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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. VIII. by Robert Kerr

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draw-bridges. The walls are built with bulwarks or towers somewhat
defensible, having a counterscarp without, some fifteen yards broad.
Within are two other strong walls with gates.

[Footnote 259: This of course is to be understood as referring back from
1611, when Finch was there. We have here omitted a long uninteresting
and confused account of many parts of India, which could only have
swelled our pages, without conveying any useful information.--E.]

There are four gales to the castle. One to the north, leading to a
rampart having many large cannon. Another westwards, leading to the
Bazar, called the _Cichery_ gate, within which is the judgment-seat of
the _casi_, or chief judge in all matters of law; and beside this gate
are two or three _murderers_, or very large pieces of brass cannon, one
of which is fifteen feet long and three feet diameter in the bore. Over
against the judgment-seat of the _casi_, is the _Cichery_, or court of
rolls, where the grand vizier sits about three hours every morning,
through whose hands pass all matters respecting rents, grants, lands,
firmans, debts, &c. Beyond these two gates, you pass a third leading
into a fair street, with houses and _munition_ along both sides; and at
the end of this street, being a quarter of a mile long, you come to the
third gate, which leads to the king's _durbar_. This gate is always
chained, all men alighting here except the king and his children. This
gate is called _Akbar drowage_; close within which many hundred dancing
girls and singers attend day and night, to be ever ready when the king
or any of his women please to send for them, to sing and dance in the
moholls, all of them having stipends from the king according to their
respective unworthy worth.

The fourth gate is to the river, called the _Dersane_, leading to a fair
court extending along the river, where the king looks out every morning
at sun-rising, which he salutes, and then his nobles resort to their
_tessilam_. Right under the place where he looks out, is a kind of
scaffold on which the nobles stand, but the _addees_ and others wait in
the court below. Here likewise the king comes every day at noon to see
the _tamashan_, or fighting with elephants, lions, and buffaloes, and
killing of deer by leopards. This is the custom every day of the week
except Sunday,[260] on which there is no fighting. Tuesdays are
peculiarly the days of blood both for fighting beasts and killing men;
as on that day the king sits in judgment, and sees it put in execution.
Within the third gate, formerly mentioned, you enter a spacious court,
with _atescannas_ all arched round, like shops or open stalls, in which
the king's captains, according to their several degrees keep their
seventh day _chockees_.[261] A little farther on you enter through a
rail into an inner court, into which none are admitted except the king's
_addees_, and men of some quality, under pain of a hearty thwacking from
the porter's cudgels, which they lay on load without respect of persons.

[Footnote 260: Probably Friday is here meant, being the Sabbath of the

[Footnote 261: Mr Finch perpetually forgets that his readers in England
were not acquainted with the language of India, and leaves these eastern
terms unexplained; in which he has been inconveniently copied by most
subsequent travellers in the East. _Chockees_ in the text, probably
means turns of duty on guard.--E.]

Being entered, you approach the king's _durbar_, or royal seat, before
which is a small court inclosed with rails, and covered over head with
rich _semianes_, or awnings, to keep away the sun. Here aloft in a
gallery sits the king in his chair of state, accompanied by his sons and
chief vizier, who go up by a short ladder from the court, none other
being allowed to go up unless called, except two _punkaws_ to fan him,
and right before him is a third _punkaw_ on a scaffold, who makes havock
of the poor flies with a horse's tail. On the wall behind the king, on
his right hand, is a picture of our Saviour, and on his left, of the
Virgin. On the farther side of the court of presence hang golden bells,
by ringing which, if any one be oppressed, and is refused justice by the
king's officers, he is called in and the matter discussed before the
king. But let them be sure their cause is good, lest they be punished
for presuming to trouble the king. The king comes to his durbar every
day between three and four o'clock, when thousands resort to shew their
duty, every one taking place according to his rank. He remains here till
the evening, hearing various matters, receiving news or letters, which
are read by his viziers, granting suits, and so forth: All which time
the royal drum continually beats, and many instruments of music are
sounded from a gallery on the opposite building. His elephants and
horses in the mean time are led past, in brave order, doing their
_tessilam_, or obeisance, and are examined by proper officers to see
that they are properly cared for, and in a thriving condition.

Some add[262] that Agra has no walls, and is only surrounded by a dry
ditch, beyond which are extensive suburbs, the city and suburbs being
seven miles long and three broad. The houses of the nobility and
merchants are built of brick and stone, with flat roofs, but those of
the common people have only mud walls and thatched roofs, owing to which
there are often terrible fires. The city has six gates. The river
_Jumna_ is broader than the Thames at London, and has many boats and
barges, some of them of 100 tons burden; but these cannot return against
the stream. From Agra to Lahore, a distance of 600 miles, the road is
set on both sides with mulberry trees.

[Footnote 262: At this place, Purchas remarks, "that this addition is
from a written book, entitled, A Discourse of Agra and the Four
principal Ways to it. I know not by what author, unless it be Nicholas

The tomb of the late emperor Akbar is three coss from Agra, on the road
to Lahore, in the middle of a large and beautiful garden, surrounded
with brick walls, near two miles in circuit. It is to have four gates,
only one of which is yet in hand, each of which, if answerable to their
foundations, will be able to receive a great prince with a reasonable
train. On the way-side is a spacious _moholl_, intended by the king for
his father's women to remain and end their days, deploring for their
deceased lord, each enjoying the lands they formerly held, the chief
having the pay or rents of 5000 horse. In the centre of this garden is
the tomb, a square of about three quarters of a mile in circuit. The
first inclosure is a curious rail, to which you ascend by six steps into
a small square garden, divided into quarters, having fine tanks; the
whole garden being planted with a variety of sweet-smelling flowers and
shrubs. Adjoining to this is the tomb, likewise square, all of hewn
stone, with spacious galleries on each side, having a small beautiful
turret at each corner, arched over head, and covered with fine marble.
Between corner and corner are four other turrets at equal distances.
Here, within a golden coffin, reposes the body of the late monarch, who
sometimes thought the world too small for him. It is nothing near
finished, after ten years labour, although there are continually
employed on the mausoleum and other buildings, as the moholl and gates,
more than 3000 men. The stone is brought from an excellent quarry near
Futtipoor, formerly mentioned, and may be cut like timber by means of
saws, so that planks for ceilings are made from it, almost of any size.


_Voyage of Captain David Middleton, in_ 1607, _to Bantam and the


Captain David Middleton in the Consent, appears to have been intended to
accompany the fleet under Captain Keeling. But, setting out on the 12th
March, 1607, from Tilbury Hope, while Captain Keeling did not reach the
Downs till the 1st April, Middleton either missed the other ships at the
appointed rendezvous, or purposely went on alone. The latter is more
probable, as Purchas observes that the _Consent kept no concent with her
consorts_. By the title in Purchas, we learn that the Consent was a
vessel of 115 tons burden. This short narrative appears to have been
written by some person on board, but his name is not mentioned. It has
evidently suffered the pruning knife of Purchas, as it commences
abruptly at Saldanha bay, and breaks off in a similar manner at Bantam.
Yet, in the present version, it has been a little farther curtailed, by
omitting several uninteresting circumstances of weather and other
log-book notices.--E.

[Footnote 263: Purch. Pilgr. I. 226. Astl. I. 332.]

* * * * *

We anchored in Saldanha roads on the 16th July, 1607, with all our men
in good health; only that Peter Lambert fell from the top-mast head the
day before, of which he died. The 21st, the captain and master went to
Penguin island, three leagues from the road. This island does not exceed
three miles long by two in breadth; yet, in my opinion, no island in the
world is more frequented by seals and fowls than this, which abounds
with penguins, wild-geese, ducks, pelicans, and various other fowls. You
may drive 500 penguins together in a flock, and the seals are in
thousands together on the shore. Having well refreshed our men, and
bought some cattle, we weighed anchor about four in the morning of the
29th July, and came out of the roads with very little wind, all our men
in perfect health, yet loth to depart without the company of our other
two ships. But all our business being ended, and being quite uncertain
as to their arrival,[264] we made no farther stay, and directed our
course for the island of St Lawrence or Madagascar.

[Footnote 264: The other two ships under Keeling did not arrive at
Saldanha bay till the 17th December, five months afterwards.--E.]

The 30th was calm all day, till three in the afternoon, when we had a
fresh gale at S.W. with which we passed the Cape of Good Hope by ten at
night. The 1st August we were off Cape Aguillas; and on the 27th we saw
the island of Madagascar, some six leagues off. In the afternoon of the
30th we anchored in the bay of St Augustine, in six and a half fathoms
on coarse gravel. In consequence of a great ledge of rocks off the mouth
of the bay, we fell to _room-wards_, [leeward,] of the road, and had to
get in upon a tack, having seven, six and a half, and five fathoms all
the way, and on coming to anchor had the ledge and two islands to
windward of us.

The 31st, our captain and Mr Davis went in the longboat to view the
islands, and I myself as we went sounded close by the ledge, and had six
fathoms. One of the islands is very small, as it were a mere bank of
sand with nothing on it. The other is about a mile long, and half a mile
broad, and has nothing upon it but some small store of wood. The 1st
September, we weighed from our first anchorage, the ground being foul,
so that our cable broke, and we lost an anchor in weighing, and came
within two miles of the mouth of the river, where we anchored in five
and a half fathoms fast ground, about three leagues from oar former
anchorage. We got here plenty of sheep and beeves for little money, and
having taken in wood and water, we weighed anchor on the 7th, taking to
sea with us four goats, three sheep, and a heifer. We had an observation
three miles from the island, before the bay of St Augustine, which we
made to be in lat. 23 deg. 48' S.[265]

[Footnote 265: The tropic of Capricorn runs through the bay of St
Augustine, being 23 deg. 30' S. rather nearer the south point of the bay; so
that the latitude in the text must err at least 16' in excess.--E.]

The 12th November in the morning we saw an island, which we found to be
_Engano_, or the Isle of Deceit, and came to its north side. This island
is about five leagues in length, trending E. by S. and W. by N. the
easter end is the highest, and the wester is full of trees. It is in
lat. 5 deg. 30' S. and the variation is 4 deg. 13'. Having the wind at W.N.W. we
steered away for the main of Sumatra E. by S. and E.S.E. with a pleasant
gale but much rain, and next day had sight of Sumatra about four leagues
from us. We anchored on the 14th in Bantam roads about four p.m. when we
found all the merchants in good health, and all things in good order.
Next day our captain went on shore to speak with Mr Towerson, respecting
the business of the ship, and it was agreed to send ashore the lead and
iron we brought with us. This being effected, and having fitted our ship
in good order, and taken in our merchants and goods for the Moluccas, we
took leave of the factory, and set sail for these islands on the 6th

"In the beginning of January, 1608, they arrived at the Moluccas. The
rest of that month and the whole of February, was spent in compliments
between them and the Spaniards and the Moluccan princes: the Spaniards
not daring to allow them to trade without leave from their camp-master;
and as he was embroiled with the Hollanders, he refused, unless they
would aid him, or at least accompany their ships for shew of service
against the Hollanders; which Captain Middleton refused, as contrary to
his commission and instructions. In the mean time, they traded privately
with the natives by night, and were jovial with the Spaniards by day,
who both gave and received hearty welcome. In the beginning of March
they had leave to trade, but this licence was revoked again in a few
days, and they were commanded to be gone. Thus they spent their time
till the 14th March, when they weighed anchor and set sail, having some
little trade by the way. This part of the journal is long, and I have
omitted it, as also in some other parts where I thought it might be

[Footnote 266: This paragraph is by Purchas, by whom it is placed as
here in the text.--E.]

The 23d March, we entered the Straits of _Bangaya_,[267] where the
captain proposed to seek for water. While uncertain where to seek it,
there came off a praw from the island, by which we learnt that good
water might be had on the east shore, where we anchored in 60 fathoms in
a most cruel current. Our long-boat was then sent for water, conducted
by the Indian who came in the praw, from whom our people procured some
fresh fish at a cheap rate in exchange for china dishes. In the morning
of the 24th we went for another boat-load of water; and this morning by
daybreak the natives came off to us in above 100 praws, carrying men,
women, and children, and brought us great quantities of fish, both dried
and fresh, which they sold very cheap. They brought us also hogs, both
great and small, with plenty of poultry, which they sold very reasonably
for coarse white cloth and china dishes; likewise plantains, _cassathoe_
roots, and various kinds of fruit. The natives remained on board the
whole day in such numbers, that we could sometimes hardly get from one
part of the deck to another for them. In the afternoon the King of
_Bottone_, or Booton, sent some plantains to our captain, and a kind of
liquor for drinking called _Irea-pote_, in return for which the captain
sent back a rich painted calico. About ten at night we weighed anchor,
in doing which we broke the flukes of both our starboard anchors, for
which reason we had to man our long-boat, and tow the ship all night
against the current, which otherwise would have carried us farther to
leewards than we could have made up again in three days, unless we had
got a fresh gale of wind, so strong is the current at this place.

[Footnote 267: From circumstances in the sequel, these Straits of
Bangaya appear to have been between the island of Booton, in about lat.
5 deg. S. and long. 123 deg. 20' E., and the south-east leg or peninsula of the
island of Celebes.--E.]

The 19th April the King of Booton sent one of his brothers again on
board,[268] to know if he might come to see the ship, of which he was
very desirous, having often heard of Englishmen, but had never seen any;
on which our captain sent him word that he should think himself much
honoured by a visit. The king came immediately off in his _caracol_,
rowed by at least an hundred oars or paddles, having in her besides
about 400 armed men, and six pieces of brass cannon; being attended by
five other caracols, which had at the least 1000 armed men in them. On
coming up, our captain sent our surgeon, Francis Kelly, as an hostage
for the king's safety; when he came on board, and was kindly welcomed
by our captain, who invited him to partake of a banquet of sweetmeats,
which he readily accepted. Captain Middleton then made enquiry as to
what commodities the king had for sale in his dominions. He made answer,
that they had pearls, tortoise-shell, and some cloth of their own
manufacture, which we supposed might be of striped cotton. The king said
farther, as we were unacquainted with the place, he would send a pilot
to conduct us. Captain Middleton then requested to see some of the
pearls; but he said he had not brought any with him, meaning only a
jaunt of pleasure, but if we would come to Booton, which was only a day
and night's sail from thence, we should see great store of pearls, and
such other things as he had for sale. The captain and factor,
considering that this was very little out of the way to Bantam, thought
best to agree to this offer, and presented the king with a musket, a
sword, and a pintado, thanking him for his kindness. The king replied,
that he had not now any thing worth giving, but promised to repay these
civilities before we left Booton, giving at the same time two pieces of
their country cloth.

[Footnote 268: Something has probably been here omitted by Purchas, as
we hear nothing of their transactions between the 24th March and 19th

About three p.m. the king took his leave, promising to send a pilot in
all speed to carry us to the town of Booton, and by the time we weighed
anchor the pilot came on board. At night the king sent one of his
caracols to us, to see if we wanted any thing, and to accompany us to
Booton; sending at the same time a goat to the captain. We stood for
Booton with a small gale, which at night died away, so that we had to
drop anchor in 22 fathoms, not willing to drift to leeward with the
current; and next morning we again weighed and stood for Booton.

The 22d, about ten a.m. our purser came on board, having been sent on
shore the night before, and brought with him some cocks and hens. He
told us that the Indians had carried him to a king, who was glad to see
him, having never before seen any Englishmen.[269] At his first coming
to the king's house, he was carousing and drinking with his nobles, all
round where he sat being hung with human heads, whom he had recently
slain in war. After some little stay, the purser took his leave, and lay
all night on board the caracol. This night we anchored in 20 fathoms,
in a strait or passage not half a mile wide. The 23d, in the morning,
we again weighed, and, having very little wind, our long-boat towed us
through the straits, and as the tide was with us we went a-head a-main;
so that by eleven o'clock a.m. we were in sight of the town of Booton,
and came to anchor in 25 fathoms, about a mile and a half from the town,
where we waited for the king to come on board, but he came not that
night. We sent, however, our boat on shore, and bought fresh fish for
our company.

[Footnote 269: There is some strange obscurity in the text about this
new king, called in the margin by Purchas the king of _Cobina_.--E.]

The king came up under our stern about one p.m. of the 24th, having with
him some forty caracols, and rowed round us very gallantly, hoisting his
colours and pendants; after which they rowed back to the town, and our
captain saluted them with a volley of small arms and all his great guns.
He then caused man our long-boat, and went ashore to the town of Booton,
accompanied by Mr Siddal and others. The king saluted our captain on
landing, both with small arms and ordnance, saying that his heart was
now contented, as he had seen the English nation, promising to shew our
captain all the kindness in his power. The captain humbly thanked him,
and took his leave for the present, coming again on board.

Next morning, the 25th April, we weighed anchor and stood farther into
the road, anchoring again in 27 fathoms within half a mile of the shore.
This morning there came on board a Javan _nakhada,_ or ship-master, who
had a junk in the roads laden with cloves, which he had brought from
Amboina, with whom Mr Siddal our factor talked, as the Javan offered to
sell all his cloves to our captain.

This day the king invited our captain to dine with him, begging him to
excuse the homely fashion of their country. The meat was served up in
great wooden chargers, closely covered up with cloths, and the king with
our captain and Mr Siddal dined together, where we had great cheer, our
drink being _Irea-pote_, which was sweet-tasted and very pleasant, the
king being very merry. After dinner we had some talk about the cloves
which we proposed to purchase; and the king promised to come next day on
board himself or to send some of his attendants, to examine our cloth.
The captain then gave the king great thanks for his kindness, and went
on board.

The 26th, the king's uncle came off to see our ship, and was kindly
entertained by the captain. The king's brother came afterwards on
board, and remained to dinner with the captain, and after took leave. We
expected the king, but he came not that day, sending his son and the
pilot to view our cloth, which they liked very well. The king and his
son came on board on the 27th, and dined with the captain, who gave them
good cheer; and the king being very merry, wished to see some of our
people dance, which several of them did before him, when he was much
pleased both with our dancing and music. At night the king's uncle sent
our captain four fat hogs.

The 28th, the king of another island near Booton came in his caracol,
accompanied by his wife, to view our ship, but could not be prevailed on
to come aboard. Our ship being now laden with cloves bought of the
Javans, our captain bought some slaves from the king; and while we were
very busy this night, one of them stole out from the cabin and leapt
into the sea to swim ashore, so that we never heard of him more. Next
morning the captain sent Augustine Spalding, our _Jurabossa,_ to inform
the king of the slave having made his escape, who presently gave him

May 3d, we proceeded for Bantam, saluting the town of Booton at our
departure with three guns. The 3d, we had sight of the Straits of
Celebes, for which we made all sail, but could not get into them that
night. The 23d May, we anchored in the road of Bantam, where we did not
find a single Christian ship, and only four junks from China, having
taffaties, damasks, satins, and various other commodities. Having
finished all our business here, the captain and merchants took leave on
the 15th July, 1608, when we presently made sail from the road of
Bantam, bound home for our native England.

* * * * *

_Note_.--At this place Purchas observes, "To avoid tiring the readers,
the rest of this voyage homewards is omitted; instead of which we have
set down a table of the journal of this ship from the Lizard to Bantam,
as set forth by John Davis."--On this paragraph of Purchas, the editor
of Astley's Collection remarks, I. 335. c. "But we meet with no such
table in Purchas, neither is any reason assigned why it is omitted, so
that many may believe these copies of Purchas imperfect. This Davis was
probably the same who went with Sir Edward Michelburne, and who
published some nautical directions, as already observed."

It is singular that the editor of Astley's Collection, with Purchas his
Pilgrims before him, and perfectly aware of the Directions by John Davis
"For ready sailing to the East Indies, digested into a plain Method,
upon Experience of Five Voyages thither and Home again," should not have
discovered or conjectured, that the promised table is actually published
by Purchas in the first volume of his Pilgrims, p. 444--455.--E.


_Fourth Voyage of the English East India Company, in_ 1608, _by Captain
Alexander Sharpey_.[270]


The relation of this fourth voyage fitted out by the English East India
Company, and of various circumstances arising out of it, as given by
Purchas, consists of four different narratives, to which the editor of
Astley's Collection adds a fifth, here adopted from him. The following
are the remarks in Astley, respecting this voyage and its several

[Footnote 270: Purch. Pilgr. I. 228, Astley, I. 336.]

In this voyage there were employed two good ships; the Ascension
admiral, commanded by Captain Alexander Sharpey, general of the
adventure; and the Union vice-admiral, under the command of Captain
Richard Rowles, lieutenant-general. As these vessels separated at the
Cape of Good Hope, and the Ascension was cast away in the bay of
Cambaya, they may be considered as separate voyages, of which we have
distinct relations.

There are two accounts extant of the voyage of the Ascension; one
written by Captain Robert Coverte, and the other by Thomas Jones. There
was a third, written by Henry Moris at Bantam, from the mouth of William
Nichols, one of the sailors belonging to the Ascension; but as the
voyage part was the same in substance as that given by Jones, Purchas
omitted that part, and only inserted the journey of Nichols by land
from Surat to Masulipatam; which requires to be inserted, although his
remarks on the road to Masulipatam, and his voyage from thence to
Bantam, are comprised in very few words.

The relation of Captain Coverte is not inserted in the Pilgrims of
Purchas, who omitted it, because, as he tells us, it was already in
print. Its title runs thus: A true and almost incredible Report of an
Englishman, that, being cast away in the good Ship called the Ascension,
in Cambaya, the furthest Part of the East Indies, travelled by Land
through many unknown Kingdoms and great Cities. With a particular
Description of all these Kingdoms, Cities, and People. As also a
Relation of their Commodities and Manner of Traffic, &c. With the
Discovery of a great Empire, called the _Great Mogul_, a Prince not till
now known to the English Nation. By Captain Coverte. London, printed by
William Hall, for Thomas Archer and Richard Redmer, 1612.

The circumstance of this narrative having been before printed, is a
very insufficient reason for its omission, since Purchas inserted many
others which were before in print, and few tracts had a better title for
insertion, than this of Coverte. _De Bry_, however, knew its value, and
gave a translation of it with cuts, in his _Ind. Orient._ part xi. p.
11. but divided into chapters, the original being in one continued
narrative. It is true that Purchas has given an extract from it in his
_Pilgrimage_, book V. chap. vii. sect. 5. a work on general geography
entirely different from his _Pilgrims_, or Collection of Voyages and
Travels; but this is very imperfect, and only refers to his land

This voyage of Coverte contains sixty-eight pages in quarto, black
letter, besides the dedication and title, which occupy four pages more.
It is dedicated to Robert Earl of Salisbury, Lord High Treasurer of
England; but there is nothing in the dedication worth notice, except
that he says, after the wreck of the Ascension, and getting on shore
with seventy-four others, he was the only one among them who would
venture upon so _desperate an undertaking_ as to travel home by land. He
likewise asserts that every thing he relates is true, protesting that he
speaks of nothing but what he had seen and suffered.

In this place, we shall only abstract the author's voyage to Cambaya;
and, instead of his journey home through India, Persia, and Turkey,
[which will be inserted among the Travels,[271]] shall give the account
of Jones of his own return from Cambaya by sea to England. This voyage
lays claim to two discoveries, that of the Moguls country, as appears in
the tide, though Captain Hawkins had got the start of him there; and the
discovery of the Bed Sea by the Ascension, as mentioned in the title of
the relation by Jones in Purchas.--_Astley_.

[Footnote 271: This promise is not however performed in Astley's
Collection. In the Pilgrims, I. 235, Purchas has inserted the
peregrination of Mr Joseph Salbank through India, Persia, part of
Turkey, the Persian Gulf, and Arabia, in 1609, written to Sir Thomas
Smith; and tells us in a sidenote, that Robert Coverte was his companion
in the journey all the way through India and Persia, to Bagdat. We meant
to have inserted these peregrinations as a substitute for those of
Coverte, but found the names of places so inexplicably corrupted, as to
render the whole entirely useless.--E.]

In Astley's Collection, copying from Purchas, a brief account of the
same voyage is given, as written by Thomas Jones, who seems to have been
carpenter or boatswain of the Ascension, and whose narrative differs in
some particulars from that of Coverte, though they agree in general.
Instead of augmenting our pages by the insertion of this additional
narrative, we have only remarked in notes the material circumstances in
which they differ. Neither can be supposed very accurate in dates, as
both would probably lose their journals when shipwrecked near Surat.

We have likewise added, in supplement to the narrative of Coverte, such
additional circumstances as are supplied by Jones, after the loss of the

Sec. 1. _Relation of this Voyage, as written by Robert Coverte_.[272]

We weighed anchor from Woolwich on the 14th of March, 1608, and came to
the Downs over against Deal, three miles from Sandwich, where we
remained till the 25th, when we sailed for Plymouth. Leaving that place
with a fair gale on the 31st, we arrived at the _Salvages_, 500 leagues
from thence, on the 10th of April, and came next morning in sight of the
Grand Canary. Casting anchor there at midnight, we fired a gun for a
boat to come off: But the Spaniards, fearing we were part of a squadron
of twelve Hollanders, expected in these seas, instead of sending any
one on board, sent into the country for a body of 150 horse and foot to
defend the town; neither were their fears abated till two of our factors
went ashore, and acquainted them that we were two English ships in want
of some necessaries. Next morning we fired another gun, when the
governor sent off a boat to know what we wanted. Having acquainted him,
he made answer, that it was not in his power to relieve our wants,
unless we came into the roads. Yet, having examined our factors upon
oath, they had a warrant for a boat at their pleasure, to go between the
shore and the ships with whatever was wanted. What we most wondered at,
was the behaviour of two ships then in the roads, known by their colours
to be English, the people of which had not the kindness to apprize us of
the customs of the _subtile currish_ Spaniards. It is the custom here,
when any foreign ship comes into the roads, that no person of the same
nation even, or any other, must go on board without leave from the
governor and council.

[Footnote 272: Astley, I. 336.--In Astley's Collection, this person is
named captain; but it does not appear wherefore he had this title.--E.]

During five days that we remained here, some of the Spaniards came on
board every day, and eat and drank with us in an insatiable manner. The
general also made a present to the governor of two cheeses, a gammon of
bacon, and five or six barrels of pickled oysters, which he accepted
very thankfully, and sent in return two or three goats and sheep, and
plenty of onions. We there took in fresh water, Canary wine, marmalade
of quinces at twelve-pence a pound, little barrels of _suckets_, or
sweetmeats, at three shillings a barrel, oranges, lemons, _pame
citrons_, and excellent white bread baked with aniseeds, called

We set sail on the 18th April in the morning, with a fair wind, which
fell calm in three hours, which obliged us to hover till the 21st, when
a brisk gale sprung up, with which we reached Mayo, one of the Cape Verd
islands, in the afternoon of the 27th, 300 leagues from the Canaries,
where we came to anchor, determining to take in water at Bonavista; but
finding the water not clear, and two or three miles inland, we took the
less, but had other good commodities. At our arrival we were told by two
negroes, that we might have as many goats as we pleased for nothing; and
accordingly we got about 200 for both ships. They told us also, that
there were only twelve men on the island, and that there was plenty of
white salt _growing out of the ground_,[273] so that we might have
loaded both ships. It was excellent white salt, as clear as any that I
ever saw in England. Eight leagues from Mayo is the island of St Jago.

[Footnote 273: This must be understood as formed naturally by
evaporation, owing to the heat of the sun, in some places where the
sea-water stagnates after storms or high tide.--E.]

We left Mayo on the 4th May at six in the morning, and passed the
equinoctial line at the same hour on the 20th.[274] The 14th July, we
came to Saldanha bay, having all our men in health except two, who were
a little touched, with the scurvy, but soon recovered on shore. That day
we had sight of the Cape of Good Hope, 15 or 16 leagues from hence. We
refreshed ourselves excellently at Saldanha bay, where we took in about
400 cattle, as oxen, steers, sheep, and lambs; with fowls, plenty of
fish of various kinds, and fresh water. At Penguin island, five or six
leagues from the land, there are abundance of the birds of that name,
and infinite numbers of seals. With these latter animals we filled our
boat twice, and made train-oil for our lamps. From this island we took
off six fat sheep, left there by the Hollanders for a pinnace which we
met 200 leagues from the Cape, and left six bullocks in their stead. On
our first arrival at Saldanha bay, we set up our pinnace, which we
launched on the 5th September, and in six or eight days after she was
rigged and fit for sea.

[Footnote 274: Jones observes, that after passing the line, they fell in
with the _trade-wind_, which blows continually between S.E. and S.E. by
E. the farther one goes to the southwards, finding it still more
easterly, all the way between the line and the tropic of Capricorn. This
almost intolerable obstacle to the outward-bound India voyage, was
afterwards found easy to be avoided, by keeping a course to the
westward, near the coast of Brazil.

Jones likewise mentions, that on the 11th June, when in lat. 26 deg. S. they
overtook a carak, called the Nave Palma, bound for India; which was
afterwards lost on the coast of Sofala, within twelve leagues of

The natives of the country about Saldanha bay are a very beastly people,
especially in their feeding; for I have seen them eat the guts and
garbage, dung and all. They even eat the seals which we had cast into
the river, after they had lain fourteen days, being then full of
maggots, and stinking most intolerably. We saw here several signs of
wild beasts, some so fierce, that when we found their dens, we durst
neither enter nor come near them. The natives brought down to us
ostrich eggs, some of the shells being empty, with a small hole at one
end; also feathers of the same bird, and porcupine quills, which they
bartered for our commodities, being especially desirous of iron,
esteeming old pieces of that metal far beyond gold or silver.

Early on the 20th September,[275] we came out of the bay and set sail;
and that night, being very dark and windy, we lost sight of the Union
and our pinnace, called the _Good Hope_. The Union put out her ensign
about five o'clock p.m. for what reason we never knew, and lay too all
that night. We proceeded next day, and having various changes of wind,
with frequent calms, we came on the 27th October to the latitude of 26 deg.
S. nearly in the parallel of St Lawrence. Continuing our course with
similar weather, we descried two or three small islands on the 22d
November in the morning, and that afternoon came to another off a very
high land, called Comoro.[276] Sending our boat ashore on the 24th, the
people met five or six of the natives, from whom they bought plantains.
The 25th, by the aid of our boat towing the ship between two islands, as
the wind would not serve, we came to anchor in the evening near the
shore of Comoro, in between 17 and 20 fathoms water.

[Footnote 275: Jones says the 25th, and that the subsequent storm, on
the 26th, in which they lost sight of the Union and the pinnace, was so
violent as to split their fore-course.--E.]

[Footnote 276: According to Jones, they wished to have passed to the
south of Madagascar, making what is now called the outer and usual
passage, but could not, and were forced to take the channel of

The boat was sent ashore on the 26th with a present for the king, in
charge of our factor, Mr Jordan, consisting of two knives, a sash or
turban, a looking-glass and a comb, the whole about 15s. value. The king
received these things very scornfully, and gave them to one of his
attendants, hardly deigning them a look: Yet he told Mr Jordan, that if
our general would come ashore, he might have any thing the country
afforded, and he bowed to him very courteously on taking leave. It
appears the king had examined the present afterwards, and been better
pleased with it, for he sent off a bullock to our general in the
afternoon, when the messenger seemed highly gratified by receiving two
penny knives. Next day, the general went ashore with twelve attendants,
carrying a small banquet as a present to the king, consisting of a box
of marmalade, a barrel of suckets, and some wine. These were all tasted
by the English in the king's presence, who touched nothing, but his
nobles both eat and drank. The general had some discourse with the king,
by means of an interpreter, concerning our wants; and understood that he
had some dealings with the Portuguese, which language the king could
speak a little. The king had determined on the 28th to have gone aboard
the Ascension, but we were told by the interpreter, that his council and
the common people would not allow him.

I went ashore on the 29th with the master, Mr Tindall and Mr Jordan, and
all the trumpeters. We were kindly received at the water-side by the
interpreter, who conducted us to the king, who was then near his
residence, and bowed very courteously on our approach. His guard
consisted of six or eight men, with sharp knives a foot long, and as
broad as hatchets, who went next his person. Besides these, several
persons went before and many behind, for his defence. The natives seem
very civil, kind, and honest; for one of our sailors having left his
sword, one of the natives found it and brought it to the king, who,
perceiving that it belonged to one of the English, told him he should be
assuredly put to death, if he had come by it otherwise than he declared.
Next day, on going ashore, the interpreter returned the sword, and told
us what the king had said on the occasion.

The natives likewise have much urbanity among themselves, as we observed
them, in the mornings when they met, shaking hands and conversing, as if
in friendly salutation. Their manners are very modest, and both men and
women are straight, well-limbed, and comely. Their religion is
Mahometism, and they go almost naked, having only turbans on their
heads, and a piece of cloth round their middles. The women have a piece
of cloth before, covering their breasts and reaching to the waist, with
another piece from thence to a little below their knees, having a kind
of apron of sedges hanging down from a girdle, very becomingly. They go
all barefooted, except the king, who wears sandals. His dress was as
follows: A white net cap on his head; a scarlet vest with sleeves, but
open before; a piece of cloth round his middle; and another which hung
from his shoulders to the ground.

When at the town, the natives brought us cocoa-nuts for sale, of various
sizes, some as big as a man's head, each having within a quantity of
liquor proportioned to its size, and as much kernel as would suffice for
a man's dinner. They brought us also goats, hens, chickens, lemons,
rice, milk, fish, and the like, which we bought very cheap for
commodities; as two hens for a penny knife; lemons, cocoa-nuts, and
oranges for nails, broken pikes, and pieces of old iron. Fresh water is
scarce, being procured from holes made in the sands, which they lade out
in cocoa-nut shells as fast as it springs, and so drink. They brought
some of it to us, which we could not drink, it looked so thick and

We sailed from Comoro on the 29th November, and on the 10th December, at
three a.m. we suddenly descried a low land, about a league a-head,
having high trees growing close to the shore. We took this at first to
be the island of Zanjibar, till one of the natives told us it was
Pemba.[277] We immediately stood off till day-break, when we again made
sail for the shore, along which we veered in search of a harbour or
anchoring place, and sent Mr Elmore in the boat to look out for a
convenient watering-place. On landing, some of the inhabitants demanded
in Portuguese who we were; and being told we were English, they asked
again what we had to do there, as the island belonged to the King of
Portugal? Answer was made that we knew not this, and only wanted a
supply of water. The ship came next day to anchor, near two or three
broken islands, close by Pemba, in lat. 5 deg. 20' S. The 12th, Mr Jordan
went ashore, and conversed with some of the people in Portuguese, but
they seemed not the same who had been seen before, as they said the king
of the island was a Malabar. Mr Jordan told them, though the ship was
English, that he was a Portuguese merchant, and the goods were belonging
to Portugal. They then said he should have every thing he wanted, and
sent a Moor to shew them the watering-place, which was a small hole at
the bottom of a hill, more like a ditch than a well. Having filled their
borachios, or goat-skins, they carried the Moor aboard, and going again
next day for water, set him ashore. The report he made of his good
usage, brought down another Moor who could speak a little Portuguese,
and said he was one of the king's gentlemen.

[Footnote 277: Jones says they overshot Zanjibar by the fault of their
master, so that all their misfortunes seem attributable to his

This man went also on board and was well treated, and on landing next
day, he promised to bring hens, cocoa-nuts, and oranges, which he did. I
went this day on shore along with the master, Mr Revet, and some others,
and dined on shore. When we had done dinner, there came two head men and
a Moor slave to the watering-place, who asked if the chief men belonging
to the ship were ashore, and where they were. Edward Churchman told them
that the master and one of the merchants were ashore, and he would bring
us to them if they pleased. At our meeting they saluted us after the
Portuguese fashion, and told us that we were welcome, and that every
thing in the island was at our command: But all these sugared words were
only a cloak to their treacherous designs. We asked who the chief person
among them was, and were told he was the king's brother; who immediately
produced a plate of silver, on which were engraven the names of all the
villages and houses in the island, telling us that he was governor of
all these. On asking if there were any Portuguese on the island, they
said no, for they were all banished, because they would have
refreshments there by force, and endeavoured to make slaves of the
people; wherefore they had made war upon them ever since their first

In the mean time our pinnace joined us, having been sent to another part
of the island for cattle according to appointment, but the people had
postponed supplying them, till they could find an opportunity of
executing their intended treachery. The people of the pinnace told us,
they had been informed that fifteen sail of Hollanders had lately taken
Mozambique, and put all the Portuguese to the sword. At this news, which
came from Zanjibar, the head Moors seemed overjoyed, being another
subtle contrivance to lead us on to our ruin. On the approach of night,
we entreated them to go on board with us, which they declined, but
promised they would next day. Accordingly, he who called himself the
king's brother came with two others on board, having Thomas Cave,
Gabriel Brooke, and Lawrence Pigot, our surgeon, as their pledges. They
were handsomely entertained, and next morning our general gave the chief
two goats and a cartridge of gunpowder, with some trifles to the two
others. Messrs Revet, Jordan, Glascock, and I, went ashore with them for
the pledges, and on landing went unadvisedly along with them to some
houses, where we found the pledges guarded by some fifty or sixty men,
armed with bows and arrows, swords, bucklers, and darts; yet were they
delivered to us. We then returned to the pinnace, accompanied by the
king's brother, most of the Moors following us, and six or seven of them
going up to the pinnace to examine it, after which they returned to the
rest. We went all into the boat, and the king's brother readily came
along with us, and was courteously entertained as usual. Towards night
the master offered him a knife, which he scornfully refused, and
immediately went ashore in an almadia.

The long-boat went ashore very early of the 14th for water, and when the
casks were filled the ship was seen with her sails set down to dry; but
the natives believing she was going away, the companion of the king's
brother came and asked our boatswain if it were so. The boatswain, as
well as he could by signs, made him understand that it was only to dry
the sails. While thus talking, our pinnace was observed coming ashore
well armed, on which the natives went away. Had not the pinnace made her
appearance so very opportunely, I believe they intended at this time to
have cut off our men, and seized the long-boat, for two or more of the
rogues were seen lurking about the watering-place, as if waiting for the
signal of attack. When our pinnace came on shore, and the men were
standing near on the sands under arms, the master sent Nicholas White to
the town, to tell the islanders that our merchants were landed, and as
White was passing a house full of people, he observed six Portuguese in
long branched or flowered damask gowns, lined with blue taffeta, under
which they wore white calico breeches. Presently after, the attendant on
the king's brother came and told Mr Revet that the native merchants were
weary, and requested therefore that the English would come up to look at
the cattle. Now White saw only one bullock and no more. Mr Revet desired
to be excused, and pressed him to send down the bullock, saying, there
were enough of goods in the boat to pay for it; with which answer he
went away.

The king's brother was then on the sands, and gave orders to a negro to
gather cocoa-nuts to send to our general, and desired Edward Churchman
to go and fetch them, who went accordingly, but was never seen or heard
of more.[278] Finding that the English refused to land, and stood on
their guard, the word was given for assault, and a horn was sounded,
upon which our men at the watering-place were immediately assaulted.
John Harrington, the boat-swain's mate, was slain, and Robert Backer, Mr
Ellanor's man, was sore wounded in eight or ten places, and had
certainly been killed, but that a musket or two were fired from the
boat, by which it would seem that some of them were hurt, as they
retired crying out. Bucker, though weak and faint, made a shift to get
to the boat, and two or three other men, who were at the watering-place,
got safe into the boat.

[Footnote 278: Jones says he was informed afterwards by a Portuguese,
that Churchman afterwards died at Mombaza. He tells us likewise, that
the Portuguese of Mombaza intended to have manned a Dutch hulk which had
wintered there, on purpose to take the Ascension; but learning her force
they laid that design aside, and endeavoured to circumvent them by means
of the natives of Pemba, who are very cowardly, and dare not venture on
any enterprize, unless instigated by the Portuguese.--E.]

In the morning of the 26th, the boat and pinnace went ashore well armed
to fetch in our _davy,_ which is a piece of timber by which the anchor
is hauled up; and a little beyond it, they found the body of Harrington
stark naked, which they buried in an island near Pemba. The natives of
this island seemed well disposed towards us; for, at our first coming,
they made signs to us, as if warning us to take care of having our
throats cut, which we then paid no attention to.[279]

[Footnote 279: This circumstance is not easily understood, unless by the
natives are here meant negroes, as distinguished from the Moors, who
endeavoured to murder the English, probably at the instigation of the

We set sail that same day from Pemba, being the 20th December, and by
midnight our ship got aground on the shoals of Melinda, or Pemba, which
we were not aware of, but got off again, by backing our sails, as the
wind was very moderate. Next morning we pursued and took three small
boats, called _pangaias_, which had their planks very slightly connected
together, while another boat was endeavouring to come off from the land
to give them notice to avoid us. In these boats there were above forty
persons, six or eight of whom being comparatively pale and fair, much
differing from the Moors, we thought to have been Portuguese; but being
asked, they shewed their backs all over with written characters; and
when we still insisted they were Portuguese, they said the Portuguese
were not circumcised as they were.[280] As we could not be satisfied of
their not being Portuguese, some of our mariners spoke to them about the
murder of our men, which seemed to put them in fear, and they talked
with each other in their own language, which made us suspect they were
meditating some desperate attempt. For this reason, I remained watchful
on the poop of our ship, looking carefully after our swords, which lay
naked in the master's cabin, which they too seemed to have their eyes
upon. They seemed likewise to notice the place where I and Mr Glascock
had laid our swords, and anxiously waiting for the place being clear.
They even beckoned several times for me to come down upon the spar-deck,
which I refused, lest they might have taken that opportunity to seize
our weapons, which would have enabled them to do much more mischief than
they afterwards did.

[Footnote 280: These men were probably tawny Moors, or Arabs of pure
descent; whereas many of the Mahometans along the eastern shore of
Africa; and in its islands, are of mixed blood, partly negro,--E.]

Our master, Philip de Grove, came soon afterwards on the spar-deck, and
asking for their pilot, took him down into his cabin to shew him his
plat or chart, which he examined very attentively; but on leaving the
others to go with the master, he spoke something to them in the Moors
language which we did not understand, but which we afterwards supposed
was warning them to be on their guard to assault us as soon as he gave
the signal. It was reported that the pilot had a concealed knife, for
which he was searched; but he very adroitly contrived to shift it, and
therewith stabbed our master in the belly, and then cried out. This
probably was the signal for the rest, for they immediately began the
attack on our people on the spar-deck. The general, with Messrs Glascock
and Tindal, and one or two more, happened to be there at the time, and
had the good fortune to kill four or five of the _white_ rogues, and
made such havoc among the rest that at length they slew near forty of
them, and brought the rest under subjection. A little before this, our
master had proposed to the general to buy from them some _garavances,_
or pease, the ordinary food of the country, if they had any for sale,
and then to set them at liberty with their boats and goods. To this the
general had agreed, and the master, as before mentioned, had called the
Moorish pilot, to see if he had any skill in charts. But as they had
treacherously attacked us, we certainly could do no otherwise now than
slay them in our own defence. Five or six of them, however, leapt
overboard, and recovered a _pangaia_ by their astonishing swiftness in
swimming, and escaped on shore, as they swam to windward faster than our
pinnace could row.

In this skirmish only three of our men were hurt, namely, Mr Glascock,
Mr Tindal, and our master.[281] The first had two wounds, one of which
was very deep in the back. When they commenced the attack, Mr Tindal had
no weapon in his hand, and one of them aimed to stab him in the breast;
but as he turned suddenly round, he received the wound on his arm. They
all recovered perfectly.

[Footnote 281: According to Jones, he personally slew the Moorish pilot
in this affray. One of the persons wounded on this occasion was the
chaplain, but his name is not mentioned. Great lamentation was made by
the Moors on the coast of Africa for their loss in this affair, as Jones
was told afterwards by the Portuguese, as some of them, probably those
mentioned as _white rogues_ by Coverte, were of the blood royal.--E.]

The 19th of January, 1609, we espied many islands, which the Portuguese
call Almirante,[282] being nine in number, and all without inhabitants,
as the Portuguese affirm. Next morning we sent our pinnace to one of
them in search of fresh water, which could not be found, but our people
saw many land tortoises, and brought six on board. We then went to
another of these islands, where we came to anchor in twelve or thirteen
fathoms in a tolerably good birth, and here we refreshed ourselves with
water, cocoa-nuts, fish, palmitos, and turtle-doves,[283] which last
were in great plenty. The 1st of February we set sail with a fair wind,
and passed the line on the 19th, having previously on the 15th come
within _ken_ of the land on the coast of Melinda. We came to anchor next
day on the coast of the continent, in 12 fathoms, about two leagues from
shore, and sent our pinnace to seek refreshments; but they were unable
to land, and the natives could not be induced to adventure within
hearing, wherefore our ship departed in the afternoon. About this time,
William Acton, one of the ship boys, confessed being guilty of a foul
and detestable crime;[284] and being tried and found guilty by a jury,
was condemned and executed on the morning of the 3rd March.

[Footnote 282: Called by Jones the Desolate Islands, because not

[Footnote 283: Jones says these turtle-doves were so tame that one man
might have taken twenty dozen in a day with his hands.--E.]

[Footnote 284: In the last paragraph but one of his book, Mr Coverte
explains the nature of this crime: "Philip de Grove, our master, was a
Fleming, and an arch villain, for this boy confessed to myself that he
was a detestable sodomite. Hence, had not the mercy of God been great,
it was a wonder our ship did not sink in the ocean."--For any thing that
appears, the boy was put to death to save the master.--Astl. I. 342. c.

In Jones's Narrative no notice is taken of this crime and

The 21st betimes, we espied an island in lat. 12 deg. 17' N. with four rocks
or hills about three leagues from it. We had beaten up a whole day and
night to get to this island; but finding it barren and unpeopled, we
passed on, and got sight of three other islands that same day about
sun-set, in lat. 12 deg. 29' N. Two were about a league asunder, and we
found the third to be Socotora, which is in lat. 12 deg. 24' N. We arrived
here the 29th March, and came to anchor next day in a fine bay. As the
islanders lighted a fire on seeing us, we sent the skiff on shore, but
the people fled in all haste, having possibly been injured by some who
had passed that way. Finding no prospect of any relief here, our men
returned on board, when we again made sail to find the chief harbour.

Standing out to sea next day, we met a ship from Guzerat, laden with
cotton, calico, and pintados or chintz, and bound for Acheen.[285] As
they told us it was a place of great trade, we went there along with
her, but we found it quite otherwise, being merely a garrison town with
many soldiers. There is a castle at the entrance cut out of the main
land, and surrounded by the sea, having thirty-two pieces of ordnance,
and there were fifty in the town. Arriving there the 10th April, the
people of the Guzerat ship landed, and told the governor that an English
ship had come to trade there. The governor sent his admiral to invite
our general, who went very unadvisedly on shore, where he and his
attendants were received with much courtesy, three or four horses
waiting for his use, and was brought in great pomp to the governor.
Finding our general but a simple man, the governor put him into a house
with a _chiaus,_ or keeper, and a strong guard of janissaries, and kept
him and his attendants prisoners for six weeks, I being of the number.
The governor then obliged him to send aboard for iron, tin, and cloth,
to the value of 2500 dollars, pretending that he meant to purchase the
goods; but when once on shore, he seized them under pretence of customs.
Seeing he could get no more, he sent the general aboard on the 27th May,
but detained two of our merchants as pledges for payment of 2000
dollars, which he said was for anchorage: but as we all declared against
submitting to pay this arbitrary exaction, the governor sent our two
merchants to the Pacha at Sanaa, about eight days journey up the

[Footnote 285: Jones says she belonged to Diu, but told the English she
was from Surat, and gave them an account of the arrival of Captain
Hawkins at that place.--E.]

The 28th of May, we were joined by our pinnace, the Good Hope, the
master of which, John Luffkin, had been knocked in the head with a
mallet by Thomas Clarke, with the consent of Francis Driver, master's
mate,[286] together with Andrew Evans and Edward Hilles. Being asked the
reason for this murder, they could only allege being refused some _aqua
vitae_ and _rosa solis_, which Luffkin wished to preserve for the crew
in case of sickness. A jury was called on the 31st May, when the
murderers were convicted; of whom Driver and Clarke were hanged in the
pinnace. The other two met their deserts, for Hilles was eaten by
canibals,[287] and Evans rotted where he lay.

[Footnote 286: Jones calls Clarke master's-mate, and Driver gunner.--E.]

[Footnote 287: Hilles was left at Madagascar, where perhaps he might be
eaten.--Astl. 343. c.]

The 3d June, we departed from Aden and sailed into the Red Sea through
the Straits of Mecca.[288] This strait is about a league in breadth, and
three leagues in length, with an island in the middle, and 18 fathoms
water close to the island. Within the straits there is a shoal some two
leagues off shore, which it is necessary to keep clear from. From the
straits it is about six leagues to Mokha, where is a good road and fair
ground for vessels to ride in 14 fathoms. This port is never without
shipping, being a place of great trade, and frequented by caravans from
Sanaa, Mecca, Cairo, and Alexandria. There is good vent here for tin,
iron, lead, cloth, sword-blades, and all kinds of English commodities.
It has a great _bazar_, or market, every day in the week; and has plenty
of apricots, quinces, dates, grapes, peaches, lemons, and plantains,
which I much wondered at, as the inhabitants told me they had no rain
for seven years before, and yet there was abundance of good corn to be
had at 18d. a bushel. There is such abundance of cattle, sheep, and
goats, that we got an ox for three dollars, and a goat for half a
dollar. Of dolphins, mow-fish, basse, mullets, and other good fish,
there was such plenty, that we could buy as much for 3_d_. as would
suffice ten men for a meal. The town is under the government of the
Turks, who punish the Arabians severely for any offence, having gallies
for that purpose, otherwise they would be unable to keep them in awe and
under subjection.

[Footnote 288: In the original it is Mockoo, and on the margin Moha, but
these are not the Straits of Mokha, but of Mecca--Astl. I. 348 b.

The proper name of the entrance into the Red Sea is Bab-al-Mondub,
usually called Babelmandel, signifying the gates of lamentation, owing
to the dangers of the navigation outwards to India.--E.]

We departed from Mokha on the 18th July, repassing the straits, where we
lost two anchors. From thence we sailed to Socotora, and about the 5th
August cast anchor opposite the town of _Saiob_, or _Sawb_, where the
king resides. One of our merchants went ashore, desiring leave to
purchase water, goats, and other provisions, which he refused, alleging
that the women were much afraid of us; but if we would remove to another
anchorage about five leagues off, we might have every thing his country
afforded. We accordingly went there, where we bought water, goats,
aloes, dragon's blood, &c. We set sail from Socotora on the 18th.[289]
[August?], and on the 28th came to Moa,[290] where one of the natives
told us we might have a pilot for 20 dollars to bring us to the road of
Surat, but our wilful master refused, saying that he had no need of a

[Footnote 289: This date is inexplicable, but was probably the 18th of
August; the month being omitted by the editor of Astley's Collection, in
the hurry of abbreviation.--E.]

[Footnote 290: Jones says they fell in with the coast of Diu about eight
leagues to the eastward of that place, and steering seven leagues more
along the coast, came to anchor at a head-land, where they sent the
skiff ashore, and bought sheep and other things, and were here offered a
pilot to Surat for seven dollars. Fifteen leagues east from Diu would
bring them to near Wagnagur, almost directly west from Surat river, on
the opposite coast of the Gulf of Cambay. _Moa_ was probably a village
on the coast.--E.]

The 29th [August?] we proceeded, thinking to hit the channel for the bar
of Surat, getting first from ten fathoms into seven, and afterwards into
six and a half. We now tacked westwards, and deepened our water to
fifteen fathoms; but the next tack brought us into five. When some of
the company asked the master where he proposed going? he answered, the
vessel _must go over the height_. The ship immediately struck, which I
told him of. On hearing this he cried out, who dares to say the ship has
struck and had scarcely spoken these words when she struck again with
such violence that the rudder broke off and was lost.[291] We then came
to anchor, and rode there for two days; after which our skiff was split
in pieces, so that we now only had our long-boat to help us in our
utmost need. But our people made a shift to get the pieces of the skiff
into the ship, which our carpenter contrived to bind together with
waldings, so that, in the extremity of our distress, she brought sixteen
people on shore.

[Footnote 291: According to Jones they attempted the shoals of Surat
river at the last quarter of the ebb; whereas if they had taken the
first quarter of the flood tide, they would have had sufficient water to
carry them clear over the shoals.--E.]

The 2d September, about six p.m. the ship again struck and began to
founder, having presently two feet water in the well. We plied our pumps
till eleven; but the water increased so fast that we could continue no
longer on board, and took to our boats. About L10,000 in money lay
between the main-mast and steerage, of which the general desired the
people to take what they would; and I think they took among them about
L3000; some having L50, some L40, and others more or less. We now
quitted our ill-fated and ill-managed ship, without taking a morsel of
meat or a single drop of drink along with us; putting off for the shore,
which lay about twenty leagues to the eastward, between midnight and one
in the morning. We sailed and rowed all night and next day till five or
six in the evening, without any sustenance, when we reached a small
island on the bar. But just then, a sudden squall of wind broke the
middle thwart of our long-boat, in which were fifty-five persons. But we
saved our mast, and when the gust ceased we got over the bar into the
river of _Gundewee.[292]

[Footnote 292: Gundavee, a small river, on which is a town of the same
name, five leagues south from the river of Surat.--E.]

When the people of the country saw so many men in two boats, they beat
their drums and ran to arms, taking us for Portuguese coming to plunder
some of their towns. Observing their alarm, and having a native of
Guzerat among us, we set him on shore to undeceive the inhabitants; and
as soon as they knew who we were, they directed us to the city of
Gundavee, of which a great man was governor, who seemed sorry for our
misfortunes, and gave us a kind welcome; and here ended our unfortunate

Sec.2. _Supplement to the foregoing Narrative, from the Account of the same
unfortunate Voyage, by Thomas Jones._[293]

Thus was our tall ship lost, to the great detriment of the worshipful
company, and the utter ruin of all us poor mariners, our voyage being
altogether overthrown, with the loss of all the treasure and goods both
of the merchants and all of us, who were now far from our native
country. We took to our boats on the night of the 5th September, it
being almost miraculous that in two so small boats so many men should be
saved, being at the least eighteen leagues from the shore.[294] We
remained at sea in our boats till about four p.m. of the 6th, when we
discovered land, which we made towards by all the means in our power,
endeavouring to get into the river of Surat. But Providence, which had
already saved us from the shipwreck, would not now suffer us to fall
into the hands of our enemies the Portuguese, who then lay off the bar
of Surat with five frigates to take us and our boats, as they had
intelligence of the intended coming of our ill-fated ship; for, contrary
to our wish and intention, we fell in with the river of Gundavee, about
five leagues to the southward of the bar of Surat, where we were kindly
entertained by the governor of the town. We here learnt that our pinnace
had come into the same river, and had been taken possession of by the
Portugueze, but all her men got ashore, and were gone by land to Surat.

[Footnote 293: Purch. Pilgr. I.228. Astl. I.344. We have here given only
so much of the narrative of Jones as supplies additional circumstances
after the end of that by Coverte.--E.]

[Footnote 294: This surely is a gross error, as they could hardly exceed
the distance of a league or two from shore, though the shore is said in
the former narrative to have been twenty leagues from where the ship was

The governor of this town of Gundavee is a Banian, and one of those
people who observe the law of Pythagoras. They hold it a great sin to
eat of any thing that hath life, but live on that which the earth
naturally produces. They likewise hold the cow in great honour and
reverence, and also observe the ancient custom of burning their dead.
It has also been an ancient custom among them, for the women to burn
themselves alive along with the bodies of their deceased husbands; but
of late years they have learnt more wisdom, and do not use this custom
so commonly; yet those women who do not, have their hair cut out, and
are ever afterwards held as dishonoured, for refusing to accompany their
husbands into the other world.

On the 7th of September, we left Gundavee to travel by land to Surat,
which might be some thirty or forty miles distant, and we arrived there
on the 9th, where we were met by William Finch, who kept the English
factory at that place. Captain Hawkins had gone up to Agra, which is
about thirty days journey up into the interior country from Surat, and
at which place the King, or Emperor of the Moguls, resides. Our general,
Captain Alexander Sharpey, remained at Surat with his company till the
end of September, when he and the rest of our people went from Surat to
Agra, intending to go by land through Persia in the way to England. But
I, holding this to be no fit course for me, determined to try some other
method of endeavouring to get home. While I was in much uncertainty how
to proceed, it pleased God of his infinite goodness to send a father of
the order of St Paul, who was a Portuguese, who came from Cambaya to
Surat by land, and with whom I became acquainted. He offered, if I would
commit myself to his guidance, to procure me a passage home, or at least
to Portugal, and which promise he most faithfully performed.

In company with this father, myself and three more of our company left
Surat on the 7th of October: these were Richard Mellis, who died
afterwards in the carak during our voyage to Europe, John Elmor, who was
master of the pinnace Good Hope, and one Robert Fox. We arrived at the
strong town and fortress of Daman, where I again saw our pinnace, the
Good Hope, which we built at Saldanha Bay, near the Cape of _Bona
Esperanza_. From Daman we went to Chaul, and thence to Goa, where we
arrived on the 18th November, 1609.

We embarked on the 9th January, 1610, in a carak called _Our Lady of
Pity_, being admiral of a fleet of four sail bound for Lisbon, and
immediately sailed. The 28th, we crossed the equinoctial line on the
eastern coast of Africa.[295] The 21st March, we fell in with the land
in lat. 33 deg. 30' S. about five leagues east of Cape Aguillas, where we
lay with contrary winds till the second of April, when we had a terrible
storm at W.S.W. so that we were forced to bear up six hours before the
sea,[296] and then it pleased God to send us fair weather. The 4th
April, we again fell in with the land in lat. 34 deg. 40' S. We continued
driving about in sight of land with contrary winds, having twice sight
of the Cape of Good Hope, yet could not possibly get beyond it, till the
19th April, when, by the blessing of God, we doubled the Cape to our no
small comfort, being almost in despair, and feared we must have wintered
at Mosambique, which is usual with the Portuguese. The 27th April, we
crossed the tropic of Capricorn, and came to anchor at St Helena on the
9th May, in lat. 15 deg. S. We remained here watering till the 15th, when we
weighed anchor, and crossed the equator on the 2d June.

[Footnote 295: In Purchas it is called the coast of India, an obvious

[Footnote 296: The meaning of this is not clear. Perhaps they had to
drive with the storm, being unable to ply to windward.--E.]

We crossed the tropic of Cancer on the 26th June, having the wind at
N.E. which the Portuguese call the general wind. By the judgment of our
pilot in the carak, we passed the Western Islands, or Azores, on the
16th July, being in latitude forty degrees and odd minutes, but we saw
no land after leaving St Helena, till the 3d of August, when we got
sight of the coast of Portugal not above two leagues from the rock of
Lisbon, to our no small comfort, for which we gave thanks to God. We
came that same day to anchor in the road of Caskalles [_Cascais_]; and
the same day I got ashore in a boat, and so escaped from the hands of
the Portuguese. I remained secretly in Lisbon till the 13th of that same
month, when I embarked in a ship belonging to London, commanded by one
Mr Steed, and bound for that place. We weighed anchor that day from the
Bay of _Wayers_, where a boat full of Portuguese meant to have taken the
ship and carried us all on shore, having intelligence of our intended
departure; but by putting out to sea we escaped the danger, and, God be
praised, arrived at our long-desired home on the 17th September, 1610,
having been two years and six months absent from England.

Sec.3. _Additional Supplement, from the Report of William Nichols_.[297]

At Bramport, or Boorhanpoor, most of our company departed from the
general, Captain Sharpey, who was unable to provide for them, except
some who were sick and were obliged to remain. Some went to one place,
and some to another, and some back again to Surat. I told my companions,
being one of those who were willing to take the best course we could,
that I would travel, God willing, to Masulipatam, where I had learnt at
Surat that there was a factory of the Hollanders. Not being able to
prevail on any Christian to accompany me, I made enquiry at Boorhanpoor
if there were any persons going thence for Masulipatam, and found one,
but it was such a company as few Englishmen would have ventured to
travel with, as it contained three Jews; but necessity has no law. After
agreeing to travel with them, I thought if I had any money, the dogs
would cut my throat, wherefore I made away with all my money, and
attired myself in a Turkish habit, and set off along with these dogs
without a penny in my purse.

[Footnote 297: Purch. Pilgr. I. 232.--William Nichols, according to
Purchas, was a mariner in the Ascension, who travelled by land from
Boorhanpoor to Masulipatam. His account of the unfortunate voyage was
written at Bantam, 12th September, 1612, by Henry Moris; but being the
same in substance with those already given, Purchas has only retained
the following brief narrative of the route of Nichols to Masulipatam and

Travelling along with them for four months, I had nothing to eat but
what the Jews gave me; and many times they refused to give me any food,
so that I was reduced to the necessity of eating such food as they gave
their camels, and was glad to get even that, for which I had often to
make interest with the camel-keepers. In this miserable case I travelled
with these dogs four months. Sometimes they would say to each other,
"Come, let us cut the throat of this dog, and then open his belly, for
he has certainly swallowed his gold." Two of them would have cut my
throat, but the third was an honest dog, and would not consent.

So at length, with many a weary days journey, and many a hungry belly,
after long and dangerous travel, we came safe to Masulipatam, where I
immediately quitted these cruel dogs, and betook myself to the Dutch
factory, where the chief used me very kindly, and gave me clothes and
meat and drink for five months, before any shipping came there. At last
there came to Masulipatam three ships belonging to the Hollanders, one
called the _Hay_, and another the _Sun_; the third was a frigate which
they had taken in the Straits of Malacca. The Sun and the frigate being
bound for Bantam, I entreated the master of the Sun to allow me to work
my passage to Bantam, when he told me very kindly, he would not only
grant me a passage for my work, but would give me wages, for which I
gave him my hearty thanks, and so went on board. We set sail not long
after from Masulipatam, and arrived safe at Bantam on Thursday the 6th
September, 1610, when I immediately went with a joyful heart to the
English house.

In my travel overland with the three Jews, I passed through the
following fair towns, of which only I remember the names, not being able
to read or write. First, from Bramport [Boorhanpoor] we came to
_Jevaport_, _Huidare_, and _Goulcaude_,[298] and so to _Masulipatania_.

[Footnote 298: These names are strangely corrupted, and the places on
that route which most nearly resemble them are, Jalnapoor, Oudigur, or
Oudgir, and Golconda, near Hydrabad.--E.]


_Voyage of Captain Richard Rowles in the Union, the Consort of the.


"In Purchas this is entitled, 'The unhappy Voyage of the Vice-Admiral,
the Union, outward bound, till she arrived at Priaman, reported by a
Letter which Mr Samuel Bradshaw sent from Priaman, by Humphry Bidulph,
the 11th March, 1610, written by _the said_ Henry Moris at Bantam,
September the 14th, 1610.' This account given by Moris, the same who
wrote the brief account of the journey of Nichols, relating the voyage
of the Union no farther than to Priaman, appears to have been only
transcribed by him from the letter of Mr Bradshaw, one of the factors;
yet in the preamble to the voyage, Moris says that he had the account
from the report of others, without any mention of the letter from
Bradshaw. What concerns the return of the Union from Priaman, and her
being cast away on the coast of France, contained in the second
subdivision of this section, is extracted from two letters, and a kind
of postscript by Purchas, which follow this narrative by

[Footnote 299: Purch. Pilgr. 1. 202 Astl. I. 348.]

Sec. 1. _Of the Voyage of the Union, after her Separation from the
Ascension, to Acheen and Priaman._

You have already had an account of the voyage of the two ships, the
Ascension and Union, from England to the Cape of Good Hope, but of the
proceedings of the Union after her separation you have not heard;
therefore I have thought proper to make some relation thereof, as well
as of the other, as I have heard from the report of other men, and thus
it was:

The Union and Ascension were separated by a storm in doubling the Cape,
during which storm the Union sprung her main-mast, and they were obliged
to fish it in the midst of the storm, owing to which they lost company
with the admiral; and as the storm continued, and they were hopeless of
recovering the company either of the Ascension or pinnace by continuing
off the Cape, they shaped their course for the Bay of St Augustine in
Madagascar. Being arrived there, they went ashore, and remained twenty
days, where they procured good refreshing, being always in hopes of the
coming of the Ascension and pinnace, but were disappointed. Then making
sail from thence, they directed their course for the island of Zanjibar,
in hopes to meet the general there. On their arrival they went ashore,
and were at first kindly received; but when they went ashore again, the
natives lay in ambush, and sallied out upon them as soon as they landed,
killed presently the purser and one mariner, and took one of the
merchants prisoner; yet the rest had the good fortune to get off the
boat and came on board. The names of those who were slain, were Richard
Kenu, purser; I have forgotten the mariner's name, but the merchant, who
was taken prisoner, was Richard Wickham.

The Union put now to sea about the month of February, 1609, having the
wind at N.E. and north, which was directly contrary for their intended
voyage to Socotora. After having been long at sea, and made little or
nothing of their way, the men being very much troubled with the scurvy,
the captain thought proper to bear up for the north part of the island
of Madagascar, meaning to go into the Bay of Antongil; but they came
upon the western side of the island, where they proposed to endeavour
the recovery of their almost lost men, and to spend the adverse monsoon.
On this side of the island, they came into an exceedingly extensive bay,
which they afterwards understood was called by the natives,
_Canquomorra_,[300] the country round being very fertile and beautiful.
The first view of this place gave much pleasure to all their men, and
they soon had conference with the natives, who at the first proffered
great kindness, but afterwards treated them very ill.

[Footnote 300: In the margin Purchas gives Boamora as a synonimous name
of this bay. Vohemaro, or Boamora, is a province or district at the
northern end of Madagascar, in which there are several large bays, but
none having any name resembling that in the text. The Bay of Vohemaro is
on the east side of the island, in lat. 13 deg. 30' S.--E.]

As all the merchants had been sundry times on shore visiting the king,
who treated them kindly, and came aboard again as safe as if they had
been in England, the captain, attended by Mr Richard Reve, chief
merchant, Jeffrey Castel, and three others, adventured to go ashore to
the king. Samuel Bradshaw had been often before employed about business
with the king; but it pleased God at this time that the captain had
other business for him, and so made him remain on board, which was a
happy turn for him: For no sooner was the captain and his attendants on
shore, than they were betrayed and made prisoners by the natives; but by
the kind providence of the Almighty, the boats escaped, and came
presently off to the ship, informing us of all that had happened.

No sooner was this doleful news communicated, than we saw such
prodigious numbers of praws and large boats coming out of the river, as
were quite wonderful. The master gave immediate orders to the gunner to
get the ordnance in readiness, which was done with all speed. The vast
fleet of the infidels came rowing up to our ship, as if they would have
immediately boarded her; but by the diligence and skill of the gunner
and his mates, sinking some half dozen of the boats, they were soon
forced to retire like sheep chased by the wolf, faster than they had
come on. But before our ordnance made such slaughter among them, they
came up with so bold and determined a countenance, and were in such
numbers, that we verily thought they would have carried us, for the
fight continued at the least two hours, before the effect of our
ordnance made them retire, and then he was the happiest fellow that
could get fastest off, and we continued to send our shot after them as
far as our guns could reach.

We remained after this in the bay for fourteen days, being in hopes of
recovering our lost captain and men, in which time we lost seven more
men by a sudden disease, which daunted us more than the malice of the
infidels; those who died were among those who fought most lustily with
the cannon against the savages, yet in two days were they all thrown
overboard. These crosses coming upon us, and having no hopes to recover
our captain and the others, we thought it folly to remain any longer at
this place, and therefore we made haste away. Not being thoroughly
supplied with water, we thought good to stop a little time at another
place not far off; but before we could dispatch this business, the
savages made another attempt with a great multitude of boats, some of
them even large vessels, and so thick of men that it was wonderful; but
they liked their former reception so ill, that they did not care for
coming near a second time, and went all ashore, and placed themselves so
as to have a view of the ship. Perceiving their intended purpose, and
fearing some mischief in the night, we weighed, and stood in towards the
shore where the savages sat, and gave them a whole broadside as a
farewell, which fell thick among them, making visibly several lanes
through the crowd, on which they all ran out of sight as fast as

We then stood out to sea, leaving fourteen of our men behind us, seven
treacherously taken prisoners by the savages, and seven that died of
sickness. We then directed our course for Socotora; but by some
negligence, by not luffing up in time, the wind took us short, so that
we could not fetch that island, but fell over upon the coast of Arabia.
This was about the 4th June, and as the winter monsoon was come, we
durst not attempt going to Cambaya, neither could we find any place upon
that coast to winter in. Wherefore, after being in sight of the coast
four days, and several times in danger of getting on shore, we thought
it improper to waste time any longer, and determined to consult how we
might best promote the advantage of the voyage. The master therefore
held a council of all the principal people in the ship, who were best
conversant in these affairs, when it was unanimously concluded to go for
Acheen, being in hopes to meet there with some of the Guzerat people, to
whom we might dispose of our English commodities.

We accordingly directed our course towards Acheen, where we arrived on
the 27th July. Within seven days we had admittance to the king, to whom
a present was made, which it was necessary to make somewhat large,
because the Hollanders endeavoured to cross our trade, aspiring to
engross the whole trade of India, to the exclusion of all others.
Wherefore, after Mr Bradshaw had waited upon the king, he began to trade
with the Guzerat merchants who were at Acheen, bartering our English
cloth and lead for black and white baftas, which are Guzerat cloths in
much request in those parts. We then went to Priaman, where in a short
space we had trade to our full content; and though fortune had hitherto
crossed us during all the voyage, we had now a fair opportunity to turn
our voyage to sufficient profit. We staid here till we had fully loaded
our ship with pepper, which might indeed have been done much sooner, had
there not been a mutiny among the people, as the sailors would only do
as they themselves pleased. At length they were pacified with fair
words, and the business of the ship completed.

Griffin Maurice, the master, died here, and Mr Bradshaw sent Humphry
Bidulph to Bantam, with Silvester Smith to bear him company, to carry
such remainder of the goods as they could not find a market for at
Priaman and Tecu. Mr Bidulph sailed for Bantam in a Chinese hulk, and Mr
Bradshaw set sail with the Union, fully laden with pepper, for England.

Sec. 2. _Return of the Union from Priaman towards England._[301]

Respecting the disastrous return of the Union from Priaman, instead of a
narrative, Purchas gives us only two letters, which relate the miserable
condition in which she arrived on the coast of France, and a short
supplementary account, probably written by Purchas himself, which here

[Footnote 301: Purch. Pilg. I. 234. Astl. I. 349.]

_Laus Deo,[302] in Morlaix, the 1st of March, 1611_.

Brother Hide,

This day has come to hand a letter from _Odwen_,[303] [Audierne,]
written by one Bagget, an Irishman, resident at that place, giving us
most lamentable news of the ship Union of London, which is ashore upon
the coast about two leagues from Audierne: which, when the men of that
town perceived, they sent two boats to her, and found she was a ship
from the East Indies, richly laden with pepper and other goods, having
only four men in her alive, one of whom is an Indian, other three lying
dead in the ship, whose bodies the four living men had not been able to
throw overboard, through extreme feebleness; indeed they were hardly
able to speak. The people in the two boats have brought the ship into
the road of Audierne, and they of that town have unloaded most of her
goods. The Irishman has directed his letter to some English merchants in
this place, desiring them to repair thither with all expedition, to see
the proper ordering of the ship and goods, as belonging to the East
India Company.

[Footnote 302: This seems to have been the name of a ship, and Mr
Bernard Cooper appears to have been an English merchant or ship-master,
then on business with this vessel at Morlaix.--E.]

[Footnote 303: This certainly is _Audierne_, on the southern shore of
the peninsula of Britanny, called _Olde-yearne_ in the subsequent

This letter is confirmed by another in French, written by the bailiff of
Quimper to a person in this town, which I have seen. Wherefore we have
thought it right to send three several copies of the Irishman's letter,
by three different barks, that the merchants may be duly advertised, and
may give orders to look after their ship and goods; for it is to be
doubted that the rude people will endeavour to make a wreck of her. I
think it therefore not amiss, that they send to the court of France, to
procure the king's authority, as I fear there may be much trouble about
the matter. In the mean time, I and George Robbins will ride down to see
in what state all things are, and to do the best we can for the interest
of the company, till they send some one with a procuration in good and
ample form for conducting the business, as in their discretion may seem
fitting. The ship is reported to be of three or four hundred tons, and
has three decks; but I doubt we shall find her sadly rifled before we
get there. The importunate writing, both of the Irishman and the bailiff
of Quimper, has induced us to take this journey; which we do the rather
in consideration of the company, presuming that they will consider our
charges, as we have both solicited friends, and procured money in this
place, that we may satisfy those who have exerted themselves in saving
the ship and goods, if that should be necessary. Yet I would wish the
company to send some person in all expedition by way of Rouen, with
additional provision of money; as you know that this is no place of
regular exchange, where money can be had at all times. I had rather have
given fifty pounds than taken this journey at the present time, because
I have much goods upon my hands, as I partly wrote you in my last. The
name of the master of the Union is Edmund White, his mate's name is
Thomas Duckmanton, and the other man is Thomas Smith, besides the Indian
formerly mentioned. They are in a most piteous condition, and in great
want of money, neither can they have any command of their goods.
Therefore let the company send men of good experience to conduct this
business, and do you lose no time in making this known to the company.
Thus, being in haste to take horse, I commit you to the Lord's
protection, resting your assured friend always to command,


To Mr Thomas Hide, Merchant in London.

_Second Letter respecting the Union at Audierne_.

The 8th day of February, I came over the Pole-head of Bourdeaux, and the
11th I lost my foremast, bolt-sprit, and rudder, and put into Audierne
that night for repair. The 13th the Frenchman brought the ship Union of
London upon the rocks. The 14th I went in my boat aboard the Union, by
which time the Frenchmen had been four days in possession of her. I then
brought on shore Samuel Smith, Thomas Duttonton, and Edmund White the
master. The 15th I got William Bagget, my merchant, to write a letter to
Morlaix; and the 18th the letter was sent off, when I paid two crowns
for its carriage. The Indian died on the 20th, and I buried him. The
20th the master died, and I buried him also. The 22d Mr Roberts and Mr
Couper came, and then went back to Morlaix on the 26th. Again the 4th of
March, William Coarey, the host of Mr Couper and Mr Roberts.[304] The
5th, I and Mr Coarey went in my boat to the Union. At low water I went
into her hold, and brought away a sample of the worst pepper. The 6th I
left Audierne, and came to Morlaix on the 8th. The 17th Mr Hide came to
Morlaix. The 21st I sailed from Morlaix, and got to the Isle of Wight on
the 22d at night. The 24th I came to Southampton, and the 28th I arrived
in London.

Your loving friend,


[Footnote 304: This sentence is left unintelligible by Purchas; Coarey
probably came at this time to Audierne. Roberts is probably the person
named Robbins by Couper in the former letter.--E.]

After the spoil of the Bretons, they saved almost 200 tons of pepper,
some benzoin, and some China silks, which had been purchased at Tecu in
Sumatra. The Union, after her unfortunate voyage outward-bound, as
already briefly related, loaded with pepper at Acheen, Priaman,
Passeman, and Tecu, at which last place they bought some silk out of a
Chinese junk. On their return voyage, they met Sir Henry Middleton,
having then thirty-six men on board in reasonable good health, and they
delivered some chests of silver to Sir Henry. They afterwards became
very sickly, missed the island of St Helena, and most of their men died
on this side of Cape Verd. Ten Englishmen and four Guzerats were taken
out of them by a bark belonging to Bristol, and a Scot. The
circumstances respecting their landing at Audierne, and other matters
there, are before set down in the two preceding letters.

After the pepper and other goods were taken out of the ship, she was
inspected by Mr Simonson, a skilful ship-wright, sent thither on purpose
to save her if it could be done, but she was found utterly
unserviceable. All the ordnance, anchors, and other furniture, were
brought away, and the hull was abandoned. Of seventy-five men that went
in her from England outward-bound, only nine got home alive. These were
Thomas Duckmanton, the master's mate, Mr Bullock, the surgeon, Robert
Wilson of Deptford, Jacob Peterson, and five other Englishmen, besides
three or four Guzerats.[305]

[Footnote 305: All these must have been brought home in the Bristol
vessel and the Scots ships, except Duckmanton, and perhaps Smith. But
Purchas seems to have forgot that Mr Bradshaw and Humphry Bidulph were
left alive in India.--E.]


_Fifth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1609, under the
Command of Captain David Middleton_[306]


This narrative is said by Purchas to have been extracted from a letter
written by Captain David Middleton to the Company, and was probably
abbreviated by Purchas, who certainly is not happy on such occasions.
This commander is probably the same person who commanded the Consent in
a former voyage; and is said by the editor of Astley's Collection, to
have been brother to Sir Henry Middleton, who commanded in the sixth
voyage. One ship only, the Expedition belonging to London, appears to
have been employed in this fifth voyage.

[Footnote 306: Purch. Pilgr. I. 238. Astl. I. 851.]

Sec. 1. _Occurrences at Bantam, Booton, and Banda_.

We set sail from the Downs the 24th April, 1609, in the Expedition of
London, and had sight of Fuerteventura and Lancerota the 19th May; and
with the winds sometimes fair, sometimes foul, we arrived at Saldanha
bay the 10th August. Making all haste to wood and water, we again sailed
the 18th August, and arrived at Bantam on the 7th December, missing
Captain Keeling very narrowly, who must have passed us in the night, or
we must surely have seen him. I made all possible dispatch, both by day
and night, to get the iron ashore, and would not even stop to set up our
pinnace. I left Mr Hemsworth in the factory, and was under the necessity
of giving a great many more gifts than would otherwise have been
requisite, had the country been in the same state as formerly.[307] As
Mr Hemsworth was a stranger, unacquainted with any one in the factory, I
left Edward Neetles and three more of our people with him. Taking with
me such commodities as I thought most vendible in the places to which I
proposed going, I took leave of Mr Hemsworth on the 18th December, he
being very unwilling to remain behind; but I recommended to him to be of
good courage, as it was necessary I should take Mr Spalding with me, as
he knew the language, and had no proper person to leave in charge of the
factory except himself. I told him, if he were sent for by the governor
of Bantam, he must tell him plainly that I had left express orders not
to yield to his former unreasonable demands; but, in case of extremity,
to let the governor take what he pleased, but on no account to deliver
him any thing.

[Footnote 307: Purchas observes here in a side-note, that, by
alterations in the state, the debts due to the English factory at Bantam
had become almost desperate, and the governor would not allow them, as
formerly, to imprison their debtors and distrain. He also exacted most
unreasonable sums for rent of the factory; although the ground had been
formerly given, and the houses had been built at the expence of the

I set sail that evening, the 18th December, 1609, for the Moluccas, as I
proposed, and with a favourable wind. The 27th of that month we passed
the straits of _Desolam_,[308] after which we were becalmed for ten
days, which was no small grief to me, in much heat under the line,
being doubtful of the western monsoon failing me, which would have
entirely disappointed my intended voyage to the Moluccas. The 8th
January, 1610, we came before the town of Booton, and sent on shore to
enquire the news. Finding very few people in the town, and the king
being gone to the wars, I did not anchor, but went through the straits
the same day. Next day we saw a great fleet of caracols, which we
imagined to belong to the King of Booton, which it actually did. When we
drew near, the king sent a small praw to enquire what we were. I sent
him word who I was, and being becalmed and in want of water, I requested
to know if there were any to be had near. So the people pointed out to
me a place where I might have abundance of water, to which I went. The
king and all his caracols came sailing after me, and cast anchor near
our ship; after which the king sent a messenger on board to welcome me
in his name, and desired me to send Mr Spalding to him along with the
messenger, to let him know the news.

[Footnote 308: The passage between the Salayr islands and the
south-western peninsula of Celebes, is probably here meant: Yet that
passage is in lat. 6 deg. S. while the text speaks of being under the line.
No other supposition, however, can agree with the circumstance of
falling in next day with the fleet of Booton.--E.]

The king likewise sent me word, that he wished I would remain all night
at anchor, as he proposed coming next morning aboard to visit me and see
the ship. As it remained calm, we continued at anchor, and next day on
the king coming aboard, I made a banquet for him and his nobles, making
the king a present worthy of his dignity and friendship. A gale of wind
springing up, we prepared to make sail, on which the king wept, saying,
I might think him a dissembler, as he had no goods for me; but that four
months before his house was burnt down, in which he had provided for me
somewhat of every thing, as nutmegs, cloves, and mace, with a large
quantity of sanders wood, of which he had a whole housefull, as likewise
a great warehouse full of his country cloth, which was very vendible in
all the islands thereabout. All this great loss, he said, had not
formerly grieved him so much as now, when I told him I had got the ship
fitted out expressly to come and buy his commodities. He said farther,
that he saw I had kept my promise; and swore by the head of Mahomet he
would have so done likewise, had not God laid that scourge of fire upon
him, by which several of his wives and other women were burnt. He was
now, he said, engaged from home in war with all his forces, the event of
which could not be foreseen, and could not therefore spare any of his
people to make any provision for me; as, if we had not come, he had by
this time been in the field against another king who was his enemy. He
pointed out the town belonging to the king with whom he was at war, and
requested me to fire against it as I went past: I answered that I was a
stranger, and had no cause of quarrel with that king, and it would be
improper for me to make myself enemies; but if the other king should
come while I was there, and offer any injury to him or his subjects, I
would do my best to send them away. The king was quite satisfied with
this, and took his leave, and we presently made sail.

The 24th January we arrived at the island of _Bangaia_,[309] whence the
king and most of the people were fled for fear of some enemy, though I
could not learn the truth. There was a Hollander there, who told me that
the king had fled for fear of the King of Macassar, who, he thought,
wanted to force him to become a Mahometan, as he was an idolater. But I
rather think they had fled for fear of the Hollanders, who intended to
have built a fort here, but desisted on seeing that the people fled.
This single Hollander bore such sway, that none of those who remained in
the island dared to displease him. He had two houses full of the young
women of the island for his own use, taking as many women as he pleased,
and had many slaves, both men and women. He is a pleasant companion, and
will dance and sing from morn to night, almost naked like the natives.
He has won the hearts of the people, along with whom he will often drink
for two whole days. He lives here alone, and will not submit to be
commanded by any other Hollander. Being over against Amboyna, when the
governor of that place wants to speak with him, he must send two of his
merchants to remain as hostages till his return. He collects the duties
for the King of Ternate in all the islands hereabout, serving himself in
the first place, and sending to the king what he pleases to spare.

[Footnote 309: From the sequel, Bangaia seems to have been near Amboyna,
on the south-west of Ceram.--E.]

We had here abundance of good refreshments for our people, who were
now, thank God, in better state than when we left England, not having
hitherto one sick man on board. I had my long-boat sheathed at this
place, for fear of the worms destroying her bottom, as we now towed her
always astern. We sailed from Bengaia on the 29th of January, and on
getting out to sea, found the wind right in our teeth in the way we
wanted to go; so that striving all we could to get to windward, we found
the current set so strong against us along with the wind, carrying us
directly south, so that we lost fifteen leagues in two days. I then
found myself constrained to change my purposed voyage for the Moluccas,
and bore up the helm for Banda, to which we could go with a flowing

Sec. 2. _Occurrences at Banda; Contests with the Hollanders; Trade at
Pulo-way, and many Perils._

We got sight of the islands of Banda on the 5th February, and made all
sail to get near before night. When near, I sent my skiff to procure
intelligence from some of the natives, who sent me word that the
Hollanders would not allow any ship to come into the roads, but would
take all our goods, if they were such as they needed, and pay for them
at their own pleasure. They said, likewise, that when any junks happened
to come there with vendible commodities, they were not permitted to have
any intercourse with the people; but were brought to the back of the
Dutch castle, within musket-shot of their cannon, no one being allowed
to set foot on shore, under penalty of being shot. There were, as was
said, fifteen great junks detained under the guns at this time. We had
little hope, therefore, of making any profit of our voyage here, seeing
that they dealt so with all that came into the roads, whence they
banished Captain Keeling, not permitting him even to gather in his
debts, for which they gave him bills receivable at Bantam, as I hope
your worships have been informed by him at large. Yet for all this, I
stood into the roads, displaying my flag and ensign, and having a
pendant at each yard-arm, as gallantly as we could. While we were
standing in, a pinnace of about thirty tons came to meet us, sent by the
governor of the castle, as believing we had been one of their own ships;
but immediately on hailing us stood back into the roads, so that we
could have no speech of her.

As soon as I got athwart _Lantor_, I saluted the town with my guns, and
came to anchor within shot of their ships; when presently a boat came
aboard from the Dutch governor, desiring me to bring my ship into the
roads, and to come ashore and shew my commission. My answer was, that I
was only new come, and that I did not think it proper to shew my
commission to their governor, or to make any person acquainted with the
nature of my business. They then asked me whether my ship was a man of
war or a merchant-man. To which I made answer, that I should pay for
whatever I had. They then threatened me, on which I answered, "Here I
am, and am resolved to abide at anchor. You may do as you please, and I
hope I shall defend myself as I ought." The Dutch messengers then
returned to the castle in a rage; and they were no sooner gone, than a
great number of the inhabitants of Lantor and the neighbouring country
came on board. From them I learnt the state of the country, which was
now in friendship with the Dutch, or rather under subjection; and that
they would willingly trade with me, if I could procure permission from
the Hollanders. They told me at the same time, that the inhabitants of
Pulo-way and Pulo-tronu were at war with the Dutch. Knowing well that it
is good to fish in troubled waters, and discovering that a native of
Pulo-way was among the people now in my ship, I took him aside and had
some private conversation with him. Giving some money, I desired him to
make known to the people of his island, that I would give them money or
commodities for all their spice; and that, although the Hollanders and
me were likely to be enemies, I would contrive to get their spice one
way or other.

There came another boat from the Dutch vice-admiral, accompanied by the
former boat from the castle, bringing a second message from the
governor, expressly commanding me to come into the roads. Being our
dinner time, I detained the messengers to dine with me, and then told
them that I should ride where I was; for, as our nations were friends in
Europe, it would look ill for us to be enemies among the heathens. They
then told me roundly they would bring me away by force. To which I again
made answer, that I should certainly ride where I was till I experienced
the inconvenience of the place, for they told me it was foul ground,
and then I should come to occupy the best ground in their roads; for
neither of our princes gave any such authority to their subjects, but
that those of the other may ride or go as they please. They then said
the country was theirs. "So much the better then," said I; "for as our
countries are in friendship, I may the more boldly ride where I am."
Upon this they went away much displeased.

In the evening I proposed to have landed some ordnance on the side of a
hill which commanded the place where I rode at anchor, that I might the
better be able to defend myself if the Hollanders should molest me; but
on sending out some of my people to examine the bottom round about the
ship, it was found to be all foul with rocks, wherefore I gave up the
project of landing cannon. Next morning I sent Mr Spalding, and some
others of my principal people, in the skiff; with a letter for the
governor, desiring them not to add a syllable to what I had written, and
to bring me off an answer as soon as possible. In this letter, after
offering to supply the governor with any thing he might want, and
deprecating hostilities between the subjects of friendly powers, I
offered to shew my commission on equal terms, if he would meet me on the
water, each in a boat equally manned, or in any other equally secure
manner. I then requested to be considered as an Indian for my money, and
that I was willing to purchase spice from him. Finally, as he was at
enmity with the inhabitants of Pulo-way and Pulo-tronu,[310] I desired
to know if I might have the spice of these islands without his

[Footnote 310: At this place in the original, this island is called
Pulo-ron, which is probably the right name.--E.]

The governor would send me no answer in writing. My people learnt that
the Dutch had here three large ships of 1000 tons each, and three
pinnaces of 30 tons; and that they proposed to lay one of their large
ships, the Great Sun, which was unserviceable, on board of my ship to
set me on fire, having put thirty barrels of powder into her for that
express purpose, and had sworn sundry persons to bring her against me,
and make her fast with chains, all the boats belonging to the ships and
the castle attending to bring them off when she should be set on fire.
The Great Horn, likewise, was to be brought out against me, and
anchored within musket-shot to batter us, and their frigates or pinnaces
were to come round about us, to keep warm work on all sides. Seeing them
busied in warping out the Sun, my folks came and told me what
preparations were going on. I therefore thought it now expedient to go
on shore to the governor, to see what he would say to myself, before we
should try the fate of battle. So, taking my commission along with me, I
went on shore at the castle, and was met at my landing by the governor,
and all the principal men belonging to the castle and the ships. I was
led through a guard of 300 musketeers, who gave me three vollies,
besides which, seven pieces of cannon were fired to welcome me. After
this I was conducted to the governor's chamber, where chairs were set
for him and me, and forms for all the others.

After many compliments on both sides, I addressed the governor to the
following effect: Understanding from my people whom I had sent ashore,
that they considered me as a pirate, having no commission, I had come
myself to satisfy them to the contrary, having brought my commission, to
make manifest that I had a regular commission under the great seal of
the king, my master. This I shewed to them, reading the first line, and
then wrapped it up again. They then desired to see it all. On which I
declared that this was more than I could answer for, and having already
exhibited the great seal of England, and my name contained in the
commission, they should see no more while I had life. We now motioned to
return on board, but they requested me to stay yet awhile. So there
passed words between us, some sweet and some sharp: But at length they
became more mild, and called for a cup of wine; after which we all rose
up and went to walk about the castle, the offices in which were very
neat, and well furnished with arms and ammunition.

Taking a favourable opportunity, I resolved to try what money might do,
which often makes wise men blind, that so I might procure my loading by
means of large bribes. I offered to give a thousand pounds, so that I
might be sure of my loading, and besides to give the chain I wore about
my neck, to any one who could procure me this, and offered to give a
higher price than they paid for the spice. Having set this matter
afloat, and knowing that my ship rode in a dangerous place, I told the
governor that, now he was satisfied I was not a man of war, I would
bring my ship into their roads. He and his officers then said, that I
should find them ready to shew me all the friendship in their power.
Being now late, I took my leave to go on board, on which the governor
caused all the ordnance of the castle to be fired off; and as I passed
the ships, they and the pinnaces fired their guns till I got to my own

Next day, the 8th February, I brought my ship into the road, coming to
anchor between the Dutch ships and the castle; and saluted them with all
my ordnance, which was returned by the castle, and all the ships and
pinnaces. Immediately after coming to anchor, the governor and all the
principal people belonging to the castle and the ships came aboard to
visit me, and staid to dinner; but I could neither prevail by arguments
or gifts to get leave to purchase a single pound of spice, the governor
plainly telling me he durst not permit me under pain of losing his head.
Seeing no good could be done by remaining, I determined to take in water
and try my fortune elsewhere; but on sending ashore for water, they made
my people be accompanied by a Dutch-man, lest we might have any
conference with the natives. Having procured water, I sent Mr Spalding
ashore to acquaint the governor that I was going away, for I thought it
wrong for me to leave the ship. The governor marvelled much where I
could go, as the wind was westerly, but Mr Spalding said he knew not.

While I was warping from the roads till I could get sea-room for setting
sail, the governor sent three _pinnaces_ to accompany me, and one came
in a boat with a message, saying, that the governor commanded me not to
go near any of these islands. To this I answered, that I was not under
his command, and was bound for Pulo-way as quickly as I could, and he
might send his ships, if he pleased, to drive me away if they could, for
I would soon make his _frigates_[311] leave me. Observing the governor
go on board one of the frigates, and that the Dutch ships were likewise
preparing for sea, and bending their sails, I ordered my people to
prepare for action. I called them together that I might know their
minds, plainly telling them, if they would stand by me, that I meant to
trade at these islands, let the Hollanders do what they would; and I
promised them, if any were maimed, he should have a maintenance during
his life, which, God willing, I should see performed; and farther, if
they would fight manfully, that I would give freely among them every
thing in the ship that was mine own. So, with one consent, they all
agreed to try what strength the Hollanders might send against me. Seeing
us making all things ready for action, the Dutch aboard the pinnaces
seemed to think it might be little to their profit to guard us any
longer, and therefore bore up for their harbour. While we were warping
out, the Dutch governor, and lieutenant-governor of the castle, and
their admiral, were twice on board the pinnaces, but what they did there
I know not.

[Footnote 311: On former occasions we have conjectured that by frigates,
in these older days, very small vessels were intended; and in the
present passage frigates and pinnaces are distinctly used as synonimous

It fell calm, what wind there was being westerly, and a great current
set to the E.N.E. which drove us at a great rate. So I sent Mr Spalding
in the boat, with my purser's-mate and five more, giving him money, and
desired him to inform the people of Pulo-way, that we had parted in
enmity from the Hollanders, and that if they would sell me their spice,
I would give them money for it, and would have come myself, but wished
first to get the ship to some place where she might ride in safety, and
would then come to them, either in the ship or in a pinnace which I had
aboard, ready to set up. While my boat was absent, two praws came from
Lantor, to enquire wherefore I had gone away? I told them I was forced
away by the current; but desired them to tell the people of Lantor, that
I would give them money or goods for their spice, if they would sell to
me in preference to the Hollanders, who came to reduce their country to
slavery. One of them said he would go first to Pulo-way to see my
people, and would then deliver my message to those of Lantor.

When Mr Spalding came ashore, the people of Pulo-way flocked about him,
and made him welcome, but would fix no price with him till I should
come, offering to deliver spice on account till my arrival. I desired Mr
Spalding to hire me a pilot, if possible, to bring my ship near; so the
people of the country hired two, to whom they gave twenty rials, saying
that I must give as much. Mr Spalding sent them aboard, and desired me
at the same time to send him more money and cloth, which I did that
night. We now bore up the helm for _Ceram_, and came to a place called
_Gelagula_, a reasonably good road, some thirty leagues from Banda. As
soon as possible we took a house, and brought the materials of our
pinnace ashore to set her up. Labouring hard to get her fitted, I called
her the Hopewell. The 27th March, 1610, we had all things in readiness
for going to Pulo-way, and arrived there the night of the 31st, but
could lade no spice till I had made agreement with the natives, who
asked many duties and great gifts. In fine, I agreed to pay the same as
had been paid by Captain Keeling. The chiefs had what they looked for,
as every one must have something, and unknown to the rest, so that one
can never have done giving, as they never cease begging, and it was not
convenient to deny them any reasonable request, especially as I was

After we had agreed, the Hopewell was loaded with mace, or filled
rather; for she was only nine tons burden, and could carry very little
of that commodity. So, after sending away the Hopewell, I hired a large
praw, which I proposed to build upon, which we loaded with nutmegs, and
sent to the ship, where she was built higher, so as to be of 25 tons
burden; but she made only one voyage, and then we heard no tidings of
her in three months. The Hopewell making two voyages, and hearing no
news of the praw, I verily thought she had sunk; for I came in company
with her myself in the Hopewell, and had so great a storm that I gave
her up as lost, having twelve of my stoutest men in her. It was no small
grief to me to see the season thus wear away, and could not get my
loading to the ship, neither durst I bring over my ship to Pulo-way, as
there was no safe anchorage for her. I made enquiry for some other
vessel, and heard of a junk belonging to Lantor, but she was old and lay
near the Dutch ships; yet I went and bought her, and got such help as I
could to trim her.

The want of my twelve men in the praw put me to much trouble, as they
would have shortened our labour much: For most of our men were laid up
with sore legs, and whenever any one was reasonable well, he had to go
in the Hopewell, in the room of another poor lame fellow, some being
three several times well and down again. I was thus driven to my wits
end, not knowing which way to turn me, being every hour in danger that
the Hollanders would come and take the island. By intelligence at sundry
times, I learnt that they endeavoured by various contrivances to get me
made away with, offering large bribes for rogues to kill me, by poison
or otherwise; but, God be praised, I had some friends on the island, who
gave me secret warnings, and put me on my guard against such
_men-slaves_, who would do me some mischief, and came for the purpose.

I prevailed on the islanders to combine and fit out their caracols, to
keep the Dutch pinnaces from coming to assail us, after which the
pinnaces durst not stir; and the islanders often landed secretly on
Nera, and cut off sundry of the Hollanders, so that they durst not stir
from the castle, except in numerous parties, well armed. The islanders
even built a fort on the side of a hill, whence they fired into the
castle, and troubled the Hollanders much. By this we were secured
against the Dutch pinnaces coming out, to attempt intercepting our
intercourse with Pulo-way. I made nine voyages myself in our small
pinnace, and could never spare above seven seamen to go in her, leaving
five at Pulo-way, all the rest being sick or lame with sore legs. This
was a most villainous country, every article of food being excessively
dear, and only sometimes to be had, which troubled us exceedingly; and
we were so continually vexed with violent rains, that we thought to have
all perished. I was forced to fetch away the junk I bought at Lantor
unfitted for sea, as the Dutch, on seeing men at work upon her, sent out
one of their ships to batter her to pieces. So that night I got the help
of two tonies to launch her, having to carry her a great way on rollers,
which we did under night, and got her out of sight before day. We
brought her to Pulo-way, where we had to buy sails and every thing else
for her, she being only a bare hulk; so I set the native carpenters to
work upon her, who did her little good, as it was afterwards found. I
likewise sent orders by the Hopewell to the ship, to send some rigging,
and that Mr Davis should come to carry her over.

On this occasion the Hopewell did not appear again for three weeks, so
that we were doubtful of some mischance; and it might have been long
before they at the ship could have hired any one to bring us word, as
the Hollanders have often used them very ill for carrying provisions to
the Bandanese. The weather being tolerably good, and having our skiff at
Pulo-way, I resolved to go over to the ship in her myself; for I could
not hire men to carry over the junk, if I would have loaded her with
silver, and I had not a man with me sound enough to stand on his legs;

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