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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume 14 by Robert Kerr

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An Account of a Voyage towards the South Pole, and round the World,
performed in his Majesty's ships the Resolution and Adventure, in the Years
1772, 3, 4, and 5: Written by James Cook, Commander of the Resolution.

General Introduction

I. From our departure from England to leaving the Society Isles the
first time.

I. Passage from Deptford to the Cape of Good Hope, with an Account of
several Incidents that happened by the Way, and Transactions there.

II. Departure from the Cape of Good Hope, in search of a Southern

III. Sequel of the Search for a Southern Continent, between the
Meridian of the Cape of Good Hope and New Zealand; with an Account of
the Separation of the two Ships, and the Arrival of the Resolution in
Dusky Bay.

IV. Transactions in Dusky Bay, with an Account of several Interviews
with the Inhabitants.

V. Directions for sailing in and out of Dusky Bay, with an Account of
the adjacent Country, its Produce, and Inhabitants: Astronomical and
Nautical Observations.

VI. Passage from Dusky Bay to Queen Charlotte's Sound, with an Account
of some Water Spouts, and of our joining the Adventure.

VII. Captain Furneaux's Narrative, from the Time the two Ships were
separated, to their joining again in Queen Charlotte's Sound, with
some Account of Van Diemen's Land.

VIII. Transactions in Queen Charlotte's Sound, with some Remarks on
the Inhabitants.

IX. Route from New Zealand to Otaheite, with an Account of some low
Islands, supposed to be the same that were seen by M. de Bougainville.

X. Arrival of the Ships at Otaheite, with an Account of the critical
Situation they were in, and of several Incidents that happened while
they lay in Oaiti-piha Bay.

XI. An Account of several Visits to and from Otoo; of Goats being left
on the Island; and many other Particulars which happened while the
Ships lay in Matavai Bay.

XII. An Account of the Reception we met with at Huaheine, with the
Incidents that happened while the Ships lay there; and of Omai, one of
the Natives, coming away in the Adventure,

XIII. Arrival at, and Departure of the Ships from, Ulietea: With an
Account of what happened there, and of Oedidee, one of the Natives,
coming away in the Resolution.

XIV. An Account of a Spanish Ship visiting Otaheite; the present State
of the Islands; with some Observations on the Diseases and Customs of
the Inhabitants; and some Mistakes concerning the Women corrected.

II. From our Departure from the Society Isles, to our Return to and leaving
them the second Time.

I. Passage from Ulietea to the Friendly Islands, with an Account of
the Discovery of Hervey's Island, and the Incidents that happened at

II. The Arrival of the Ships at Amsterdam; a Description of a Place of
Worship; and an Account of the Incidents which happened while we
remained at that Island.

III. A Description of the Islands and their Produce; with the
Cultivation, Houses, Canoes, Navigation, Manufactures, Weapons,
Customs, Government, Religion, and Language of the Inhabitants.

IV. Passage from Amsterdam to Queen Charlotte's Sound, with an Account
of an Interview with the Inhabitants, and the final Separation of the
two Ships.

V. Transactions at Queen Charlotte's Sound; with an Account of the
Inhabitants being Cannibals; and various other Incidents.--Departure
from the Sound, and our Endeavours to find the Adventure; with some
Description of the Coast.

VI. Route of the Ship from New Zealand in Search of a Continent; with
an Account of the various Obstructions met with from the Ice, and the
Methods pursued to explore the Southern Pacific Ocean.

VII. Sequel of the Passage from New Zealand to Easter Island, and
Transactions there, with an Account of an Expedition to discover the
Inland Part of the Country, and a Description of some of the
surprising gigantic Statues found in the Island.

VIII. A Description of the Island, and its Produce, Situation, and
Inhabitants; their Manners, and Customs; Conjectures concerning their
Government, Religion, and other Subjects; with a more particular
Account of the gigantic Statues.

IX. The Passage from Easter Island to the Marquesas Islands.
Transactions and Incidents which happened while the Ship lay in Madre
de Dios, or Resolution Bay, in the Island of St Christina.

X. Departure from the Marquesas; a Description of the Situation,
Extent, Figure, and Appearance of the several Islands; with some
Account of the Inhabitants, their Customs, Dress, Habitations, Food,
Weapons, and Canoes.

XI. A Description of several Islands discovered, or seen in the
Passage from the Marquesas to Otaheite; with an Account of a Naval

XII. Some Account of a Visit from Otoo, Towha, and several other
Chiefs; also of a Robbery committed by one of the Natives, and its
Consequences, with general Observations on the Subject.

XIII. Preparations to leave the Island. Another Naval Review, and
various other Incidents; with some Account of the Island, its Naval
Force, and Number of Inhabitants.

XIV. The Arrival of the Ship at the Island of Huaheine; with an
Account of an Expedition into the Island, and several other Incidents
which happened while she lay there.

XV. Arrival at Ulietea; with an Account of the Reception we met with
there, and the several Incidents which happened during our Stay. A
Report of two Ships being at Huaheine. Preparations to leave the
island, and the Regret the Inhabitants shewed on the Occasion. The
Character of Oedidee; with some general Observations on the Islands.

III. From Ulietea to New Zealand.

I. Passage from Ulietea to the Friendly Isles, with a Description of
several Islands that were discovered, and the Incidents which happened
in that Track.

II. Reception at Anamocka; a Robbery and its Consequences, with a
Variety of other Incidents. Departure from the Island. A sailing Canoe
described. Some Observations on the Navigation of these Islanders. A
Description of the Island, and of those in the Neighbourhood, with
some Account of the Inhabitants, and nautical Remarks.

III. The Passage from the Friendly Isles to the New Hebrides, with an
Account of the Discovery of Turtle Island, and a Variety of Incidents
which happened, both before and after the Ship arrived in Port
Sandwich, in the Island of Mallicollo. A Description of the Port, the
adjacent Country, its Inhabitants, and many other Particulars.

IV. An Account of the Discovery of several Islands, and an Interview
and Skirmish with the Inhabitants upon one of them. The Arrival of the
Ship at Tanna, and the Reception we met with there.

V. An Intercourse established with the Natives; some Account of the
Island, and a Variety of Incidents that happened during our Stay at

VI. Departure from Tanna; with some Account of its Inhabitants,
their Manners and Arts.

VII. The survey of the Islands continued, and a more particular
Description of them.

VIII. An Account of the Discovery of New Caledonia, and the Incidents
that happened while the Ship lay in Balade.

IX. A Description of the Country and its Inhabitants; their Manners,
Customs, and Arts.

X. Proceedings on the Coast of New Caledonia, with Geographical and
Nautical Observations.

XI. Sequel of the Passage from New Caledonia to New Zealand, with an
Account of the Discovery of Norfolk Island; and the Incidents that
happened while the Ship lay in Queen Charlotte's Sound.

IV. From leaving New Zealand to our Return to England.

I. The Run from New Zealand to Terra del Fuego, with the Range from
Cape Deseada to Christmas Sound, and Description of that Part of the

II. Transactions in Christmas Sound, with an Account of the Country
and its Inhabitants.





Whether the unexplored part of the Southern Hemisphere be only an immense
mass of water, or contain another continent, as speculative geography
seemed to suggest, was a question which had long engaged the attention, not
only of learned men, but of most of the maritime powers of Europe.

To put an end to all diversity of opinion about a matter so curious and
important, was his majesty's principal motive in directing this voyage to
be undertaken, the history of which is now submitted to the public.[1]

But, in order to give the reader a clear idea of what has been done in it,
and to enable him to judge more accurately, how far the great object that
was proposed, has been obtained, it will be necessary to prefix a short
account of the several voyages which have been made on discoveries to the
Southern Hemisphere, prior to that which I had lately the honour to
conduct, and which I am now going to relate.

The first who crossed the vast Pacific Ocean, was Ferdinand Magalhaens, a
Portuguese, who, in the service of Spain, sailed from Seville, with five
ships, on the 10th of April, 1519. He discovered the straits which bear his
name; and having passed through them, on the 27th of November, 1520,
entered the South Pacific Ocean.

In this sea he discovered two uninhabited islands, whose situations are not
well known. He afterwards crossed the Line; discovered the Ladrone Islands;
and then proceeded to the Phillipines, in one of which he was killed in a
skirmish with the natives.

His ship, called the Victory, was the first that circumnavigated the globe;
and the only one of his squadron that surmounted the dangers and distresses
which attended this heroic enterprise.[2]

The Spaniards, after Magalhaens had shewed them the way, made several
voyages from America to the westward, previous to that of Alvaro Mendana De
Neyra, in 1595, which is the first that can be traced step by step. For the
antecedent expeditions are not handed down to us with much precision.

We know, however, in general, that, in them, New Guinea, the islands called
Solomon's, and several others, were discovered.

Geographers differ greatly concerning the situation of the Solomon Islands.
The most probable opinion is, that they are the cluster which comprises
what has since been called New Britain, New Ireland, &c.[3]

On the 9th of April, 1595, Mendana, with intention to settle these islands,
sailed from Callao, with four ships; and his discoveries in his route to
the west, were the Marquesas, in the latitude of 10 deg. S.; the island of St
Bernardo, which I take to be the same that Commodore Byron calls the Island
of Danger; after that, Solitary Island, in the latitude of 10 deg. 40' S.,
longitude 178 deg. W.; and, lastly, Santa Cruz, which is undoubtedly the same
that Captain Carteret calls Egmont Island.

In this last island, Mendana, with many of his companions, died; and the
shattered remains of the squadron were conducted to Manilla, by Pedro
Fernandes de Quiros, the chief pilot.

This same Quiros was the first sent out, with the sole view of discovering
a southern continent, and, indeed, he seems to have been the first who had
any idea of the existence of one.

He sailed from Callao the 21st of December, 1605, as pilot of the fleet,
commanded by Luis Paz de Torres, consisting of two ships and a tender; and
steering to the W.S.W., on the 26th of January, 1606. being then, by their
reckoning, a thousand Spanish leagues from the coast of America, they
discovered a small low island in latitude 26 deg. S. Two days after, they
discovered another that was high, with a plain on the top. This is probably
the same that Captain Carteret calls Pitcairn's Island.

After leaving these islands, Quiros seems to have directed his course to
W.N.W. and N.W. to 10 deg. or 11 deg. S. latitude, and then westward, till he
arrived at the Bay of St Philip and Jago, in the Island of Tierra del
Espirito Santo. In this route be discovered several islands; probably some
of those that have been seen by later navigators.

On leaving the bay of St Philip and St Jago, the two ships were separated.
Quiros, with the Capitana, stood to the north, and returned to New Spain,
after having suffered greatly for want of provisions and water. Torres,
with the Almiranta and the tender, steered to the west, and seems to have
been the first who sailed between New Holland and New Guinea.[4]

The next attempt to make discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean, was
conducted by Le Maire and Schouten. They sailed from the Texel, on the 14th
of June, 1615, with the ships Concord and Horn. The latter was burnt by
accident in Port Desire. With the other they discovered the straits that
bear the name of Le Maire, and were the first who ever entered the Pacific
Ocean, by the way of Cape Horn.

They discovered the island of Dogs, in latitude 15 deg. 15' S., longitude 136 deg.
30' W.; Sondre Grondt in 15 deg. S. latitude, and 143 deg. 10' W. longitude;
Waterland in 14 deg. 46' S., and 144 deg. 10' W.; and twenty-five leagues westward
of this, Fly Island, in latitude 15 deg. 20'; Traitor's and Coco's Islands, in
latitude 15 deg. 43' S., longitude 173 deg. 13' W.; two degrees more to the
westward, the isle of Hope; and in the latitude of 14 deg. 56' S., longitude
179 deg. 30' E., Horn Island.

They next coasted the north side of New Britain and New Guinea, and arrived
at Batavia in October, 1616.[5]

Except some discoveries on the western and northern coasts of New Holland,
no important voyage to the Pacific Ocean was undertaken till 1642, when
Captain Tasman sailed from Batavia, with two ships belonging to the Dutch
East India Company, and discovered Van Diemen's Land; a small part of the
western coast of New Zealand; the Friendly Isles; and those called Prince

Thus far I have thought it best not to interrupt the progress of discovery
in the South Pacific Ocean, otherwise I should before have mentioned, that
Sir Richard Hawkins in 1594, being about fifty leagues to the eastward of
the river Plate, was driven by a storm to the eastward of his intended
course, and when the weather grew moderate, steering towards the Straits of
Magalhaens, he unexpectedly fell in with land, about sixty leagues of which
he coasted, and has very particularly described. This he named Hawkins's
Maiden Land, in honour of his royal mistress, Queen Elizabeth, and says it
lies some threescore leagues from the nearest part of South America.

This land was afterwards discovered to be two large islands, by Captain
John Strong, of the Farewell, from London, who, in 1689, passed through the
strait which divides the eastern from the western of those islands. To this
strait he gave the name of Falkland's Sound, in honour of his patron Lord
Falkland; and the name has since been extended, through inadvertency, to
the two islands it separates.

Having mentioned these islands, I will add, that future navigators will
mis-spend their time, if they look for Pepy's Island in 47 deg. S.; it being
now certain, that Pepy's Island is no other than these islands of

In April, 1675, Anthony la Roche, an English merchant, in his return from
the South Pacific Ocean, where he had been on a trading voyage, being
carried by the winds and currents, far to the east of Strait Le Maire, fell
in with a coast, which may possibly be the same with that which I visited
during this voyage, and have called the Island of Georgia.

Leaving this land, and sailing to the north, La Roche, in the latitude of
45 deg. S., discovered a large island, with a good port towards the eastern
part, where he found wood, water, and fish.

In 1699, that celebrated astronomer, Dr Edmund Halley, was appointed to the
command of his majesty's ship the Paramour Pink, on an expedition for
improving the knowledge of the longitude, and of the variation of the
compass; and for discovering the unknown lands supposed to lie in the
southern part of the Atlantic Ocean. In this voyage he determined the
longitude of several places; and, after his return, constructed his
variation-chart, and proposed a method of observing the longitude at sea,
by means of the appulses and occultations of the fixed stars. But, though
he so successfully attended to the two first articles of his instructions,
he did not find any unknown southern land.[8]

The Dutch, in 1721, fitted out three ships to make discoveries in the South
Pacific Ocean, under the command of Admiral Roggewein. He left the Texel on
the 21st of August, and arriving in that ocean, by going round Cape Horn,
discovered Easter Island, probably seen before, though not visited, by
Davies;[9] then between 14 deg. 41' and 15 deg. 47' S. latitude, and between the
longitude of 142 deg. and 150 deg. W., fell in with several other islands, which I
take to be some of those seen by the late English navigators. He next
discovered two islands in latitude 15 deg. S., longitude 170 deg. W., which he
called Baumen's Islands; and, lastly, Single Island, in latitude 13 deg. 41'
S., longitude 171 deg. 30' W. These three islands are, undoubtedly, the same
that Bougainville calls the Isles of Navigators.[10]

In 1738, the French East India Company sent Lozier Bouvet with two ships,
the Eagle and Mary, to make discoveries in the South Atlantic Ocean. He
sailed from Port L'Orient on the 19th of July in that year; touched at the
island of St Catherine; and from thence shaped his course towards the

On the 1st of January, 1739, he discovered land, or what he judged to be
land, in latitude 54 deg. S., longitude 11 deg. E. It will appear in the course of
the following narrative, that we made several attempts to find this land
without success. It is, therefore, very probable, that what Bouvet saw was
nothing more than a large ice-island. From hence he stood to the east, in
51 deg. of latitude to 35 deg. of E. longitude: After which the two ships
separated, one going to the island of Mauritius, and the other returning to

After this voyage of Bouvet, the spirit of discovery ceased, till his
present majesty formed a design of making discoveries, and exploring the
southern hemisphere; and, in the year 1764, directed it to be put in

Accordingly Commodore Byron, having under his command the Dolphin and
Tamer, sailed from the Downs on the 21st of June the same year; and having
visited the Falkland Islands, passed through the Straits of Magalhaens into
the Pacific Ocean, where he discovered the islands of Disappointment,
George's, Prince of Wales's, the isles of Danger, York Island, and Byron

He returned to England the 9th of May, 1766, and, in the month of August
following, the Dolphin was again sent out under the command of Captain
Wallis, with the Swallow, commanded by Captain Carteret.

They proceeded together, till they came to the west end of the Straits of
Magalhaens, and the Great South Sea in sight, where they were separated.

Captain Wallis directed his course more westerly than any navigator had
done before him in so high a latitude; but met with no land till he got
within the tropic, where he discovered the islands of Whitsunday, Queen
Charlotte, Egmont, Duke of Gloucester, Duke of Cumberland, Maitea,
Otaheite, Eimeo, Tapamanou, How, Scilly, Boscawen, Keppel, and Wallis; and
returned to England in May, 1768.

His companion Captain Carteret kept a different route, in which he
discovered the islands of Osnaburg, Gloucester, Queen Charlotte's Isles,
Carteret's, Gower's, and the strait between New Britain and New Ireland;
and returned to England in March, 1769.

In November, 1766, Commodore Bougainville sailed from France in the frigate
La Boudeuse, with the store-ship L'Etoile. After spending some time on the
coast of Brazil, and at Falkland's Islands, he got into the Pacific Sea by
the Straits of Magalhaens, in January, 1768.

In this ocean he discovered the Four Facardines, the isle of Lanciers, and
Harp Island, which I take to be the same that I afterwards named Lagoon,
Thrum Cap, and Bow Island. About twenty leagues farther to the west he
discovered four other islands; afterwards fell in with Maitea, Otaheite,
isles of Navigators, and Forlorn Hope, which to him were new discoveries.
He then passed through between the Hebrides, discovered the Shoal of Diana,
and some others, the land of Cape Deliverance, several islands more to the
north, passed the north of New Ireland, touched at Batavia, and arrived in
France in March, 1769.

This year was rendered remarkable by the transit of the planet Venus over
the sun's disk, a phenomenon of great importance to astronomy; and which
every-where engaged the attention of the learned in that science.

In the beginning of the 1768, the Royal Society presented a memorial to his
majesty, setting forth the advantages to be derived from accurate
observations of this transit in different parts of the world; particularly
from a set of such observations made in a southern latitude, between the
140th and 130th degrees of longitude, west from the Royal Observatory at
Greenwich; and that vessels, properly equipped, would be necessary to
convey the observers to their destined stations; but that the society were
in no condition to defray the expence of such an undertaking.

In consequence of this memorial, the Admiralty were directed by his majesty
to provide proper vessels for this purpose. Accordingly, the Endeavour
bark, which had been built for the coal-trade, was purchased and fitted out
for the southern voyage, and I was honoured with the command of her. The
Royal Society, soon after, appointed me, in conjunction with Mr Charles
Green the astronomer, to make the requisite observations on the transit.

It was at first intended to perform this great, and now a principal
business of our voyage, either at the Marquesas, or else at one of those
islands which Tasman had called Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and Middleburg, now
better known under the name of the Friendly Islands. But while the
Endeavour was getting ready for the expedition, Captain Wallis returned
from his voyage round the world, in the course of which he had discovered
several islands in the South Sea; and, amongst others, Otaheite. This
island was preferred to any of those before mentioned, on account of the
conveniences it afforded; because its place had been well ascertained, and
found to be extremely well suited to our purpose.

I was therefore ordered to proceed directly to Otaheite; and after
astronomical observations should be completed, to prosecute the design of
making discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean, by proceeding to the south
as far as the latitude of 40 deg.; then, if I found no land, to proceed to the
west between 40 deg. and 35 deg., till I fell in with New Zealand, which I was to
explore; and thence to return to England by such route as I should think

In the prosecution of these instructions, I sailed from Deptford the 30th
July, 1768; from Plymouth the 26th of August, touched at Madeira, Rio de
Janeiro, and Straits Le Maire, and entered the South Pacific Ocean by Cape
Horn in January the following year.

I endeavoured to make a direct course to Otaheite, and in part succeeded;
but I made no discovery till I got within the tropic, where I fell in with
Lagoon Island, Two Groups, Bird Island, Chain Island; and on the 13th of
April arrived at Otaheite, where I remained three months, during which time
the observations on the transit were made.

I then left it; discovered and visited the Society Isles and Oheteroa;
thence proceeded to the south till I arrived in the latitude of 40 deg. 22',
longitude 147 deg. 29' W.; and, on the 6th of October, fell in with the east
side of New Zealand.

I continued exploring the coast of this country till the 31st of March,
1770, when I quitted it, and proceeded to New Holland; and having surveyed
the eastern coast of that vast country, which part had not before been
visited, I passed between its northern extremity and New Guinea, landed on
the latter, touched at the island of Savu, Batavia, the Cape of Good Hope,
and St Helena,[12] and arrived in England on the 12th of July, 1771.

In this voyage I was accompanied by Mr Banks and Dr Solander; the first a
gentleman of ample fortune; the other an accomplished disciple of Linnaeus,
and one of the librarians of the British Museum; both of them distinguished
in the learned world, for their extensive and accurate knowledge of natural
history. These gentlemen, animated by the love of science, and by a desire
to pursue their enquiries in the remote regions I was preparing to visit,
desired permission to make a voyage with me. The Admiralty readily complied
with a request that promised such advantage to the republic of letters.
They accordingly embarked with me, and participated in all the dangers and
sufferings of our tedious and fatiguing navigation.

The voyages of Messrs de Surville, Kerguelen, and Marion, of which some
account is given in the following work, did not come to my knowledge time
enough to afford me any advantage; and as they have not been communicated
to the world in a public way, I can say little about them, or about two
other voyages, which, I am told, have been made by the Spaniards; one to
Easter Island in the year 1769, and the other to Otaheite in 1775.[13]

Before I begin my narrative of the expedition entrusted to my care, it will
be necessary to add here some account of its equipment, and of some other
matters equally interesting, connected with my subject.

Soon after my return home in the Endeavour, it was resolved to equip two
ships, to complete the discovery of the Southern Hemisphere. The nature of
this voyage required ships of a particular construction, and the Endeavour
being gone to Falkland's Isles as a store-ship, the Navy-board was directed
to purchase two such ships as were most suitable for this service.

At this time various opinions were espoused by different people, touching
the size and kind of vessels most proper for such a voyage. Some were for
having large ships, and proposed those of forty guns, or East India
Company's ships. Others preferred large good sailing frigates, or three-
decked ships, employed in the Jamaica trade, fitted with round-houses. But
of all that was said and offered to the Admiralty's consideration on this
subject, as far as has come to my knowledge, what, in my opinion, was most
to the purpose, was suggested by the Navy-board.

As the kind of ships most proper to be employed on discoveries, is a very
interesting consideration to the adventurers in such undertakings, it may
possibly be of use to those, who, in future, may be so employed, to give
here the purport of the sentiments of the Navy-board thereon, with whom,
after the experience of two voyages of three years each, I perfectly agree.

The success of such undertakings as making discoveries in distant parts of
the world, will principally depend on the preparations being well adapted
to what ought to be the first considerations, namely, the preservation of
the adventurers and ships; and this will ever chiefly depend on the kind,
the size, and the properties of the ships chosen for the service.

These primary considerations will not admit of any other that may interfere
with the necessary properties of the ships. Therefore, in choosing the
ships, should any of the most advantageous properties be wanting, and the
necessary room in them, be in any degree diminished, for less important
purposes, such a step would be laying a foundation for rendering the
undertaking abortive in the first instance.

As the greatest danger to be apprehended and provided against, on a voyage
of discovery, especially to the most distant parts of the globe, is that of
the ship's being liable to be run a-ground on an unknown, desert, or
perhaps savage coast; so no consideration should be set in competition with
that of her being of a construction of the safest kind, in which the
officers may, with the least hazard, venture upon a strange coast. A ship
of this kind must not be of a great draught of water, yet of a sufficient
burden and capacity to carry a proper quantity of provisions and
necessaries for her complement of men, and for the time requisite to
perform the voyage.

She must also be of a construction that will bear to take the ground; and
of a size, which in case of necessity, may be safely and conveniently laid
on shore, to repair any accidental damage or defect. These properties are
not to be found in ships of war of forty guns, nor in frigates, nor in East
India Company's ships, nor in large three-decked West India ships, nor
indeed in any other but North-country-built ships, or such as are built for
the coal-trade, which are peculiarly adapted to this purpose.

In such a vessel an able sea-officer will be most venturesome, and better
enabled to fulfil his instructions, than he possibly can (or indeed than
would be prudent for him to attempt) in one of any other _sort_ or _size_.

Upon the whole, I am firmly of opinion, that no ships are so proper for
discoveries in distant unknown parts, as those constructed as was the
Endeavour, in which I performed my former voyage. For no ships of any other
kind can contain stores and provisions sufficient (in proportion to the
necessary number of men,) considering the length of time it will be
necessary they should last. And, even if another kind of ships could stow a
sufficiency, yet on arriving at the parts for discovery, they would still,
from the nature of their construction and size, be _less fit_ for the

Hence, it may be concluded, so little progress had been hitherto made in
discoveries in the Southern Hemisphere. For all ships which attempted it
before the Endeavour, were unfit for it; although the officers employed in
them had done the utmost in their power.

It was upon this consideration that the Endeavour was chosen for that
voyage. It was to those properties in her that those on board owed their
preservation; and hence we were enabled to prosecute discoveries in those
seas so much longer than any other ship ever did, or could do. And,
although discovery was not the first object of that voyage, I could venture
to traverse a far greater space of sea, til then unnavigated; to discover
greater tracts of country in high and low south latitudes, and to persevere
longer in exploring and surveying more correctly the extensive coasts of
those new-discovered countries, than any former navigator perhaps had done
during one voyage.

In short, these properties in the ships, with perseverance and resolution
in their commanders, will enable them to execute their orders; to go beyond
former discoverers; and continue to Britain the reputation of taking the
lead of nations, in exploring the globe.

These considerations concurring with Lord Sandwich's opinion on the same
subject, the Admiralty determined to have two such ships as are here
recommended. Accordingly two were purchased of Captain William Hammond of
Hull. They were both built at Whitby, by the same person who built the
Endeavour, being about fourteen or sixteen months old at the time they were
purchased, and were, in my opinion, as well adapted to the intended
service, as if they had been built for the purpose. The largest of the two
was four hundred and sixty-two tons burden. She was named Resolution, and
sent to Deptford to be equipped. The other was three hundred and thirty-six
tons burden. She was named Adventure, and sent to be equipped at Woolwich.

It was at first proposed to sheathe them with copper; but on considering
that copper corrodes the iron-work, especially about the rudder, this
intention was laid aside, and the old method of sheathing and fitting
pursued, as being the most secure; for although it is usual to make the
rudder-bands of the same composition, it is not, however, so durable as
iron, nor would it, I am well assured, last out such a voyage as the
Resolution performed.[14]

Therefore, till a remedy is found to prevent the effect of copper upon
iron-work, it would not be advisable to use it on a voyage of this kind,
as, the principal fastenings of the ship being iron, they may be destroyed.

On the 28th of November, 1771, I was appointed to the command of the
Resolution; and Tobias Furneaux (who had been second lieutenant with
Captain Wallis) was promoted, on this occasion, to the command of the

_Our Complements of Officers and Men were fixed, as in the following


_Officers and Men, Officers Names_

Captain (1) James Cook.
Lieutenants (3) Rob. P. Cooper, Charles Clerke, Richd. Pickersgill.

Master (1) Joseph Gilbert.
Boatswain (1) James Gray.
Carpenter (1) James Wallis.
Gunner (1) Robert Anderson.
Surgeon (1) James Patten.
Master's mates (3)
Midshipmen (6)
Surgeon's mates (2)
Captain's clerk (1)
Master at arms (1)
Corporal (1)
Armourer (1)
Ditto mate (1)
Sail-maker (1)
Boatswain's mate (3)
Carpenter's ditto (3)
Gunner's ditto (2)
Carpenter's crews (4)
Cook (1)
Ditto mate (1)
Quarter-masters (6)
Able seamen (45)

Lieutenant (1) John Edgecumbe.
Serjeant (1)
Corporals (2)
Drummer (1)
Privates (15)

Total, 112


_Officers and Men, Officers Names_

Captain (1) Tobias Furneaux.
Lieutenants (3) Joseph Shank, Arthur Kempe.

Master (1) Peter Fannin.
Boatswain (1) Edward Johns.
Carpenter (1) William Offord.
Gunner (1) Andrew Gloag.
Surgeon (1) Thos. Andrews.
Master's mate (2)
Midshipmen (4)
Surgeon's mates (2)
Captain's clerk (1)
Master at arms (1)
Ditto Mate (1)
Sail-maker (1)
Ditto Mate (1)
Boatswain's mate (1)
Carpenter's ditto (2)
Gunner's ditto (2)
Carpenter's crews (1)
Cook (4)
Ditto mate (1)
Quarter-masters (4)
Able seamen (33)

Lieutenant (1) James Scott.
Serjeant (1)
Corporals (1)
Drummer (1)
Privates (8)

Total, 81

I had all the reason in the world to be perfectly satisfied with the choice
of the officers. The second and third lieutenants, the lieutenant of
marines, two of the warrant officers, and several of the petty officers,
had been with me during the former voyage. The others were men of known
abilities; and all of them, on every occasion, shewed their zeal for the
service in which they were employed, during the whole voyage.

In the equipping of these ships, they were not confined to ordinary
establishments, but were fitted in the most complete manner, and supplied
with every extra article that was suggested to be necessary.

Lord Sandwich paid an extraordinary attention to this equipment, by
visiting the ships from time to time, to satisfy himself that the whole was
completed to his wish, and to the satisfaction of those who were to embark
in them.

Nor were the Navy and Victualling Boards wanting in providing them with the
very best of stores and provisions, and whatever else was necessary for so
long a voyage.--Some alterations were adopted in the species of provisions
usually made use of in the navy. That is, we were supplied with wheat in
lieu of so much oatmeal, and sugar in lieu of so much oil; and when
completed, each ship had two years and a half provisions on board, of all

We had besides many extra articles, such as _malt, sour krout, salted
cabbage, portable broth, saloup, mustard, marmalade of carrots, and
inspissated juice of wort and beer_. Some of these articles had before
been found to be highly antiscorbutic; and others were now sent out on
trial, or by way of experiment;--the inspissated juice of beer and wort,
and marmalade of carrots especially. As several of these antiscorbutic
articles are not generally known, a more particular account of them may not
be amiss.

Of _malt_ is made _sweet wort_, which is given to such persons as
have got the scurvy, or whose habit of body threatens them with it, from
one to five or six pints a-day, as the surgeon sees necessary.

_Sour krout_ is cabbage cut small, to which is put a little salt,
juniper berries, and anniseeds; it is then fermented, and afterwards close
packed in casks; in which state it will keep good a long time. This is a
wholesome vegetable food, and a great antiscorbutic. The allowance to each
man is two pounds a week, but I increased or diminished their allowance as
I thought proper.

_Salted cabbage_ is cabbage cut to pieces, and salted down in casks,
which will preserve it a long time.

_Portable broth_ is so well known, that it needs no description. We
were supplied with it both for the sick and well, and it was exceedingly

_Saloup_ and _rob of lemons_ and _oranges_ were for the sick
and scorbutic only, and wholly under the surgeon's care.

_Marmalade of carrots_ is the juice of yellow carrots, inspissated
till it is of the thickness of fluid honey, or treacle, which last it
resembles both in taste and colour. It was recommended by Baron Storsch, of
Berlin, as a very great antiscorbutic; but we did not find that it had much
of this quality.

For the _inspissated juice of wort_ and _beer_ we were indebted
to Mr Pelham, secretary to the commissioners of the victualling office.
This gentleman, some years ago, considered that if the juice of malt,
either as beer or wort, was inspissated by evaporation, it was probable
this inspissated juice would keep good at sea; and, if so, a supply of beer
might be had, at any time, by mixing it with water. Mr Pelham made several
experiments, which succeeded so well, that the commissioners caused thirty-
one half barrels of this juice to be prepared, and sent out with our ships
for trial; nineteen on board the Resolution, and the remainder on board the
Adventure. The success of the experiments will be mentioned in the
narrative, in the order as they were made.

The frame of a small vessel, twenty tons burthen, was properly prepared,
and put on board each of the ships to be set up (if found necessary) to
serve as tenders upon any emergency, or to transport the crew, in case the
ship was lost.

We were also well provided with fishing-nets, lines, and hooks of every
kind for catching of fish.--And, in order to enable us to procure
refreshments, in such inhabited parts of the world as we might touch at,
where money was of no value, the Admiralty caused to be put on board both
the ships, several articles of merchandize; as well to trade with the
natives for provisions, as to make them presents to gain their friendship
and esteem.

Their lordships also caused a number of medals to be struck, the one side
representing his majesty, and the other the two ships. These medals were to
be given to the natives of new-discovered countries, and left there as
testimonies of our being the first discoverers.

Some additional clothing, adapted to a cold climate, was put on board; to
be given to the seamen whenever it was thought necessary. In short, nothing
was wanting that could tend to promote the success of the undertaking, or
contribute to the conveniences and health of those who embarked in it.

The Admiralty shewed no less attention to science in general, by engaging
Mr William Hodges, a landscape painter, to embark in this voyage, in order
to make drawings and paintings of such places in the countries we should
touch at, as might be proper to give a more perfect, idea thereof, than
could be formed from written descriptions only.

And it being thought of public utility, that some person skilled in natural
history, should be engaged to accompany me in this voyage, the parliament
granted an ample sum for the purpose, and Mr John Reinhold Forster, with
his son, were pitched upon for this employment.[15]

The Board of Longitude agreed with Mr William Wales and Mr William Bayley,
to make astronomical observations; the former on board the Resolution, and
the latter on board the Adventure. The great improvements which astronomy
and navigation have met with from the many interesting observations they
have made, would have done honour to any person whose reputation for
mathematical knowledge was not so well known as theirs.

The same Board furnished them with the best instruments, for making both
astronomical and nautical observations and experiments; and likewise with
four time-pieces, or watch machines; three made by Mr Arnold, and one made
by Mr Kendal on Mr Harrison's principles. A particular account of the going
of these watches, as also the astronomical and nautical observations made
by the astronomers, has been before the public, by order of the Board of
Longitude, under the inspection of Mr Wales.[16]

Besides the obligation I was under to this gentleman for communicating to
me the observations he made, from time to time, during the voyage, I have
since been indebted to him for the perusal of his journal, with leave to
take from it whatever I thought might contribute to the improvement of this

For the convenience of the generality of readers, I have reduced the time
from the nautical to the civil computation, so that whenever the terms A.M.
and P.M. are used, the former signifies the forenoon, and the latter the
afternoon of the same day.

In all the courses, bearings, &c., the variation of the compass is allowed,
unless the contrary is expressed. And now it may be necessary to say, that,
as I am on the point of sailing on a third expedition, I leave this account
of my last voyage in the hands of some friends, who, in my absence, have
kindly accepted the office of correcting the press for me; who are pleased
to think that what I have here to relate is better to be given in my own
words, than in the words of another person; especially as it is a work
designed for information, and not merely for amusement; in which, it is
their opinion, that candour and fidelity will counter-balance the want of

I shall therefore conclude this introductory discourse with desiring the
reader to excuse the inaccuracies of style, which doubtless he will
frequently meet with in the following narrative; and that, when such occur,
he will recollect that it is the production of a man, who has not had the
advantage of much school education, but who has been constantly at sea from
his youth; and though, with the assistance of a few good friends, he has
passed through all the stations belonging to a seaman, from an apprentice
boy in the coal trade, to a post-captain in the royal navy, he has had no
opportunity of cultivating letters. After this account of myself, the
public must not expect from me the elegance of a fine writer, or the
plausibility of a professed book-maker; but will, I hope, consider me as a
plain man, zealously exerting himself in the service of his country, and
determined to give the best account he is able of his proceedings.[18]


_Plymouth Sound, July 7, 1776._

[1] It is scarcely conceivable, that any men of science in the end of
the 18th century, should have insisted on mathematical reasons for the
supposition of a southern counterpoise; and therefore, as is mentioned
by Mr Wales, in his introduction to the account of the astronomical
observations made during this voyage, it must be held, that the
opinion which induced his majesty to order the voyage, for the purpose
of discovering a continent or large islands towards the South Pole,
was founded on mere probability. That there is no necessity for such
an existence, is very certain, for the preservation of the earth's
motion on its axis can be readily accounted for without it; yet,
reasoning from analogy, and considering the successful experiment of
Columbus, there seemed sufficient grounds, independent of the alleged
discoveries of Bouvet and others, to expect that some lands might be
found there. After this, it required little additional excitement of
fancy to believe, that if there, and if found, they might be no less
important to the discoverers, than America was judged to be to the
Spaniards. Men are not easily cured of their prejudices, when the
foundations on which they are built, derive validity from the hope of
interest. It is impossible to tell what kind and degree of advantages,
certain sanguine specialists anticipated from the Terra Australis.
Excepting the article of the prolongation of life _ad infinitum_, it is
questionable, if the philosopher's stone, when discovered, could have
accomplished more; and even with respect to that, it might have been
imagined, that the soil and climate would so materially differ from
any other before known, as to yield some sovereign elixir or plant of
life-giving efficacy. That it was charitably hoped, they would be no
less serviceable in another particular, of perhaps fully greater
consequence, may be inferred from a passage in Dr Hawkesworth's reply
to Mr Dalrymple, appended to his Account of Cook's First Voyage, &c.,
second edition. "I am very sorry," says he, "for the discontented
state of this good gentleman's mind, and most sincerely wish that a
southern continent may be found, as I am confident _nothing else can
make him happy and good-humoured!_" Mr Dalrymple seems to have set
no bounds to his expectations from the discovery, and accordingly
thought that no bounds ought to be set to the endeavours to accomplish
it. Witness the very whimsical _negative_ and _affirmative_
dedication of his Historical Collection of Voyages, &c. "Not to, &c.
&c., but to the man, who, emulous of Magalhaens and the heroes of
former times, _undeterred_ by difficulties, and _unseduced_
by pleasure, shall persist through every obstacle, and not by chance,
but by virtue and good conduct, _succeed in establishing an
intercourse_ with a southern continent, &c!", A zeal so red-hot as
this, could scarcely be cooled down to any thing like common sense, on
one of the fields of ice encountered by Cook in his second voyage; but
what a pity it is, that it should not be accompanied by as much of the
inventive faculty, as might serve to point out how impossibilities can
be performed, and insuperable obstructions removed! It is but justice
to this gentleman to say, that his willingness to undertake such a
task, was as enthusiastic as his idea of its magnitude and importance.
His industry, besides, in acquiring information in this department of
science, and his liberality in imparting it, were most exemplary. On
the whole, therefore, saving the circumstances of fortune and success,
he may be ranked with any of the heroes of former times!

It would be well to remember, that the Deity is not bound to act
according to our notions of fitness; and that though it may not always
be easiest, yet it is certainly most modest to form our theories from
a survey of his works, rather than the nursery of our own prejudices.
The following observations may be of utility to some readers. The
motion of the earth about its axis is uniform, and quite unaffected by
the irregularities on its surface or of its density. This is a fact to
be admitted, not an opinion to be proved. But in point of reasoning,
it is quite demonstrable, that the highest mountain on the surface of
the earth, bears no larger a proportion to the magnitude of the earth,
than a grain of sand does to that of one of our largest globes, and
can have no more effect on its motion: Besides, as is noticed by Mr
Wales, every body will be _in equilibrio_, however irregular, when it
is suspended or revolves on a line passing through its centre of
gravity, and will not have either its rest or motion disturbed by any
irregularities lying in the direction of that line, which may be
safely supposed the case with our earth. The simple addition of any
fluid matter to a body so circumstanced, will not cause any
aberration, as it will distribute itself in the parts nearest to the
centre of gravity, without regard to the centre of the body, which may
or may not be the same. The principal tracts of both land and sea may
be held to extend from the North towards the South Pole, and are
accordingly in the direction of the earth's axis. Obviously,
therefore, there is no necessity for a southern continent to answer as
a counterpoise; and it is even conceivable that the matter in the
regions of the South Pole, is specifically lighter than that of any
other part, in perfect consistency with what is known of the earth's
motion. The reasons of a different kind from what have now been
mentioned, for the existence of southern lands, fall to be elsewhere

[2] An account of the voyage performed by Magalhaens, is given in vol.
x. of this collection. The discoveries made by that enterprising man
in the South Pacific Ocean, were far from being very important; but
the expedition in which he unfortunately lost his life, will ever be
memorable in the pages of history, as the first circumnavigation of the

[3] Mr Dalrymple has collected together the few existing notices of
Spanish voyages of discovery, betwixt the times of those performed by
Magalhaens and Mendana. Though by no means considerable in bulk, they
are too numerous to be detailed in this place. It is very probable,
that the Spanish government continued from mere habit to reserve the
more perfect memorials, after all the views of policy which first
occasioned their being withheld from the public, had been abandoned.
The affairs of that ill-fated kingdom have been long very unfavourable
to the investigations, which certainly unimportant curiosity might
prompt on the subject--E.

[4] Two relations have been given of Mendana's voyage; one by Quiros
above-mentioned, in a letter to Don Antonio Morga, lieutenant-general
of the Phillipines, when Quiros landed at Manila, which was inserted
in a work published at Mexico in 1609; and the other contained in
Thevenot's French collection, being, as Mr Dalrymple has remarked, a
transcript from Figueroa's history of Garcia Hurtado de Mendoca, and
of less authority. The discoveries of Quiros, real and supposed, have
attracted very peculiar notice, and deservedly so. Almost every
collection specifies them. That which the president de Brosses has
given on the authority of several Spanish works, has been generally
followed. Mr Dalrymple is earnest in securing to this _immortal_
name, the honour of discovering the southern continent. It is most
certain that he did discover something in the Pacific Ocean, but it
never yet has been shewn, that this something any way corresponds with
the wonderful description he thought proper to give of it, in his
memorial to the Spanish king. "Its longitude," says he, (we copy from
Mr Dalrymple's translation) "is as much as that of all Europe, Asia-
Minor, and to the Caspian Sea, and Persia, with all the islands of the
Mediterranean and Ocean, which are in its limits embraced, including
England and Ireland. That _unknown_ part is a quarter of the
whole globe, and so capacious, that it may contain in it double the
kingdoms and provinces of all those your majesty is at present Lord
of: And that without adjoining to Turks or Moors, or others of the
nations which are accustomed to disquiet and disturb their
neighbours!" This was a discoverer after our own heart, worth a dozen
or two of Ansons, Byrons, and Cooks! Amongst his real discoveries must
be particularly regarded the Tierra del Espirito Santo above-
mentioned, which was visited by Bougainville in 1768, and called by
him the New Cyclades, a name since supplanted by that which Cook gave,
the New Hebrides.--E.

[5] See our account of this voyage in vol. x. It was perhaps more
fruitful in discoveries of islands, than any preceding expedition, and
was remarkable, besides, for the small loss of lives during its
continuance, viz. only three men. The interesting enough discovery of
the Strait which bears the name of Le Maire, would have been
sufficient to signalize the spirited undertaking of that merchant. Nor
can it be any thing to _his_ discredit, considering his
circumstances and profession, that he had his golden dreams about a
southern counterpoise. Technical habits might readily suggest to him
the propriety of an exact balance.--E.

[6] A note has been given in vol. xiii. respecting Tasman's voyage.
His discoveries were undoubtedly of some importance, and deserve
particular notice in a collection; as such, an opportunity, it is
expected, will occur for effecting it, either entire from Valentyn's
relation, or in abstract from various authorities.--E.

[7] See what has been said on this subject in our account of Byron's
voyage, vol. xii. p. 47.--E.

[8] The results of Dr Halley's voyage were communicated to the Royal
Society of London, and constitute part, certainly an interesting part,
of their published papers. If is rather to be wondered at, that Cook
has not made mention of some other voyages of discovery about this
period, especially Dampier's, of which, as well as of some more, the
reader will find an account in our 10th volume.--E.

[9] See Waifer's description of the Isthmus of Darien.

[10] See our relation of Commodore Roggewein's voyage in the 11th vol.
of this Collection.--E.

[11] It seems impossible to doubt for a moment, the validity of Cook's
evidence against Bouvet's alleged discovery of land, above alluded to.
In the present day, there is nothing like a whisper insinuated to its
disparagement; and accordingly the name of Bouvet is never mentioned
as a discoverer. The reader need scarcely be reminded of the position
which our accounts of the following voyage occupy in this Collection,
viz. the 12th and 13th volumes.--E.

[12] Footnote in the 1st ed. In the account given of St Helena in the
narrative of my former voyage, I find two mistakes. Its inhabitants
are far from exercising a wanton cruelty over their slaves, and they
have had wheel-carriages and porters' knots for many years.

[13] A satisfactory account of Surville's Voyage is given in
Berenger's Collection, vol. vi. published at Paris, 1790, of which, if
our limits allow it, we may furnish the reader with an abstract. It is
remarkable, as being partly planned by the celebrated Law of
Lauriston. A relation of Kerguelen's voyage, which was made in 1771,
2, and 3, was published at Paris in 1781, and, according to the Bib.
Univ. des Voy. is become scarce. The writer is quite ignorant of its
value. Marion was killed by the savages of New Zealand; after his
death, the voyage was carried on by M. Ducleneur, under whom the
principal observations were made in the South Sea. The account of this
voyage was published at Paris in 1783. The reader will easily believe,
therefore, that Captain Cook could not have profited by any of these
three expeditions.--E.

[14] Till the discovery of what has been denominated Galvanism, it was
difficult, if not impossible, to explain the circumstance alluded to
in the text, that copper corrodes the iron work of vessels. Now, it is
thought there is no mystery in the matter. But, in truth, we have only
been enabled by more certain observation to classify the fact with
several others of a like nature, and all perhaps equally inexplicable.
The application of new names to old things, will scarcely pass with
any philosopher, for a discovery. On the other hand, it is certain,
that the invention of means by which new powers are produced, is
justly entitled to that distinction. It is impossible to withhold this
praise from Galvani and some of his followers.--E.

[15] Both of these gentlemen published works respecting this second
voyage of Cook, to which we shall have occasion to refer in the notes.
That of the former is entitled, "Observations made during a Voyage
round the World, on Physical Geography, Natural History, and Ethic
Philosophy, &c.," and was published at London in 1778, 4to.; that of
the latter is, properly speaking, a full relation of the voyage, and
appeared in two volumes 4to., at London, the year before. There is
good reason for saying. that no account of this voyage can be held
complete, that is not materially aided by these two productions,
which, with sundry imperfections, and perhaps _vices_, have very
great merit, and are highly interesting. They are accordingly, as well
as the work of Mr Wales, freely used for the purpose of this

[16] Many readers may desire to know what kind of instruments Captain
Cook alludes to above. The following list is taken from Mr Wales's
work, which, from the nature of it, has been rarely looked into by any
but scientific men.

1. A portable observatory. 2. An astronomical clock, made by Mr
Shelton. 3. An assistant clock, made by Mr Monk. 4. A transit
instrument, made by Mr Bird. 5. An astronomical quadrant, by the same
excellent artist. 6. A reflecting telescope, of two feet focal length,
by ditto. 7. An achromatic refracting telescope, of three and a half
feet, and triple object glass, made by Mr Dollond. 8. A Hadley's
sextant, by ditto. 9. Another, by Mr Ramsden. 10. An azimuth compass,
by Mr Adams. 11. A pair of globes, by ditto. 12. A dipping needle, by
Mr Nairne. I3. A marine barometer, by ditto. 14. A wind gage, invented
by Dr Lind of Edinburgh, and made by Mr Nairne. 15. Two portable
barometers, made by Mr Burton. 16. Six thermometers, by ditto. 17. A
theodolite, with a level, and a Gunter's chain, by ditto. 18. An
apparatus for trying the heat of the sea-water at different depths.
19. Two time-keepers, one made by Mr Larcum Kendal, on Mr Harrison's
principles, and the other by Mr John Arnold.

Mr Wales has particularly described some of these instruments, and the
mode of using them. He has, besides, given a very interesting, though
short history of the application of astronomical instruments to
navigation, a summary of which, with some additional remarks, could
scarcely fail to be valued by any reader concerned for the promotion
of useful science. This, accordingly, it is purposed to insert
whenever a proper opportunity occurs. It might seem rather a hindrance
in this place.--E.

[17] The opinion stated in the memoir of Cook, in the Biographia
Britannica, as to his appearance in the character of an author,
perfectly concurs with what the writer has elsewhere said on the
subject; and it may deserve a place here, as a commendatory testimony,
which the modesty of Cook, it is probable, would scarcely have allowed
himself to expect. It is inserted, besides, with greater propriety, as
specifying one of the friends alluded to, of whom, in the capacity of
editor of Cook's third voyage, we shall have another opportunity of
speaking with the esteem due to his literary character, and his most
praise-worthy exertions in the service of both Cook and his family.
"Captain Cook was justly regarded as sufficiently qualified to relate
his own story. His journal only required to be divided into chapters,
and perhaps to be amended by a few verbal corrections. It is not
speaking extravagantly to say, that, in point of composition, his
history of his voyage reflects upon him no small degree of credit. His
style is natural, clear, and manly; being well adapted to the subject
and to his own character: and it is possible, that a pen of more
studied elegance would not have given any additional advantage to the
narration. It was not till some time after Captain Cook's leaving
England, that the work was published; but, in the meanwhile, the
superintendance of it was undertaken by his learned and valuable
friend, Dr Douglas, whose late promotion to the mitre hath afforded
pleasure to every literary man of every denomination." One cannot help
regretting, that Cook never returned to meet with the congratulations
of a highly-satisfied public, not invidiously disposed, it may readily
be imagined, and certainly having no occasion, to see any necessity
for the requested indulgences with which he concludes this

[18] Is it not both likely and somewhat allowable, that Cook should
speak of the _fine writer_ and _professed book-maker_, with
a feeling of disgust or irritation; more especially when he could not
but well remember, that his own simple personality had been made the
substratum for the flippant flourish of the one character, and the
unseemly protuberances of the other?--E.




_Passage from Deptford to the Cape of Good Hope, with an Account of
several Incidents that happened by the Way, and Transactions there._

I sailed from Deptford, April 9th, 1772, but got no farther than Woolwich,
where I was detained by easterly winds till the 23d, when the ship fell
down to Long Reach, and the next day was joined by the Adventure. Here both
ships received on board their powder, guns, gunners' stores, and marines.

On the 10th of May we left Long Reach, with orders to touch at Plymouth;
but in plying down the river, the Resolution was found to be very crank,
which made it necessary to put into Sheerness in order to remove this evil,
by making some alteration in her upper works. These the officers of the
yard were ordered to take in hand immediately; and Lord Sandwich and Sir
Hugh Palliser came down to see them executed in such a manner as might
effectually answer the purpose intended.

On the 22d of June the ship was again completed for sea, when I sailed from
Sheerness; and on the 3d of July joined the Adventure in Plymouth Sound.
The evening before, we met, off the Sound, Lord Sandwich, in the Augusta
yacht, (who was on his return from visiting the several dock-yards,) with
the Glory frigate and Hazard sloop. We saluted his lordship with seventeen
guns; and soon after he and Sir Hugh Palliser gave us the last mark of the
very great attention they had paid to this equipment, by coming on board,
to satisfy themselves that every thing was done to my wish, and that the
ship was found to answer to my satisfaction.

At Plymouth I received my instructions, dated the 25th of June, directing
me to take under my command the Adventure; to make the best of my way to
the island of Madeira, there to take in a supply of wine, and then proceed
to the Cape of Good Hope, where I was to refresh the ships' companies, and
to take on board such provisions and necessaries as I might stand in need
of. After leaving the Cape of Good Hope, I was to proceed to the southward,
and endeavour to fall in with Cape Circumcision, which was said by Monsieur
Bouvet to lie in the latitude of 54 deg. S. and in about 11 deg. 20' E. longitude
from Greenwich. If I discovered this cape, I was to satisfy myself whether
it was a part of the continent which had so much engaged the attention of
geographers and former navigators, or a part of an island. If it proved to
be the former, I was to employ myself diligently in exploring as great an
extent of it as I could, and to make such notations thereon, and
observations of every kind, as might be useful either to navigation or
commerce, or tend to the promotion of natural knowledge. I was also
directed to observe the genius, temper, disposition, and number of the
inhabitants, if there were any, and endeavour, by all proper means, to
cultivate a friendship and alliance with them; making them presents of such
things as they might value; inviting them to traffic, and shewing them
every kind of civility and regard. I was to continue to employ myself on
this service, and making discoveries either to the eastward or westward, as
my situation might render most eligible; keeping in as high a latitude as I
could, and prosecuting my discoveries as near to the South Pole as
possible, so long as the condition of the ships, the health of their crews,
and the state of their provisions, would admit of; taking care to reserve
as much of the latter as would enable me to reach some known port, where I
was to procure a sufficiency to bring me home to England. But if Cape
Circumcision should prove to be part of an island only, or if I should not
be able to find the said Cape, I was in the first case to make the
necessary survey of the island, and then to stand on to the southward, so
long as I judged there was a likelihood of falling in with the continent,
which I was also to do in the latter case, and then to proceed to the
eastward in further search of the said continent, as well as to make
discoveries of such islands as might be situated in that unexplored part of
the southern hemisphere; keeping in high latitudes, and prosecuting my
discoveries, as above mentioned, as near the pole as possible until I had
circumnavigated the globe; after which I was to proceed to the Cape of Good
Hope, and from thence to Spithead.

In the prosecution of these discoveries, wherever the season of the year
rendered it unsafe for me to continue in high latitudes, I was to retire to
some known place to the northward, to refresh my people, and refit the
ships; and to return again to the southward as soon as the season of the
year would admit of it. In all unforeseen cases, I was authorised to
proceed according to my own discretion; and in case the Resolution should
be lost or disabled, I was to prosecute the voyage on board the Adventure.

I gave a copy of these instructions to Captain Furneaux, with an order
directing him to carry them into execution; and, in case he was separated
from me, appointed the island of Madeira for the first place of rendezvous;
Port Praya in the island of St Jago for the second; Cape of Good Hope for
the third; and New Zealand for the fourth.

During our stay at Plymouth, Messrs Wales and Bayley, the two astronomers,
made observations on Drake's Island, in order to ascertain the latitude,
longitude, and true time for putting the time-pieces and watches in motion.
The latitude was found to be 50 deg. 21' 30" N., and the longitude 4 deg. 20' W. of
Greenwich, which, in this voyage, is every where to be understood as the
first meridian, and from which the longitude is reckoned east and west to
180 deg. each way. On the 10th of July the watches were set a-going in the
presence of the two astronomers, Captain Furneaux, the first lieutenants of
the ships, and myself, and put on board. The two on board the Adventure
were made by Mr Arnold, and also one of those on board the Resolution; but
the other was made by Mr Kendal, upon the same principle, in every respect,
as Mr Harrison's time-piece. The commander, first lieutenant, and
astronomer, on board each, of the ships, kept each of them keys of the
boxes which contained the watches, and were always to be present at the
winding them up, and comparing the one with the other; or some other
officer, if at any time, through indisposition, or absence upon any other
necessary duties, any of them could not conveniently attend. The same day,
according to the custom of the navy, the companies of both ships were paid
two months wages in advance, and, as a further encouragement for their
going this extraordinary voyage, they were also paid the wages due to them
to the 28th of the preceding May. This enabled them to provide necessaries
for the voyage.

On the 13th, at six o'clock in the morning, I sailed from Plymouth Sound,
with the Adventure in company; and on the evening of the 29th anchored in
Funchiale Road, in the island of Madeira. The next morning I saluted the
garrison with eleven guns; which compliment was immediately returned. Soon
after I went on shore, accompanied by Captain Furneaux, the two Mr
Forsters, and Mr Wales. At our landing, we were received by a gentleman
from the vice-consul, Mr Sills, who conducted us to the house of Mr
Loughnans, the most considerable English merchant in the place. This
gentleman not only obtained leave for Mr Forster to search the island for
plants, but procured us every other thing we wanted, and insisted on our
accommodating ourselves at his house during our stay.

The town of Funchiale, which is the capital of the island, is situated
about the middle of the south side, in the bottom of the bay of the same
name, in latitude 32 deg. 33' 34" N., longitude 17 deg. 12-7/8" W. The longitude
was deduced from lunar observations made by Mr Wales, and reduced to the
town by Mr Kendal's watch, which made the longitude 17 deg. 10' 14" W. During
our stay here, the crews of both ships were supplied with fresh beef and
onions; and a quantity of the latter was distributed amongst them for a

Having got on board a supply of water, wine, and other necessaries, we left
Madeira on the 1st of August, and stood to the southward with a fine gale
at N.E. On the 4th we passed Palma, one of the Canary isles. It is of a
height to be seen twelve or fourteen leagues, and lies in the latitude 28 deg.
38' N., longitude 17 deg. 58' W. The next day we saw the isle of Ferro, and
passed it at the distance of fourteen leagues. I judged it to lie in the
latitude of 27 deg. 42' N. and longitude 18 deg. 9' W.[2]

I now made three puncheons of beer of the inspissated juice of malt. The
proportion I made use of was about ten of water to one of juice. Fifteen of
the nineteen half barrels of the inspissated juice which we had on board,
were produced from wort that was hopped before inspissated. The other four
were made of beer that had been both hopped and fermented before
inspissated. This last requires no other preparation to make it fit for
use, than to mix it with cold water, from one part in eight to one part in
twelve of water, (or in such other proportion as might be liked,) then stop
it down, and in a few days it will be brisk and drinkable. But the other
sort, after being mixed with water in the same manner, will require to be
fermented with yeast, in the usual way of making beer; at least it was so
thought. However, experience taught us that this will not always be
necessary: For by the heat of the weather, and the agitation of the ship,
both sorts were at this time in the highest state of fermentation, and had
hitherto evaded all our endeavours to stop it. If this juice could be kept
from fermenting, it certainly would be a most valuable article at sea.[3]

On finding that our stock of water would not last as to the Cape of Good
Hope, without putting the people to a scanty allowance, I resolved to stop
at St Jago for a supply. On the 9th, at nine o'clock in the morning, we
made the island of Bonavista, bearing S.W. The next day, we passed the isle
of Mayo on our right; and the same evening anchored in Port Praya in the
island of St Jago, in eighteen fathom water. The east point of the bay bore
E.; the west point S.W. 1/2 S.; and the fort N.W. I immediately dispatched
an officer to ask leave to water, and purchase refreshments, which was
granted. On the return of the officer, I saluted the fort with eleven guns,
on a promise of its being returned with an equal number. But by a mistake,
as they pretended, the salute was returned with only nine; for which the
governor made an excuse the next day. The 14th, in the evening, having
completed our water, and got on board a supply of refreshments, such as
hogs, goats, fowls, and fruit, we put to sea, and proceeded on our voyage.

Port Praya is a small bay, situated about the middle of the south side of
the island of St Jago, in the latitude of 14 deg. 53' 30" N. longitude 23 deg. 30'
W. It may be known, especially in coming from the east, by the southernmost
hill on the island, which is round, and peaked at top; and lies a little
way inland, in the direction of west from the port. This mark is the more
necessary, as there is a small cove about a league to the eastward, with a
sandy beach in the bottom of it, a valley, and cocoa-nut trees behind,
which strangers may mistake for Port Praya, as we ourselves did. The two
points which form the entrance of Port Praya Bay are rather low, and in the
direction of W.S.W. and E.N.E. half a league from each other. Close to the
west point are sunken rocks, on which the sea continually breaks. The bay
lies in N.W. near half a league; and the depth of water is from fourteen to
four fathoms. Large ships ought not to anchor in less than eight, in which
depth the south end of the Green Island (a small island lying under the
west shore) will bear W. You water at a well that is behind the beach at
the head of the bay. The water is tolerable, but scarce; and bad getting
off, on account of a great surf on the beach. The refreshments to be got
here, are bullocks, hogs, goats, sheep, poultry, and fruits. The goats are
of the antelope kind, so extraordinarily lean, that hardly any thing can
equal them; and the bullocks, hogs, and sheep, are not much better.
Bullocks must be purchased with money; the price is twelve Spanish dollars
a-head, weighing between 250 and 300 pounds. Other articles may be got from
the natives in exchange for old clothes, &c. But the sale of bullocks is
confined to a company of merchants; to whom this privilege is granted, and
who keep an agent residing upon the spot.[4] The fort above mentioned seems
wholly designed for the protection of the bay, and is well situated for
that purpose, being built on an elevation, which rises directly from the
sea on the right, at the head of the bay.

We had no sooner got clear of Port Praya, than we got a fresh gale at
N.N.E. which blew in squalls, attended with showers of rain. But the next
day the wind and showers abated, and veered to the S. It was, however,
variable and unsettled for several days, accompanied with dark gloomy
weather, and showers of rain.[5]

On the 19th, in the afternoon, one of the carpenter's mates fell overboard,
and was drowned. He was over the side, fitting in one of the scuttles, from
whence it is supposed he had fallen; for he was not seen till the very
instant he sunk under the ship's stern, when our endeavours to save him
were too late. This loss was sensibly felt during the voyage, as he was a
sober man and a good workman. About noon the next day, the rain poured down
upon us, not in drops but in streams. The wind, at the same time, was
variable and squally, which obliged the people to attend the decks, so that
few in the ships escaped a good soaking. We, however, benefited by it, as
it gave us an opportunity of filling all our empty water-casks. This heavy
rain at last brought on a dead calm, which continued twenty-four hours,
when it was succeeded by a breeze from S.W. Betwixt this point and S. it
continued for several days; and blew at times in squalls, attended with
rain and hot sultry weather. The mercury in the thermometers at noon, kept
generally from 79 to 82.[6]

On the 27th, spoke with Captain Furneaux, who informed us that one of his
petty officers was dead. At this time _we_ had not one sick on board,
although we had every thing of this kind to fear from the rain we had had,
which is a great promoter of sickness in hot climates. To prevent this, and
agreeable to some hints I had from Sir Hugh Palliser and from Captain
Campbell, I took every necessary precaution by airing and drying the ship
with fires made betwixt decks, smoaking, &c. and by obliging the people to
air their bedding, wash and dry their clothes, whenever there was an
opportunity. A neglect of these things causeth a disagreeable smell below,
affects the air, and seldom fails to bring on sickness, but more especially
in hot and wet weather.

We now began to see some of those birds which are said never to fly far
from land; that is, man-of-war and tropic birds, gannets, &c. No land,
however, that we knew of, could be nearer than eighty leagues.

On the 3Oth at noon, being in the latitude of 2 deg. 35' N., longitude 7 deg. 30'
W., and the wind having veered to the east of south, we tacked and
stretched to the S.W. In the latitude of 0 deg. 52' N., longitude 9 deg. 25' W., we
had one calm day, which gave us an opportunity of trying the current in a
boat. We found it set to the north one-third of a mile an hour. We had
reason to expect this from the difference we frequently found between the
observed latitude, and that given by the log; and Mr Kendal's watch shewed
us that it set to the east also. This was fully confirmed by the lunar
observations; when it appeared that we were 3 deg. 0' more to the east than the
common reckoning. At the time of trying the current, the mercury in the
thermometer in the open air stood at 75-1/2; and when immerged in the
surface of the sea, at 74; but when immerged eighty fathoms deep (where it
remained fifteen minutes) when it came up, the mercury stood at 66.[7] At
the same time we sounded, without out finding the bottom, with a line of
two hundred and fifty fathoms.

The calm was succeeded by a light breeze at S.W., which kept veering by
little and little to the south, and at last to the eastward of south,
attended with clear serene weather. At length, on the 8th of September, we
crossed the Line in the longitude of 8 deg. W.; after which, the ceremony of
ducking, &c., generally practised on this occasion, was not omitted.

The wind now veering more and more to the east, and blowing a gentle top-
gallant gale, in eight days it carried us into the latitude 9 deg. 30' S.,
longitude 18 deg. W. The weather was pleasant; and we daily saw some of those
birds which are looked upon as signs of the vicinity of land; such as
boobies, man of war, tropic birds, and gannets. We supposed they came from
the isle of St Matthew, or Ascension; which isles we must have passed at no
great distance.

On the 27th, in the latitude of 25 deg. 29', longitude 24 deg. 54', we discovered a
sail to the west standing after us. She was a snow; and the colours she
shewed, either a Portuguese or St George's ensign, the distance being too
great to distinguish the one from the other, and I did not choose to wait
to get nearer, or to speak with her.

The wind now began to be variable. It first veered to the north, where it
remained two days with fair weather. Afterwards it came round by the west
to the south, where it remained two days longer, and, after a few hours
calm, sprung up at S.W. But here it remained not long, before it veered to
S.E.E. and to the north of east; blew fresh, and by squalls, with showers
of rain.

With these winds we advanced but slowly; and, without meeting with anything
remarkable till the 11th of October, when, at 6h 24m 12s, by Mr Kendal's
watch, the moon rose about four digits eclipsed, and soon after we prepared
to observe the end of the eclipse, as follows, viz.

h. m. s.

By me at 6 53 51 with a common refractor.
By Mr Forster 6 55 23
By Mr Wales 6 54 57 quadrant telescope.
By Mr Pickersgill 6 55 30 three feet refractor.
By Mr Gilert 6 53 24 naked eye.
By Mr Hervey 6 55 34 quadrant telescope.
Mean 6 54 46-1/2 by the watch.
Watch slow of apparent time 0 3 59
Apparent time 6 58 45-1/2 end of the eclipse.
Ditto 7 25 0 at Greenwich.
Dif. of longitude 0 26 14-1/2 == 6 deg. 33' 30"

The longitude observed by Mr Wales, was

By the [Symbol: Moon] and Aquilae 5 deg. 51' |
By the [Symbol: Moon] and Adebaran 6 deg. 35 |Mean 6 deg. 13' 0"
By Mr Kendal's watch 6 deg. 53 7/8

The next morning, having but little wind, we hoisted a boat out, to try if
there was any current, but found none. From this time to the 16th, we had
the wind between the north and east, a gentle gale. We had for some time
ceased to see any of the birds before-mentioned; and were now accompanied
by albatrosses, pintadoes, sheerwaters, &c., and a small grey peterel, less
than a pigeon. It has a whitish belly, and grey back, with a black stroke
across from the tip of one wing to the tip of the other. These birds
sometimes visited us in great flights. They are, as well as the pintadoes,
southern birds; and are, I believe, never seen within the tropics, or north
of the Line.

On the 17th, we saw a sail to the N.W., standing to the eastward, which
hoisted Dutch colours. She kept us company for two days, but the third we
outsailed her.[8]

On the 21st, at 7h. 30m. 20s. a, m., our longitude, by the mean of two
observed distances of the sun and moon, was 8 deg. 4' 30" E., Mr Kendal's watch
at the same time gave 7 deg. 22'. Our latitude was 35 deg. 20' N. The wind was now
easterly, and continued so till the 23d, when it veered to N. and N.W.
after some hours calm; in which we put a boat in the water, and Mr Forster
shot some albatrosses and other birds, on which we feasted the next day,
and found them exceedingly good. At the same time we saw a seal, or, as
some thought, a sea-lion, which probably might be an inhabitant of one of
the isles of Tristian de Cunhah, being now nearly in their latitude, and
about 5 deg. east of them.

The wind continued but two days at N.W. and S.W.; then veered to the S.E.,
where it remained two days longer; then fixed at N.W., which carried us to
our intended port. As we approached the land, the sea-fowl, which had
accompanied us hitherto, began to leave us; at least they did not come in
such numbers. Nor did we see gannets, or the black bird, commonly called
the Cape Hen, till we were nearly within sight of the Cape. Nor did we
strike sounding till Penguin Island bore N.N.E., distant two or three
leagues, where we had fifty fathom water. Not but that the soundings may
extend farther off. However, I am very sure that they do not extend very
far west from the Cape. For we could not find ground with a line of 210
fathoms, twenty-five leagues west of Table-Bay; the same at thirty-five
leagues, and at sixty-four leagues. I sounded these three times, in order
to find a bank, which, I had been told, lies to the west of the cape; but
how far I never could learn.

I was told before I left England, by some gentlemen who were well enough
acquainted with the navigation between England and the Cape of Good Hope,
that I sailed at an improper season of the year; and that I should meet
with much calm weather, near and under the Line. This probably may be the
case some years. It is, however, not general. On the contrary, we hardly
met with any calms; but a brisk S.W. wind in those very latitudes where the
calms are expected. Nor did we meet with any of those tornadoes, so much
spoken of by other navigators. However, what they have said of the current
setting towards the coast of Guinea, as you approach that shore, is true.
For, from the time of our leaving St Jago, to our arrival into the latitude
of 1-1/2 deg. N., which was eleven days, we were carried by the current 3 deg. of
longitude more east than our reckoning. On the other hand, after we had
crossed the Line, and got the S.E. trade-wind, we always found, by
observation, that the ship outstripped the reckoning, which we judged to be
owing to a current setting between the south and west. But, upon the whole,
the currents in this run seemed to balance each other; for upon our arrival
at the Cape, the difference of longitude by dead reckoning kept from
England, without once being corrected, was only three quarters of a degree
less than that by observation.

At two in the afternoon on the 29th, we made the land of the Cape of Good
Hope. The Table Mountain, which is over the Cape Town, bore E.S.E.,
distance twelve or fourteen leagues. At this time it was a good deal
obscured by clouds, otherwise it might, from its height, have been seen at
a much greater distance. We now crowded all the sail we could, thinking to
get into the bay before dark. But when we found this could not be
accomplished, we shortened sail, and spent the night standing off and on.
Between eight and nine o'clock, the whole sea, within the compass of our
sight, became at once, as it were illuminated; or, what the seamen call,
all on fire. This appearance of the sea, in some degree, is very common;
but the cause is not so generally known. Mr Banks and Dr Solander had
satisfied me that it was occasioned by sea-insects. Mr Forster, however,
seemed not to favour this opinion. I therefore had some buckets of water
drawn up from alongside the ship, which we found full of an innumerable
quantity of small globular insects, about the size of a common pin's-head,
and quite transparent. There was no doubt of their being living animals,
when in their own proper element, though we could not perceive any life in
them: Mr Forster, whose province it is more minutely to describe things of
this nature, was now well satisfied with the cause of the sea's

At length day-light came and brought us fair weather; and having stood into
Table Bay, with the Adventure in company, we anchored in five fathom water.
We afterwards moored N.E. and S.W., Green Point on the west point of the
bay, bearing N.W. by W., and the church, in one with the valley between the
Table Mountain and the Sugar-Loaf, or Lion's Head, bearing S.W. by S., and
distant from the landing-place near the fort, one mile.

We had no sooner anchored than we were visited by the captain of the port,
or master-attendant, some other officers belonging to the company, and Mr
Brandt. This last gentleman brought us off such things as could not fail of
being acceptable to persons coming from sea. The purport of the master
attendant's visit was, according to custom, to take an account of the
ships; to enquire into the health of the crews; and, in particular, if the
small-pox was on board; a thing they dread, above all others, at the Cape,
and for these purposes a surgeon is always one of the visitants.

My first step after anchoring, was, to send an officer to wait on Baron
Plettenberg, the governor, to acquaint him with our arrival, and the
reasons which induced me to put in there. To this the officer received a
very polite answer; and, upon his return, we saluted the garrison with
eleven guns, which compliment was returned. Soon after I went on shore
myself, and waited upon the governor, accompanied by Captain Furneaux, and
the two Mr Forsters. He received us, with very great politeness, and
promised me every assistance the place could afford. From him I learned
that two French ships from the Mauritius, about eight months before, had
discovered land, in the latitude of 48 deg. S., and in the meridian of that
island, along which they sailed forty miles, till they came to a bay into
which they were about to enter, when they were driven off and separated in
a hard gale of wind, after having lost some of their boats and people,
which they had sent to sound the bay. One of the ships, viz. the La
Fortune, soon after arrived at the Mauritius, the captain of which was sent
home to France with an account of the discovery. The governor also informed
me, that in March last, two other French ships from the island of
Mauritius, touched at the Cape in their way to the South Pacific Ocean;
where they were going to make discoveries, under the command of M. Marion.
Aotourou, the man M. de Bougainville brought from Otaheite, was to have
returned with M. Marion, had he been living.

After having visited the governor and some other principal persons of the
place, we fixed ourselves at Mr Brandt's, the usual residence of most
officers belonging to English ships. This gentleman spares neither trouble
nor expence to make his house agreeable to those who favour him with their
company, and to accommodate them with every thing they want. With him I
concerted measures for supplying the ships with provisions, and all other
necessaries they wanted; which he set about procuring without delay, while
the seamen on board were employed in overhauling the rigging; and the
carpenters in caulking the ships' sides and decks, &c.

Messrs Wales and Bayley got all their instruments on shore, in order to
make astronomical observations for ascertaining the going of the watches,
and other purposes. The result of some of these observations shewed, that
Mr Kendal's watch had answered beyond all expectation, by pointing out the
longitude of this place to within one minute of time to what it was
observed by Messrs Mason and Dixon in 1761.

Three or four days after us, two Dutch Indiamen arrived here from Holland;
after a passage of between four and five months, in which one lost, by the
scurvy and other putrid diseases, 150 men, and the other 41. They sent, on
their arrival, great numbers to the hospital in very dreadful
circumstances. It is remarkable that one of these ships touched at Port
Praya, and left it a month before we arrived there; and yet we got here
three days before her. The Dutch at the Cape having found their hospital
too small for the reception of their sick, were going to build a new one at
the east part of the town; the foundation of which was laid with great
ceremony while we were there.

By the healthy condition of the crews of both ships at our arrival, I
thought to have made my stay at the Cape very short. But, as the bread we
wanted was unbaked, and the spirit, which I found scarce, to be collected
from different parts out of the country, it was the 18th of November before
we had got every thing on board, and the 22d before we could put to sea.
During this stay the crews of both ships were served every day with fresh
beef or mutton, new-baked bread, and as much greens as they could eat. The
ships were caulked and painted; and, in every respect, put in as good a
condition as when they left England. Some alterations in the officers took
place in the Adventure. Mr Shank the first lieutenant having been in an ill
state of health ever since we sailed from Plymouth, and not finding himself
recover here, desired my leave to quit, in order to return home for the re-
establishment of his health. As his request appeared to be well-founded, I
granted him leave accordingly, and appointed Mr Kemp, first lieutenant in
his room, and Mr Burney, one of my midshipmen, second, in the room of Mr

Mr Forster, whose whole time was taken up in the pursuit of natural history
and botany, met with a Swedish gentleman, one Mr Sparman, who understood
something of these sciences, having studied under Dr Linnaeus. He being
willing to embark with us, Mr Forster strongly importuned me to take him on
board, thinking that he would be of great assistance to him in the course
of the voyage. I at last consented, and he embarked with us accordingly, as
an assistant to Mr Forster, who bore his expences on board, and allowed him
a yearly stipend besides.[10]

Mr Hodges employed himself here in drawing a view of the Cape, town, and
parts adjacent, in oil colours, which, was properly packed up with some
others, and left with Mr Brandt, in order to be forwarded to the Admiralty
by the first ship that should sail for England.

[1] The reader is desired to remember, that F. placed at a note refers
to Forster's Observations; G.F. to the younger Forster's Account of
the Voyage; and W. to Mr Wales' works. For notes signed E. the editor,
as formerly, must hold himself responsible. Thus much was thought
advisable to save unnecessary repetition. This opportunity is taken of
stating some circumstances respecting the two former works, of
consequence to the parties concerned, and not uninteresting to the
general reader. We are informed in the preface to G.F.'s work, that
when his father was sent out to accompany Captain Cook as a
naturalist, no particular rules were prescribed for his conduct, as
they who appointed him conceived he would certainly endeavour to
derive the greatest possible advantages to learning from his voyage;
that he was only directed therefore, to exercise all his talents, and
to extend his observations to every remarkable object; and that from
him was expected a philosophical history of the voyage, on a plan
which the learned world had not hitherto seen executed. His father,
accordingly, he says, having performed the voyage, and collected his
observations, in conformity to such opinion and expectations,
proceeded, on his return home, to accomplish the remaining task
allotted to him--writing the history of the voyage. It was first
proposed, we are told, that a single narrative should be composed from
his and Cook's papers, the important observations of each being
inserted, and ascertained by appropriate marks. Forster, in
consequence, received a part of Cook's journal, and drew up several
sheets as a specimen; but this plan was soon desisted from, as it was
thought more expedient that the two journals should be kept separate.
In fartherance, then, of this design, it is said, an agreement was
drawn up on the 13th of April, 1776, between Captain Cook and Mr
Forster, in the presence, and with the signature, of the Earl of
Sandwich, which specified the particular parts of the relations to be
prepared by each, and confirmed to both, jointly, the gift of the
valuable plates engraved at the expence of the Admiralty, and
generously bestowed on these two gentlemen in equal shares. Mr F. soon
afterwards presented a second specimen of his narrative to the Earl of
Sandwich, but was surprised to find that it was quite disapproved of,
though at last he was convinced that, as the word "narrative" had been
omitted in the above-mentioned agreement, he was not entitled to
compose a connected account of the voyage. He was, moreover, informed,
that if he chose to preserve his claim to half of the profits arising
from the plates, he must conform to the letter of that agreement. In
this he acquiesced for the benefit of his family; and accordingly,
though he had understood it was intended he should write the history
of the voyage, he found himself confined to the publication of his
unconnected philosophical observations. G. Forster adds, it hurt him
much to see the chief intent of his father's mission defeated, and the
public disappointed in their expectations of a philosophical recital
of facts; however, as he himself had been appointed his father's
assistant, and was bound by no such agreement as that which restrained
him, he thought it incumbent to attempt such a narrative as a duty to
the public, and in justice to the ample materials he had collected
during the voyage. "I was bound," he concludes, "by no agreement
whatever; and that to which my father had signed, did not make him
answerable for my actions, nor, in the most distant manner, preclude
his giving me assistance. Therefore, in every important circumstance I
had leave to consult his journals, and have been enabled to draw up my
narrative with the most scrupulous attention to historical truth."
Such is the defence which Mr G. Forster sets up in behalf of a
conduct, which it is certain was very differently construed by the
patrons of the expedition, whose indignant opinions were so far
regarded by the public, as to render the residence of both father and
son in England no longer pleasant or respectable. They left it and
went to the continent; though it is likely they were the more induced
to do so by certain family difficulties, and the ill effects of the
father's turbulent temper, which speedily lost him the friends his
uncommon abilities and erudition had procured. The reader who desires
information respecting these two singular men, and the sentiments
entertained in general as to their improper conduct in the matter of
the publication, may turn to the Supplement to the Encyclopaedia
Britannica. It is, however, but justice to inform him, that the
account there given, bears decisive indications of party bias in more
senses than one; and that the strongest assertions it contains as to
the share which Forster the father had in the publication, are not
supported on evidence sufficient for the conviction of any
unprejudiced mind. The writer of that article, as of several others in
that very valuable publication, appears to have given up his
imagination to the prevailing terrors of the times, and to have
become, at last, almost incapable of discriminating betwixt personal
delinquency and epidemic immorality--the misfortunes incident to
individuals in every age or country, and the evils arising out of the
erroneous creeds and systems of a particular time and place. A single
quotation from the article now alluded to, may be conducive to the
reader's favourable acceptance of that portion of the Forsters'
labours from which it is proposed to supply many of the succeeding
notes. "An account of the voyage was published in English and German,
by George Forster; and the language, which is correct and elegant, was
undoubtedly his; but those who knew both him and his father, are
satisfied that the matter proceeded from the joint stock of their
observations and reflections. Several parts of the work, and
particularly the elaborate investigations relative to the languages
spoken by the natives of the South Sea Islands, and the speculations
concerning their successive migrations, are thought to be strongly
impressed with the genius of the elder Forster." Before concluding
this note, it may be proper to say, that Mr Wales conceiving Mr G.
Forster had made some misrepresentations of certain facts, wrote some
remarks upon his book, to which Mr F. replied. This is said on the
authority of the Biog. Brit. for the writer himself has never seen
either of the productions alluded to. That work very candidly admits,
that the Forsters' books contain much curious and useful information.
It is probable, then, that the readers in general will concur with the
writer in discarding entirely all consideration of moral conduct as to
the agreement, and availing themselves of whatever of utility or
amusement the publication in question can afford.--E.

[2] The same day we observed several flying fishes, pursued by bonitos
and dolphins, rising out of the water in order to escape from them.
They were flying in all directions, and not against the wind only, as
Mr Kalm seems to think. Neither did they confine themselves to a
strait-lined course, but frequently were seen to describe a curve.
When they met the top of a wave as they skimmed along the surface of
the ocean, they passed through, and continued their flight beyond it.
From this time, till we left the torrid zone, we were almost daily
amused with the view of immense shoals of these fishes, and now and
then caught one upon our decks, when it had unfortunately taken its
flight too far, and was spent by its too great elevation above the
surface of the sea."--G.F.

[3] "About this time, the captain ordered the ship to be fumigated
with gunpowder and vinegar, having taken notice that all our books and
utensils became covered with mould, and all our iron and steel, though
ever so little exposed, began to rust. Nothing is more probable than
that the vapours, which now filled the air, contained some saline
particles, since moisture alone does not appear to produce such an

There can be no doubt that the atmospherical air is capable of
sustaining marine salt in a state of solution, and of bearing it off
to great distances on land, where it serves important purposes in
animal and vegetable economy. The reader will be pleased with some
remarks on the subject in Robison's Account of Black's Lectures. The
air in the vessel, then, it will be readily imagined will contain it,
and hence, as it is known that it is gradually decomposed by iron, the
rust that was observed. The process of corroding the iron, &c. as it
is commonly called, would be much accelerated by moisture, as the
muriatic acid acts most powerfully on bodies capable of decomposing
water; and it is no less certain, that the heat of a tropical climate
would aid the operation. But it is difficult to explain how any
benefit could be derived from the fumigation said to be practised by
Cook on this occasion, otherwise than by producing dry warm air.
Indeed, many persons will imagine that the circumstances required
nothing more than free ventilation, and the occasional use of fires to
destroy moisture. Mr Forster takes particular notice of what is
mentioned in the text about the fermentation of the inspissated juice
of malt, or, as he calls it, essence of beer; and he says, that, by
the advice of his father, a vessel strongly fumigated with sulphur was
filled with it, and prevented the fermentation for a few days. He does
not explain on what principle, and perhaps was not acquainted with it.
The fact is, that sulphuric acid, which is produced by the burning of
sulphur, has the power of checking, or altogether destroying, the
fermentation of substances. In the present case, it seems, enough of
it had not been produced to answer the purpose effectually. Some other
acids have the same power. Hence the desideratum mentioned in the text
is easily supplied. The juice, it may be thought, will be changed by
the addition of a strong acid, and rendered unserviceable. There can
be no doubt, however, that when it is required for the purpose of
making beer, &c. means could be used to neutralize the acid that had
been added to it, without materially, or at all, affecting the juice

[4] "When we made application to this indolent Don, by the governor's
direction, to be supplied with cattle, he indeed promised to furnish
us with as many as we wanted, but we never got more than a single lean
bullock. The company perfectly tyrannizes over the inhabitants, and
sells them wretched merchandize at exorbitant prices."--G.F.

This gentleman says there are very few white people in the Cape Verd
Islands; that he did not see more than five or six at St Jago,
including the governor, commandant, and company's agent; and that in
some of the islands even the governors and priests are taken from
among the blacks. He draws a moving picture of the wretched condition
of these forlorn islanders, under the indolent and yet oppressive
government of the court of Lisbon. Mr G.F. be it known, was peculiarly
sharp-sighted in discovering, and vehement in inveighing against,
every impolitic violation of human liberty. In the judgments of some
persons, he had imbibed too readily the intoxicating beverage of
revolutionary France. Many strong heads, it is certain, were not proof
against its effects.--E.

[5] "Before leaving Port Praya, Captain Cook invited the governor-
general and the commandant to dinner, and we staid on board in order
to act as interpreters on this occasion. The captain sent them his own
boat; but when it came on shore the governor begged to be excused,
because he was always affected with sickness on board any vessel,
whether at sea or in harbour. The commandant promised to come, but
having at first neglected to ask the governor's leave, the latter
retired to take his _siesta_, (or afternoon's repose,) and no one
ventured to disturb him."--G.F.

[6] "The heavy rains entirely soaked the plumage of a poor swallow,
which had accompanied us for several days past; it was obliged,
therefore, to settle on the railing of the quarter-deck, and suffered
itself to be caught. From the history of this bird, which was of the
common species, we may deduce the circumstances that bring solitary
land-birds a great way out to sea. It seems to be probable, that they
begin with following a ship, from the time she leaves the land; that
they are soon lost in the great ocean, and are thus obliged to
continue close to the ship, as the only solid mass in this immense
fluid expanse. If two or more ships are in company, it is also easy to
account for the expression of _meeting with_ land-birds at a great
distance from land, because they may happen to follow some other ship
from the shore, than that which carries the observer; thus they may
escape observation for a day or two, or perhaps longer, and when
noticed, are supposed to be _met with_ at sea. However, great storms
are sometimes known to have driven single birds, nay, vast flocks, out
to sea, which are obliged to seek for rest on board of ships at
considerable distances from any land. Captain Cook very obligingly
communicated to me a fact which confirms the above assertion. "Being
on board of a ship between Norway and England, he met with a violent
storm, during which a flight of several hundred birds covered the
whole rigging of the ship. Among numbers of small birds he observed
several hawks, which lived very luxuriously by preying on those poor
defenceless creatures."--G.F.

To record incidents such as these, will not seem unimportant or
injudicious to any one who knows the philosophical value of facts in
the formation of just theories.--E.

[7] "This morning, 5th September, I let down a thermometer, suspended
in the middle of a strong wooden case, of such a construction as to
let the water pass freely through it in its descent, but which shut
close the instant it began to be drawn up. By this means the
thermometer was brought up in a body of water of the same heat with
that it had been let down to. The results were as above."--W.

This opportunity may be used for introducing the following table and
remarks, which are certainly deserving attention. "To ascertain the
degree of _warmth_ of the sea-water, at a certain depth, several
experiments were made by us. The thermometer made use of, was of
Fahrenheit's construction, made by Mr Ramsden, and furnished with an
ivory scale; it was, on these occasions, always put into a cylindrical
tin case, which had at each end a valve, admitting the water as long
as the instrument was going down, and shutting while it was hauling up
again. The annexed table will at once shew the result of the

| Degrees of Fahrenheit's | |Stay of |Time in|
| Thermometer. | |the |hauling|
|--------------------------| |Thermo- |the |
| |On the | |Depth |meter |Thermo-|
| In the |Surface |At a |in |in the |meter |
| Air. |of the |certain |Fathoms. |Deep. |up. |
Date |Latitude | |Sea. |Depth. | | | |
Sept. 5 00 deg.52'N. 75 deg. 74 deg. 66 deg. 85 F. 30' 27-1/2'

Sept.27. 24 deg.44'S. 72-1/2 70 deg. 68 deg. 80 F. 15' 7'

Oct. 12. 34 deg.48'S. 60 deg. 59 deg. 58 deg. 100 F. 2O' 6'

Dec. 15. 55 deg.00'S. 30-1/2 deg. 30 deg. 34 deg. 100 F. 17' 5-1/2'

Dec. 23. 55 deg.26'S 33 deg. 32 deg. 34-1/2 deg. 100 F. 16' 6-1/2'


Jan. 13. 61 deg.00'S. 37 deg. 33-1/2 deg. 32 deg. 100 F. 20' 7'

From this table it appears, that under the Line and near the tropics,
the water is cooler at a great depth than at its surface. In high
latitudes, the air is cooler sometimes, sometimes very near upon a
par, and sometimes warmer than the sea-water at the depth of about 100
fathoms, according as the preceding changes of the temperature of the
air, or the direction and violence of the wind happen to fall out. For
it is to be observed, that these experiments were always made when we
had a calm, or at least very little wind; because in a gale of wind,
we could not have been able to make them in a boat. Another probable
cause of the difference in the temperature of the sea-water in the
same high latitude, undoubtedly must be sought in the ice; in a sea
covered with high and extensive ice islands, the water should be
colder than in a sea which is at a great distance from any ice."--F.

This table is evidently too confined, and made up of too few elements,
to justify almost any general inferences. The subject is certainly a
curious one, and merits full investigation, but presents very
considerable difficulties, as many circumstances, which are likely to
modify the result, may escape notice during the experiments. It has
been said, that as water is most dense at from 37 to 39 Fahrenheit,
this may be presumed to be the mean temperature at the bottom of the
sea; but such hypothetical deductions are, perhaps, entitled to little
confidence. It may however be safely enough presumed, that the
temperature of the sea is kept tolerably uniform on the well-known
principle of statics, that the heavier columns of any fluid displace
those that are lighter. The waters of the ocean, perhaps, are the
great agent by which the average temperature of our globe is preserved
almost entirely invariable. We shall have an opportunity, in the
account of another voyage, to make some remarks on this subject, and
to notice more exact experiments than those just now mentioned.--E.

[8] "On this day, we had an alarm that one of our crew was overboard,
upon which we immediately put about, but seeing nothing, the names of
all persons on board the vessel were called over, and none found
missing, to our great satisfaction. Our friends on board the
Adventure, whom we visited a few days after, told us they had indeed
suspected by our manoeuvre, the accident which we had apprehended, but
that looking out on the sea, Captain Furneaux had plainly observed a
sea-lion, that had been the cause of this false alarm."--G.F.

[9] Mr G.F. concludes his description of this well-known appearance in
the following very just remark: "There was a singularity, and a
grandeur in the display of this phenomenon, which could not fail of

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