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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. VIII. by Robert Kerr

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so I hired three natives, and put to sea in the skiff. When out of sight
of Pulo-way, it came on to blow a heavy storm, so that I had to scud
before the wind and sea to save our lives; yet, thank God, we got sight
of Ceram, and kept her right afore the sea, but clean from the place
where our ship lay, and on nearing the shore the sea did break so aloft,
that we had no hope of getting safe on shore. Night being at hand, we
strove all we could to keep the sea till day; but as the storm
increased, we had no remedy for our lives but attempting to get through
the surf over a ledge of rocks. This we did, but durst not leave the
boat, lest we had been dashed in pieces on the rocks. Next morning we
got her on shore, being brim-full of water, and every thing we had
washed out.

Immediately afterwards, the blacks came and told us we must go to sea
again instantly, if we valued our lives, for we had landed in the
country of the _canibals_, who, if they saw us, would come and eat us.
They said, nothing could ransom us from them if once taken, and
especially because we were Christians, they would roast us alive, in
revenge for the wrongs the Portuguese had done them. Our blacks added,
if we would not put immediately to sea, they would go and hide
themselves, being sure the canibals would be at the water-side as soon
as it was light. On hearing this, and seeing by the moonlight that the
sea was more calm, the wind having dulled, we pushed off, and having the
tide in our favour, we got quickly a-head, so that by day-light we were
beyond the watches of the canibals; and keeping close to the shore, we
espied the hull of a bark, on nearing which we knew it to be the
_Diligence_.[312] Coming up to her, I found two Englishmen on board, who
told me they had come there to anchor the same night we had the storm in
the skiff, and anchoring at this place, their cable broke and she drove
on shore, Mr Herniman having gone to the town to get people to assist in
weighing her. The sandy beach was covered with people who came to
pillage her, and I advised the two Englishmen to fire a shot now and
then, which scared them from coming nearer. On coming to the town, Mr
Herniman was gone by land to our ship. I offered money to the governor
to help to save the bark, when he said he would raise the country in two
or three days for that purpose; but I told him, if it came to blow she
would be lost in an hour. One of the Pulo-way people being there,
plainly told me that the governor only waited to have her bilged, that
he might have the planks to build a praw for himself.

[Footnote 312: This afterwards appears to have been the praw, formerly
mentioned, so named after being raised upon for carrying spice from
Pulo-way to Ceram; but this circumstance is left here unexplained,
possibly by the negligence of Purchas in abbreviating, by which he
leaves matters often obscure, sometimes unintelligible.--E.]

Finding no help could be had except from the ship, which was twelve
miles off by land, I hired guides to follow Mr Herniman, taking one of
my own men to bear me company. Half-way we came to a large river, which
it was necessary to swim across, and as my man could not swim, I sent
him back with my clothes, except a scarlet _mandilion_,[313] which one
of my guides engaged to carry over for me. He told me the river was full
of alligators, and if I saw any I must fight with him, or he would kill
me, and for that purpose my guide carried a knife in his mouth. Being
very weary, as I had not slept for two nights, I took the water before
the Indians, knowing they would be over before me. The river being very
broad, and the stream swift, occasioned by late great rains, the Indians
would have had me return when half way, to which I would not consent.
While swimming, the Indian who carried my mandilion touched my side with
a cane he carried in his hand; suspecting this had been an alligator, I
immediately dived, when the current got such hold of me that I was
carried out to sea, which threw me on the beach, and bruised me so on
the back and shoulder that I could not get a-land, till the Indian came
and gave me hold of one end of his cane, and pulled me out almost
drowned, as every surf drove me against the beach and washed me out
again. I praised God, and got on board, where my company was amazed to
see me. So that night I sent all that were able to crawl to save the
bark, which they did with much toil and small help of the natives; _the
country_ not permitting any one to assist in saving her,[314] expecting
us to forsake her, that they might enjoy the spoil.

[Footnote 313: This word is explained by lexicographers as a loose
garment, a sleeveless jacket, or a soldiers coat.--E.]

[Footnote 314: It will be seen in other voyages, that the Malays, who
are widely diffused over the Indian archipelago, often live under a kind
of aristocratical republican government; even where they are subjected
to kings, partaking much of the feudal semblance. This observation
seemed necessary as an attempt to explain the meaning in the text of
_the country_ not permitting, &c.--E.]

The Hopewell arrived next morning laden with spice, having been
a-missing, as mentioned before. She had been driven thirty leagues to
the east of Banda in a cruel storm, which gave them much ado to get
again to windward. I returned to Pulo-way in the pinnace, which I again
loaded without delay; and Mr Davis was taking in his loading in the
junk, and making all the dispatch he could with his poor lame crew, the
best part of my crew being long absent in the Diligence. We presently
unladed her, and I that night set sail in her myself,[315] to see if I
could come before Mr Davis came from thence, for I was told the junk was
very leaky, and I wished to have her accompanied by the Hopewell,
whatsoever might befall; as she had not a nail in her, but such as we
had driven, and as we had none of ourselves, we caused the simple native
smiths to make some iron pins, for they can make no nails,[316] and
bestowed these in the most needful places. While striving in the
Hopewell to reach Pulo-way, I was put past it in a mighty storm by the
current; for the more the wind, the current is always the stronger:
being put to leeward, and long before we could fetch the ship, and fain
to take shelter on the Ceram shore, or else be blown away. After many
trips, and still falling to leeward of the ship, I desired Mr Davis to
look out for some harbour for our ship, to which we might come over
direct from Pulo-way, without being obliged to ply to windward with our
craft when deeply laden, which was effected.

[Footnote 315: This paragraph is utterly inexplicable, at least with any
certainty, the abbreviation by Purchas having reduced it almost to
absolute nonsense. Conjectural amendment being inadmissible, the subject
is of so little moment as not to warrant any commentary.--E.]

[Footnote 316: Even to the present times, the boasted empire of China is
unable to make a head to a nail. All their smiths can do for a
substitute, is to bend the head of a small piece of iron like the letter
_z_, which flattened, but not welded, serves as a substitute for the
nail-head. Every chest of tea affords numerous examples of this clumsy
_qui pro quo_.--E.]

In my long stay from Pulo-way and Banda on this occasion, the islanders
had intelligence that our ship had weighed; and they were persuaded I
had gone away for fear of the Hollanders. Upon this the islanders would
not deal with my people whom I had left among them, neither even would
they sell them provisions. They even began to rail at them and abuse
them, saying that I had gone away with the ship, as the Hollanders did
formerly, and would come back with a fleet, as they had done, and take
their country from them. In this disposition of mind towards us, they
had come to a determination to seize our house, and to send all our
people prisoners to the top of a high rock, the consent only of the
sabandar being a-wanting for taking possession of our goods, though some
even began to take our goods forcibly. On the arrival of the sabandar,
Mr Spalding waited upon him, and remonstrated upon the unjust conduct of
the islanders in taking away our goods, craving his protection. The
sabandar then said, that the islanders were resolved we should not do as
the Hollanders had done, and were therefore resolved to make all the
English prisoners; for the ship was gone, and our intentions seemed bad
towards them. All that Mr Spalding could say, they would not be
persuaded but that I was gone away in the ship, and that my people were
left behind at Pulo-way for a sinister purpose.

Next day, the islanders met in council in their church, [_mosque_;] and
while deliberating upon the seizure of our goods, and the imprisonment
of Mr Spalding and our men, news were brought them that I was in sight
in the Hopewell, on which they broke up their council. At my landing, Mr
Spalding told me of the hard usage he had received, and the fear he was
in. When I got to our house, the chief man of all the islands sat before
the door, waiting my arrival, and told me plainly, if I had not then
come myself, they would have taken our goods and made our people
prisoners. I then explained to them the reason of removing the ship;
adding, that it was no wonder the Hollanders had built a castle to
defend themselves, when I received such hard and unjust usage from them,
who was in friendship with them, had left my men among them with such
commodities as the country required, had made the Hollanders my enemies
because they were their enemies, and had done every thing in my power to
serve them. They answered, that I must not blame them for being jealous
of all Christians, as the Portuguese and Hollanders had done exactly
like me for many years, but were now obviously determined to enslave
their country.

Friendship and confidence being completely restored, I bought spice from
them, and had soon enough to load my ship, which I dispatched in the
Hopewell to where the Expedition now rode. Having still a considerable
overplus of stock, I thought I could not do better service to your
worships, than by laying out your money in farther purchases. I
therefore loaded thirty tons more in a junk, and bought another junk of
forty tons and spice to load her. But as she was not yet launched, I
left Mr Spalding in charge of her loading, leaving Mr Chapman, a very
honest and sufficient man, as master of this junk, with twelve persons
to navigate her. I then took my leave of all the chiefs in a friendly
manner, giving them various presents as farewell tokens, entreating them
to give Mr Spalding such assistance as he might require, as after my
departure he would have to rely on them.

Leaving Mr Chapman as master of the new junk, I was obliged to take
charge of the Hopewell myself, and set sail the 7th September, 1610,
from Pulo-way, having the junk Middleton in company, having remained
longer in this country than any Englishman had done hitherto. I arrived
at the ship on the 10th, which I now found was not fully laden, as seven
tons of nutmegs that had come last from Pulo-way were spoiled and had to
be thrown away. I laded her therefore from the Hopewell and the junk;
and now turned off the Hopewell, which had done good service. She was
only of half-inch plank, which we had never had leisure to sheath, and
was so worm-eaten, that the pump had to be in constant use.

Sec. 3. _Departure for Bantam, Escape from the Hollanders, and Voyage

When the ship was fully laden, we set sail from Keeling bay for Bantam,
having never a top-sail overhead, as the top-sails had been blown from
the yards while Mr Davis was removing the ship from her original station
to another bay, seven leagues more to the westward. As the junk went
better than we, I wrote a letter by her to Bantam, desiring her crew to
make all speed there, yet I hoped to overtake her when I could get up
new top-sails, on which we were busy at work. Having completed our
top-sails, I overtook the junk on the 16th September, when we found it
could not now keep us company, unless we took in our top-sails. I
directed them therefore to carry such sail in the junk as she was able
to bear, and to follow me to Bantam, as my remaining with them could
serve no good purpose, and I had much to do at Bantam to trim the ship
for her voyage home. So we took leave of them and bore away for Bantam.
I arrived there on the 9th October, where I found Mr Hensworth and
Edward Neetles had both died shortly after my sailing for the spice
islands; so that all the goods I had left were still there, not a yard
of cloth being sold to the Chinese.

Having dispatched my affairs at Bantam, I appointed Richard Wooddies as
chief of our factory, with whom I left directions for Mr Spalding, when
God should send him to Bantam, to consider of a voyage to Succadania in
Borneo for diamonds. I set sail on the 16th November, and having a good
passage to Saldanha bay, I got there on the 21st January, 1611. I found
that my brother Sir Henry Middleton had been there, arriving the 24th
July, and departing the 10th August, 1610. I there found a copy of a
letter my brother had sent home by a Hollander the day after he came to
the road; which, if your worships have not received, you may see that
they will detain all your worships letters. I took in water at Saldanha
bay, and made all the dispatch I could for England.

Thus have I certified your worships of all matters in an ample manner,
as seemed my duty. I have on board 100 tons, six _cathayes_, one
quartern, and two pounds of nutmegs; and 622 suckets of mace, which are
thirty-six tons, fifteen cathayes, one quartern, and twenty-one pounds.
I left in the junk with Mr Herniman twenty-four tons, seven cathayes,
two quarterns, eight pounds. All this cost me 25,071-1/4 rials; of which
sum I have disbursed 500 rials of my own, for spice, which lies mostly
on the _orlop_; and being in bond to your worships, it shall there
remain till I know your worships pleasure whether I shall enjoy it.


_Sixth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1610, under the
Command of Sir Henry Middleton._[317]


This is one of the most curious of all the early voyages of the English
to India, particularly on account of the transactions of Sir Henry in
the Red Sea. According to the title of the voyage in the Pilgrims, the
narrative was written by Sir Henry himself, probably an abstract of his
journal. It breaks off abruptly, and leaves the fate of the voyage
entirely unexplained, which will be found in some measure supplied by
the subsequent narrative of Downton.

[Footnote 317: Purch. Pilgr. I. 247. Astl. I. 360.]

From the title given by Purchas to the narrative, it appears that there
were three ships employed in this voyage: The _Trades-increase_ of 1000
tons, admiral, commanded by Sir Henry Middleton, general of the
expedition; the _Pepper-corn_ of 250 tons, vice-admiral, commanded by
Captain Nicholas Downton; and the _Darling_ of 90 tons. Besides these,
the bark _Samuel_ of 180 tons accompanied as a victualler to Cape

Sec. 1. _Incidents of the Voyage till the Arrival of the Squadron at

We came to anchor in the roads of Cape Verd on the 1st May, 1610, under
an island, where we found a Frenchman of Dieppe, who was setting up a
pinnace. Next day, I set all the carpenters of the fleet to work on my
mainmast; and having taken off the fishes, they found it so sore wrung
about three feet above the upper-deck, that it was half through, so that
it must have gone by the board if we had met with any foul weather. I
sent one of my carpenters a-land on the main to search for trees, who
returned that night, saying he had seen some that would answer. The
third we began to unload the Samuel, and sent the carpenters on shore to
cut down trees, having leave of the alcaide, who came on board to dine
with me, and to whom I gave a piece of Rouen cloth which I bought of the
Frenchman, and some other trifles. The fifteenth, the mast being
repaired, and all our water-casks full, we stowed our boats at night,
and prepared to be gone next morning. Cape Verd is the best place I know
of for our outward-bound ships; not being out of the way, the road being
good and fit for the dispatch of any kind of business, and fresh fish to
be had in great plenty. In a council with Captain Downton and the
masters, it was agreed that our best course to steer for the line from
hence was S.S.W. for sixty leagues, then S.S.E. till near the line, and
then easterly. We dismissed the Samuel to return home, and held on our

We came into Saldanha roads the 24th July, and saluted the Dutch admiral
with five guns, which he returned. There were also two other Holland
ships there, which came to make train-oil of seals,[318] and which had
made 300 pipes. This day I went a-land, and found the names of Captain
Keeling and others, homewards-bound in January, 1610; also my brother
David's name, outward-bound, 9th August, 1609, and likewise a letter
buried under ground, according to agreement between him and me in
England, but it was so consumed with damp as to be altogether illegible.
The 26th, we set up a tent for our sick men, and got them all ashore to
air our ships. From this till we departed, nothing happened worth

[Footnote 318: In a letter which I had from Mr Femell, written from
Saldanha bay, he mentions two French ships in like employment, which he
suspected lay in wait for distressed ships coming from India.--_Purch_.]

The 6th September, in lat. 23 deg. 30' S. wind southerly, a pleasant gale.
This day, after dinner, we saw land, and before night, came to anchor in
the bay of St Augustine, where we found the Union distressed for want of
provisions.[319] The 7th, I went ashore in my pinnace to endeavour to
get fresh victuals for the people, but could not; we got however wood
and water. The 10th, we steered along the coast with a fresh gale at
S.E. reckoning to have made twenty-six leagues that day, but we only
went twenty-two, owing to a current setting south. The 11th, we steered
along the land, having still a great current against us. The 20th, at
noon, our latitude was 11 deg. 10', the variation being 12 deg. 40' This
afternoon we saw land, being the islands of _Queriba_,[320] which are
dangerous low islands, environed with rocks and shoals.

[Footnote 319: See the narrative of her voyage in sect. ix. of this

[Footnote 320: Querimba, an island and river of that name on the Cafre
coast, in lat. 12 deg. 30' S. There is an island called Oibo, a little way
to the north, and another named Goat's island, a little-way south of
Querimba; all three being probably the _islands_ of Queriba in the

The 16th October, early in the morning, we saw the _Duas Irmanas_, or
Two Sisters, bearing N. by W. the wind at S.W. and the 18th, we came to
anchor in a sandy bay in the island of Socotora, in lat. 12 deg. 25' N.[321]
In the evening we caught many fish with the sein. The 21st, we
endeavoured to get into the road of Tamarin, the chief town of the
island, but from contrary winds were unable to get there till the 25th.
The latitude of Tamarin is 12 deg. 30' [13 deg. 37'] S. This town stands at the
foot of high rugged hills, and the road is all open between E. by N. and
W.N.W. We anchored in ten fathoms on good ground. I sent Mr Femell
ashore well accompanied, with a present to the king of a cloth vest, a
piece of plate, and a sword-blade, when he promised all possible
kindness. The 26th, I went ashore, accompanied by the chief merchants
and a strong guard, and being conducted to the king's house, he
entertained me courteously. I enquired of him concerning the trade of
the Red Sea, which he highly commended, saying, the people of Aden and
Mokha were good, and would be glad to trade with us. He said farther,
that the Ascension had sold all her goods there at high prices, and came
so light to Tamarin as to require much ballast. This news gave me good
content. I asked leave to set up my pinnace on his island, but he would
not allow it in this road, as if I staid long at Tamarin it might deter
all others from coming there; but if I chose to return to the former
port, I might set up the pinnace at that place. On enquiring for aloes,
he said he had sent away all his aloes to his father, who resides at
Kushem, near Cape Fartak, being king of that part of Arabia Felix. I
asked leave to wood and water. He gave me free leave to take water, but
said, if I would have any wood, I must pay very dear for it. He
confirmed the loss of the Ascension and her pinnace, which was no small
grief to me. He urged me much to go to the Red Sea, but advised me not
to attempt trade at Fartak, as he thought his father would not allow me.
I and all my people dined with the king, and then went aboard.

[Footnote 321: The latitude in the text is very erroneous; the most
southerly part of Socotora being in 13 deg. 6' N.]

The 7th November, while steering along the coast of Arabia, we saw a
high land about ten o'clock, rising like _Abba-del-curia_, and capable
of being seen a great way off, which we imagined to be the high land of
Aden. In the evening, we came to anchor before the town in twenty
fathoms on sandy ground. Aden stands in a vale at the foot of a
mountain, and makes a fair appearance. It is surrounded by a stone wall,
and has forts and bulwarks in many places; but how these are furnished I
know not. The 8th, there came off a small boat in which were three
Arabs, who said they were sent by the lieutenant of the town to enquire
of what nation we were; sending us word we were welcome if English, and
that Captain Sharpey had been there the year before, and had gone thence
to Mokha, where he sold all his goods. I asked the name of the pacha,
and whether he was a good man. They answered his name was Jaffer Pacha;
that the former pacha was a very bad man, this rather better, but all
the Turks were bad. Asking what sort of place Mokha was for trade, they
told me there was one man in Mokha who would purchase all my goods. I
sent John Williams ashore, one of my factors, who could speak Arabic,
who was kindly entertained.

The morning of the 9th, I sent my pinnace ashore to procure a pilot for
Mokha, and in the mean time weighed anchor and got under sail. The
pinnace returned without a pilot, saying, they would not let us have any
unless we left three of our chief merchants in pledge, and that they
entreated me to leave one ship, and they would buy all her goods. Being
desirous of trade, I agreed to leave the Pepper-corn, and did what we
could to regain the road, but were carried to leeward by the current, so
we came to anchor to the south of the town. I then sent Mr Fowler and
John Williams ashore, to tell them I was to leave one ship with them to
trade, and begged they would let me have a pilot They seemed glad that
one of the ships was to remain, and promised me a pilot next day. Seeing
no hope of a pilot on the 12th, and having dispatched our business with
the Pepper-corn, I sailed about noon with the Trades-increase and
Darling for Mokha.

The 14th, we saw the head-land going into the Red Sea, rising like an
island, and about eleven, we were athwart the entrance, being only three
miles broad.[322] On the north side is a rugged land like an island, and
on the other side is a low flat island, called _Babelmandd_,[323] on the
south side of which island there appeared to be a broad strait or
entrance. After passing through the strait, we saw a village in a sandy
bay on the north shore, to which place I sent my pinnace to get a pilot.
It soon returned with two Arabs, who pretended to be very skilful. Our
depth in the straits was from eight to eleven fathoms, and the distance
from Aden to the straits is thirty leagues. About four o'clock p.m. we
had sight of the town of Mokha; and about five, while luffing with a
strong wind, we split our main-top-sail, and putting abroad our mizen,
it split likewise. At this time our pilots got our ship aground on a
sand bank, the wind blowing hard, and the sea somewhat high, so that we
much feared her getting safe off again.

[Footnote 322: This must have been the N.E. passage, between the island
of Prin and the promontory on the coast of Arabia. The other passage is
much broader.--E.]

[Footnote 323: The name of the island is _Prin, Bab-al-Mondub_,
signifying the gate of lamentation, is the Arabian name of the straits
leading into the Red Sea.--E,]

Sec. 2. _Transactions at Mokha, and Treachery of the Turks there, and at

That same night, a boat came off to us from the town, in which was a
proper man of a Turk, sent by the governor to enquire who we were, and
what was our business. I answered that we were English merchants, who
came in search of trade. To this he replied, that we were heartily
welcome, and should not fail in what we wanted; and that Alexander
Sharpey had sold all his goods there, and we might do the like. He made
light of the grounding of our ship, saying it was quite customary for
the great ships of India to get there aground, and yet none of them ever
suffered any harm by it. He then hastened on shore to acquaint the aga
what we were, and promised to return in the morning with boats to
lighten our ship. This man, as I afterwards understood, was what they
call _lord of the sea_;[324] his office is to board all ships that come
to Mokha, to see lighters sent to discharge the ships, and to take care
that they do not defraud the customs; for all which he has certain
fees, which constitute his salary.

[Footnote 324: In Arabic, _Amir-al-Bahar_.--Astl. I. 363. a.]

Early in the morning of the 14th, the lord of the sea returned with
three or four other Turks in his company, two of whom spoke Italian.
They brought me a small present from the aga, with hearty welcome to his
port, saying, we should have as good and free trade as we had in
_Stamboul_, [Constantinople,] Aleppo, or any other part of the Turkish
dominions, with many other compliments, and offers of every thing that
the country could afford. They brought three or four, lighters, into
which we put any thing that first came to hand to lighten the ship. Mr
Femell went ashore in one of these before I was aware, carrying with him
every thing he had in the ship. We sent our money, elephants teeth, and
all our shot, aboard the Darling; and in the evening carried out our
anchors into deep water, trying to heave off our ship, but could not.
The 15th we sent more goods ashore, and some on board the Darling, and
about five p.m. on heaving the capstan, our ship went off the bank to
all our comforts. I had this day a letter from Mr Femell, telling me he
hod received kind entertainment from the aga, and had agreed to pay five
per cent custom for all we should sell, and all that was not sold to be
returned custom-free. Likewise the aga sent me a letter under his hand
and seal, offering himself and every thing in his country at my
disposal, with many other compliments.

The 19th two boats came off for iron to Mr Femell, which I caused to be
sent; but wrote to him, not to send for any more goods till those he had
already were sold. In answer, Mr Femell wrote, that I must come ashore
according to the custom of the country, if I minded to have trade,
otherwise they could not be persuaded but we were men of war. The aga
likewise sent his interpreter to entreat me to come ashore, if I were a
merchant and friend to the Great Turk, and hoped for trade; alledging,
that Captain Sharpey, and all Indian captains, did so. The 20th, I went
ashore, and was received at the water-side by several of the chief men,
accompanied with music, and brought in great state to the aga's house,
where all the chief men of the town were assembled. I was received with
much kindness, was seated close to the aga, all the rest standing, and
many compliments paid me. I delivered his majesty's letter for the
pacha, and a present, which I requested might be sent up to the pacha
with all speed. I likewise gave the aga a present, with which he seemed
much pleased, assuring me I should have free trade, and if any of the
townspeople offended me or my men, he would punish them severely. He
then made me stand up, and one of his chief men put upon me a vest of
crimson silk and silver, saying, this was the Grand Seignor's
protection, and I need fear no ill. After some compliments, I took my
leave, and was mounted on a gallant horse with rich furniture, a great
man leading my horse, and was conducted in my new coat, accompanied by
music, to the English factory, where I staid dinner. Meaning to go
aboard in the evening, I was much entreated to remain, which I yielded
to, being forced also for some days following by bad weather.

Every day I had some small present sent me by the aga, with compliments
from him, enquiring if I were in want of any thing. On the 28th, he sent
twice complimentary messages, desiring me to be merry, as when their
fast was over, now almost expired, he would take me along with him to
his gardens and other places of pleasure. This afternoon Mr Pemberton
came ashore for cocoa-nuts, and wishing afterwards to return on board,
the Turks would not allow him, saying it was too late, and he might go
as early next morning as he pleased. I sent to entreat permission for
him to go, but it was refused. All this time we suspected no harm, only
thinking the officer was rather too strict in his conduct on this
occasion, which we thought had been without orders, and of which I meant
next day to complain to the aga. After sun-set, I ordered stools to be
set for us at the door, where Mr Femell, Mr Pemberton, and I, sat to
take the fresh air, having no suspicions that any evil was intended us.
About eight o'clock, a janissary brought some message for me from the
aga; and as we could not understand him, I sent my man to call one of my
people who could speak Turkish. While this man was interpreting the
aga's message, which was merely complimentary, my own man came to us in
great consternation, saying we were betrayed, for the Turks and my
people were by the ears at the back of the house.

The Turk who sat beside us rose up immediately, and desired my man to
shew him where the quarrel was, several of my folks following to see
what was the matter. I immediately ran after them, calling as loud as I
was able for them to turn back and defend our house; but while
speaking, I was struck on the head by one behind me with such violence,
that I fell down and remained senseless till they had bound my hands
behind me so tightly, that the pain restored my senses. As soon as they
saw me move, they set me on my feet, and led me between two of them to
the house of the aga, where I found several of my people in a similar
situation with myself. On the way the soldiers pillaged me of all the
money I had about me, and took from me three gold rings, one of which
was my seal, another was set with seven diamonds, which were of
considerable value, and the third was a _gimmall_ ring. When all of us
that escaped alive in this treacherous and bloody massacre were brought
together, they began to put us in irons, I and seven more being chained
together by the neck, others by their feet, and others again by the
hands. This being done they all left us, except two soldiers appointed
to keep guard over us. These soldiers had compassion upon us, and eased
us of the bands which tied our hands behind; for most of us were so
tightly bound that the blood was ready to start from our finger-ends.

After my hands were thus eased, being much distressed both for myself
and the rest, and in great anxiety for the ships, which I believed the
faithless Turks would leave no villainy unattempted to get possession
of, we began to converse together as to what could be the reason of this
infamous usage. I demanded if any of them could tell how the affray
began, and if any of our people were slain. I was informed by those of
our company who were in the fray, and had escaped, that Francis Slanny,
John Lanslot, and six more were slain, and that fourteen of those now in
custody along with me were sore wounded. They said that our house was
surrounded by soldiers, who, when I was knocked down, attacked our
company with merciless cruelty, against those who had no weapons to
defend themselves.

Having thus succeeded in the first act of their treachery, they now
aimed to gain possession of our ships and goods. For about ten o'clock
that same night, they manned three large boats with about 150 armed men,
in order to take the Darling, which rode somewhat nearer the shore than
our large ship. The boats put off from the shore together, and that they
might be mistaken for Christians, the Turks took off their turbans, and
all boarded the Darling, most of them getting upon her deck. This attack
was so sudden, that three men belonging to the Darling were slain before
they could get down below: The rest took to their close quarters, and
stood on their defence. At this time, the _Emir al Bahar_, who commanded
on this enterprize, called to his soldiers to _cut the tables in the
house._[325] The soldiers misunderstanding him, many of them leapt into
the boats and cut the boat ropes, so that they drifted away. By this
time our men had got hold of their weapons and manned their close
quarters, the Turks standing thick in the waste, hallooing and clanging
their swords upon the deck. One of our company threw a large barrel of
powder among them, and after it a fire-brand, which took instant effect,
and scorched several of them. The rest retired to the quarter-deck and
poop, as they thought for greater safety, where they were entertained
with musket-shot and another train of powder, which put them in such
fear that they leapt into the sea, many of them clinging to the ship's
side and desiring quarter, which was not granted, as our men killed all
they could find, and the rest were drowned. One man only was saved, who
hid himself till the fury was over, when he yielded and was received to
mercy. Thus God, of his goodness and mercy, delivered our ship and men
out of the hands of our enemies, for which blessed be his holy name for
ever more. _Amen._

[Footnote 325: This seems unintelligible nonsense, from what follows, it
would appear that the order was to _cut the cables in the hose,_ that
the ship might drift a-shore.--E.]

On the return of the boats to Mokha, they reported that the ship was
taken, for which there were great rejoicings. The aga sent off the boats
again, with orders to bring the ship close to the shore; but on getting
out to where she rode, they found her under sail and standing off, on
which they returned, and told the aga that the ship had escaped and was
gone, and they now believed the Emir-al-bahar and his soldiers were
taken prisoners, which was no pleasing news to him. Before day, he sent
his interpreter to tell me that my small ship was taken, which I
believed. At day-break, I was sent for to come before the aga, and went
accordingly with my seven yoke-fellows, all fastened with me by the neck
to the same chain. With a frowning countenance, he asked how I durst be
so bold as to enter their port of Mokha, so near their holy city of
Mecca? I answered, that he already knew the reason of my coming, and
that I had not landed till earnestly entreated by him, with many
promises of kind usage. He then said it was not lawful for any Christian
to come so near their holy city, of which Mokha was as one of the gates,
and that the pacha had express orders from the Great Turk to captivate
all Christians who came into these seas, even if they had the imperial
pass. I told him the fault was his own, for not having told me so at
first, but deluding us with fair promises.

He now gave me a letter to read from Captain Downton, dated long before
at Aden, saying, that two of his merchants and his purser had been
detained on shore,[326] and that they could not get them released,
without landing merchandize, and paying 1500 Venetian chequins for
anchorage. After I had read the letter, the aga desired to know its
purport, which I told him. He then informed me that the ship, since the
writing of that letter, had been cast away on a rock, and all her goods
and men lost. He then commanded me to write a letter to the people in my
large ship to know how many Turks were detained in the small one. I said
that was needless, as he had already sent me word the small ship was
taken. To this he replied, that she was once taken, but the large ship
had rescued her. He then ordered me to write a letter, commanding all
the people of the large ship to come ashore, and to deliver the large
ship and her goods into his hands, when he would give us the small ship
to carry us home. I said it would be folly to write any such thing, as
those who were aboard and at liberty would not be such fools as to
forsake their ship and goods, and come ashore to be slaves, merely for
my writing them. He said he was sure if I wrote such a letter, they
durst not disobey me. When I told him plainly I would write no such
letter, he urged me again, threatening to cut off my head if I refused.
I bade him do so, in which he would give me pleasure, being weary of my
life. He then asked what money we had in the ship, and what store of
victuals and water? I said we had but little money, being only for
purchasing victuals, not merchandize, and that we had enough of victuals
and water for two years, which he would not believe.

[Footnote 326: Besides these, twenty more were treacherously betrayed at
Aden, having leave given them to go onshore for business.--_Purch_.]

I was now taken out of my chain and collar, having a large pair of
fetters put upon my legs, with manacles on my wrists; and being
separated from the rest of my company, I was bestowed all that day in a
dirty dog-kennel under a stair; but at night, at the entreaty of
Shermall, consul of the Banians, I was taken to a better room, and
allowed to have one of my men along with me who spoke Turkish; yet my
bed was the hard ground, a stone my pillow, and my company to keep me
awake were grief of heart and a multitude of rats. About midnight came
the lieutenant of the aga with the _trugman_,[327] entreating me to
write a letter on board to enquire how many Turks they had prisoners,
and what were their names; but in no case to write any thing of the loss
of our men, and the hard usage we had met with; but to say we were
detained in the aga's house till orders came from the pacha, and that we
wanted for nothing. This letter I wrote exactly as they wished; but
commanded them to look well to their ships and boats, and by no means to
let any of their men come ashore. Taking this letter with them, they
examined two or three of my men apart as to its meaning.

[Footnote 327: Or interpreter, now commonly called dragoman, druggeman,
or trucheman, all of which are corruptions from the Arabic
_tarijman_.--Astl. I. 366. a.]

They could not at first get any one who would venture on board, so that
my first letter was not sent. But at length a person, who was born at
Tunis, in Barbary, and spoke good Italian, undertook to carry a letter,
providing I would write to use him well. I wrote again as they desired,
which was taken on board and answered, saying, that all the Turks were
slain or drowned, save one, named _Russwan_, a common soldier; in this
answer they expressed their satisfaction to hear that I was alive; as
Russwan told them he believed I and all the rest were slain. We
continued in this misery till the 15th December, never hearing any thing
from the ships nor they from us. The aga came several times to me,
sometimes with threats and sometimes soothing, to have me write for all
my people to come ashore and deliver up the ships; but I always answered
him as before. He was in hopes our ships would be forced, for want of
water and provisions, to surrender to him, knowing they could not have a
wind to get out of the straits till May, and would by no means believe
me that they were provided for two years.

In the mean time they in the ships were at their wits end, hearing
nothing from us ashore, and not knowing well what to do. They rode very
insecurely in an open anchorage, the wind blowing continually hard at
S.S.E. inclosed all round with shoals, and their water beginning to
fail, as we had started fifty tons in our large ship to lighten her when
we got aground. While in this perplexity, an honest true-hearted sailor,
named John Chambers, offered to go ashore and see what was become of us,
putting his life and liberty at stake, rather than see the people so
much at a loss. He effected this on the 15th December, being set ashore
upon a small island with a flag of truce, a little to windward of the
town, having one of our Indians along with him as an interpreter. On
being carried before the aga, who asked him how he durst come on shore
without leave, he said he came with a flag of truce, and was only a
messenger, which was permitted among enemies. Being asked what message
he had to deliver, he said a letter for his general, and likewise, if
allowed, to see and enquire how we all did. He and the Indian were
strictly examined as to the store of provisions and water on board, when
both answered as I had done, that there was enough of both for two

Chambers was then brought to my dark cell, and could not for some time
see me on coming out of the light. He delivered me the letter with
watery eyes, on seeing me so fettered, both hands and feet being in
irons. When he had told me how he came ashore, I told him I hardly
thought they would let him off again; as, not many days before, a man
who brought a letter for me from the Pepper-corn was detained a
prisoner, being neither allowed to return nor to go aboard the ships in
the roads. His answer was, that before leaving the ship he had made up
his mind to submit to the same hard fate as I did, if they were so
villainous as to detain him who was only a messenger. The 16th I wrote
an answer, and delivered it to Chambers, and, contrary to my
expectation, they let him and the Indian return, with leave to come
again next day if they had occasion. Next day accordingly, Chambers
returned alone, for the Indian was so terrified that he durst not
venture again. My man sent me various things by Chambers, but the aga
was my receiver, thinking them too good for me.

While daily expecting orders from the pacha to put us to death, or to
make us perpetual prisoners or slaves, on the 20th December an aga came
down from Zenan, who was captain, or chief of the _chiauses_, with
orders to bring us all up there. Being desirous to see me and my
company, three chairs were brought into my prison, on which Regib aga,
Ismael aga, the messenger, and Jaffer aga, seated themselves. Regib aga
began by asking, how I dared to come into that country so near their
holy city, without a pass from the Turkish emperor? I answered, that the
king my master was in peace and amity with the Grand Turk, and that by
the treaty between them, trade was allowed to us in all his dominions,
of which this being a part, we needed no pass. He then said, that this
place being the door, as it were, of their holy city, was not lawful for
any Christians to enter; and then asked me if I did not know the grand
signior had a long sword? I answered, we were not taken by the sword,
but by treachery; and if I and my people were aboard, I would not care
for the length of his sword, nor for all their swords. He then said,
this was proudly spoken; and, as formerly, desired I would write,
commanding all my people to come ashore, and surrender themselves and
ships to the pacha, to which I answered as formerly. Ismael aga now
broke off this idle discourse, by telling me, he came from the pacha
with express orders to conduct me and all my people to Zenan, and
therefore advised me to send aboard for warm clothing, as we should find
it very cold in the mountains. I requested him that my poor men might be
sent aboard ship, and that only I and a few more should go up to Zenan.
He said, it was not in his power to remedy this, as the pacha had
ordered all to go; but Regib aga said I should have my wish, and that I
and five more should go to Zenan, the rest remaining where they were
till farther orders from the pacha. This same day, the 20th December,
Captain Downton came in the Pepper-corn to Mokha roads from Aden; and
learning this, I wrote him a letter, giving him my opinion of what was
best for him to do, he being commander in my absence.

Sec. 3. _Journey of Sir Henry Middleton to Zenan, in the Interior of
Yemen, or Arabia Felix, with some Description of the Country, and
Occurrences till his Return to Mokha_.

The 22d December, our irons were all taken off our legs, except the
carpenters and smiths, who were detained at Mokha to set up our pinnace,
and some sick men who were unable to travel. I and thirty-four of my
people were destined to go up to Zenan, the chief city of the
kingdom,[328] where the pacha resided. About four p.m. of the 22d we
left Mokha, myself and Mr Femell being on horseback, and all the rest of
my people upon asses. About ten at night, when ten or twelve miles from
Mokha, Mr Pemberton slipped away. We missed him immediately, but said
not a word, aiding his escape with our prayers to God to speed him safe
aboard. About one hour after midnight, we came to an inn or town, called
_Mowssie_, when we were counted, but Pemberton was not missed. We
remained here till four in the afternoon of the 23d, when, at our coming
out to depart, we were again counted, and one was now found wanting. The
aga asked me how many of us left Mokha, on which I answered,
thirty-four, as I thought, but I was not certain. He insisted there
certainly were thirty-five, and that one was now missing; on which I
said that was more than I knew.

[Footnote 328: Zenan, or Sanaa, is a city in the interior of Yemen, or
Yaman, in lat. 16 deg. 45' N. and long. 46 deg. E. from Greenwich; being about
250 miles N.N.E. from Mokha, and about 150 miles N.N.W. from the nearest
coast of the Indian ocean, situated on one of the very few rivers that
are to be found in Arabia.--E.]

I ought to have mentioned, that, while a prisoner at Mokha, I found much
kindness from one Hamet aga, who sent me various presents, encouraging
me to be of good comfort, as my cause was good. He sent a supply of
bread for me and my people on the journey, and gave me letters for the
kiahya of the pacha. The consul likewise of the Banians came every day
to visit me, and never empty handed; and Tookehar was our great friend
all the time we were prisoners, sending every day to each man, fifty-one
in all, two cakes of white bread, and a quantity of dates or plantains.
He went away from Mokha for Zenan two days before us, promising me to
use his beat endeavours with the pacha for our good; and I believe he
did what he said, for I was told by several persons at Zenan, that he
laboured hard in our business, both with the pacha and the kiahya, which
latter was a very discreet person, and governed the kingdom.

On Christmas day we arrived at the city of _Tyes_, four days journey
from Mokha, where we were marshalled two and two together, as they do at
_Stambol_[329] with captives taken in the wars, our aga riding in
triumph, as a great conqueror. We were met a mile out of town by the
chief men of the place on horseback, multitudes of people standing all
the way gazing and wondering at us; and this was done at all the cities
and towns through which we passed. A youth belonging to Mr Pemberton
fell sick at this town, and had to be left in charge of the governor,
being unable to travel.

[Footnote 329: Stambola, Stamboli, Stamboul, vulgar names in the east
for Constantinople, is a correction and corruption of [Greek] which the
Greeks used to say when going to Constantinople, i.e. _to the city_, by
way of especial eminence above all other cities.--_Purch_.]

I kept no journal all the way from Tyes to Zenan; but this I well
remember, that it was exceedingly cold all that part of the journey, our
lodging being the cold ground, and every morning the ground was covered
with hoar frost. I would not believe at Mokha when I was told how cold
was the upper country, but experience taught me, when too late, to wish
I had come better provided. I bought fur gowns for most of my men, who
were slenderly clothed, otherwise I think they would have starved. Zenan
is, as I judge, about 180 miles N.N.W. from Mokha.[330] It is in lat.
16 deg. 15', as I observed by an instrument I made there. We were fifteen
days between Mokha and Zenan. The 5th of January, 1611, two hours before
day, we came within two miles of Zenan, where we had to sit on the bare
ground till day-light, and were much pinched by the cold, and so
benumbed that we could hardly stand. Every morning the ground was
covered with hoar frost, and in Zenan we have had ice an inch thick in
one night, which I could not have believed unless I had seen it.

[Footnote 330: See a former note, in which its geographical relation to
Mokha is given on the authority of our latest and best maps.--E.]

About a mile from the town, we were met by the _subasha_, or sheriff,
with at least 200 shot, accompanied by drums and trumpets. We were now
drawn up in single file, or one behind the other, at some distance, to
make the greater shew, our men having their gowns taken from them, and
being forced to march on foot in their thin and ragged suits. The
soldiers led the way, after whom went our men one by one, our trumpeters
being next before me, and commanded by the aga to sound, but I forbade
them. After our trumpeters, came Mr Femell and I on horseback; and
lastly, came the aga riding in triumph, with a richly caparisoned spare
horse led before him. In this order we were led through the heart of the
city to the castle, all the way being so thronged with people that we
could hardly get through them. At the first gate there was a good guard
of armed soldiers; at the second were two great pieces of cannon on
carriages. After passing this gate, we came into a spacious court yard,
twice as long as the Exchange at London. The soldiers discharged their
pieces at this gate, and placed themselves, among many others there
before them, on the two sides, leaving a lane for us to walk through. Mr
Femell and I alighted at this gate, and placed ourselves on one side
along with our men, but he and I were soon ordered to attend upon the
pacha, it being their _divan_ day, or meeting of the council. At the
upper end of the court-yard, we went up a stair of some twelve steps, at
the top of which two great men came and held me by the wrists, which
they griped very hard, and led me in this manner to the pacha, who was
seated in a long spacious gallery, many great men standing on each side
of him, and others stood on each side all along this gallery, making a
good shew, the floor being all covered with Turkey carpets.

When I came within two yards of the pacha, we were commanded to stop.
The pacha then, with a frowning and angry countenance, demanded of what
country I was, and what brought me into these parts? I answered, that I
was an Englishman and a merchant, a friend to the grand signior, and
came to seek trade. He then said, it was not lawful for any Christian to
come into that country, and he had already given warning to Captain
Sharpey for no more of our nation to come hither. I told him Captain
Sharpey was cast away on the coast of India, and did not get to England
to tell us so; which, if we had known, we had never put ourselves to the
trouble we were now in; that Regib aga had imposed upon us, saying, we
were welcome into the country, and that we should have as free trade as
in any part of Turkey, with many other fair promises; and, contrary to
his word, had assaulted us with armed soldiers, had murdered several of
my men, and made me and others prisoners. He said Regib aga was no more
than his slave, and had no power to pass his word to me without his
leave, and that what had befallen me and my people was by his orders to
Regib aga; he having such orders from the grand signior so to chastise
all Christians that dared to come into these parts. I told him we had
already received great harm, and if it pleased him to let us return to
our ships, what we had suffered would be a sufficient warning for our
nation never to return again into his country. He answered, that he
would not allow us to depart, but that I should write to the ambassador
of our nation at Constantinople, and he would write to the grand
signior, to know his pleasure as to what was to be done with us, or
whether he chose to permit us to trade or no.

The pacha then dismissed me, desiring me to go to the lodging that was
appointed for me, taking four or five of my people with me at my choice.
These men and I were conveyed to the jailor's house, while all the rest
were committed to the common prison, where they were all heavily ironed.
At the time when I was taken before the pacha, one of our youths
fainted, thinking I was led away to be beheaded, and that his turn would
soon follow. He sickened immediately, and died shortly after. The 6th, I
was sent for to breakfast with the kiabya, or lieutenant-general of the
kingdom, and after breakfast, I gave him a particular account of the
vile treachery that had been practised against me by Regib aga. He
desired me to be of good cheer, not thinking of what was past, which
could not be remedied, as he hoped all would go well in the end, for
which his best endeavours to do me good should not be wanting. Shermall,
the Banian at Mokha, had made this man my friend. The 7th, I was sent
for again by the kiabya to his garden, where he feasted Mr Femell and
me, telling me that I and my people should be soon set at liberty, and
sent back to Mokha, where all my wrongs should be redressed, as he was
resolved to stand my friend. This declaration was made before many of
the principal persons, both Turks and Arabs, his only inducement being
for God's sake, as he pretended, but I well knew it was in hopes of a
reward. The letter of Hamet aga to this man did us much good.

At this time there came to Zenan a Moor of Cairo, who was an old
acquaintance of the pacha, and had lent him large sums at his first
coming from Constantinople very poor. This man was our next neighbour in
Mokha at the time when we were betrayed, and had a ship in the road of
Mokha, bound for India, which he feared our ships would have taken in
revenge of our injuries, but as she was allowed peaceably to depart, he
became our great friend. He wrote a letter in our behalf to the pacha,
blaming him for using us so ill, and saying he would destroy the trade
of the country by such conduct. On coming now to the pacha, he repeated
what he had written and much more, urging him to return me all my goods,
and to send me and my people away contented. His influence prevailed
much; as when the pacha sent for us, it was his intention to have put me
to death, and to make slaves of all the rest. Of all this I was informed
by Shermall and Hamet Waddy, who were both present when the letter was
read, and at the conference between the pacha and him. This Hamet Waddy
is a very rich Arabian merchant, residing in Zenan, and is called the
pacha's merchant: He was much our friend, in persuading the pacha to use
us kindly and permit us to depart.

The 8th January, I represented to the pacha, that at my coming away,
from Mokha, I had ordered the commanders of my ships to forbear
hostilities for twenty-five days, and afterwards to use their
discretion, unless they heard farther from me. And as the time was
almost expired, I requested he would enable me to write them some
encouraging news, to stay them from doing injury to Mokha. The 11th, I
was sent for to the kiahya, who told me my business was ended
satisfactorily, and that the only delay now was in waiting for the rest
of my people coming from Aden, immediately after which we should be sent
to Mokha. The 17th, Mr Fowler and eighteen more of the company of the
Pepper-corn arrived at Zenan from Aden, and were carried before the
pacha, who asked them the same question he had done me. Afterwards, Mr
Fowler, John Williams, and Robert Mico were sent to keep me company, and
all the rest to the common prison with my other men, where they were all
put in irons. Their only allowance from the pacha was brown bread and
water, and they had all died of hunger if I had not relieved them.

The 25th, I was sent for to the kiahya's garden, where we spent some
hours in conference. He told me I was to accompany him to the pacha, and
advised me to sooth him with fair words. The chief cause of this man
being our friend was, that I had promised him 1500 sequins after we were
delivered, which I had done through Shermall, the consul of the Banians,
after a long negotiation. Mr Femell and I were brought to the pacha's
garden, where we found him in a kiosk, or summer-house, sitting in a
chair, the kiabya standing at his right hand, and five or six others
behind him. The pacha asked me how I did, desiring me to be of good
cheer, as I and my people should soon be sent to Mokha, where I and
twenty-nine more were to remain till all the India ships were come in,
and the winds settled westerly, and then I and all my company should be
allowed to embark and proceed on our voyage to India. I requested that
he would not detain so many of us; but he answered, "Thirty have I said,
and thirty shall remain." I then asked if our goods should be returned.
He answered no, for they were all put to the account of the grand
signior. I asked if all my people should be allowed to depart at the
time appointed. To which he answered, that not one should be detained,
not even if I had a Turkish slave, and I might depend on his word.

Having given him thanks for his kindness, as counselled by the kiahya,
he began to excuse himself; and to praise his own clemency, saying, it
was happy for us we had fallen into his hands, as if it had been in the
time of any of his predecessors, we had all suffered death for presuming
to come so near their holy city. He said, what had been done was by
order of the grand signior, proceeding upon the complaints of the pachas
of Cairo and Swaken, and the sharif of Mecca, who represented that, when
the Ascension and her pinnace were in the Red Sea, they had bought up
all the choice goods of India, by which the Turkish customs were much
diminished; and, if allowed to continue, it would ruin the trade of the
Red Sea. Wherefore the grand signior had given orders, if any more
Englishmen or other Christians came into these parts, to confiscate
their ships and goods, and to kill or reduce to slavery all their men
they could get hold of.

In the mean time many of our people fell sick, and became weak through
grief, cold, bad air, bad diet, wretched lodging, and heavy irons. I
never ceased urging the kiahya, till he procured their liberations from
the loathsome prison; so that on the 11th February they were freed from
their irons, and had a house in the town to live in, with liberty to
walk about. Next day the kiahya sent me six bullocks for my men, so that
in a few days, with wholesome food and exercise, they recovered their
former health and strength. The kiahya informed me, that Regib aga had
written to the pacha to send us all down to Aden, to be there taken on
board his ships; by which means his town of Mokha, and the India ships
in passing the _bab_[331] would be freed from the danger of suffering
any harm from our ships. This advice had nearly prevailed with the
pacha, but was counteracted for our good by the kiahya.

[Footnote 331: This is the gate or straits of Bab-al-Mondub, or Babel
Mandel, as corruptly called by Europeans.--Astl I. 372. a,]

Early in the morning of the 17th February, I and Mr Femell and others
were sent for by the kiahya, and told that we were all to depart next
morning for Mokha. After breakfast, he took us to the pacha to take
leave. After again extolling his clemency and magnifying the power of
the grand signior, he strictly enjoined me to come no more into those
seas; saying, that no Christian or Lutheran should be allowed to come
thither, even if they had the grand signior's pass. I requested, if any
of our nation came there before I could give advice to England, that
they might be permitted to depart quietly, and not betrayed as I had
been: but this he positively refused to comply with. I then entreated
him to write to Regib aga, to execute all that the pacha had promised
me; for, being my mortal enemy, he would otherwise wrong me and my
people. He answered with great pride, "Is not my word sufficient to
overturn a city? If Kegib wrong you, I will pull his skin over his ears,
and give you his head. Is he not my slave?" I then asked him for an
answer to his majesty's letter, but he would give me none. On my
departure, I told the kiahya that I had no weapon, and therefore desired
leave to buy a sword, that I might not ride down like a prisoner. He
acquainted the pacha with my request, who sent me one of his cast
swords. The kiahya also gave me this morning an hundred pieces of gold
of forty maydens, having before given me fifty. The 18th, I paid all
the dues of the prison, and went to breakfast with the kiahya, where I
received my dispatch, and a letter for the governor of Aden, to deliver
the boat belonging to the Pepper-corn, I requested also his letter to
the governor of Tyes, to restore Mr Pemberton's boy who was left sick
there, and who, I had been informed, was forced to turn Mahometan. He
wrote a letter and sealed it, but I know not its purport. I now took
leave of the kiahya, and departed for Mokha; I, Mr Femell, and Mr
Fowler, being mounted on horses, and alt the rest on asses or camels. We
had two _chiautes_ to conduct us on the way, one a-horseback and the
other a-foot.

The city of Zenan is somewhat larger than Bristol,[332] and is well
built of stone and lime, having many churches or mosques. It is
surrounded by a mud wall, with numerous battlements and towers. On the
west side there is a great deal of spare ground enclosed within the
walls, where the principal people have their gardens, orchards, and
kiosks, or pleasure-houses. It stands in a barren stony valley, enclosed
among high hills at no great distance, on one of which to the north,
which overlooks the town, there is a small castle to keep off the
mountaineers, who used from thence to offend the city. Its only water is
from wells, which have to be dug to a great depth. Wood is very scarce
and dear, being brought from a distance. The castle is at the east side
of the city, and is enclosed with mudwalls, having many turrets, in
which they place their watch every night, who keep such a continual
hallooing to each other all night long, that one unaccustomed to the
noise, can hardly sleep. The pacha and some other principal men dwell
within the castle. The house of the keeper of the prison, in which I was
confined, adjoins the wall, at the foot of which is a spacious yard,
where a great number of people, mostly women and children, are kept as
pledges, to prevent their husbands, parents, and relations from
rebelling. The boys while young run about loose in the yard, but when
they come to any size, they are put in irons, and confined in a strong
tower. The women and children dwell in little huts in the yard built on
purpose, the children going mostly naked, unless when the weather is
very cold, and then they have sheep-skin coats.

[Footnote 332: This is a most improper mode of description, as it is now
impossible to say what size Bristol was then.--E.]

The first night of our journey we arrived at _Siam_, a small town, with
a cattle, on the side of a hill, sixteen miles from Zenan, the country
about being very barren. The 19th we came to _Surage_, a small village
eighteen miles from Siam, in a very barren country. The people are very
poor, and go almost naked, except a cloth round their middles reaching
to their knees. The 20th, _Damare_, or _Dhamar_, a town built of stone
and lime, but in five separate parts, like so many distinct villages. It
stands in a spacious plain or valley, abounding in water, and producing
plenty of grain and other provisions. This town is twenty miles from
Surage, and we remained here two days by order of Abdallah Chelabi, the
Kiabys, who was governor of this province. The 22d we came to _Ermin_, a
small village, about fifteen miles. The 23d, _Nakhil Sammar_, a common
inn for travellers, called _Sensors_ by the Turks. There are many of
these sensors between Mokha and Zenan, being built at the cost of the
grand signior for the relief of travellers. This sensor stands in the
middle of a very steep hill, called Nakhil Sammar, on the top of which
is a great castle, in which the governor of the province resides, who is
an Arabian; these craggy mountainous countries being mostly governed by
Arabians, as the inhabitants of the mountains cannot brook the proud and
insolent government of the Turks. No Turk may pass this way, either to
or from Zenan, without a passport from the governor of the province from
which they come. This sensor is about fourteen miles from Ermin.

The 24th we came to _Mohader_, a small village at the foot of the great
hill, thirteen miles from Nakhil Sammar. Our chiaus had a warrant from
the pacha to take up asses for our men, and accordingly did so at this
place over night; but next morning the Arabians lay in ambush in the
way, and took back their asses, neither of our chiauses daring to give
them one uncivil word. The 25th we came to _Rabattamaine_, a sensor,
with a few small cottages and shops, on the side of a hill, sixteen
miles. Here grow poppies, of which they make opium, but it is not good.
The 26th we came to a _coughe_[333] house, called _Merfadine_, in the
middle of a plain, sixteen miles. The 27th, _Tayes,_ a city half as big
as Zenan, surrounded by a mud wall. We staid here two days, in which
time I did all I could to recover Mr Pemberton's boy, whom Hamet aga the
governor had forced to become Mahometan, and would on no account part
with him. Walter Talbot, who spoke the Turkish language, was allowed to
converse with him in a chamber among other boys. He told Talbot that he
was no Turk, but had been deluded by them, saying that I and all my
people were put to death at Zenan, and that he must change his religion
if he would save his life, but he refused: yet they carried him to a
bagnio, where he was circumcised by force. Finding the aga would not
deliver the boy, I gave him the kiahya's letter, desiring him to be
given up if not turned; so he was refused. This city stands in a valley
under very high hills, on the top of one of which is a fair strong
castle. All kinds of provisions are here plentiful and cheap, and in the
neighbourhood some indigo is made, but I could not learn what quantity
or quality. This city is very populous, as indeed are all the cities and
districts we passed through.

[Footnote 333: It should rather be _Kahwah_ house, signifying a house
where they sell coffee.--Astl. I. 373. c.]

The 1st March we came to _Eufras,_ sixteen miles through a mountainous
and stony country. This is a small town on the side of a hill, to which
many people resort from afar about the 5th of January, where they do
some foolish ceremonies at the grave of one of their saints who is
buried here, after which they all go on pilgrimage to Mecca. The
governor of this town, though a Turk, used me very civilly on my going
up to Zenan; and, on the present occasion, sent a person six miles to
meet us at a place where two roads meet, to bring us to this town, where
he used us kindly. The 2d we lodged at a sensor called _Assambine,_
eleven miles, where were only a few poor cottages. The 3d to another
sensor called _Accomoth,_ in a barren common, with a few cottages,
thirteen miles. The 4th to _Mousa,_[334] seventeen miles, through a
barren plain with few inhabitants. Mousa is a small unwalled town, but
very populous, standing in a moderately fertile plain, in which some
indigo is made. We departed from Mousa at midnight, and rested two or
three hours at a church, or _coughe_ house,[335] called _Dabully_, built
by a Dabull merchant Our stop was to avoid coming to Mokha before

[Footnote 334: Probably the same place called _Mowssi_ on the journey

[Footnote 335: It is not easy to reconcile this synonime of a _coughe_
house or church, with the explanation formerly given, that _coughe_
house means coffee-house; perhaps we ought to read in the text, a church
or mosque, and a coughe or coffee-house.--E.]

[Footnote 336: The preceding journal gives fourteen stages, the
estimated length of two of which are omitted. The amount of the twelve
stages, of which the lengths are inserted, is 185 miles; and, adding
thirty for the two others as the average, the whole estimated distance
will be 215 miles. In these old times, the estimated or computed mile
seems to have been about one and a half of our present statute mile,
which would make the entire distance 322 statute miles; and allowing one
quarter far deflexion and mountain road, reduces the inland distance of
Zenau from Mokha to 242 miles, nearly the same already mentioned in a
note, on the authority of our best modern maps.--E.]

We got there about eight in the morning, and were met a mile without the
town by our carpenters and smiths, and some others who had remained at
Mokha, all of whom had their irons taken off the day before, and were
now at liberty to walk abroad. The first question I asked was, what was
become of Mr Pemberton; when they told me, to my great satisfaction,
that he contrived to get hold of a canoe, in which he got aboard. From
the end of the town all the way to the aga's house, the people were very
thick to see us pass, and welcomed us back to Mokha. On coming before
the aga, I delivered the letters I brought from Zenan. He now received
me in his original dissembled shew of kindness, bidding me welcome, and
saying he was glad of my safe return, and sorry and ashamed for what was
past, praying me to pardon him, as he had done nothing but as commanded
by his master the pacha, and I might now assure myself of his
friendship, and that all the commands of the pacha should be punctually
obeyed. I soothed him with fair speech, but believed nothing of his
promises. He called for breakfast, and made Mr Femell, Mr Fowler, and me
sit down by him, desiring us to eat and be merry, for now we had eaten
bread and salt with him, we need have no fear of harm.

After breakfast the aga appointed us a large fair house near the sea, in
which we abode two days; but we were afterwards removed to a large
strong house standing by itself in the court yard of a mosque in the
middle of the town, where we were guarded by a captain and his company
appointed for the charge. He watched himself all day, and at night our
house was surrounded by his soldiers Mokha it a third part less than
Tayes, situated close to the sea, in a salt barren sandy soil, and
unwalled. The house of the governor is close to the sea, and beside it
is a quay, or jetty; which advances a good way into the water, at which
all boats from any ship are enjoined to land, lest they should defraud
the customs. Close to the quay is a platform or battery, on which are
about twelve brass cannon; and at the west end of the town is a fort
with a similar number of ordnance. At our first coming, this fort was in
ruins; but it had been since pulled down and new built. The Darling came
into the roads this afternoon, and brought me news of the welfare of the
rest, to my no small comfort after so many troubles.

The 6th March, Nakhada Malek Ambar, captain of a great ship of Dabul,
came ashore, accompanied by a great number of merchants, all of them
being carried round the town in a kind of triumph, and were afterwards
feasted by the aga. I likewise was sent for to this feast, and
entertained with much seeming love and friendship. In presence of the
whole company, the aga sent for the _Koran_, which he kissed, and
voluntarily swore and protested that he had no ill will to me, but
wished me all good, and would do every thing in his power to do me
pleasure, being much grieved for the past, and his heart entirely free
of malice or hatred. I returned him thanks, seemingly much satisfied
with his protestations, though I gave no credit to them, but was forced
to endure what I could not remedy, till God should please to provide

The 7th, the aga made a great feast at his garden-house for the Dabul
merchants, to which I and Mr Femell were invited. The 8th we were all
sent for by the aga, when thirty were selected to remain along with me
a-land, and the rest, to the number of thirty-six, were sent on board
the Darling. The 9th I had escaped, if I had not been more careful for
those who had then been left behind than for myself. This day the
Darling departed to the other ships in an excellent road called _Assab_,
on the coast of Habash or Abyssinia, which they had found out during my
absence, where they, were safe in all winds that blow in these seas, and
where they had plenty of wood and water merely for the trouble of
fetching. The water was indeed a little brackish, but it satisfied them
who had been long in want on that necessary. The people of this country
are as black as the Guinea negroes; those on the sea-coast being
Mahometans, but those of the inland country are Christians, and subjects
to Prester John. They go almost naked, having only a cloth round their
waists and down to their knees. At the first coming of our people they
were much afraid; but after becoming acquainted, and a mutual peace
being sworn between them, they supplied our ships with beeves, sheep,
and goats, for money, at a reasonable rate; and, as they afterwards
desired calico rather than money, I furnished them with it from Mokha,
after which our ships got refreshments much cheaper in truck than
formerly for money, dealing faithfully and kindly with our people,
though the Turks sought to make them inimical by means of barks, which
pass to and fro. The king of this country on the sea-coast, who resides
at a town on the coast called _Rahayta_, about forty miles south from
_Assab_, nearer the _bab_, sent some of his principal people with
presents to the commanders of our ships, who returned the compliment by
sending him some presents by messengers of their own. He entertained
these messengers very courteously, promising every thing his country
afforded. The vulgar speech of this people is quite different from
Arabic, but the better sort speak and write Arabic, in which language
their law of Mahomet is written.

Sec. 4. _Sir Henry Middleton makes his Escape from the Turks, and forces
them to make Satisfaction._

April 1st, 1611, the Darling departed from Mokha for Assab, having
permission of the aga to come over every ten days to see how I did. This
unlooked-for kindness gave no hopes of being able to work my freedom.
Between and the fourth there came in two great ships of Dabul, which,
with the one here before, belonged to the governor of Dabul, who is a
Persian, and a great merchant, having many slaves. Of these, Malek Ambar
is one, who is in high credit with him, and had the management of all
the goods in the three ships. Ambar is a negro, born in _Habash_, and
perhaps cost his master fifteen or twenty dollars; but now never goes
out of doors without great troops of followers, like some great

[Footnote 337: We have here omitted the enumeration of many merchant
ships that arrived from various places, and of a caravan of merchants
from Damascus, Sues, and Mecca, to make purchases from these ships of
India commodities.--E.]

The 11th, the aga and all the chief men of the town rode out at
day-break to make merry at his garden-house, which gave me a fair
opportunity of putting in practice what I had long projected, for Hamet
aga and others had told me the pacha would not perform his promise
unless for fear. I wrote, therefore, to Mr Pemberton, saying that I
meant this day to make my escape on board, and that I would have myself
conveyed to the boat in an empty cask; and desired, therefore, that he
would send the boat in all speed manned with choice hands, and that he
would send me some wine and spirits to make my keepers drunk, all which
he punctually performed. Before I told Mr Femell of my intentions, I
made him swear to be secret, and not to endeavour to persuade me from my
intentions. I then gave him notice of what I meant to do, and that, if
he and others would walk down to a certain place at the sea-side, I
would not fail to take him and the rest in. I also told him that the
carpenters were appointed to embark themselves at another place, where a
boat lay on the beach, south from the town, with a mast and sail ready
for the purpose, but were not to push off till they saw the Darling's
boat away from the jetty.

All things fell out well for my purpose. The _subasha_, who was our
guardian, and left in town only to look after me, fell to hard drinking
at a _rack_ house. The boat being come, and my keepers all drunk, the
subasha came home to our house about noon. I then sent away the
carpenters, two and two only together to avoid suspicion, as if to walk,
with orders to shift for themselves in the appointed boat. Mr Femell,
and those others I was to take in to leeward of the town, I ordered
likewise to walk by twos at the shore, and to wait my coming for them.
Having given all these directions, I was put into my cask and safely
carried to the boat, on which I gave immediate orders to bear up to
leewards, where I took in Mr Fowler and ten more of our people. Mr
Femell and others, being too late of coming out of town, were taken
before they could get to the boat. Having got safe on board the Darling,
we espied the boat with the carpenters coming towards us, in which four
escaped, but a fifth was too long of coming to the boat, and, attempting
to swim on board, was drowned.

About two hours after coming on board, a letter from Mr Femell was
brought me by two Arabs in a canoe, stating, that by the command of the
aga, he and the others who remained ashore had been chained by the
necks, and threatened with death; but had been released by the
intercession of Nokhada Malek Ambar and Nokhada Mahomet of Cananore, and
others, and permitted to remain in our former house, but under a strong
guard. These _Nokhadas_, or ship captains, acted this friendly part not
from love to us, but for fear of their ships in the roads, which were
now at my disposal. I answered Mr Femell, and sent word to the aga, that
if he did not send me all my people and every thing belonging to my
ships, which he detained contrary to the orders of the pacha, that I
would burn all the ships in the roads, and would batter the town about
his ears. I like-wise sent word to the Nokhadas, not to send any boat on
board their ships without first coming to acquaint me of their business,
nor to carry any thing ashore from their ships without my leave.

After my escape there was no small bustle and disturbance in the town;
the aga not knowing how to answer to the pacha; the subasha at his wits
end; and the Emir-al-Bahr in little better case; all afraid of losing
their heads. One of our porters, who had assisted in carrying me in the
cask, took sanctuary in a mosque, and would not come out till assured of
pardon. The Nokhadas and merchants, who before scorned to speak with any
of us, being now afraid of losing their ships and goods, sent presents
of victuals and refreshments to Mr Femell and the rest. At night I sent
the boat well manned to carry news to Assab of my escape, with
directions for our ships to come over with all speed; and I placed the
Darling in such a situation as to command all the ships in the roads of

The 12th, Mahomet, the Nokhada of Cananore, came off, saying that the
aga was very sorry for my departure, which I knew to be true, as he was
determined to have set me and all my people at liberty to my full
content in a few days, which I believed to be false. As for the things
belonging to our ships which were on shore, he would deliver them, but
could not send off my people without farther orders from the pacha, for
which he asked fifteen days respite, after which, if I had not my men,
they desired no favour. I insisted to have my pinnace at the same time,
of which he said he should inform the aga. I yielded to his request of
a peace of fifteen days, on promise of having my men and pinnace within
the time; but durst not demand restitution or satisfaction for my goods,
till such time as I had all my men aboard. The Darling's cables,
anchors, pitch, tar, and other things were sent off, and few days passed
but I had some present or other of refreshments from the aga and the
Dabul merchants and others, who would scarcely speak to me when I was
ashore in trouble, but were now fain to flatter me. Early this morning,
a boat from the shore went aboard the innermost ship, on which I made
the gunner fire two shots at her, which caused them to come to me; and I
threatened to hang them if they did so any more, so they never durst
attempt the like again.

The 13th, the Increase and Pepper-corn came to anchor towards night in
sight of the roads, the lee-tide being against them, and got into the
roads next day, when I went on board the Increase, where I was received
very joyfully by all my company. The 18th there came a ship of Diu into
the roads, belonging to Shermall the sabander, laden with India goods,
which I embargoed, both people and goods, causing her to come to anchor
close beside my ship; but next day, at the request of Shermall, I
allowed all the people to go ashore, except a few to look after the
ship. The 26th, Mahomet came off, saying the aga refused to deliver up
the pinnace and my men, unless I gave a writing under my hand, confirmed
by four or five more of our chief officers, and sanctioned by our oaths,
containing a perfect peace with the Turks and Indians, and not to meddle
in this sea or elsewhere in revenge of any thing that had passed, nor to
demand satisfaction or restitution for the goods taken from me. I told
him I was astonished he should thus come daily with new demands, as he
had this day promised to bring my men and pinnace, which I looked to
have performed; and for better security, he and all with him should
remain as hostages till I had them, and desired, therefore, that he
would write to this effect to the aga. Mahomet said that he had acted
quite voluntarily in all this business, and would be laughed at for his
forwardness if he should write as I desired, and therefore, whatever
might betide, he would on no account write to the aga, but promised, if
I gave him such a writing as he proposed, he would bring off my people
before night.

Finding him inflexible, I thought best to give him something that might
carry the name of what he desired, so I caused draw up a writing in
English, signed by myself and five more, containing nothing else than a
brief narrative of the treacherous misusage we had from the Turks; and I
sent advice to Mr Femell how he was to interpret it to them. When
Mahomet desired me to swear, I positively refused, saying my word should
be found truer than the oath of a Turk. Mahomet went now ashore with
this writing, leaving some of the better sort of his company in pledge,
whom he desired me to hang if he brought not off my people that night.
In fact, he returned a little before night with Mr Femell and nine more;
Mr Femell and other two having received vests of small value. Another
rest was sent for me, which they said came from the pacha, and the
Nokhada would have me put it on. I refused it, telling him I scorned to
wear any thing that came from so unconscionable a dog, by whose order I
had received so many injuries. He now departed, taking with him the Turk
who was made prisoner in the attempt upon the Darling, who had remained
till now in the Increase.

The 27th, according to promise, Mahomet brought off my pinnace, and
asked me if all that was promised was not now performed. I told him no;
for I had not yet all my company, as they still kept my boy at _Tayes_,
whom they had forcibly circumcised, and that I was determined to have
him before I would release the ships. The 1st June I wrote to the pacha
in Italian, demanding restitution of my goods, and satisfaction for the
damages I had received; and was answered, my letter was not understood
for want of an interpreter. I therefore again embargoed the ship of Diu,
declaring, that no more goods should be landed from her, till the pacha
had satisfied me to the value of 70,000 dollars, which I had lost and
was damnified by him. The 2d, came aboard my interpreter at Zenan, Ally
Hoskins, with a message from the pacha, desiring me not to take any
violent courses here, but to seek justice at Constantinople. He told me
likewise he had brought with him the boy from Tayes. I answered, I would
by no means release the ship till I had restitution of my goods, and
satisfaction for my damages to the amount already specified.

The 3d, the aga requested peace for twelve days, till the pacha were
informed of my demands. The 4th, Ally Hoskins, Tocorsi, a Banian, and
others, came on board, and desired me to make out an account of the
particulars of my losses, that it might be considered of ashore. I did
so in writing; and sent word by them to the aga, that if he did not
presently make me restitution and satisfaction, I would batter the town
about his ears, would take all the goods from the Diu ship into my own,
and burn all the ships; all which I could do without breach of covenant,
as the time of the agreed truce was expired, and they had not performed
their part of the agreement. The 8th, I sent Mr Pemberton to Assab to
purchase fresh provisions, as we had many sick in our ships, and I was
fearful of taking provisions at Mokha, being warned by my friends to
beware of poison.

The 19th, Shermall, Ally Hoskins, Tocorsi, and many others came on
board, bringing Mr Pemberton's boy. After compliments, Shermall began
with a long preamble of love and favour, for which he hoped I would now
requite him; for the pacha had enjoined him to give me satisfaction, or
to have his throat cut and his goods seized, which he declared to be
truth. After a long debate, it was concluded that all our lead and iron
was to be restored, and I was to receive 18,000 dollars in full for
satisfaction, to be paid in fifteen days. Whereupon a peace was
concluded between us and them, from the port of Mokha to Cananore,
conditioning that the pacha gave me a writing under his hand and seal,
confirming this peace between his nation and ours for the time
specified. The 2d July we received the last payment, the sabander
Shermall coming himself. On this occasion I cleared all accounts with
him, as well for money borrowed while I was prisoner as disbursed since.
He then demanded the 1500 chequins I had promised the kiahya, but this I
peremptorily refused to pay, as the kiahya had not performed his promise
to me. The 3d, Tocorsi and Ally Hoskins came again and bought some
vermilion, for which I gave them credit, on their promise to pay me at
Assab in fifteen days, and also to bring me over some supply of grain,
together with a writing from the pacha in confirmation of the peace
agreed upon. In the afternoon we warped out of the road of Mokha, and
set sail that night for Assab, but did not arrive there till the morning
of the 5th.

The 6th I went ashore, and caused all the wells to be emptied and
cleaned out, for fear of poison; having been often told at Mokha, that
the Turks had practised with the people of Assab to poison the wells.
The 13th, the king of this country hearing of my escape from Mokha, sent
me a complimentary letter and a present. The 17th, a vessel came over
from Mokha, in which was Tocorsi and another Banian, bringing with them
the provisions I had desired them to buy for us, and the money they owed
me; but as for the writing confirming the peace, they made excuse that
the pacha was so much occupied in war that he could not get it attended
to; which was a manifest warning that they would give no quarter to our
nation. Wherefore, on the 24th, we sailed from Assab, plying to windward
as far as Kamaran, to wait the arrival of a large ship, which comes
yearly from Sues to Mokha richly laden, hoping by her means to be amply
revenged for all the losses and disgraces I had incurred from the Turks;
and I the more anxiously wished to meet with her, as I understood the
two traitors, Jaffer pacha and Regib aga, had both great adventures in
that ship. From the 24th therefore to 31st July we plyed to windward for
this purpose, sailing by day and anchoring all night, in which period we
narrowly escaped many dangers, being in want of a pilot, being many
times in imminent danger of running aground, to the hazard and loss of
all, had not God preserved us. But the ship of Sues escaped us in the
night, as we found on our return towards the south.

Sec. 5. _Voyage from the Red Sea to Surat, and Transactions there_.

We set sail from the neighbourhood of Mokha in the morning of the 9th
August, 1611, and in the evening cast anchor three leagues short of the
straits of Bab-al-Mondub. The 10th, the Darling and Release[338] went
out by the western passage, which they found to be three leagues over,
from the main land of _Habesh_ to the island _Bab-Mandel_, [Prin.] One
third of the way over from the island they had no ground at forty
fathoms, the channel being quite clear and free from danger, though the
Turks and Indians reported it was full of rocks and shoals, and not
navigable for ships. We in the Increase, accompanied by the
Pepper-corn, went out by the eastern narrow channel at which we came in,
which does not exceed a mile and half between the island and the Arabian
shore, of which a considerable distance from the main is encumbered with
shoals. We all met outside of the straits in the afternoon, in nineteen
fathoms water, about four miles from the Arabian shore. From the 12th to
the 27th, we were much pestered with contrary winds, calms, and a strong
adverse current, setting to the S.W. at the rate of four miles an hour.
The 27th, we had a favouring gale to carry us off, and by six p.m. had
sight of _Mount Felix_, [Baba Feluk,] a head-land to the west of _Cape
Guardafui_. The 30th, we came to anchor in the road of _Delisha_, on the
northern coast of Socotora. We found there a great ship of Diu and two
smaller, bound for the Red Sea, but taken short by the change of the
monsoon. The captain of the great ship with several others came aboard
me, and assured me our people at Surat were well, being in daily
expectation of ships from India, and that Captain Hawkins was at the
court of the Great Mogul, where he was made a great lord, and had a high
allowance from the king. They said likewise, that the king had given
Captain Sharpey money to build a ship, which was nearly ready for
launching at Surat. This and many other things he told me seemed too
good news to be true.

[Footnote 338: This must be the pinnace which was set up at Mokha, so
named in memory of their release from that place.--E.]

As the monsoon was far spent, I requested the _nokhada_ of Diu to aid me
with his boats and people in procuring water and ballast, which he and
the others willingly did, offering me all the water in their ship, and
employing their people to bring me more from the shore, so anxious were
they to get me away. It was long before I could bargain with the king
for his aloes, but at last I got it, paying higher than Captain Keeling
had done; for I think the Indians were in hand with him for it, which
made him enhance the price. I left letters with the king, which he
promised to deliver to the first English ship that came there. Having
finished all my business, I had much ado to get a simple fellow from the
ship of Diu to pilot me on the coast of India, who pretended to be a
good coaster. We set sail from Delisha on the 3d September, with a
favourable wind, which brought us by the 26th into the road of Surat,
where we came to anchor in seven fathoms near three India ships. A mile
from us rode at anchor seven sail of Portuguese frigates or men of war,
there being thirteen more of them within the river of Surat.[339]

[Footnote 339: These twenty Portuguese frigates, as then called, were
only barks, grabs, or praws of the country, armed with small guns.--E.]

Long before our arrival, the Portuguese had intelligence that we were in
the Red Sea, and bound for Surat, so that these frigates were sent
purposely to prevent us from trading at Surat, or any other place on
that coast. Don Francisco de Soto-major was captain-major of this
flotilla, being what is called captain-major of the north, and reaped
great profit from granting _cartasses_, or passports, to all ships and
barks trading on that coast, all being confiscated that presumed to
navigate without his licence. I discharged my pilots that night, paying
them well, and sent by them a letter to such Englishmen as might be in
Surat, as I could not learn how many or who were there resident.

The 29th, came a small Portuguese frigate from the admiral of the
_armada_, as they term it, in which was one Portuguese and his boy,
bringing me a letter from the captain-major, in answer to one I wrote
him the day before. He expressed his satisfaction to hear that I
belonged to a king in friendship with his sovereign, and that he and his
people would be ready to do me every service, provided I brought a
letter or order from the King of Spain, or the Viceroy of India,
allowing me to trade in these parts; if otherwise, he must guard the
port committed to his charge, in which the king his master had a
factory. I answered by word of mouth, by the Portuguese messenger, that
I neither had letters from the King of Spain nor the viceroy, of which I
had no need, being sent by the King of England, with letters and rich
presents for the Great Mogul, and to establish the trade already begun
in these parts. As for the Portuguese factory there, I meant not to harm
it, as both it and our factory might continue to trade, and I saw no
reason they had to oppose us, as the country was free for all nations,
the Mogul and his subjects not being under vassalage to the Portuguese.
I therefore desired him to tell his captain, that I expected he would,
in a friendly manner, permit any English who were at Surat to come on
board to confer with me, and hoped he would not reduce me to the
necessity of using force, as I was resolved to have intercourse with
them by one means or the other.

I went that day in the Darling to examine the bar, but seeing we could
not possibly go over the bar without a pilot, I returned in the evening
to the road. On going aboard the Increase, I found a letter from Surat,
written by Nicholas Bangham, formerly a joiner in the Hector. He
informed me that we had no factory in Surat, to which place he had been
sent by Captain Hawkins to recover some debts owing there, and had
likewise letters for me from Captain Hawkins, but durst not send them
aboard for fear of the Portuguese. He said nothing as to what had become
of our factory and goods; wherefore I wrote to him to send me Captain
Hawkins' letters, and information of all other particulars of our
affairs in that country.

The third October, Khojah Nassan, governor of Surat, and the governor's
brother of Cambaya, sent me a Mogul messenger with a present of
refreshments, offering to do me all the service in their power; saying,
they wished to trade with us, but could see no way of doing so while the
Portuguese armada rode there, and therefore advised me to go for
Gogo,[340] a far better place, where our ships could ride nearer the
shore, and where the Portuguese armada could not hinder our landing.
That place likewise was nearer Cambay, where there were more merchants
and greater store of merchandise for our purpose than at Surat. I told
this messenger, that till I knew what was become of our countrymen and
goods formerly left in the country, I could not determine how to
proceed, and desired him therefore to be a means that some one of our
people might come aboard to confer with me, and that I might have a
pilot to conduct me to Gogo, and then I would quickly resolve them what
I was to do. I dismissed this messenger and his interpreter with small
presents. The 5th, the interpreter, who was a bramin, or priest of the
Banians, came off with a letter from Bangham, and the letter from
Captain Hawkins, dated from Agra in April last, giving an account of the
fickleness of the Mogul, who had given a firman to the Portuguese, by
which our trade, formerly granted, was disallowed.

[Footnote 340: Gogo is a sea-port of Guzerat, on the west coast of the
Gulf of Cambay, in lat. 22 deg. 43' N.]

There were likewise two letters of a later date from Thomas Fitch, at
Lahore, giving the same account of the inconstancy of the Great Mogul,
and advising me on no account to land any goods, or to hope for trade.

On reading these letters, I grew hopeless of any trade here, yet
resolved to try all I possibly could before I would depart. I understood
by Bangham's letter, that Captain Sharpey, John Jordayne, and others,
were coming from Cambaya to Surat to go along with me: and although I
could have no trade, I yet resolved to do all I could to get them on
board. The Indian ships that rode beside me had given over their voyage
southwards for this monsoon, and the bramin desired me to allow them to
be carried into the river. This I would by no means grant; desiring him
to tell the governor and owners, that their ships should be detained
till I had all the English from Cambaya and Surat on board. If I had
permitted them to be gone, I should have lost all means of sending to or
hearing from our people ashore, as the Portuguese used their endeavours
to intercept all letters and messengers.

The 22d, the Portuguese laid an ambush to intercept some of my men that
were sent on shore, and, on seeing an advantage, broke out upon them in
great numbers, confusedly running towards my men and boats. They
discharged their shot at us, and we at them, both such of my men as were
on shore, and those also in my _frigate_,[341] which rowed close to the
land. All my men retired in safety to my boats and frigate, and the
Portuguese retired, with some hurt, behind the sand hills, out of shot,
and so, in worse case than they came, returned to their frigates. There
were of them seven ensigns, and might be about three hundred men. At the
time when these came upon us by land, five of their largest frigates,
which rode a little way off to the northward, came up towards us, firing
at us, but far out of shot. Returning with our boats and frigate to the
ships, I consulted with Captain Downton and others what course to take,
and it was thought best to bring the smaller ships out to where the
Increase lay. The 8th November, Nicholas Bangham came from Surat with
some refreshments, and news that Mocreb Khan was soon expected. This day
the son of the Portuguese viceroy came into the river with 100 frigates,
most of them being merchant grabs bound for Cambaya. At night, I caused
our ships that rode in shore to come out and anchor beside me, lest the
Portuguese might attempt any thing against them.

[Footnote 341: This frigate could only be the pinnace called the

The 9th November, Khojah Nassan came to the shore, and I went to him
with my frigate and boats to confer with him. He promised in two or
three days at farthest to return, and bring goods with him for trade. I
told him we had been here long, and could get no refreshment of victuals
for our money, and desired therefore that he would give orders to the
country people to bring me some, which he promised. The 18th, I had a
letter from Bangham, saying, there were little or no hopes of any trade.
All things considered I determined now to go away, and wrote therefore
to Nicholas Bangham to come on board; but Khojah Nassan would not permit
him, and he at length stole privately out of town, and got on board.
Upon this, Khojah Nassan and Mocreb Khan sent me letters by _Jaddaw_, a
broker, both promising speedily to visit me. Though I hardly believed
them, yet I determined to spend a few days longer to see the event. At
this time the Portuguese made another attempt to entrap our men on
shore, for they did not dare to attack us at sea. They laid another
ambush among the sand hills with a great number of men, not far from our
landing-place, whence they attacked our people, but they all got safe
into our boat. In the mean time, our people in the ships let fly at
them, and they took to their heels to their lurking place behind the
hills, leaving one of their men on the strand mortally wounded in the
head, whom our people brought aboard.

The 24th, Jaddaw came again aboard, saying that Mocreb Khan was coming,
and would be with me before night. After dinner I went close in shore
with my frigate, where I found Khojah Nassan, who sent me word Mocreb
Khan would be there presently; having provided a suitable present, I
went ashore well accompanied, where I found Mocreb Khan and Khojah
Nassan waiting for me with many attendants. We embraced at meeting, and
our ships fired some cannon to salute Mocreb Khan, which he seemed to
take in good part. Having delivered my present, we sat down on carpets
spread on the ground, and had some conference. Being near sun-set, I
invited Mocreb to go on board and stay all night, which he agreed to,
taking with him his son, the son of Khojah Nassan, and several of his
chief followers, but Khojah Nassan would not go. I gave him the best
entertainment I could, setting before him such dainties as I could
provide on a sudden, of which he and those with him eat heartily. I now
conceived good hopes of trade, as all this country was under his
command, as he promised every thing I asked, even to give us any place
or harbour I pleased to name, and leave to fortify ourselves there. It
growing late, I left him to his rest.

Next morning, the 25th, Mocreb Khan busied himself in buying knives,
glasses, and any toys he could find among the people. I shewed him the
whole ship aloft and below; and any thing that pleased him he got away
for nothing; besides many toys that struck his fancy belonging to the
company, which I bought and gave him. On returning to my cabin, he would
see all my trunks, chests, and lockers opened, and whatever was in them
that took his liking, I gave him for nothing. Dinner being ready, he
dined with me, and went afterwards on board the other ships, where he
behaved as in mine.

The 30th and 31st, I sent Mr Fowler, Mr Jordayne, and other merchants to
look at the goods, after which they returned with _Mustrels_, or
invoices and prices, on which we set down what we would give for each,
desiring them to do the like with ours. But they put me off from day to
day, concluding nothing, and would neither abate in their prices, nor
make any offer for our goods. Having sold all our sword-blades to Mocreb
Khan at a moderate rate, as taking all one with another, he returned all
the worst, above half of them, and no word when the others were to be
paid. They then removed all their goods to Surat, and made a
proclamation under great penalties, that no victuals or other thing
should be brought to us. The 8th December, Mocreb Khan and his crew came
to the strand with about forty packs of their goods, partly his and
Khojah Nassan's, and partly belonging to the sabander and other
merchants. I went immediately ashore with a good guard of shot and
halberts, and fell to business, and we soon agreed for all our lead,
quicksilver, and vermilion, and for their goods in return. The business
was mostly conducted by Khojah Nassan, no one daring to buy and sell
with us without his leave.

The 9th, in the morning, we began to land our lead, and to receive some
of their goods in return, and were in good forwardness to make prices
for the rest, when a letter came to Mocreb Khan from his king, which
dashed all his mirth and stopt our proceedings for the present. He
seemed quite cheerful and pleasant before receiving this letter; but
immediately on perusing it he became very sad. After sitting a good
while musing, he suddenly rose and went away, neither looking at nor
speaking to me, though I sat close beside him. But before he took horse
he sent for me, praying me to excuse his sudden departure, having
earnest business; but that he should leave Khojah Nassan to receive and
deliver the goods bargained for, and to agree for more. We heard shortly
after, that he was deposed from the government of Cambay, and Khojah
Nassan from that of Surat, others being appointed in their places.
Mocreb Khan was now nothing more than customer of Surat.

The 10th December, the new governor of Surat and Hassan Ally came aboard
the Pepper-corn to see the ships; and I afterwards took them aboard the
Trades-increase. At this time our factors were ashore to see the lead
weighed, which was now nearly all ready to be sent on shore. They
entreated Khojah Nassan to go hand in hand with them in this affair, as
it would take a long while in doing. The factors wanted to weigh with
our English weights, which he would by no means agree to, the weigher of
Surat being there with the weights of the town, which he insisted should
be used. Seeing no other remedy they gave way, and began to use the
country beam; but after some few draughts, they desired to understand
the beam before they proceeded; and on trial found a vast difference
between their beam and ours, no less than ten or eleven maunds on five
pigs of lead, every maund being thirty-three pounds English. Seeing he
could not have the lead at any weight he pleased, Khojah Nassan began to
cavil, saying he would have half money and half goods for his
commodities, railing and storming like a madman, calling for the carmen
to drive away his goods, and that he would not have any of our lead or
other goods.

While I was in the Trades-increase with the governor and sabander, one
of the factors came off and told me how Khojah Nassan was going on. I
advised with such of my officers as were then about me what was best to
be done, and we concluded to keep these men who were aboard as pledges,
and if we could get hold of Khojah Nassan to keep him and set these men
free. Wherefore, I detained the governor and sabander, telling them how
Khojah Nassan had dealt with me, going about to delude me as formerly,
and therefore I had no other remedy but to keep them as pledges for the
performance of the bargain. The governor advised me to go ashore and
fetch the man, which I did; and giving the governor a good present, I
let him depart.

The 19th, Hassan Ally the sabander came on board, shewing me two letters
from the viceroy at Goa, one to himself and the other to the
captain-major of the Portuguese armada. I opened and perused them both.
That to the captain-major thanked him for his special good service
against the English, in making their captain and his people to swim to
the boats for their safety, in which he had done the part of a valiant
captain and faithful soldier, which would redound to his great honour,
and, to gratify him for his service on this occasion, he bestowed upon
him certain frigates lately taken from the Malabars. The viceroy added,
that he had sent his son in the command of the northern fleet, who,
being young, he prayed the captain-major to aid him with his counsel.
Thus were the viceroy and I abused by the false reports of a lying
braggart. The letter to the sabander thanked him for refusing to allow
the English to trade at Surat, willing him to continue the same conduct,
which would do great service to the King of Portugal, and for which he
should be rewarded. This day came sundry carts laden with provisions
from Surat, bought there for us by Nicholas Bangham.

The 24th, accounts on both sides being cleared, and business finished,
the pledges on either side were released. They now promised to deal with
us for the rest of our commodities, but after waiting till the 26th,
they did nothing worth notice. The 27th a Jew came on board, bringing me
a letter from Masulipatam, dated 8th September, from Peter Floris, a
Dantzicker, employed by the company, shewing his setting out in
February, his speedy and safe passage, and his arrival at Masulipatam in
the beginning of September.

The 2d January, 1612, I wrote to Captain Hawkins, and sent to him
Captain Sharpey, Hugh Fraine, and Hugh Gred, to set his mind on some
better course than he seemed to be in when he wrote me on the 28th
December; also desiring them to buy some indigo and other commodities,
if they could be had at reasonable rates.

The 26th, Captain Hawkins and Captain Sharpey with the rest, came
towards where we lay, leaving their carriages five miles from the
water-side. I landed with 200 armed men and went to meet them, about
three miles off, to guard them and their goods from the Portuguese, who
I doubted might attempt to intercept them, and brought them all in
safety aboard without seeing any thing of the Portuguese. The 27th I
sent John Williams, one of our factors, to Surat on business. Some days
before, Mocreb Khan sent for Mr Jourdayne, desiring his compliments to
me, and that he was now going out of town for two or three days, to meet
a great commander who was coming from the Deccan wars; but that on his
return he would be as good as his word, in regard to the establishment
of our factory. He came back on the 27th, when he again sent for Mr
Jourdayne, whom he asked with an angry countenance what he did in Surat,
and wherefore the English were not all gone? His answer was, that he
staid on his word and promise to have a factory allowed us. He angrily
answered, we should have no factory there, and that the long stay of the
English ships had hindered him in his customs to the tune of a million
of _Manuveys,_[342] and commanded him therefore, in the king's name, to
be gone with all speed, as there were neither factory nor trade to be
had there by us. John Williams returned this morning, and two carts came
from Surat with provisions. The 29th I sent for the factors to hasten
away from Surat, as I meant to set sail.

[Footnote 342: This seems an error for _mamudies,_ the Surat currency in
the former narratives of Hawkins and others.--E.]

Sec. 6. _Voyage from Surat to Dabul, and thence to the Red Sea, and
Proceedings there._

The morning of the 9th February, 1612, we warped the Trades-increase
over the sands from the road of _Swally,_ which, if we had not done this
tide, we had lost the whole spring. This road is in the latitude of 20 deg.
57', and the variation is 16 deg. 30'.[343] The morning of the 11th we
sailed for Surat road, and anchored there in the afternoon beside a new
ship belonging to Surat, just launched and come out of the river, and
bound for the Red Sea. Surat road is in lat. 20 deg. 40'.[344] We weighed
anchor on the 12th, and anchored two leagues south from the road beside
a ship of Calicut bound for Surat, out of which I took a pilot for
Dabul. We sailed again on the 13th, and at six in the evening of the
16th we arrived in the road of Dabul, in lat. 17 deg. 42', [17 deg. 45'] N.

[Footnote 343: Swally road, a little way north from the mouth of the
Taptee, or Surat river, is in lat. 21 deg. 7' N. long. 72 deg. 49' E. We have no
account in the original of having removed there, but that probably is
owing to the negligence of Purchas in abbreviating.--E.]

[Footnote 344: The parallel of 21 deg. N. runs through Surat roads, while
the latitude in the text falls far to the south of Surat river. The
difference of latitude assigned by Sir Henry between Swally roads and
Surat roads, supposing that of the preceding note for Swally accurate,
which we believe is the case, as taken upon the authority of the latest
and best map of India, Arrowsmith's, would place the best anchoring
ground of Surat roads in 20 deg. 50', which likewise is much too far

The 17th I sent ashore the Malabar pilot, with a letter I had got when
at Mokha from Malek Ambar to the governor, desiring him to use me well,
and to trade with me if I came to that place. In the afternoon, both the
governor and Malek Ambar sent me a small present of refreshments, with
many compliments, offering me every thing the country afforded, and to
deal with me for my commodities if I chose to send on shore for that
purpose. I accordingly sent two of my merchants with a good present, who
were kindly welcomed and well entertained while there. The 18th, 19th,
and 20th, were spent in the sale of goods, boats going every day between
the ship and the shore, the particulars of which I refer to the
merchants accounts, as not fit to be here expressed. By the 23d we had
delivered all the goods bargained for, and had no farther hope of sales
at this place.

The 24th I called a council of my principal officers and merchants, to
consider what was best for us to do; whether to proceed for Priaman,
Bantam, and the Spice islands, or to return to the Red Sea to meet the
ships of India, and, as they would not deal with us at their own doors,
after we had come so far with commodities only vendible there, I thought
we should do ourselves some right, and them no wrong, to cause them to
barter with us, we taking their indigos and other goods at what they
were worth, and giving ours in return. All were of this opinion for the
following reasons: 1st, The putting off our English goods, and getting
others in their place fit for our country; 2d, to take some revenge of
the great wrongs suffered from the Turks; 3d, to save a ship, with her
goods and men, which we heard were bound there, by letters received from
Masulipatam, and which we thought could not possibly escape being
betrayed as we had been.

Having concluded to return to the Red Sea, we were employed till the
27th in getting fresh water aboard, and taking back our red-lead, which
we had sold and delivered at Dabul, but they disliked. In the evening we
saw a sail in the offing, which some Malabar vessels beside us said was
a Portuguese ship of Cochin bound for Chaul; on which I sent the
Pepper-corn, Darling, and Release, to bring her in, which they did on
the 28th. Finding my people in the Release had pillaged the Portuguese
vessel, I took every thing away from them, and gave them back to the
owners. Her lading was mostly cocoa-nuts, and I took some small matter
out of her.

Continuing our voyage for the Red Sea, we got sight of the island of
Socotora on the 24th of March, and at four p.m. the point of Delisha
bore S.S.W. six leagues distant. From noon of the 24th till noon of the
25th, we steered N.W. by W. and W.N.W. and W. all night, thinking by
day-light to have been near the westermost part of the island; but we
found we had gone little a-head, although we had a fair wind, owing to a
strong current against us. The 27th, in the morning, we had sight of
Abdal Curia, and before night espied Guar-da-fui.

The 2d April, Mr Pemberton came aboard me, telling me he had been at
Socotora, where the king shewed him a writing left there by Captain John
Saris, who was general of three ships from India, stating the time he
left England, his places of refreshment, the time of his arrival at
Socotora, and his having proceeded for the Red Sea in quest of trade;
mentioning likewise his having perused the writing left by me,
containing many reasons for not going there; but, having the pass of the
Grand Signior, he hoped to meet better entertainment than I had. On this
unexpected news, I called a council to deliberate on what we had best
do; when we quickly resolved to proceed as we had formerly determined,
having now no other way left, as we could not return again till the next
westerly monsoon, which would not be till the middle of May. I therefore
left Captain Downton in the Pepper-corn to remain till the 5th off the
mouth, keeping the port of Aden shut up; while I went with the
Trades-increase and Darling to keep the two passages of the straits of

The 4th, about ten a.m. we anchored within the island in eight fathoms.
Presently after there came a boat from shore with a Turk and three or
four Arabian soldiers, the Turk being chief of the place under the aga
of Mokha. He offered, if I had any letter to send, he would dispatch it
by a foot-post, who would bring back an answer in three days. I wrote,
therefore, to Captain Saris, giving him an account of the cause of my
coming, and what I proposed to do.

The 6th came a _Jalba_ belonging to Zeyla, a place without the Bab, on
the African coast, bound for Mokha, laden with mats. I bought from her
twelve sheep, and permitted her to depart. The 7th, before day, came in
a ship of Basanor, which I obliged to anchor beside me. Richard Wickam,
one of Captain Saris's merchants, came this morning with letters to me
from Captain Saris, the contents of which I omit to write. I sent back
an answer by a Turk that came in his company, but detained Wickam, lest
they might have made him prisoner at Mokha, as I had embargoed the India
ships. The 8th came in a ship of Diu, bound for Mokha, which I stopped
and brought to anchor beside me, being the same I detained last year in
Mokha roads. This day we rummaged these two ships, taking out of them
such goods as suited our purpose, which were brought on board my ship.
The 9th came in a small bark of _Shahr,_[345] laden with coarse
olibanum, some of which we bought and paid for in ryals to their

[Footnote 345: Called Shaher in Purchas, and by others Xaer and Xael
after the Portuguese orthography. It is dependent upon Kushen or
Kasbin.--Astl. I. 388. d.]

The 14th we were joined by Captain Saris with his three ships. After
mutual salutes, Captain Saris, Captain Towerson, and Mr Cox, their chief
merchant, came aboard of me, and we spent all that day in friendly
communication; and acquainting Captain Saris that I was much in want of
cables, he engaged to supply me. The 15th I went aboard the Clove, where
I and those that came with me were kindly entertained. Captain Saris
shewed me the pass from the Grand Signior, and we had a long
conversation, he believing that he would have had much good trade at
Mokha if I had not come, which my experience found otherwise. At last
we agreed, and set it down in writing interchangeably, that he was to
have a third part of all that was taken, paying for the same as I did,
leaving the subsequent disposal of the ships to me, who had sustained
the injury. From this to the 23d, many ships came in at the _bab_ from
different ports of India, as Surat, Diu, Calicut, Cannanor, Acheen, and
other ports; and this last day came in the _Rhemy_ of Surat, belonging
to the queen mother of the Great Mogul, laden with India commodities,
and bound for Jiddah, the port of Mecca.[346] In this ship were 1500
persons, mostly pilgrims, going to Mecca. The 24th I weighed anchor from
the _bab,_ together with all the ships I had detained, and went for the
road of Assab. About five p.m. we came to anchor with all the fleet off
Crab island in twelve fathoms; and next morning stood in for the bay of
Assab, where at one p.m. we anchored in seven and a half fathoms. The
27th we brought good store of indigo out of the ships of Surat and Diu.
The Clove being in sight, plying off and on and not seeing us, I caused
a shot to be fired, which they hearing, answered with another, and
presently bore up for the road.....

[Footnote 346: It has been thought quite needless to enumerate the
different ships mentioned in Purchas, amounting in all to sixteen sail
of various sorts and sizes.--E.]

* * * * *

_Note._ The narrative of Sir Henry Middleton breaks off here abruptly,
for which no reason is assigned by Purchas. The omission will, however,
be found supplied in the subsequent report of the same voyage by Captain
Downton, and in the Journal of the Eighth Voyage of the India Company
commanded by Captain John Saris.--Ed.


_Journal of the preceding Voyage by Nicholas Downton, Captain of the


Captain Nicholas Downton was what was then called lieutenant-general
under Sir Henry Middleton, in the _sixth_ voyage set forth by the
English East India Company. We once meant only to have given an extract
from this journal, to supply the deficiency in the latter part of the
former narrative by Sir Henry Middleton; but on a careful examination,
we have found its information so superior to most of the early relations
of voyages, that we even regret it had been before garbled or
abbreviated by Purchas, who tells us, that this article consists only of
certain extracts from the journal of Captain Downton. Some uninteresting
details have however been omitted.--E.

[Footnote 347: Purch. Pilg. I. 274. Astl. I. 390.]

Sec. 1. _Notices of the Voyage between Saldanha Bay and Socotora, both

The 22d July, 1611, we got sight of the _Table_ and point of Saldanha,
bearing east, twelve leagues distant; but owing to calms and contrary
winds, it was the 24th before we got moored in the road. We there found
three ships belonging to Holland; one of which, bound for Bantam, was
commanded by Peter Bat, general of thirteen sail outward-bound, but
having spent his main-mast and lost company of his fleet, put in here to
refresh his sick men. The other two were homeward-bound, having made
train-oil of seals at Penguin island.

Saldanha bay is some fourteen leagues N.N.E. from the Cape of Good
Hope,[348] and ten leagues N. by W. from Cape _Falso_, which is eastward
of the former; and both of which capes may be seen from the said bay.
These two capes are divided by another great bay, False bay, the
distance between the two bays being about three leagues of low marshy
land, extending north and south, and on either side environed by

[Footnote 348: Although these hydrographical notices of the environs of
Saldanha bay and the Cape of Good Hope are by no means perfectly
accurate, probably vitiated in the abbreviation of Purchas, they
distinctly shew, that the bay named Saldanha by our early voyagers, was
that now called Table bay: This latter is twelve or thirteen leagues
from the Cape, nearly as in the text, while that now called Saldanha bay
is twenty-seven leagues distant. The near neighbourhood of False bay is
incontestible evidence of the fact, being only three leagues distant;
while our modern Saldanha bay is more than twenty leagues from False bay
as the crow flies.--E.]

In former time, Saldanha bay was very comfortable to our navigators,
both outward and homeward-bound, yielding them abundance of cattle and
sheep, by which their weak and sick men in former voyages were easily
recovered and made strong. These used to be brought down by the savage
inhabitants, and sold for mere trifles, as an ox for a piece of
hoop-iron fourteen inches long, and a sheep for a much shorter piece. It
is now quite otherwise; but, from my ignorance of the language of the
natives, I have not been able to ascertain the cause. Whether it may
have proceeded from the too great _liberality_ of the Dutch, spoiling
the trade, which indeed they are apt to do in all places where they
come, as they only consider their present occasions; or whether it may
have been that the cattle formerly brought down in such abundance were
plunder taken from each other in wars then raging, which made them
greedy of iron to make heads for their lances and darts, which now by
peace or reconciliation they have little need of. However this may have
been, all our bribes or contrivances should only procure at this time
four old lean cows, for which they would not take iron in payment, but
thin pieces of copper six inches square. We got likewise six or seven
sheep, for pieces of copper three inches square, cut out of a kettle. Of
this copper they made rings, six or eight of which made very bright they
wear on their arms.

These people are the filthiest I have ever seen or heard of; for,
besides other uncleanness, which most people clear off by washing, this
people, on the contrary, augment their natural filth, anointing their

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