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A History of Roman Literature by Charles Thomas Cruttwell

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landscapes in his studio.

[42] G. ii. 486. The literary reminiscences with which Virgil associated
the most common realities have often been noted. Cranes are for him
_Strymonian_ because Homer so describes them. Dogs are _Amyclean_, because
the _Laco_ was a breed celebrated in Greek poetry. Italian warriors bend
_Cretan_ bows, &c.

[43] _Cum canerem reges et praelia Cynthius aurem Vellit, et admomuit
Pastorem Tityre, pingues Pascere oportet oves, deductum dicere carmen._
(E. vi. 3).

[44] _En erit unquam Ille dies tua cum liceat mihi dicere facta._ (E.
viii. 7).

[45] _Mox tamen ardentes accingar dicere pugnas Caesaris_, &c. (G. iii.
46). The Caesar is of course Augustus.

[46] This eagerness to have their exploits celebrated, though common to
all men, is, in its extreme development, peculiarly Roman. Witness the
importunity of Cicero to his friends, his epic on himself; and the ill-
concealed vanity of Augustus. We know not to how many poets he applied to
undertake a task which, after all, was never performed (except partially
by Varius).

[47] Except perhaps by Plato, who, with Sophocles, is the Greek writer
that most resembles Virgil.

[48] Virgil, like Milton, possesses the power of calling out beautiful
associations from proper names. The lists of sounding names in the seventh
and tenth Aeneids are striking instances of this faculty.

[49] It is true this law is represented as divine, not human; but the
principle is the same.

[50] Niebuhr, Lecture, 106.

[51] For example, Sallust at the commencement of his _Catiline_ regards it
as authoritative.

[52] Cf. Geor. ii. 140-176. Aen. i. 283-5; vi. 847-853; also ii. 291, 2;
432-4; vi. 837; xi. 281-292.

[53] _Loc. cit._

[54] Observe the care with which he has recorded the history and origin of
the Greek colonies in Italy. He seems to claim a right in them.

[55] This word, as Mr. Nettleship has shown in his Introduction to the
Study of Virgil, is used only of Turnus.

[56] xi. 336, _sqq_. But the character bears no resemblance to Cicero's.

[57] There are no doubt constant _rapports_ between Augustus and Aeneas,
between the unwillingness of Turnus to give up Lavinia, and that of Antony
to give up Cleopatra, &c. But it is a childish criticism which founds a
theory upon these.

[58] _ton katholon estin_, Arist. De Poet.

[59] "Urbis orbis."

[60] _Suggestions Introductory to the Study of the Aeneid_.

[61] The Greek heroic epithets _dios, kalos, agathos_, &c. primarily
significant of personal beauty, were transferred to the moral sphere. The
epithet _pius_ is altogether moral and religious, and has no physical

[62] _Pater ipse colendi; haud facilem esse viam voluit_, and often. The
name of Jupiter is in that poem reserved for the physical manifestations
of the great Power.

[63] The questions suggested by Venus's speech to Jupiter (Aen. 1, 229,
_sqq._) as compared with that of Jupiter himself (Aen. x. 104), are too
large to be discussed here. But the student is recommended to study them

[64] Like Dante, he was held to be _Theologus nullius dogmatis expers_.
See Boissier, _Religion des Romains_, vol. i ch. iii. p. 260.

[65] Aen. xii. 882.

[66] Ib. xii. 192.

[67] See Macr. Sat. i. 24, 11.

[68] Boissier, from whom this is taken, adduces other instances. I quote
an interesting note of his (Rel. Rom. p. 261): "_Cependant, quelques
difficiles trouvaient que Virgile s'etait quelquefois trompe. On lui
reprochait d'avoir fait immoler par Enee un taureau a Jupiter quand il
s'arrete dans la Thrace et y fonde une ville, et selon Ateius Capito et
Labeon, les lumieres du droit pontifical, c'etait presqu'un sacrilege.
Voila donc, dit-on, votre pontife qui ignore ce que savent meme les
sacristains! Mais on peut repondre que precisement le sacrifice en
question n'est pas acceptable des dieux, et qu'ils forcent bientot Enee
par de presages redoutables, a s'eloigner de ce pays. Ainsi en supposant
que la science pontificale d'Enee soit en defaut, la reputation de Virgile
reste sans tache._"

[69] Aen. x. 288.

[70] "_Fierement dessine._" The expression is Chateaubriand's.

[71] xii. 468.

[72] The reader is referred to a book by M. de Bury, "_Les femmes du temps
d'Auguste_," where there are vivid sketches of Cleopatra, Livia, and

[73] Aen. i. 402; ii. 589.

[74] A list of passages imitated from Latin poets is given in Macrob. Sat.
vi., which should be read.

[75] Such as _Latium_ from _latere_, (Aen. viii. 322), and others, some of
which may be from Varro or other philologians.

[76] A few instances are, the origin of _Ara Maxima_ (viii. 270), the
custom of veiled sacrifices (iii. 405), the _Troia sacra_ (v. 600), &c.

[77] The pledging of Aeneas by Dido (i. 729), the god Fortunus (v. 241).

[78] _E.g._ the allusion to the legendary origin of his narrative by the
preface _Dicitur, fertur_ (iv. 205; ix. 600).

[79] _E.g. olli, limus, porgite, pictai_, &c.: _mentem aminumque, teque
... tuo cum flumine sancto;_ again, _calido sanguine, geminas acies_, and
a thousand others. His alliteration and assonance have been noticed in a
former appendix.


[1] In the consulship of L. Aurelius Cotta and L. Manlius Torquatus. "_O
nate mecum consule Manlio_," Od. III. xxi. 1; Epod xiii. 6.

[2] _Libertino patre natum_, Sat. I. vi. 46.

[3] _Natus dum ingenuus, ib._ v. 8.

[4] Sat. I. vi. 86.

[5] _Me fabulosae Vulture in Apulo_, &c.; Od. iii. 4, 9.

[6] Ep. II. i. 71.

[7] S. I. vi. 8.

[8] Juv. vii. 218.

[9] Sat. I. iv. 113.

[10] Ep. II. ii. 43.

[11] _Quae mihi pareret legio Romana tribuno_, Sat. I. vi, 48.

[12] _O saepe mecum tempus in ultimum deducte_, Od. II. vii. 1.

[13] Ib. 5.

[14] Ep. II. ii. 51.

[15] Sueton. Vit. Hor.; cf. Sat. II. vi. 37, _De re communi scribae te
orabant ...reverti_.

[16] Ep. ii. 2, 51.

[17] S. I. vi. 55.

[18] _Iubesque esse in amicorum numero_.--Ib. This expression is
important, since many scholars have found a difficulty in Horace's
accompanying Maecenas so soon after his accession to his circle, and have
supposed that Sat. I. v. refers to another expedition to Brundisium,
undertaken two years later. This is precluded, however, by the mention of
Cocceius Nerva.

[19] S. ii. 3. 11.

[20] Ep. I. vi. 16.

[21] _Nullius addictus iurare in verba magistri_, Ep. I. i. 14.

[22] S. I. ii. 25.

[23] Suet. Vit. Hor. Fragments of four letters are preserved. One to
Maecenas, "_Ante ipse sufficiebam scribendis epistolis amicorum; nunc
occupatissimus et infirmus, Horatium nostrum te cupio adducere. Veniet
igiur ab ista parasitica mensa ad hanc regiam, et nos in epistolis
scribendis adiuvabit_." Observe the future tense, the confidence that his
wish will not be disputed. He received to his surprise the poet's refusal,
but to his credit did not take it amiss. He wrote to him, "_Sume tibi
aliquid iuris apud me, tanquam si convictor mihi fueris; quoniam id usus
mihi tecum esse volui, si per valetudinem tuam fieri potuisset_." And
somewhat later, "_Tui qualem habeam memoriam poteris ex Septimio quoque
nostro audire; nam incidit, ut illo coram fieret a me tui mentio. Neque
enim, si tu superbus amicitiam nostram sprevisti, ideo nos quoque
anthuperphronoumen_." The fourth fragment is the one translated in the

[24] _Quem rodunt omnes ... quia sum tibi, Maecenas, convictor_, S. I. vi.
46. Contrast his tone, Ep. I. xix. 19, 20; Od. iv. 3.

[25] Sat. I. ix.

[26] Sat. II. vi. 30, _sqq._

[27] S. II. vi. 1.

[28] O. II. xviii. 14; III. xvi. 28, _sqq._

[29] The year in which he received the Sabine farm is disputed. Some
(_e.g._ Grotefend) date it as far back as 33 B.C.; others, with more
probability, about 31 B.C.

[30] They were probably published simultaneously in 23 B.C. If we take the
earlier date for his possession of the Sabine farm, he will have been
nearly ten years preparing them.

[31] Ep. I. ix.

[32] Ep. I. xvii. and xviii.

[33] Ep. I. xiv.

[34] The first seven stanzas of IV. 6, with the prelude (III. i. 1-4), are
supposed to have been sung on the first day; I. 21 on the second; and on
the third the C. S. followed by IV. vi. 28-44.

[35] See p.38.

[36] C. xxxii.

[37] Od. IV. 4.

[38] Ep. I. i. 10.

[39] Ep. I. xx.

[40] Od. II. xvii. 5.

[41] _E.g._ the infamous Sextus Menas who is attacked in Ep. 4.

[42] Epod. 5 and 17, and Sat. I. viii.

[43] Epod. viii. xii.; Od. iv. xiii.

[44] The sorceresses or fortune-tellers. Some have without any authority
supposed her to have been a mistress of the poet's, whose real name was
Gratidia, and with whom he quarrelled.

[45] I. xxxv.

[46] II. xvii.

[47] Cf. _Troiae renascens alite lugubri..._ with _Occidit occideritque
sinas cum nomine Troia_. In both cases Juno is supposed to utter the
sentiment. This can hardly be mere accident.

[48] Ep. I. i. 33, _Fervet avaritia miseroque cupidine pectus; Sunt verba
et voces quibus hunc lenire dolorem Possis._

[49] Od. I. xii. 17.

[50] Od. I. ii. 43.

[51] Od. IV. v. 1.

[52] Od. III. iii. 9.

[53] Ep. II. i. 15.

[54] The best instance is Od. III. vi. 45, where it is expressed with
singular brevity.

[55] Od. I. xi. among many others.

[56] A. P. 391, _sqq._; S. I. iii. 99.

[56] Ep. I. iv. and ii. 55.

[57] _E.g. laborum decepitur_, Od. II. xiii. 38. The reader will find them
all in Macleane's _Horace_.

[58] The most extraordinary instance of this is Od. IV. iv. 17, where in
the very midst of an exalted passage, he drags in the following most
inappropriate digression--_Quibus Mos unde deductus per omne Tempus
Amazonia securi Dextras obarmet quaerere distuli, Nec scire fas est
omnia._ Many critics, intolerant of the blot, remove it altogether,
disregarding MS. authority.

[59] _Ego apis Matinae more modoque_ ... operosa _parvus carmina fingo_,
Od. IV. ii. 31.

[60] Od. IV. iv. 33.

[61] Od. III. iii. 17.

[62] Od. III. xxviii.

[63] Od. III. xi.

[64] Od. III. ix.

[65] _I.e._ the hall where rhetorical exhibitions were given.

[66] _Nisi quod pede certo differt sermoni, sermo merus_, S. I. iv. So the
title _sermones_.

[67] We learn this from the life by Suetonius.

[68] _E.g. invideor, imperor, se impediat_ (S. I. x. 10) = impediatur;
_amphora coepit institui_ for _coepta est_. Others might easily be

[69] S. I. iv. 10; S. II. i. in great part.

[70] S. L. iv 60, _Postquam Discordia tetra Belli ferratos postes
portasque refregit_. These are also imitated by Virgil; but they do not
appear to show any particular beauty.

[71] S. I. v. 101; Ep. I. iv. 16.

[72] _Neque simius iste Nil praeter Calvum et doctus cantare Catullum_ (S.
I. x. 19). I cannot agree with Mr. Martin (_Horace for English Readers_.
p. 57), who thinks the allusion not meant to be umcomplimentary.

[73] _Parios iambos_ has been ingeniously explained to mean the epode,
_i.e._ the iambic followed by a shorter line in the same or a different
rhythm, _e.g. pater Lukamba poion ephraso tode; ti sas paraeeire phrenas_;
but it seems more natural to give _Parios_ the ordinary sense. Cf.
_Archilochum proprio rabies armavit iambo_, A. P. 79.

[74] Ep. I. xix. 24.

[75] S. i. 118, _Omne vafer vitium ridenti Flaccus amico Tangit, et
admissus circum praecordia ludit, Callidus excusso populum suspendere

[76] Tib. IV. i. 179, _Est tibi qui possit magnis se accingere rebus
Valgius: aeterno propior non alter Homero_.

[77] Od. II. ix. 19.

[78] Quint. III. i. 18. Unger, quoted by Teuffel, S 236, conjectures that
for _Nicandrum frustra secuti Macer atque_ Virgilius, we should read
_Valgius_, in Quint. X. i. 56.

[79] Sat. I. ix. 61.

[80] _Arguta meretrice potes Davoque Chremeque Eludente senem comis
garrire libellas Unus vivorum, Fundani_. After all, this praise is

[81] _Pindarici fontis qui non expalluit haustus.... An tragica desaevit
et ampullatur in arte?_ Ep. I. iii. 10.

[82] Ep. I. viii. 2.

[83] Ep. I. iii. 15.

[84] Od. IV. ii. 2.

[85] Od. iv. ii. 2, quoted by Teuffel.

[86] Od. I. xxxiii.; Ep. I. iv.


[1] _E.g._ In the first 100 lines of the _Remedium Amoris_, a long
continuous treatise, there is only one couplet where the syntax is carried
continuously through, v. 57, 8, _Nec moriens Dido summa vidisset ab arce
Dardanias vento vela dedisse rates_, and even here the pentameter forms a
clause by itself. Contrast the treatment of Catullus (lxvi. 104-115) where
the sense, rhythm, and syntax are connected together for twelve lines. The
same applies to the opening verses of Virgil's _Copa_. Tate's little
treatise on the elegiac couplet correctly analyses the formal side of
Ovid's versification. As instances of the relation, of the elegiac to the
hexameter--iteration (Her. xiii. 167), _Aucupor in lecto mendaces caelibe
somnos; Dum careo veris gaudia falsa iuvant_: variation (Her. xiv. 5),
_Quod manus extimuit iugulo demittere ferrum Sum rea: laudarer si scelus
ausa forem_: expansion (id. 1), _Mittit Hypermnestra de tot modo fratribus
una: Cetera nuptarum crimine turba iacet_: condensation (Her. xiii. 1),
_Mittit et optat amans quo mittitur ire salutem, Haemonis Haemonio
Laodamia viro_: antithesis (Am. I. ix. 3), _Quae bello est habilis veneri
quoque convenit aetas; Turpe senex miles turpe senilis amor_. These
illustrations might be indefinitely increased, and the analysis carried
much further. But the student will pursue it with ease for himself.
Compare ch. ii. app. note 3.

[2] Ecl. x. 2.

[3] Two Greek Epigrams (Anthol. Gr. ii. p. 93) are assigned to him by
Jacobs (Teuffel).

[4] Quint. x. 1, 93.

[5] Mart. iv. 29, 7.

[6] Id. vii. 29, 8.

[7] v. 17, 18.

[8] Tr. II. x. 6.

[9] El. I. i. 19.

[10] Ep. I. iv. 7.

[11] _Prisca iuvent alios: ego me nunc denique natum Gratulor: haec aetas
moribus apta meis_ (A. A. iii. 121). Ovid is unquestionably right.

[12] Od. I. xxxiii. 2.

[13] El. I. 7; II. 1. Tibullus turns from battle scenes with relief to the
quiet joys of the country.

[14] Others read _Plautia_, but without cause.

[15] El. ii. 21.

[16] Ib. i. 57.

[17] Ib. ii. 1.

[18] _Albi, nostrorum sermonum_ candide _index_, Hor. Ep. I. iv.

[19] Ov. Am. III. ix. 32, implies that Delia and Nemesis were the two
successive mistresses of the poet.

[20] El. IV. ii. 11, 12, _urit ... urit_. Cf. G. i. 77, 78. Again,
_dulcissima furta_ (v. 7), _cape tura libens_ (id. 9); _Pone metum
Cerinthe_ (iv. 15), will at once recall familiar Virgilian cadences.

[21] Ib. IV. vi. 2; vii. 8.

[22] Ib. IV. viii. 5; x. 4.

[23] S. I. ix. 45.

[24] Ib. iv. 23, 24; v. 8, 1.

[25] Whatever may be thought of his identity with Horace's _bore_, and it
does not seem very probable, the passage, Ep. II. ii. 101, almost
certainly refers to him, and illustrates his love of vain praise.

[26] Merivale has noticed this in his eighth volume of the History of the

[27] As instances of his powerful rhythm, we may select _Cum moribunda
niger clauderet ora liquor; Et graviora rependit iniquis pensa quasillis:
Non exorato stant adamante vias_; and many such pentameters as _Mundus
demissis institor in tunicis; Candida purpureis mixta papaveribus_.

[28] See El. I. ii. 15, _sqq._; I. iii. 1-8, &c.

[29] Ib. ii. 34, 61.

[30] El. iii. (iv.) 6 (7).

[31] Ib. v. (iv.) 7.

[32] Ib. iv. (iii.) 8 (9). Two or three other elegies are addressed to

[33] iv. (iii.) 1, 3.

[34] On these see next chapter, p. 320.

[35] See Contr. ii. 11.

[36] Trist. I. ii. 77.

[37] So says the introduction; but it is of very doubtful authenticity.

[38] Am. II. i. 11.

[39] A. A. III. 346, _ignotum hoc aliis ille novavit opus_

[40] G. iii, 4, _sqq._

[41] These remarks apply equally to the Metamorphoses, and indeed to all
Ovid's works.

[42] Lex Papia-Poppaea.

[43] It is probable that the _Art of Love_ was published 3 B.C., the year
of Julia's exile.

[44] Some have, quite without due grounds, questioned the authenticity of
this fragment.

[45] Tac. De Or. xiii; Quint. X. i. 98.

[46] i. vii. 27.

[47] See the witty invocation to Venus, Bk. IV. init.

[48] F. ii. 8.

[49] The most beautiful portions are perhaps the following:--The Story of
Phaethon (ii. 1), the Golden Age (i. 89), Pyramus and Thisbe (iv. 55),
Baucis and Philemon, a rustic idyl (viii. 628), Narcissus at the Fountain
(iii. 407), The Cave of Sleep (xi. 592), Daedalus and Icarus (viii. 152),
Cephalus and Procris (vii. 661), The passion of Medea (vii. 11), from
which we may glean some idea of his tragedy.

[50] The chief passages bearing on it are, Tr. II. 103; III. v. 49; VI.
27; IV. x. 90. Pont, I. vi. 25; II. ix. 75; III. iii. 75.

[51] Such names as _Messala, Graecinus, Pompeius, Cotta, Fabius Maximus_,
occur in his Epistles.

[52] This continual dwelling on mythological allusions is sometimes quite
ludicrous, _e.g._, when he sees the Hellespont frozen over, his first
thought is, "Winter was the time for Leander to have gone to Hero; there
would have been no fear of drowning!"

[53] His abject flattery of Augustus hardly needs remark. It was becoming
the regular court language to address him as _Jupiter_ or _Tonans_; when
Virgil, at the very time that Octavius's hands were red with the
proscriptions, could call him a god (_semper erit Deus_), we cannot wonder
at Ovid fifty years later doing the same.

[54] _E.g._ 69-90.

[55] We may notice with regard to the _Ciris_ that it is very much in
Ovid's manner, though far inferior. I think it may be fixed with certainty
to a period succeeding the publication of the Metamorphoses. The address
to Messala, v. 54, is a mere blind. The goddess Sophia indicates a later
view than Ovid, but not necessarily post-Augustan. The goddess Crataeis
(from the eleventh Odyssey), v. 67, is a novelty. The frivolous and
pedantic object of the poem (to set right a confusion in the myths), makes
it possible that it was produced under the blighting government of
Tiberius. Its continual imitations make it almost a Virgilian _Cento_.

[56] Tac. Ann. vi. 18.

[57] Pont. IV. xvi.

[58] Am. II. xviii. 27.

[59] IV. xvi. 27.

[60] Quint. X. i. 89.

[61] _I.e._ that waged with Sextus Pompey.

[62] Suas. vi. 26.

[63] Pont. VI. xvi. 5.

[64] Pont. VI. xvi. 34.

[65] The name Faliscus is generally attached to him, but apparently
without any certain authority.

[66] I. 898.

[67] IV. 935.

[68] Ib. 764.

[69] V. 513.

[70] Manilius hints at the general dislike of Tiberius in one or two
obscure passages, _e.g._ I. 455; II. 290, 253; where the epithets _tortus,
pronus_, applied to Capricorn, which was Tiberius's star, hint at his
character and his disgrace. Cf. also, I. 926.

[71] De Or. I. 16.

[72] It may interest the reader to catalogue some of his peculiarities. We
find _admota moenibus arma_ (iv. 37), a phrase unknown to military
language; _ambiguus terrae_ (II. 231), _agiles metae Phoebi_ (I. 199) =
circum quas agiliter se vertit; _Solertia facit artes_ (I. 73) = invenit.
Attempts at brevity like _fallente solo_ (I. 240) = Soli declivitas nos
longitudine fallens; _Moenia ferens_ (I. 781) = muralem coronam;
inaequales Cyclades_ (iv. 637), _i.e._ ab inaequalibus procellis vexatae,
a reminiscence from Hor. (Od. II. ix. 3). Constructions verging on the
illegitimate, as _sciet, quae poena sequetur_ (iv. 210); _nota aperire
viam_, sc. sidera (I. 31); _Sibi nullo monstrante loquuntur Neptuno debere
genus_ (II. 223); _Suus_ for eius (IV. 885); _nostrumque parentem Pars sua
perspicimus_. The number might be indefinitely increased. See Jacob's full

[73] These are worth reading. They are--I. 1-250, 483-539; II. 1-150,
722-970; III. 1-42; IV. 1-118 (the most elaborate of all), 866-935; V.
540-619, the account of Perseus and Andromeda.

[74] A hint borrowed from Plato's _Timaeus_.

[75] I. 246. An instance of a physical conclusion influencing moral or
political ones. The theory that seas separate countries has always gone
with a lack of progress, and _vice versa_.

[76] _Vis animae divina regit, sacroque meatu Conspirat deus et tacita
ratione gubernat_ (I. 250).

[77] Hyg. P. A, ii. 14.

[78] I. 458.

[79] II. 58.

[80] _Mundi Vates_, II. 148.

[81] _E.g._ that of spring, V. 652-668.

[82] _E.g._ the transitions _Nunc age_ (iii. 43), _Et quoniam dictum est_
(iii. 385); _Percipe_ (iv. 818), &c.; the frequent use of alliteration (i.
7, 52, 57, 59, 63, 84, 116, &c.); of asyndeton (i. 34; ii. 6);
polysyndeton (i. 99, _sqq._).

[83] _E.g. pedibus quid iungere certis_ (iii. 35).

[84] _E.g._ in those of Phaethon, and Perseus and Andromeda.

[85] _E.g. alia proseminat usus_ (i. 90); _inde species_ (ii. 155), &c.

[86] Facis ad (i. 10); caelum et (i.795); _conor et_ (in thesi. iii. 3);
pudent (iv. 403).

[87] _E.g._ clepsisset (i. 25); itiner (i. 88); compagine (i. 719); sorti
_abl_. (i. 813); audireque (ii 479).

[88] _E.g._ the plague so depopulated Athens that (ii. 891) _de tanto
quondam populo vix contigit heres!_ At the battle of Actium (ii. 916); _in
Ponto quaesitus rector Olympi!_


[1] He was an adept in the _res culinaria_. Tac. An. vi. 7, bitterly notes
his degeneracy.

[2] _Haterii_ canorum illud et profluens cum ipso simul extinctum est,
Ann. iv. 61.

[3] The author of two books on figures of speech, an abridged translation
of the work of Gorgias, a contemporary Greek rhetorician.

[4] Seneca and Quintilian quote numerous other names, as _Passienus,
Pompeius, Silo, Papirius Flavianus, Alfius Flavus_, &c. The reader should
consult Teuffel, where all that is known of these worthies is given.

[5] The praenomen M. is often given to him, but without authority.

[6] Probably until 38 A.D.

[7] Contr. I. praef. ii.

[8] See Teuffel, S 264.

[9] His son speaks of his home as _antiqua et severa_.

[10] Caesar, it will be remembered, was greatly struck with the attention
given to the cultivation of the memory in the Druidical colleges of Gaul.

[11] Many of these facts are taken from Seeley's Livy, Bk. I. Oxford,

[12] L. Seneca (Epp. xvi. 5, 9) says: "_Scripsit enim et dialogos quos non
magis philosophiae annumeres quam historiae et ex professo philosophiam
continentes libros_." These half historical, half philosophical dialogues
may perhaps have resembled Cicero's dialogue _De Republica_: Hertz
supposes them to have been of the same character as the _logistopika_ of
Varro (Seeley, v. 18).

[13] Tac. Ann. iv. 34.

[14] Sen. N. Q.

[15] Plin. Ep. ii. 3.

[16] _Praef. ad Nat. Hist._

[17] De. Leg. i. 2. See also Book II. ch. iii. _init._

[18] _Maiorum quisquis primus fuit ille tuorum Aut pastor fuit aut illud
quod dicere nolo_, Sat. viii. _ult._

[19] _E.g._ III. 26. "When Cincinnatus was called to the dictatorship, he
was either digging or ploughing; authorities differed. All agreed in this,
that he was at some rustic work." Cf. iv. 12, and i. 24, where we have the
sets of opposing authorities, _utrumque traditur, auctores utroque
trahunt_ being appended.

[20] A contemporary of the Gracchi; very little is known of him.

[21] Quaestor, 203 B.C. He wrote in Greek. A Latin version by a
_Claudius_, whom some identify with Quadrigarius, is mentioned by

[22] For these see back, Bk. I. ch. 9.

[23] See App. p. 103.

[24] _Fasti_.

[25] See p. 88.

[26] Liv. viii. 40, _Falsis imaginum titulis_.

[27] viii. 18, 1.

[28] ix. 44, 6.

[29] i. 7.

[30] ii. 40, 10.

[31] xxx. 45.

[32] i. 46; x. 9.

[33] xliii. 13.

[34] i. 16.

[35] i. 26.

[36] _E.g._, the consuls being both plebeian, the auspices are
unfavourable (xxiii. 31). Again, the senate is described as degrading
those who feared to return to Hannibal (xxiv. 18). Varro, a _novus homo_,
is chosen consul (xxii. 34).

[37] xxxvii. 39.

[38] xlii. 74.

[39] Cf. xlii 21; xliii. 10; xlv. 34.

[40] iv. 20, 5.

[41] viii. 11, _Haec etsi omnis divini humanique memoria abolevit nova
peregrinaque omnia priscis ac patriis praeferendo, haud ab re duxi verbis
quoque iosis ut tradita nuncupataque sunt referre_.

[42] _Sur Tite-Live_. The writer has been frequently indebted to this
clear and striking essay for examples of Livy's historical qualities.

[43] xxxviii. 17.

[44] v. 44.

[45] vii. 34.

[46] As the invective of the old centurion who had been scourged for debt
(ii. 23); Canuleius's speech on marriage (iv. 3); the admirable speech of
Ligustinus showing how the city drained her best blood (xlii. 34).

[47] We cannot refrain from quoting an excellent passage from Dr. Arnold
on the unreality of these cultivated harangues. Speaking of the sentiments
Livy puts into the mouth of the old Romans, he says "Doubtless the
character of the nobility and commons of Rome underwent as great changes
in the course of years as those which have taken place in our own country.
The Saxon thanes and franklins, the barons and knights of the fourteenth
century, the cavaliers and puritans of the seventeenth, the country
gentlemen and monied men of a still later period, all these have their own
characteristic features, which he who would really write a history of
England must labour to distinguish and to represent with spirit and
fidelity; nor would it be more ridiculous to paint the members of a
Wittenagemot in the costume of our present House of Commons than to
ascribe to them our habits of thinking, or the views, sentiments, and
language of a modern historian."

[48] The latter given by Seneca the elder, the former xxxix. 40.

[49] viii. 5.

[50] ii. 54, 5.

[51] xxx. 20.

[52] xxi. 10.

[53] i. 26, 10.

[54] _E.g. Haec ubi dicta dedit: ubi Mars est atrocissimus: stupens animi;
laeta pascua_, &c. (Teuffel).

[55] _Auctor e severissimis_, Plin. xi. 52, 275.

[56] The view that he flourished under Titus is altogether unworthy of

[57] See pref. to Book VI.

[58] II. pref. 5.

[59] Many of these facts are borrowed from the _Dict. Biog. s. v._

[60] Pref. to Book VII.

[61] Epist. ad Car. Magn. Praef. ad Paul. Diac.

[62] Tr. iii. 14, is perhaps addressed to him.

[63] S 257, 7.

[64] Ep. i. 19, 40.



[1] The Empire is here regarded solely in its influence on literature and
the classes that monopolised it. If the poor or the provincials had
written its history it would have been described in very different terms.

[2] _Pont._ iv. 2. Impetus ille sacer, qui vatum pectora nutrit Qui prius
in nobis esse solebat abest. Vix venit ad partes; vix sumtae Musa tabellae
Imponit pigras paene coacta manus.

[3] Suet. Tib. 70.

[4] Sat. vii. 234.

[5] Livy and Trogus.

[6] Varro.

[7] Cicero.

[8] Juv. vii. 197.

[9] See ii. 94 which contains exaggerated commendations on Tiberius.

[10] The author's humble estimate of himself appears, Si prisci oratores
ab Jove Opt. Max. bene orsi sunt ... mea parvitas eo iustius ad tuum
favorem decurrerit, quod cetera divinitas opinione colligitur, tua
praesenti fide paterno avitoque sideri par videtur ... Deos reliquos
accepimus, Caesarea dedimus.

[11] The reader is referred to Teuffel, _Rom. Lit._ S 274, 11.

[12] Daremberg.

[13] Notices of Celsus are--on his Husbandry, Quint. XII. xi. 24, Colum.
I. i. 14; on his Rhetoric, Quint. IX. i. 18, _et saep._; on his
Philosophy, Quint. X. i. 124; on his Tactics, Veget. i. 8. Celsus died in
the time of Nero, under whom he wrote one or two political works.

[14] See Sen. Contr. Praef. X. 2-4.

[15] Quint. X. i. 91.

[16] Mart. III. 20, _Aemulatur improbi iocos Phaedri_.

[17] Phaed. III. prol. 21.

[18] Phaed. IV. prol. 11; he carefully defines his fables as _Aesopiae_,
not _Aesopi_.

[19] Quint. X. i. 95.


[1] Cal. 34.

[2] Suet. Claud. 41.

[3] Id.

[4] See p. 11.

[5] Sen. de. Tr. 14, 4.

[6] Nero had asked Cornutus's advice on a projected poem on Roman history
in 400 books. Cornutus replied, "No one, Sire, would read so long a work."
Nero reminded him that Chrysippus had written as many. "True!" said
Cornutus, "but _his_ books are useful to mankind."

[7] v. Suetonius's _Vita Persii_.

[8] Pers. v. 21.

[9] Ib. i. 12.

[10] "_Sed sum petulanti splene cachinno_," Pers. i. 10.

[11] Himself a lyric poet (Quint. X. i. 96) of some rank. He also wrote a
didactic poem, _De Metris_, of a similar character to that of Terentianus
Maurus. Persius died 62 A.D.

[12] _Vit. Pers._: this was before he had written the Pharsalia.

[13] Quint. X. i. 94.

[14] Mart. IV. xxix. 7.

[15] Pers. i. 96.

[16] _E.g._ i. 87, 103. Cf. v. 72.

[17] Pers. iii. 77.

[18] Ib. iv. 23.

[19] Ib. i. 116. The examples are from Nisard.

[20] Ep. ii. 1, 80.

[21] Pers. v. 103. Compare Lucan's use of _frons, nec frons erit ulla
senatus_, where it seems to mean boldness. In Persius it = shame.

[22] A. P. 102.

[23] Pers. i. 91. Compare ii. 10; i. 65. with Hor. S. II. vi. 10; II. vii.

[24] Ib. i. 124.

[25] Ib. i. 59.

[26] Ib. v. 119.

[27] Ib. vi. 25.

[28] The accuracy of this story has been doubted, perhaps not without
reason. Nero's contests were held every five years. Lucan had gained the
prize in one for a laudation of Nero, 59 A.D.(?), and the one alluded to
in the text may have been 64 A.D. when Nero recited his _Troica_. Dio.
lxii. 29.

[29] Perhaps Phars. iii. 635. The incident is mentioned by Tac., Ann. xv.

[30] Phars. i. 33.

[31] Ib. vii. 432.

[32] _I.e._ beyond the bounds of the Roman empire.

[33] Martial alludes to Quintilian's judgment when he makes the Pharsalia
say, _me criticus negat esse poema: Sed qui me vendit bibliopola putat_.

[34] Phars. v. 59.

[35] _Si libertatis Superis tam cura placent Quam vindicta placet_, Phars.
iv. 806.

[36] _Superum pudor_, Phars. viii. 597.

[37] Ib. 605.

[38] Ib. 665.

[39] Ib. 800.

[40] Ib. 869, _Tam mendax Magni tumulo quam Creta Tonantis_.

[41] Ib. ix. 143.

[42] Ib. i. 128.

[43] Phars. vii. 454.

[44] Est ergo flamen ut Iovi ... sic Divo Iulio M. Antonius. Cic. Phil.

[45] Nos te, Nos facimus Fortuna deam caeloque locamus, Juv. x. ult.

[46] Phars. v. 110, _sqq._

[47] Ib. vi. 420-830.

[48] Ib. ii. 1-15.

[49] Ib. v. 199.

[50] Ib. ii. 380.

[51] Ib. ix. 566-586. This speech contains several difficulties. In v. 567
the reading is uncertain. The MS. reads _An sit vita nihil, sed longam
differat aetas?_ which has been changed to _et longa? an differat actas?_
but the original reading might be thus translated, "Or whether life itself
is nothing, but the years we spend here do but put off a long (_i.e._ an
eternal) life?" This would refer to the Druidical theory, which seems to
have taken great hold on him, that life in reality begins after death. See
i. 457, _longae vitae Mors media est_, which exactly corresponds with the
sentiment in this passage, and exemplifies the same use of _longus_.

[52] Capit impia plebes Cespite patricio somnos, Phars. vii. 760.

[53] Vivant Galataeque, Syrique, Cappadoces, Gallique, extremique orbis
Iberi, Armenii, Cilices, nam post civilia bella Hic populus Romanus erit,
Ib. vii. 335. Compare Juv. iii. 60; vii. 15.

[54] Phars. i. 56.

[55] Ib. vii. 174.

[56] See the long list, ii. 525, and the admirable criticism of M. Nisard.

[57] Phars. iii. 538, _sqq._

[58] Ib. ix. 735.

[59] Of the seps Lucan says, Cyniphias inter pestes tibi palma nocendi
est; Eripiunt onmes animam, _tu sola cadaver_ (Phars. ix. 788).

[60] In allusion to the swelling caused by the _prester_, Non ausi tradere
busto, Nondum stante modo, _crescens fugere cadaver_! Of the _iaculus_, a
species which launched itself like an arrow at its victim, Deprensum est,
quae funda rotat, quam lenta volarent, quam segnis Scythicae strideret
arundinis aer.

[61] Phars. ix. 211.

[62] Ib. iv. 520.

[63] Silv. ii. 7, 54.

[64] Phars. v. 540.

[65] Ib. vi. 195.

[66] Phars. vii. 825.

[67] Ib. iv. 823.

[68] Ib iv. 185.

[69] The two passages are, Eumenidum veluti demens videt agmina Pentheus
Et solem geminum et duplices se ostendere Thebas; Aut Agamemdnonius
scaenis agitatus Orestes Armatum facibus matrem et squalentibus hydris cum
fugit, ultricesque sedent in limiue Dirae (Aen. iv. 469). Lucan's (Phars.
vii. 777), runs, Haud alios nondum Scythica purgatus in ara Emmenidum
vidit vultus Pelopeius Orestes: Nec magis attonitos animi sensere
tumultus, Cum fueret, Pentheus, aut cum desisset, Agave.

[70] Particularly that after the third foot, which is a feature in his
style (Phars. vii. 464), _Facturi qui monstra ferunt_. This mode of
closing a period occurs ten times more frequently than any other.

[71] I have collected a few instances where he imitates former poets:--
Lucretius (i. 72-80), Ovid (i. 67 and 288), Horace (v. 403), by a
characteristic epigram; Virgil in several places, the chief being i. 100,
though the phrase _belli mora_ is not Virgil's; ii. 32, 290, 408, 696;
iii. 234, 391, 440, 605; iv. 392; v. 313, 610; vi. 217, 454; vii. 467,
105, 512, 194; viii. 864; x. 873.

[72] Phars. i. 363.

[73] Ib. viii. 3.

[74] Ib. i. 529.

[75] Phars. v. 479.

[76] Ib. v. 364.

[77] _Metuentia astra_, 51; _Sirius irdex_, 247. Cf. Man. i. 399 _sqq._

[78] The rare form _Ditis = Dis_ occurs in these two writers.

[79] Ep. 34, 2.

[80] Ep. 79, 1, 5, 7.

[81] See v. 208, 216, 304, 315, 334.

[82] Tac. A. xiv. 52, _carmina orebrius factitare_ points to tragedy,
since that was Nero's favourite study. Mart. i. 61, 7, makes no
distinction between Seneca the philosopher and Seneca the tragedian, nor
does Quint. ix. 2, 8, _Medea apud Senecam_, seem to refer to any but the
well-known name. M. Nisard hazards the conjecture that they are a joint
production of the family; the rhetorician, his two sons Seneca and Mela,
and his grandson Lucan having each worked at them!

[83] Aen. iv. 11, _Con._

[84] Hippol. 1124 and Oed. 979, are the finest examples.


[1] Praefectus vigilum.

[2] Plin. N. H. xxii. 23, 47.

[3] Said to have amounted to 300,000,000 sesterces. Tac. An. xiii. 42.
Juvenal calls him _praedives_. Sat. x. 16.

[4] Au. xiv. 53.

[5] The great blot on his character is his having composed a justification
of Nero's matricide on the plea of state necessity.

[6] Ep. 45, 4; cf. 2, 5.

[7] Ep. 110, 18.

[8] He was a scurrilous abuser of the government. Vespasian once said to
him, "You want to provoke me to kill you, but I am not going to order a
dog that barks to execution." Cf. Sen. Ep. 67, 14; De ben. vii. 2.

[9] Ep. 64, 2.

[10] Or at least in a much less degree. Tacitus and Juvenal give instances
of rapacity exercised on the provinces, but it must have been
inconsiderable as compared with what it had been.

[11] Ep. 6, 4.

[12] Ep. 75, 3.

[13] Ep. 75, 1.

[14] Vit. Beat. 17, 3.

[15] Ep. 38, 1. He compares philosophy to sun-light, which shines on all;
Ep. 41, 1. This is different from Plato: _to plaethos adunaton philosophon

[16] Martha, _Les Moralistes de l'Empire romain_.

[17] Ep. 45.

[18] Ep. 38, 1; and 94, 1.

[19] Such as Serenus, Lucilius, &c. The old families seem to have eschewed

[20] _Vit. Beat_. 17, 1.

[21] M. Havet, _Boiss. Rel. rom_. vol. ii. 44.

[22] The question is sifted in Aubertin, _Seneque et Saint Paul_; and in
Gaston Boissier, _La Religion romaine_, vol. II. ch. ii.

[23] De Vir. Illust. 12. Tertullian (Ap. ii. 8, 10) had said before,
_Seneca saepe noster_; but this only means that he often talks like a

[24] He afterwards repudiated her, and she died in great poverty. Her act
shows a gentle and forgiving spirit.

[25] _Claud._ 25, "_Iudaeos impulsore Chresto assidue tumultuantes

[26] Tac. An. xv. 44.

[27] _Hodie tricesima Sabbata_, S. I. ix.

[28] We have seen how the great orators Crassus and Antonius pretended
that they did not know Greek: the same silly pride made others pretend
they had never heard of the Jews, even while they were practising the
Mosaic rites. And the number of noble names (Cornelii, Pomponii, Caecilii)
inscribed on Christian tombs in the reigns of the Antonines proves that
Christianity had made way even among the exclusive nobility of Rome.

[29] Prol. 13; ii. 45.

[30] 107, 12.

[31] 74, 20.

[32] Frag. 123.

[33] Ep. 110, 10 _parens noster_.

[34] 41, 2.

[35] Ep. 47, 18.

[36] Benef. iv. 12.

[37] _E.g._ In the _Consol. ad Marc._ 19, 5; _ad Polyb._ 9, 3. Even in Ep.
106, 4, he says, _animus corpus est_. Cf. 117, 2.

[38] 57, 7-9; 63, 16.

[39] 86, 1, animum eius in coelum, ex quo erat, redisse persuade mihi.

[40] 102, 26.

[41] Some have thought that if he did not know St Paul (who came to Rome
between 56 and 61 A.D. when Seneca was no longer young) he may have heard
some of the earlier missionaries in Rome.

[42] He could not have been occupied for years in governing the world,
and, with his desire for virtue, not have risen to nobler conceptions than
those with which he began.

[43] De. Ira, iii. 28, 1; cf. id. i. 14, 3.

[44] De. Clem. ii. 6, 2.

[45] Ep. 59, 14; 31, 3.

[46] 53, 11; cf. Prov. 66.

[47] This is the more cogent, because we find that the philosophers who
were converted to Christianity all turned at once to its _principles_,
often calling it a _philosophia_. Its _practice_ they admired also; but
this was not the first object of their attention.

[48] Ep. 95, 52.

[49] Ep. 95, 30.

[50] Ep. 96, 33, _homo sacra res homini_.

[51] Ben. iii. 28, 2.

[52] Ep. 47, _humiles amici_.

[53] In the treatise _De Superstitione_, of which several fragments
remain. It is, however, probable that Seneca would have equally disliked
any positive religion. He regards the sage as his own temple.

[54] Ep. 88, 37. There is a celebrated passage in one of his tragedies
(Med. 370) where he speaks of our limited knowledge, and thinks it
probable that a great New World will be discovered: "_Venient annis secula
seris Quibus Oceanus vincula rerum Laxet, et ingens pateat tellus,
Tethysque novos detegat orbes Nec sit terris ultima Thule_," an
announcement almost prophetic.

[55] Ep. 48, 11. He did not advise, but he allowed, _suicide_, as a remedy
for misfortune or disgrace. It is the one thing that makes the wise man
even superior to the gods, that at any moment he chooses he can cease to


[1] Tac. An. xv. 16.

[2] For a full list of all the arguments for and against these dates the
reader is referred to Teuffel, R. L. S 287.

[3] The exact date is uncertain. He speaks of Seneca as living, probably
between 62 and 65 A.D. But he never mentions Pliny, who, on the contrary,
frequently refers to him. He must, therefore, have finished his work
before Pliny became celebrated.

[4] Perhaps the treatise _Adversus Astrologos_ was written with the object
of recommending the worship of the rural deities (xii. 1, 31). In one
place (ii. 225) he says he intends to treat of _lustrationes ceteraque

[5] G. iv. 148.

[6] On the _pro Milone, pro Scauro, pro Cornelia, in Pisonem, in toga

[7] _Scholia Bobbiensia_.

[8] It is identical with the second book of Sacerdos, who lived at the
close of the third century.

[9] Ann. xvi. 18.


[1] Suetonius calls him _Novocomensis_. He himself speaks of Catullus as
his own _conterraneus_, from which it has been inferred by some that he
was born at Verona (N. H. Praef.). His full name is C. Plinius Secundus.

[2] _Dubii Sermonis_, sometimes named _De Difficilibus Linguae Latinae_.

[3] _De Iaculatione Equestri_.

[4] Ep. vi. 16.

[5] Plin. vi. 20.

[6] Ib. iii. 5.

[7] Plin. N. H. ii. 1.

[8] Some have supposed that he lived much later, till 118 A.D., but this
is improbable.

[9] Referred to in the proemium to Book VI. Some have thought it the work
we possess, and which is usually ascribed to Tacitus, but without reason.

[10] _De Institutione Oratoria_.

[11] See Appendix.

[12] Plin. vi. 32.

[13] Juv. iv. 75.

[14] Juv. vii. 186. Pliny gave him L400 towards his daughter's dowry, a
proof that, though he might be well off, he could not be considered rich.

[15] Mr. Parker told the writer that it was impossible to overrate the
accuracy of Frontinus, and his extraordinary clearness of description,
which he had found an invaluable guide in many laborious and minute
investigations on the water-supply of ancient Rome.

[16] He is named by St Aug. _De Util. Cred._ 17.


[1] In the single ancient codex of the Vatican, at the end of the second
book we read _C. Val. Fl. Balbi explicit_, Lib. II.; at the end of the
fourth book, _C, Val. Fl. Setini_, Lib. IV. _explicit;_ at the end of the
seventh, _C. Val. Fl. Setini Argonauticon_, Lib. VII. _explicit._ The
obscurity of these names has caused some critics to doubt whether they
really belonged to the poet.

[2] Mart. I. 61-4.

[3] I. 5.

[4] X. i. 90.

[5] So Dodwell, _Annal Quintil._

[6] i. 7, _sqq._

[7] _E.g._, of Titus storming Jerusalem (i. 13),

"Solymo nigrantem pulvere fratem
Spargentemque faces, et in omni turre furentem."

[8] iv. 508; cf. iv. 210.

[9] Ep. III. 7.

[10] Ren. i. 535.

[11] ix. 491.

[12] See Silv. V. iii. _passim_. This poem is a good instance of an

[13] Ib. II. ii. 6.

[14] Ib. III. v. 52.

[15] Ib. III. v. 28; cf. IV. ii 65.

[16] Quint. III. vii. 4.

[17] Ib. III. v. 31.

[18] Silv. IV. ii. 65.

[19] For a brilliant and interesting essay on the two Statii, the reader
is referred to Nisard, _Poetes de la Decadence_, vol. I. p. 303.

[20] The fifth book is unfinished. Probably he did not care to recur to it
after leaving Rome.

[21] Silv. I. ii. 95.

[22] Book II. part II. ch. i.

[23] Sat. I. iv. 73.

[24] Pont. IV. ii. 34; Trist. III. xiv. 39.

[25] Laetam fecit cum Statius Urbem Promisitque diem, Juv. vii. 86.

[26] Esurit intactam Paridi nisi vendit Agaven, Juv. ib.

[27] _Bis senos vigilata per annos_, Theb. xii. 811.

[28] Theb. vii. 435, quoted by Nisard.

[29] "The land on the other side."

[30] The reader is referred to an article on the later Roman epos by
Conington, _Posthumous Works_, vol. i. p. 348.

[31] Aen. vi. 413.

[32] Phars. i. 56.

[33] Theb. i. 17; Ach. i. 19.

[34] Theb. xii. 815.

[35] As i. 49, 3; iv. 55, 11, &c.

[36] In x. 24, 4, he tells us he is fifty-six; in x. 104, 9, written at
Rome, he says he has been away from Bilbilis 34 years. In xii. 31. 7, he
says his entire absence lasted 35 years. Now this was written in 100 A.D.

[37] iii. 94.

[38] v. 13.

[39] Nisard, p. 337.

[40] vii. 36.

[41] i. 77, &c.

[42] vii. 34.

[43] vii. 21.

[44] iv. 22.

[45] xi. 104.

[46] ii. 92, 3.

[47] So it is inferred from xii. 31.

[48] xii. 21.

[49] iii. 21.

[50] They will be found in Epig. x. 19.

[51] v. 37.

[52] See esp. ix. 48, as compared with Juv. ii. 1-30.

[53] x. 2.

[54] Mart. xi. 10.

[55] Mart. ix. 9.

[56] Ep. ix. 19, 1.

[57] Ep. iii. 1.

[58] x. 35, 1.

[59] _E.g._ The description of Domitian: qui res Romanas imperat inter,
_Non trabe sed tergo prolapsus_ et ingluvie albus. The underlined
expression is an imitation of Aristophanes' Nub. 1275, _ouk apo dokou all'
ap' onou_, _i.e. apo nou_, "He fell not from a beam, but from a donkey."

[60] Juv. i. 2.

[61] Ib. 3, _recitaverit_ ille togatas, &c.


[1] Como.

[2] Juv. i. 49.

[3] The correspondence dates from 97 to 108 A.D.

[4] x. 96 (97).

[5] This refers to the malicious charges of acts of cruelty performed at
the common meal, often brought against the early believers.

[6] Probably deaconesses.

[7] Ep. II. 13, 4.

[8] Ep. II. 11, 19.

[9] Ep. V. 5, 1.

[10] Ep. VII, 31, 5.

[11] Ep. VI. 15.

[12] An exhaustive list of these minor authors will be found in Teuffel, S

[13] iii. 3l9.

[14] It runs: Cereri sacrum D. Junius Juvenalis tribunus cohortis I.
Delmatarum, II. vir quinquennalis flamen Divi Vespasiani vovit
dedicavitque sua pecunia. See Teuffel, S 326.

[15] Perhaps vii. 90.

[16] xv. 45.

[17] So, at least, says the author of the statement. But the cohort of
which Juvenal was prefect was in Britain A.D. 124 under Hadrian. See

[18] _Nuper_ console Junco, xv. 27. Others read _Junio_.

[19] Coleridge's definition of poetry as "the best words in their right
places" may be fitly alluded to here. It occurs in the _Table Talk_.

[20] iv. 128; viii. 6, 7; xv. 75.

[21] Except in his poorer satires; certainly never in i. ii. iii. iv. vi.
vii. viii.

[22] The close intimacy between Juvenal and Martial is no great testimony
in favour of Juvenal. See Mart. vii. 24.

[23] iii. 61; cf. vi. 186, _sqq._

[24] Cum perimit saevos classis numerosa tyrannos, vii. 151.

[25] Sat. iv.

[26] Ib. vii. 1-24.

[27] Experiar quid concedatur in illos Quorum Flaminia tegitur cinis atque
Latina, i. 170.

[28] x. 66.

[29] viii. 147.

[30] x. 147, _sqq._

[31] iii. 61, 87, 7.

[32] vii. pass.

[33] i. 32, 158.

[34] vii. 16.

[35] iii. 77-104.

[36] vi. 562, et al.

[37] See especially iii. 30-44.

[38] References, allusions, and imitations of Virgil occur in most of the
Satires. For reminiscences of Lucan, cf. Juv. i. 18, 89; xii. 97, 8; with
Phars. i. 457; viii. 543; ix. 781, 2.

[39] His praenomen is uncertain; some think it was _Publius_.

[40] N. H. vii. 17.

[41] Hist. i. 1.

[42] Agr. 45.

[43] A. iv. 20.

[44] A. xiv. 12.

[45] De Or. 2.

[46] Ep. vii. 20, 4.

[47] Ep. ii. 1, 6.

[48] Ch. 29 especially, seems an echo of Quintilian.

[49] _E.g._ Pallentem Famam, ch. 13. The expression--Augustus eloquentiam
sient cetera _pacaverat_; and that so admirably paraphrased by Pitt (ch.
36), Magna eloquentia, sicat flamma, materia alitur et motibus excitatur
et urendo clarescit.

[50] Ch. 3.

[51] Esp. ch. 10, 11.

[52] Notably the history of the Jews. Hist. v.

[53] Ann. iv. 32.

[54] De Bury, _Les Femmes de l'Empire_.


[1] For an excellent account of this inconstant prince see his biography
by Aelius Spartianus, who preserves other poems of his.

[2] Cf. Dom. 12, Interfuisse me _adolescentulum_ memini cum inspiceretur
senex (a Domitiano). From Gram. 4, Ner. 57, as compared with this, we
should infer that he was about fifteen in the year 90.

[3] Ep. i. 18.

[4] Ep. iii. 8.

[5] Paneg. Traj. 95.

[6] Ep. i. 24.

[7] _E.g._ Fronto writing under Antoninus mentions him as still living.

[8] Hist. Var. 6, 874-896 (Roth).

[9] De Spect. 5.

[10] _Ad Aen._ 7, 612: Tria suntgenera trabearum; nuum diis sacratum, quod
est tantum de purpura; aliud regum, quod est purpureum, habet tanem album
aliquid; tertium augurale de purpura et cocco. The other passage (_Ad
Aen._ 2, 683) describes the different priestly caps, the _apex_, the
_tubulus_, and the _galerus_.

[11] Etym. 18, 2, 3.

[12] Perhaps the word _Stemma_ should be supplied before _syngenikon_.

[13] In one MS. is appended to Suetonius's works a list of grammatical
observations called _Differentiae sermonum Remmi Palaemonis ex libro
Suetoni Tranquilli qui inscribitur Pratum_. Roth prints these, but does
not believe them genuine.

[14] It will be found _Ner._ 47-49.

[15] Qualis artifex pereo.

[16] Many of these ejaculations are in Greek. On this see note i. p. 37.

[17] Usually (from the Cod. Bamberg.) Julius Florus; but Mommsen considers
this a corruption.

[18] Riese, _Anthol. Lat._ p. 168-70; ib. No. 87, p. 101. Some have
ascribed the _Pervigilium Veneris_ to him.

[19] ii. 1.

[20] See back page 331.

[22] Dio. xl. 5, 20.

[23] For these writers, see Teuff. S 345.

[24] i. 4, 1.

[25] He speaks of having learnt from him _to epistasthai oti hae
turannikae baskania kai poikilia kai hypokrisis kai oti os epipan oi
kaloumenoi outoi par aemin Eupatridai astorgoteroi pos eisin_.

[26] Paneg. Constant. 14.

[27] Sat. V. 1.

[28] _Siccum_. This shows more acumen than we should have expected from

[29] Ep. ad M. Caes ii. 1.

[30] In complaining of fate, he suddenly breaks off with the words: _Fata
a fando appellata aiunt; hoccine est recte fari?_ S 7.

[31] On this see a fuller account, pp. 478, 474.

[32] Some of the more interesting chapters in his work may be referred
to:--On religion, i. 7; iv. 9; iv. 11; v. 12; vi. 1. On law, iv. 3; iv. 4;
iv. 5; v. 19; vii. 15; x. 20. On Virgil, i. 23; ii. 3; ii. 4; v. 8; vi. 6;
vii. 12; vii. 20; ix. 9; x. 16; xiii. 1; xiii. 20. On Sallust, i. 15; ii.
27; iii. 1; iv. 15; x. 20. On Ennius, iv. 7; vii. 2; xi. 4; xviii. 5.

[33] And those often rare ones, as _solitavisse_.

[34] _E.g._ in vii. 17, where he poses a grammarian as to the
signification of _obnoxius_. Compare also xiv. 5, on the vocative of

[35] See xiv. 6.

[36] See iv. 9.

[37] See esp. xix. 9.

[38] _E.g._ iv. 1.

[39] Especially iv. 7; v. 21; vii. 7, 9, 11; xvi. 14; xviii. 8, 9.

[40] xviii. 5.

[41] Civ. Dei. ix. 4.

[42] Teuffel, S 356.

[43] Note 1, p. 466.

[44] xix. 11.

[45] The personal taste of the emperors now greatly helped to form style.
This should not be forgotten in criticising the works of this period.

[46] Such is Teuffel's opinion, following Buchelor, L. L. S 358.

[47] P. 1414.

[48] This date is adopted by Charpentier. Teuffel (L. L. S 362, 2)
inclines to a later date, 125 A.D.

[49] Apol. 23.

[50] Sometimes called _De Magia_.

[51] The word _paupertas_ must be used in a limited sense, as it is by
Horace, _pauperemque dives me petit_; or else we must suppose that
Apuleius had squandered his fortune in his travels.

[52] The case was tried before the Proconsul Claudius Maximus.

[53] It will be found Metam. iv. 28--vi. 24.

[54] Apuleius himself (i. 1) calls it a _Milesian tale_ (see App. to ch.
3). These are very generally condemned by the classical writers. But there
is no doubt they were very largely read _sub rosa_. When Crassus was
defeated in Parthia, the king Surenas is reported to have been greatly
struck with the licentious novels which the Roman officers read during the

[55] St Augustine fully believed that he and Apollonius of Tyana were
workers of (demoniacal) miracles.


[1] The reader is referred to Champagny, _Les Cesars_, vols. iii. and iv;
Martha, _Les Moralistes romaines_; Gaston Boissier, _Les Antonins_;
Charpentier, _Ecrivains latins sous l'Empire_.

[2] The declaimers of _Suaseriae_ in praise of the heroes of old were
contemptuously styled _Marathonouachos_.

[3] Delivered by Fronto.

[4] One, irritated that the Emperor Antoninus did not bow to him in the
theatre, called out, "Caesar! do you not see me?"

[5] Inst. Div. iii. 23.

[6] Dio. xvii. p. 464.

[7] Id. xii. p. 397.

[8] Epictetus (Dissert. iii. 26) uses the very word--_theoi diakonoi ko
martyres_. Christianity hallowed this term, as it did so many others.

[9] See Juvenal: Gallia causidicos docuit facunda Britannos De conducende
loquitur iam rhetore Thule, xv. 1112.

[10] Dissert. i. 9.

[11] Tac. Hist. iii. 81.

[12] Plut. _De Defect. Orac._ p. 410.

[13] Vit. Apol. iv. 40.

[14] Jampridem Syrus in Tiberim defluxit Orontes, Juv. iii. 52.

[15] Decernat quodcunque volet de corpore nostro Isis, Id. xiii. 93.

[16] Herm. 24.

[17] De deo Socr. 3.

[18] _E.g._ Those of Greece are cheerful for the most part, those of Egypt

[19] He was an African, it will be remembered.


[1] From the _Romische Zeittafeln_ of Dr E. W. Fischer, and from Clinton,
_Fasti Hellenici_ and _Romani_. Only those dates which are tolerably
certain are given.

[2] Clinton places his birth in 193; but see Teuff. S 97, 6.

[3] Others place this event in 109 B.C.

[4] Others place this event in 55 B.C.

[5] Or, perhaps, in 24 B.C.

[6] Jerome places it in 13 A.D.

[7] The most convenient and accessible are here recommended, not the most
complete or exhaustive. For these the reader is referred to Teuffel's
work, from which several of those here mentioned are taken.

[8] Some of these questions are taken from University Examinations, some
also from Mr. Gantillon's Classical Examination Papers.

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