 229, 233, 237, 238; cf. pp. 216, 219, 228,
255. It is difficult to say whether they were products of the Gracchan
agrarian or colonial law. In either case, these foundations may have
been subsequent to his death, as neither law was repealed.

[648] Vellei. 1. 15 Et post annum (i.e. a year after the foundation
of Fabrateria, see p. 171) Scolacium Minervium, Tarentum Neptunia
(coloniae conditae sunt).

[649] Forbiger _Handb. der Alt. Geogr_. ii. p. 503.

[650] L'Année _Epigraphique_, 1896, pp. 30, 31.

[651] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 8.

[652] Vellei. ii. 6 Novis coloniis replebat provincias. This may be
wrong as a fact but true as an intention.

[653] Vellei. ii. 7.

[654] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 10 [Greek: _Rhoubrion ton synarchonton henos
oikizesthai Karchaedona grapsantos anaeraemenaen hypo Skaepionos_]....
_Lex Acilia_ 1. 22 Queive 1. Rubria in. vir col. ded. creatus siet
fueritve. Cf. _Lex Agraria_ 1. 59. Oros. v. 12 L. Caecilio Metello et Q.
Titio (_Scr_. T. Quinctio) Flaminino coss. Carthago in Africa restitui
jussa vicensimo secundo demum anno quam fuerat eversa deductis civium
Romanorum familiis, quae eam incolerent, restituta et repleta est. Cf.
Eutrop. iv. 21.

[655] Mommsen in C.I.L. i. pp. 75 ff.

[656] Mommsen l.c. This was the tenure afterwards called that of the
_jus Italicum_.

[657] Liv. _Ep_. ix; App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 24.

[658] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 6; App, _Bell. Civ_, i. 23.

[659] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 7.

[660] Nitzsch _Die Gracchen_ p. 402.

[661] These are apparently the _Viasii vicani_ of the _lex Agraria_.
Sometimes the service was performed by personal labour (_operae_), at
other times a _vectigal_ was demanded. See Mommsen in C.I.L. l.c.

[662] Cic. _ad Fam_. viii. 6. 5; cf. Mommsen l.c.

[663] This was prohibited by a _lex Licinia_ and a _lex Aebutia_ which
Cicero (_de Leg. Agr_. ii. 8. 21) calls _veteres tribuniciae_. But it is
possible that they were post-Gracchan. See Mommsen _Staatsr_. ii.
p. 630.

[664] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 23 [Greek: _ho de Grakchos kai hodous etemnen
ana ten Italian makras, plaethos ergolabon kai cheirotechnon hyph' eauto
poionmenos, hetoimon es ho ti keleuoi_]

[665] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 8.

[666] Cic. _Brut_. 26, 100.

[667] Mommsen in C.I.L. i. p. 158.

[668] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 6.

[669] Seneca _de Ben_, vi. 34. 2 Apud nos primi omnium Gracchus et mox
Livius Drusus instituerunt segregate turbam suam et alios in secretum
recipere, alios cum pluribus, alios universos. Habuerunt itaque isti
amicos primos, habuerunt secundos, numquam veros.

[670] The name of the law was probably _lex de sociis et nomine Latino_.
See Cic. _Brut_. 26. 99.

[671] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 23 [Greek: _kai tous Latinous epi panta
ekalei ta Rhomaion, hos ouk euprepos sygnenesi taes boulaes antistaenai
dynamenaes; ton de heteron symmachon hois ouk ezaen psaephon en tais
Rhomaion cheirotoniais pherein, edidous pherein apo toude, epi to echein
kai tousde en tais cherotioniais ton nomon auto syntelountas_]. The
words [Greek: _psaephon k.t.l._] refer to the limited suffrage granted to
Latin _incolae_ (Liv. xxv. 3. 16); but the voting power of his new
Latins would be so small that the motive attributed to this measure by
Appian is improbable. See Strachan-Davidson in loc. Other accounts of
Gracchus's proposal ignore this distinction between Latins and Italians,
e.g. Plutarch (_C. Gracch_. 5) describes his law as [Greek: _isopsaephous
toion tois politais tous Italiotas_] and Velleius says (ii. 6) Dabat
civitatem omnibus Italicis.

[672] If we may trust Velleius (ii. 6) Dabat civitatem omnibus Italicis,
extendebat eam paene usque Alpis. Cisalpine Gaul was not yet a separate
province, but it was not regarded as a part of Italy. The Latin colonies
between the Padus and the Rubicon would certainly have received Roman
rights, and this may have been the case with a Latin township north of
the Padus such as Aquileia. But it is doubtful whether Latin rights
would have been given to the towns between the Padus and the Alps. These
_Transpadani_ received _Latinitas_ in 89 B.C. (Ascon. _in Pisonian_.
P. 3).

[673] C. Gracch. ap, Gell. x. 3. 3.

[674] Fann. ap. Jul. Victor 6. 6. A speech of Fannius as consul against
Caius Gracchus is also mentioned by Charisius p. 143 Keil.

[675] Cic. Brut. 26. 99.

[676] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 23.

[677] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 12 [Greek: _antexethaeken ho Gaios diagramma
kataegoron ton hypaton, kai tois symmachois, an menosi, boaethaesein
epangellomenos_.] The invective may have been directed against Fannius,
According to Appian (l.c.) both consuls had been instructed by the
senate to issue the edict.

[678] If it had been hampered in this way, the judicial protection of
_peregrini_ against the judgments of the Praetor Peregrinus would have
been impossible.

[679] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 12.

[680] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 23.

[681] [Sall.] _de Rep. Ord_. ii. 8 Magistratibus creandis haud mihi
quidem apsurde placet lex quam C. Gracchus in tribunatu promulgaverat,
ut ex confusis quinque classibus sorte centuriae vocarentur. Ita
coaequatus dignitate pecunia, virtute anteire alius alium properabit.

[682] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 8.

[683] Vir et oratione gravis et auctoritate (Cic. _Brut_. 28. 109)
[Greek: _haethei de kai logo kai plouto tois malista timomenois kai
dynamenois apo touton enamillos_] (Plut. _C. Gracch_. 8).

[684] Suet. _Tib_. 3 Ob eximiam adversus Gracchos operam "patronus
senatus" dictus.

[685] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 9.

[686] App. _Bell. Civ_ i. 35.

[687] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 10.

[688] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 9 [Greek: _Libios de kai taen apophoran
tautaen_] (which had been imposed by the Gracchan laws) [Greek: _ton
neimamenon aphairon haeresken autois_]. The tense of _neimamenon_ seems
to show that the Gracchan as well as the Livian settlers are meant. See
Underhill in loc. In any case, the reimposition of the _vectigal_ on
the allotments by the law of 119 (App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 27) proves that
it had been remitted before this date.

[689] [Greek: _hopos maed' epi strateias exae tina Latinon rhabdois
aikisasthai_] (Plut. _C. Gracch_. 9).

[690] The _lex Acilia Repetundarum_ grants them the right of appeal as
an alternative to citizenship as a reward for successful prosecution.
Cf. the similar provision in the franchise law of Flaccus (p. 168).

[691] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 9.

[692] Appian (_Bell. Civ_. i. 24) says that Gracchus was accompanied by
Fulvius Flaccus. Plutarch (_C. Gracch_. 10) implies that the latter
stayed at Rome.

[693] App. l.c. Appian represents this measure as having been proposed
after the return of the commissioners to Rome. The words of Plutarch
(_C. Gracch_. 8) [Greek: _apaertaesato to plaethos ... kakon ... epi
koinoniai politeias tous Latinous_] probably refer to an invitation of
the Latins to share in these citizen colonies.

[694] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 10.

[695] Mommsen in C.I.L. l.c.

[696] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 11.

[697] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 24. According to Appian, the wolf event
occurred after Gracchus had quitted Africa.

[698] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 11.

[699] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 12.

[700] Ibid. [Greek: _synetyche d' auto kai pros tous synarchontas en
orgae genesthai. synarchontas_] here is not limited to his colleagues
in the tribunate.

[701] [Greek: _exemisthoun_] (Plut. l.c.), probably to contractors who
would sublet the seats.

[702] Beesly _The Gracchi, Marius and Sulla_ p. 53.

[703] [Greek: _psaephon men auto pleiston genomenon, adikos de kai
kakourgos ton synarchonton poiaesamenon taen anagoreusin kai anadeixin_].
(Plut. l.c.)

[704] Cic. _in Pis_. 15. 36; Varro _R.R_. iii. 5. 18.

[705] [Greek: _hos Sardonion gelota gelosin, ou gignoskontes hoson
autois skotos ek ton auton perikechytai politeumaton_.] (Plut. l.c.)

[706] Cic. _pro Caec_. 33. 95; _pro Domo_ 40. 106.

[707] [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 65.

[708] Cornelia ap. Corn. Nep. fr. 16 Ne id quidem tam breve spatium
(sc. vitae) potest opitulari quin et mihi adversere et rem publicam
profliges? Denique quae pausa erit? Ecquando desinet familia nostra
insanire? Ecquando modus ei rei haberi poterit? Ecquando desinemus et
habentes et praebentes molestiis insistere? Ecquando perpudescet
miscenda atque perturbanda re publica?

[709] [Greek: _hos dae theristas_] (Plut. _C. Gracch_. 13).

[710] Plutarch (l.c.) says that the consul had "sacrificed" [Greek:
(_thysantos_)] and, if this is correct, Opimius must have summoned
the meeting.

[711] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 25.

[712] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 13; App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 25; [Victor] _de Vir.
III_. 65. The last author calls the slain man Attilius and describes him
as "praeco Opimii consulis". Cf. Ihne _Röm. Gesch_. v. p. 103.

[713] [Victor] l.c. Imprudens contionem a tribuno plebis avocavit.
Cf. App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 25.

[714] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 14.

[715] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 25.

[716] App. l.c.

[717] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 14.

[718] Cic. _Phil_. viii. 4. 14 Quod L. Opimius consul verba fecit de re
publica, de ea re ita censuerunt, uti L. Opimius consul rem publicam
defenderet. Senatus haec verbis, Opimius armis. Cf. _in Cat_. i. 2. 4;
iv. 5. 10. Plut. _C. Gracch_. 14 [Greek: _eis to bouleutaerion
apelthontes epsaephisanto kai prosetaxan Opimio to hypato sozein taen
polin hopos dynaito kai katalyein tous tyrannous_.]

[719] Plut. l.c.

[720] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 26.

[721] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 14.

[722] Ibid. 15.

[723] App. _Bell. Civ. i_. 26.

[724] Cf. Bardey _Das sechste Consulat des Marius_ p. 61.

[725] Plut. l.c.

[726] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 16; App. l.c.

[727] Plut. l.c.

[728] Plut. l.c.

[729] Cic. _in Cat_. iv. 6. 13.

[730] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 26. Plut. (_C. Gracch_. 16) states that
Flaccus fled to a bathroom ([Greek: _eis ti balaneion_]).

[731] Dionys. viii. 80.

[732] Plut. l.c.

[733] Val. Max. iv. 7. 2; [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 65; Oros, v. 12.
Plutarch (l.c.) gives he second name as Licinius.

[734] Plut. l.c.

[735] [Victor] l.c.

[736] Translated "Grove of the Furies" by Plutarch; cf. Cic. _de Nat.
Deor_. iii. 18. 46. The true name of the grove was Lucus Furrinae, named
after some goddess, whose significance was forgotten (Varro _L. L_. vi.
19 Nunc vix nomen notum paucis). See Richter _Topographie_ p. 271.

[737] Plut. _C. Gracch_. 17. Cf. Val. Max. vi. 8. 3.

[738] Plin. _H.N_. xxxiii. 3. 48. Cf. Plut. l.c.; [Victor] l.c.;
Florus ii. 3 (iii. 15).

[739] Oros. v. 12.

[740] Oros. l.c. Opimius consul sicut in bello fortis fuit ita in
quaestione crudelis. Nam amplius tria milia hominum suppliciis necavit,
ex quibus plurimi ne dicta quidem causa innocentes interfecti sunt.
Plutarch (l.c.) gives three thousand as the number actually slain in
the tumult. Orosius (l.c.) gives the number slain on the Aventine as
two hundred and fifty. For the severity with which Opimius conducted the
_quaestio_ see Sall. _Jug_. 16. 2, 31. 7; Vellei. ii. 7.

[741] Plut. l.c.

[742] Dig. xxiv. 3. 66. The passage speaks of Licinia's dowry; yet
Plutarch (l.c.) says that this was confiscated.

[743] In Plutarch's Greek version (C. Gracch, 17) [Greek: _ergon
aponoias_] (vecordiae) [Greek: _naon homonoias_] (concordiae)
[Greek: _poiei_].

[744] Cf. Neumann _Geschichte Roms_. p. 259.

[745] Plut, _C. Gracch_, 18.

[746] Plut. _C, Gracch_, 19.

[747] Plin. _H.N_. xxxiv. 6. 31.

[748] Hence the establishment of the _praefecti jure dicundo_, sent to
the burgess colonies and _municipia_.

[749] Arist. _Pol_. iv. 6, p. 1292 b.

[750] The choice of the month of July as the date for elections seems to
be post-Sullan. See Mommsen _Staatsr_. i. p. 583. During the Jugurthine
War consular elections took place, as we shall see, in the late autumn
or even in the winter.

[751] Suet. _Caes_. 42.

[752] If some of the Gracchan assignments were thirty _jugera_ each (p.
115). The larger assignments of earlier times had been from seven to ten
_jugera_. See Mommsen in C.I. L. i. pp. 75 foll.

[753] Liv. _Ep_. lxi L. Opimius accusatus apud populum a Q. Decio
tribuno plebis quod indemnatos cives in carcerem conjecisset, absolutus
est. "In carcerem conjicere" does not express the whole truth. A
magistrate could imprison in preparation for a trial. The words must
imply imprisonment preparatory to execution and probably refer to death
in the Tullianum.

[754] Cic. _de Orat_. ii. 30. 132; _Part. Orat_. 30, 104. In the latter
passage Opimius is supposed to say "Jure feci, salutis omnium et
conservandae rei publicae causa." Decius is supposed to answer "Ne
sceleratissimum quidem civem sine judicio jure ullo necare potuisti."
The cardinal question therefore is "Potueritne recte salutis rei
publicae causa civem eversorem civitatis indemnatum necare?" Cf. Cic.
_de Orat_. ii. 39. 165 Si ex vocabulo, ut Carbo: Sei consul est qui
consuluit patriae, quid aliud fecit Opimius?

[755] Cf. Cic. _pro Sest_. 67. 140 (Opimium) flagrantem invidia
propter interitum C. Gracchi semper ipse populus Romanus periculo

[756] Cic. _Brut_. 34. 128 L. Bestia ... P. Popillium vi C. Gracchi
expulsum sua rogatione restituit. Cf. _post Red. in Sen_. 15. 38; _post
Red. ad Quir_. 4.10.

[757] Cic. _in Cat_. iv. 6, 13; _Phil_. viii. 4. 14.

[758] Val. Max. v. 3. 2. The colouring of the story is doubted by Ihne
(_Rom. Gesch_. v. p. 111). He thinks that perhaps Lentulus went to
Sicily to restore his shattered health.

[759] Cic. _de Orat_. ii. 25. 106; 39. 165; 40. 170.

[760] Ibid. ii. 39. 165.

[761] Cic. _Brut_. 43. 159 Crassus ... accusavit C. Carbonem,
eloquentissimum hominem, admodum adulescens. Cf. _de Orat_. i. 10. 39.

[762] Valerius Maximus (vi. 5. 6) tells the story that a slave of
Carbo's brought Crassus a letter-case (_scrinium_) full of compromising
papers. Crassus sent back the case still sealed and the slave in
chains to Carbo.

[763] Mommsen, _Hist. of Rome_ bk. iv. c. 4.

[764] Cic. _in Verr_. iii. i. 3 Itaque hoc, judices, ex ... L. Crasso
saepe auditum est, cum se nullius rei tam paenitere diceret quam quod
C. Carbonem unquam in judicium vocavisset.

[765] Cic. _ad Fam_. ix. 21. 3 (C. Carbo) accusante L. Crasso
cantharidas sumpsisse dicitur. Valerius Maximus (iii. 7. 6) implies that
Carbo was sent into exile. But the two stories are not necessarily

[766] Appian (_Bell. Civ_. i. 35) says that the younger Livius Drusus
(91 B.C.) [Greek: _ton daemon ... hypaegeto apoikiais pollais es te taen
Italian kai Sikelian epsaephismenais men ek pollou, gegonuiais de oupo_].
These colonies could only have been those proposed by his father.

[767] Mommsen in C.I.L. 1 pp. 75 ff. Cf. p. 227. We have no record
of the tenure by which Romans held their lands in such settlements as
Palma and Pollentia (p. 189). They too may have been illustrations of
what was known later as the _jus Italicum_.

[768] We know that the corn law of C. Gracchus was repealed or modified
by a _lex Octavia_. Cic. _Brut_. 62. 222 (M. Octavius) tantum
auctoritate dicendoque valuit, ut legem Semproniam frumentariam populi
frequentis suffragiis abrogaverit. Cf. _de Off_. ii. 21. 72. But the
date of this alteration is unknown and it may not have been immediate.
If it was a consequence of Gracchus's fall, as is thought by Peter
(_Gesch. Roms_. ii. p. 41), the distributions may have been restored
_circa_ 119 B.C. (see p. 287). We shall see that in the tribunate of
Marius during this year some proposal about corn was before the people
(Plut. _Mar_. 4).

[769] App. _Bell. Civ_. i. 27 [Greek: _nomos te ou poly hysteron
ekyrhothae, taen gaen, hyper haes dietheronto, exeinai pipraskein tois

[770] App. l.c. [Greek: _kai euthus oi plousioi para ton penaeton
eonounto, hae taisde tais prophasesin ebiazonto_.]

[771] The law permitting alienation may have been in 121 B.C. The year
119 or 118 B.C. ([Greek: _pentekaideka maliosta etesin apo taes Grakchou
nomothesias_]) is given by Appian (l.c.) for one of the two subsequent
laws which he speaks of. It is probably the date of the first of these,
the one which we are now considering.

[772] App. l.c. [Greek: _Sporios Thorios daemarchon esaegaesato nomon,
taen men gaen maeketi sianemein, all' einai ton echonton, kai phorous
hyper autaes to daemo katatithesthai, kai tade ta chrhaemata chorein es

[773] If Gracchus's corn law was abolished or modified immediately after
his fall, the corn largesses may now have been restored or extended.
Cf. p. 306.

[774] Some such guarantee may be inferred from a passage in the _lex
Agraria_ (l. 29) Item Latino peregrinoque, quibus M. Livio L. Calpurnio
[cos. in eis agris id facere ... ex lege plebeive sc(ito) exve
foedere licuit.]

[775] Cic. _Brut_. 36. 136 Sp. Thorius satis valuit in populari genere
dicendi, is qui agrum publicum vitiosa et inutili lege vectigali
levavit. Cf. _de Orat_. ii. 70. 284. Appian, on the other hand; makes
Sp. Thorius the author of the law preceding this (p. 285). It is
possible that Cicero may be mistaken, but, if he is correct, the
fragments of the agrarian law which we possess may be those of the _lex
Thoria_, the name given to it by its earlier editors. For a different
view see Mommsen in C.I.L. i. pp. 75 ff.

[776] App. _Bell Civ_. i. 27 [Greek: _tous phorous ou poly hysteron
dielyse daemarchos heteros_.]

[777] The latest years to which it refers are those of the censors of
115 and the consuls of 113, 112 and 111. The harvest and future vintage
of 111 are referred to (1. 95), and it has, therefore, been assigned to
some period between January 1 and the summer of this year. See Rudorff
_Das Ackergesetz des Sp. Thorius_ and cf. Mommsen l.c. It is a
curious fact, however, that a law dealing with African land amongst
others should have been passed in the first year of active hostilities
with Jugurtha. From this point of view the date which marks the close of
the Jugurthine war, suggested by Kiene (_Bundesgenossenkrieg_ p. 125),
i.e., 106 or 105 B.C., is more probable. But the objection to this
view is that the law contains no reference to the censors of 109. See
Mommsen l.c.

[778] _Ager compascuus_. See Mommsen l.c. and Voigt _Ueber die
staatsrechtliche possessio und den ager compascuus der röm. Republik_.

[779] The _pastores_ also must often have been too indefinite a body to
make it possible to treat them as joint owners.

[780] The tribune L. Marcius Philippus, when introducing an agrarian law
in 104 B.C., made the startling statement "Non esse in civitate duo
milia hominum, qui rem haberent" (Cic. _de Off_. ii. 21, 73). If there
was even a minimum of truth in his words, the expression "qui rem
haberent" must mean "moneyed men," "people comfortably off."

[781] Mommsen in C.I.L. l.c.

[782] Kiene also thinks (_Bundesgenossenkrieg_ p. 146) that the right
given by the law of exchanging a bit of one's own land for an equivalent
bit of the public domain, which became private property, was reserved
solely for the citizen.

[783] Cic. _Brut_. 26. 102; _de Orat_. ii. 70. 281; _de Fin_. i. 3. 8.

[784] Vellei. ii. 8; Cic. _in Verr_. iii 80. 184; iv. 10. 22.

[785] [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 72 Consul legem de sumptibus et
libertinorum suffragiis tulit.

[786] Liv. xlv, 15.

[787] [Victor] l.c..

[788] Plin. _H.N_. viii. 57. 223.

[789] Cassiodor. _Chron_. L. Metellus et Cn. Domitius censores artem
ludicram ex urbe removerunt praeter Latinum tibicinem cum cantore et
ludum talarium. The _ludus talarius_ in its chief form was a game of
skill, not of chance. The reference here may be to juggling with the
_tali_ on the stage, not to the pursuit of the game in domestic life.

[790] Liv. _Ep_. lxiii.

[791] _Fast. triumph_.; [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 72.

[792] Val. Max. vii. 1. 1.

[793] [Victor] _de Vir. Ill_. 72.

[794] [Victor] l.c. Ipse primo dubitavit honores peteret an
argentariam faceret.

[795] [Victor] l.c. Aedilis juri reddendo magis quam muneri edendo

[796] Sallust (_Jug_. 15) gives the following somewhat unkind sketch of
the great senatorial champion, "Aemilius Scaurus, homo nobilis, inpiger,
factiosus, avidus potentiae, honoris, divitiarum, ceterum vitia sua
callide occultans". "Inpiger, factiosus" are testimonies of his value to
his party. The last words of the sketch are a confession that his
reputation may have been blemished by suspicion, but never by proof.

[797] [Victor] l.c. Consul Ligures et Gantiscos domuit, atque de his
triumphavit. Cf. _Fast. triumph_.

[798] [Victor] l.c.

[799] Plut. _Mar_. 3.

[800] In Velleius ii. 11 the manuscript reading _natus equestri loco_
(corrected into _agresti_) may be correct.

[801] Plut. _Mar_. 3.

[802] Plut. _Mar_. 5.

[803] Ibid. 4.

[804] His military reputation amongst old soldiers had led to his easy
attainment of the military tribunate. Sall. _Jug_. 63 Ubi primum
tribunatum militarem a populo petit, plerisque faciem ejus ignorantibus,
facile notus per omnis tribus declaratur. Deinde ab eo magistratu alium
post alium sibi peperit.

[805] Plut. _Mar_. 4.

[806] Plut. l.c. [Greek: _nomon tina peri psaephophorias graphontos
autou dokounta ton dynaton aphaireisthai taen peri tas kriseis ischyn_].
It is possible, however, that _kriseis_ may simply mean "decisions".

[807] Cic. _de Leg_. iii. 17. 38 Pontes ... lex Maria fecit angustos.

[808] Plut. l.c. [Greek: _ei me diagrapseie to dogma_.]

[809] Plut. l.c. [Greek: _nomou ... eispheromenou peri sitou
dianomaes_]. See p. 284.

[810] Plut. _Mar_ 5. Cf. Cic. _pro Planc_. 21, 51; Val. Max.
vi. 9. 14.

[811] Val. Max. vi. 9. 14.

[812] Plut. _Mar_. 5.

[813] [Greek: _dikastai_] (Plut. l.c.). It seems, therefore, that a
special _quaestio de ambitu_ existed at this time. Otherwise, the case
would naturally have gone before the Comitia. We can hardly think of a
Special Commission.

[814] Plut. _Mar_. 6 [Greek: _en men oun tae strataegia metrios
epainoumenon heauton paresche_].

[815] Plut. l.c.

[816] Plut. l.c.

[817] Vellei. ii. 7 Porcio Marcioque consulibus deducta colonia Narbo
Martius. Cf. i. 15.

[818] This was but a [Greek: _phroura Rhomaion_] (Strabo iv. 1. 5). It
had been established in 122 B.C.

[819] Cic. _pro Font_. 5. 13 Narbo Martius, colonia nostrorum civium,
specula populi Romani ac propugnaculum istis ipsis nationibus oppositum
et objectum.

[820] This fact appears from Cic. _pro Cluent_. 51. 140 (Crassus) in
dissuasione rogationis ejus quae contra coloniam Narbonensem ferebatur,
quantum potest, de auctoritate senatus detrahit. A _rogatio_ against a
project implies something more than opposition to a bill.

[821] Cic. _Brut_. 43. 160 Exstat in eam legem senior ut ita dicam quam
illa aetas ferebat oratio.

[822] Cic. _Brut. l.c. Cf. pro Cluent_. 51. 140; _de Orat_. ii. 55. 223;
Quinctil. _Inst. Or_. vi. 3. 44.

[823] The date is unknown, but the _lex Servilia repetundarum_ was
probably a product of this tribunate. An approximate date can be
assigned to this law, if we believe that it immediately superseded the
_lex Acilia_ as the law of extortion, and that the _lex Acilia_ is the
_lex repetundarum_ which has come down to us on a bronze tablet (see p.
214); for the latter law must have been abrogated by 111 B.C., since the
back of the tablet on which it is inscribed is used for the _lex
agraria_ of this year. The side containing the _lex Acilia_ must have
been turned to the wall, and this fact seems to prove the supersession
of this law by a later one on the same subject. See Mommsen in C.I.L.
i. p. 56.

[824] Peracutus et callidus cum primisque ridiculus (Cic. _Brut_.
62. 224).

[825] Cic. _pro Rab. Post, 6, 14.

[826] Stercus Curiae (Cic. _de Orat_. iii. 41. 164).

[827] Cic. _Brut_. 62. 224 Is ... equestrem ordinem beneficio legis
devinxerat. Cf. _pro Scauro_ 1. 2. But the law of Glaucia was a _lex
repetundarum_ (Ascon. _in Scaurian_. p. 21; Val. Max. viii. 1. 8; cf.
notes 4 and 5), not a _lex judiciaria_.

[828] Cic. _in Verr_. i. 9. 26.

[829] Cic. _pro Rab. Post_. 4. 8. The granting of the _civitas_ to
Latins, as a reward for successful prosecution (Cic. _pro Balbo_ 24.
54), was not an innovation due to Glaucia. It appears already in the
_lex Acilia_.

[830] Liv. _Ep_. lxiii; Florus i. 39 (iii. 4); Eutrop. iv. 24.

[831] Oros. v. 15.

[832] Plut. _Quaest. Rom_. 83.

[833] Plut. _Quaest. Rom_. 83. The manuscript reading is [Greek:
_barbarou tinos hippikou therapon_]. I have adopted Ihne's suggestion
of _Barrou_, which he supports by a reference to Porphyrio _ad Hor.
Sat_. 1. 6. 30--Hic Barrus vilisimmae libidinosaeque admodum vitae fuit,
adeo ut Aemiliam virginem Vestae incestasse dictus sit.

[834] Dio Cass. _fr_. 92.

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