Full Text Archive logoFull Text Archive — Free Classic E-books

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. VIII. by Robert Kerr

Part 4 out of 10

Adobe PDF icon
Download A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. VIII. pdf
File size: 1.3 MB
What's this? light bulb idea Many people prefer to read off-line or to print out text and read from the real printed page. Others want to carry documents around with them on their mobile phones and read while they are on the move. We have created .pdf files of all out documents to accommodate all these groups of people. We recommend that you download .pdfs onto your mobile phone when it is connected to a WiFi connection for reading off-line.

They delight much in the exhibition of plays, and in singing, but
certainly have the worst voices in the world. These plays and interludes
are exhibited in honour of their gods, after burning sacrifices at the
beginning, the priests many times kneeling down, and kissing the ground
three times in quick succession. These plays are made most commonly when
they think their junks are setting out from China, and likewise when
they arrive at Bantam, and when they go away back to China. These plays
sometimes begin at noon, and continue till next morning, being mostly
exhibited in the open streets, on stages erected on purpose. They have
likewise among them some soothsayers, who sometimes run raging up and
down the streets, having drawn swords in their hands, tearing their hair
like so many madmen, and throwing themselves on the ground. When in this
frantic state, they themselves affirm, and it is believed by the
Chinese, that they can foretell what is to happen. Whether they be
possessed of the devil, who reveals things to them, I know not; but many
of the Chinese use these conjurers when they send away a junk on any
voyage, to learn if the voyage shall succeed or not; and they allege
that it hath happened according as the soothsayer told them.

The Chinese are apparelled in long gowns, wearing kirtles, or shorter
garments, under these; and are assuredly the most effeminate and
cowardly nation in the world. On their heads they wear a caul or close
bonnet, some of silk and some of hair, having the hair of their heads
very long, and bound up in a knot on their crowns. Their nobles and
governors wear hoods of sundry fashions, some being one half like a hat
and the other half like a French hood, others of net-work with a high
crown and no brims. They are tall and strong built, having all very
small black eyes, and very few of them have any beards. They will steal
and commit all manner of villainy to procure wealth. At Bantam they
purchase female slaves, as they cannot bring any women out of China. By
these slaves they have many children; and when they go back to China,
without intending to return to Bantam, they carry all their children
along with them, but sell their women. They send always some of their
goods to China by every fleet of junks; for if they die at Bantam, all
the goods they have there fall to the king. If they cut their hair, they
must never return to China; but their children may, providing their hair
has never been cut.

Sec. 2._A brief Discourse of many Dangers by Fire, and other Treacheries of
the Javanese_.

After our two ships, the Dragon and Hector, were laden, and all things
set in order, our general, Sir James Lancaster, departed from Bantam on
the 21st February, 1603, leaving nine persons resident in that city,
over whom he appointed Mr William Starkie to be chief commander. He
likewise left thirteen others, who were appointed to go in our pinnace
for Banda, over whom Thomas Tudd, merchant, was constituted chief
commander, and Thomas Keith master of the pinnace. At his departure, the
general left orders that the pinnace should be sent away with all speed;
wherefore, having taken on board fifty-six chests and bales of goods,
she set sail at night on the 6th March; but meeting with contrary winds,
was forced to return to Bantam after having been two months at sea,
beating up to no purpose. Also, at our general's departure, he left us
two houses full of goods, besides some being at the Dutchman's house;
but we were too few in number to have kept one house well, had not God
of his great mercy preserved us.

Before the departure of our ships, a quarrel had taken place between our
people and the Javanese, who sought by all manner of ways to be
revenged; so that presently after the departure of our pinnace, they
began to attempt setting fire to our principal house, by means of
fire-arrows and fire-darts in the night; and when we brought out any
quantity of our goods to air, they were sure to set some part of the
town on fire to windward not far from us. If these fire-arrows had not,
by God's good providence, been seen by some of our people, that house
and all its goods had surely been consumed, as plainly appeared when we
came afterwards to repair the roof. But, as the malice of the rascal
sort began now plainly to appear, and continued for two years against
us, so did the merciful protection of God begin to shew itself, and
continued to the last day, as will manifestly be seen in the sequel of
this discourse: For which blessed be his holy name.

Immediately after dispatching the pinnace, we began to lay the
foundation of our new house, which was seventy-two feet long, and
thirty-six broad. And as at this time a new protector of the kingdom was
chosen, we were put to some trouble and cost before we could get
permission to go through with it. In airing our prize goods, Mr Starkie
unadvisedly caused the leather covers to be stripped off from most of
the bales, by which we found afterwards that they did not keep their
colour near so well as the others. On the 21st of March, in consequence
of a cannon being fired off by a Chinese captain, the town was set on
fire, and many houses full of goods were consumed. Among the rest the
Dutch house was burnt down, in which we had sixty-five packs of goods,
besides some pepper. We had also a considerable quantity of pepper in
the house of a Chinese which was burnt down, in which we lost 190 sacks
entirely, besides damage received by the rest. Our loss by this fire was
great, yet we were thankful to God it was no worse, considering how near
the fire came to our two houses, which were at that time very unfit for
such danger, especially one to which the fire came within three yards,
so that the jambs of the windows were so hot one could hardly lay their
hand upon them, yet did not its old dry thatch take fire, to the great
admiration of all who were there of many nations. All the villains of
the place gathered round our house, so that we durst take no rest, lest
they should set it on fire. Some of them even were so impudent in the
evening as to ask how many of us lay in that house, as if meaning to set
upon us in the night and cut all our throats. They were even so bold as
to come in the day time before our very faces, to observe how our doors
were fastened in the inside; and we were often warned by our
well-wishers to keep good watch, as there were a knot of thieves who
intended to rob and murder us. There were only four of us in this house,
who, with over-watching, and by the disease of the country, which is a
dysentery, were quite spent with weakness, and two of us never
recovered. Nine sail of Hollanders came into the road on the 19th of
April, 1603, of which fleet Wyorne van Warwicke was general; who shortly
after sent two ships to China, two to the Moluccas, and one to Jortan,
two remaining at Bantam. We were much beholden to this general for
bread, wine, and many other necessaries, and for much kindness. He used
often to say that Sir Richard Lewson had relieved himself, when like to
perish at sea, for which he held himself bound to be kind to the English
wherever he met them; and he shewed much reverence for our queen on all

Thomas Morgan, our second factor, died on the 25th of April, after
having been long sick; and Mr Starkie began to grow very weak. The 28th,
our pinnace which had gone to Banda came back to Bantam, having lost
William Chace, one of her factors, and all the others in her were weak
and sickly. The new protector now forbade us from proceeding with our
house; but by the favour of the Sabander, and _Cay Tomogone Goboy_ the
admiral, we were with much ado allowed to finish it. Mr Starkie, our
principal factor, died on the 30th June, whose burial General Warwicke
caused to be honoured by the attendance of a company of shot and pikes,
with the colours trailed, as at the funeral of a soldier.

The great market-place on the east side of the river was set fire to on
the 4th July, in which fire several Chinese who were indebted to us lost
their all, so that we sustained some loss. Thomas Dobson, one of the
factors appointed for Banda, died on the 17th July. The town was fired
again on the east side of the river on the 27th. The 5th, several Dutch
captains came to our house, saying that the regent had asked if they
would take our parts in case he did us any violence; when they told him
we were their neighbours, and they would not see us wronged. I went
immediately to the regent, to whom I gave a small present, and thanked
him for the men he had lent us to help our building; but I could see by
his countenance that he was angry. The same day the admiral of Bantam
sent his son to the regent to enquire why he used threats against us,
which he denied; and, sending for me next morning, he asked me who had
said he meant to harm us. Saying it was the Dutch captains, he answered
if any Javan or Chinese had said so, he would have sent for them and cut
their throats before my eyes. He then blamed me for not coming to him
when we had any suits, and going always to the sabander and admiral;
upon which, I said that he was only newly appointed, and we were not yet
acquainted with him, but should apply to him in future.

About this time an affray broke out between the Hollanders and the
Chinese, in which some on both sides were slain and wounded, owing to
the disorderly and drunken behaviour of the lower Dutchmen when on
shore. They got the worst on this occasion, not indeed from the Chinese
themselves, but from some Javan slaves of turn-coat Chinese, who would
steal unawares on the Hollanders of an evening, and stab them in a
cowardly manner. One day, when the Hollanders were very importunate
about one of their men who had been assassinated, the regent asked,
whether they brought a law along with them into a foreign country, or
whether they were governed by the laws of the country in which they
resided? They answered, that they were governed by their own laws when
on ship board, and by those of the country when on shore. Then said the
regent, "I will tell you what are the laws of this country in regard to
murder. If one kill a slave, he must pay 20 ryals of eight, if a freeman
50, and if a gentleman 100." This was all the redress they had for the
slaughter of their man.

About the 5th September there came a junk full of men from the island of
_Lampon_ in the straits of Sunda, who are great enemies to the Javans,
and yet so very like them as not to be distinguishable. These men,
having their junk in a creek near Bantam, and being in all points like
the Javans, used to come boldly into the town and into the houses, even
at noonday, and cut off the people's heads, so that for near a month we
had little rest for the grievous lamentations of the towns people. After
a time, many of them becoming known, were taken and put to death. They
were men of comely stature, and the reason of their strange procedure
was, that their king rewarded them with a female slave for every head
they brought him, so that they would often dig up newly-buried persons
at Bantam and cut off their heads, to impose upon their savage king.

About this time, we got notice from the admiral and other friends to be
much on our guard, as some of the principal natives in respect to birth,
though not in wealth or office, had conspired to murder us for the sake
of our goods, and then to give out that it had been done by the
_Lampons_. These devils came several times in the intention to execute
their horrid purpose, but seeing always lights about our house, which we
had set up that we might see them, and hearing our drum at the end of
every watch, their hearts failed them for fear of our small arms, both
which and our _murderers_ [blunderbusses] we had always ready for their
reception. At length they fell out among themselves and dispersed.

By our continual alarms, and the grievous outcries of men, women, and
children, who were nightly murdered around us, our men were so wrought
upon, that even in their sleep they would dream of pursuing the Javans,
and would suddenly start out of bed, catch at their weapons, and even
wound each other before those who had the watch could part them; but yet
we durst not remove their weapons, lest they should be instantly wanted,
of which we were in constant dread. Being but few of us, I had to take
my regular turn of watch with the rest, and have often been more in fear
of our own men than of the Javans, so that I had often to snatch up a
target when I heard them making any noise in their sleep, lest they
might treat me as they did each other. So terrified were we on account
of fire, that though, when we went to sleep after our watches were
expired, our men often sounded their drum at our ears without awakening
us, if the word fire had been spoken, however softly, we would all
instantly run from our chambers; so that I was forced to warn them not
to talk of fire in the night without urgent occasion. I do not mention
these things to discourage others from going hereafter to Bantam: for we
were then strangers, but have now many friends there, and the country is
under much better regulation, and will more and more improve in
government as the young king grows older. In three months time, the town
on the east side of the river was five times burnt down; but, God be
praised, the wind always favoured us; and although the Javans often set
it on fire near us, it pleased God still to preserve us, as there was
little wind, and the fire was put out before it got our length.

Sec. 3. _Differences between the Hollanders, styling themselves English,
and the Javans, and of other memorable Things_.

About this time there was again a great outcast between the Hollanders
and the natives, owing to the rude behaviour of the former, and many of
them were stabbed in the evenings. The common people did not then
distinguish between us and the Hollanders, calling both of us English,
because the Hollanders had usurped our name on first coming here for
trade, in which they did us much wrong, as we used often to hear the
people in the streets railing against the English, when they actually
meant the Hollanders; so that, fearing some of our men might be stabbed
instead of them, we endeavoured to fall upon some plan to make ourselves
be distinguished from them. And as the 17th of November drew nigh, which
we still held as the coronation-day of queen Elizabeth, knowing no
better, we dressed ourselves in new silk garments, and made us scarfs
and hat-bands of red and white taffeta, the colours of our country, and
a banner of St George, being white with a red cross in the middle. We,
the factors, distinguished ourselves from our men, by edging our scarfs
with a deep gold fringe.

When the day arrived, we set up our banner on the top of our house, and,
with our drum and fire-arms, marched up and down the yard of our house;
being but fourteen in number, we could only _cast ourselves in rings and
esses_ in single file, and so plied our shot. Hearing our firing, the
sabander, and some others of the chief people of the land, came to see
us, and enquired the cause of our rejoicing; when we told them that our
queen was crowned on that day forty-seven years ago, for which reason
all Englishmen, in whatever country they might then happen to be, were
in use to shew their joy on that day. The sabander commended us
mightily, for shewing our reverence to our sovereign at so great a
distance from our country. Some of the others asked, how it happened
that the Englishmen at the other house or factory did not do so
likewise; on which we told them that they were not English but
Hollanders, having no king, and their land being ruled only by
governors, being of a country near England, but speaking quite a
different language.

The multitude greatly admired to see so few of us discharge so many
shots, for the Javans and Chinese are very inexpert in the use of
fire-arms. In the afternoon, I made our people walk out into the town
and market-place, that the people might see their scarfs and hat-bands,
making a shew that the like had never been seen there before, and that
the natives might for the future know them from the Hollanders; and many
times the children ran after us in the streets, crying out, _Orang
Engrees bayk, Orang Hollanda jahad_: The Englishmen are good, the
Hollanders are bad.

The 6th December two Dutch ships came in, that had taken a rich
Portuguese carak near Macao, by which they got great plunder, and were
enabled so to bribe the regent, that he began to listen to their desire
of being permitted to build a handsome house. About this time the regent
sent for me to lend him 2000 pieces of eight, or at least 1000; but I
put him off with excuses, saying we had been left there with goods, not
money, that the natives owed us much which we could not get in, and that
we were under the necessity of purchasing pepper to load our ships,
which we were expecting to arrive daily.

The 6th February, 1604, Robert Wallis, one of our company, died, and
several others of our men were very weak and lame, owing to the heat of
the pepper, in dressing, screening, and turning it; so that we were in
future obliged to hire Chinese to do that work, our own men only
superintending them. The 16th of that month there came in a great ship
of Zealand from Patane, which made us believe that General Warwicke was
coming to load all his ships here; for which reason we immediately
bought up all the good and merchantable pepper we could get. This ship
had made some valuable prizes, but they had sworn all the English
mariners on board to tell us nothing, on pain of losing their wages,
which we took as very unkind. There was at this time in Bantam three
houses of the Hollanders, all upon separate accounts, which all bought
up as much pepper as they could get.

The 5th March, the regent sent again to borrow 1000 pieces of eight in
the name of the king; and I was forced to lend him 500, lest he might
have quarrelled with me, which would have given much pleasure to the
Hollanders. In this country, when a Javan of any note is to be put to
death, although there is a public executioner, yet the nearest of kin
to the criminal is generally allowed to execute the office, which is
considered as a great favour. The 14th March, Thomas Tudd, who had been
left here as chief factor for Banda, departed this life, having been
long sick; so that of seven factors left here for Bantam and Banda, two
only were in life, besides several others of our men having died; we
being now only ten men living and one boy.

A great junk from China came in on the 22d of April, which was thought
to have been cast away, being so late, as they usually come in during
February and March. In consequence of her very late coming, _cashes_
kept all this year at a very cheap rate, which was a great hindrance to
our trade, as when _cashes_ are cheap, and pieces of eight consequently
dear, we could not sell any of our prize goods at half the value we did
at our first arrival. Besides this, the Chinese sent all the ryals they
could get this year to China; for which reason we were obliged to give
them credit, or must have lost the principal time of the year for making
sales. The Hollanders had purchased all the pepper, except what was in
our hands, and what belonged to the sabander, who would not sell at any
reasonable price. Our goods now began to be old, and many of their
colours to fade; for the warehouses are so hot and moist, that they will
spoil any kind of cloth that is long in them, though we take never so
much pains in airing and turning them.

Sec. 4. _Treacherous Underminings, and other Occurrences_.

A Chinaman turned Javan was our next neighbour, who kept a
victualling-house or tavern, and brewed arack, a hot drink used in these
parts instead of wine. He had two outhouses, in one of which his guests
were in use to sit, and the other was his brewhouse, which joined the
pales on the south side of our house. He now commenced a new trade, and
became an engineer, having leagued with eight other villains to set our
house on fire and plunder our goods. These nine ruffians dug a well in
the brewhouse, from the bottom of which they wrought a mine quite under
the foundation of our house, and then upwards to our warehouse; but on
coming to the planked floor of the warehouse, they were at a stand how
to get through, being afraid to cut them, as they always heard some of
us walking over them night and day. They had gone wrong to work; for if
they had continued their mine only to our next adjoining wareroom, they
would have found 30,000 pieces of eight buried in jars for fear of fire;
beside that room was not boarded. After waiting two months in vain for
an opportunity to cut the boards, one of them, who was a smith, proposed
to work through our planks by means of fire. Accordingly, about ten at
night of the 28th May, 1604, they put a candle to the planks, through
which they presently burnt a round hole. When the fire got through, it
immediately communicated to the mats of our bales, which began to burn
and spread. All the while we knew nothing of the matter, by reason of
the closeness of the warehouse, all the windows being plastered up for
fear of fire over-head.

After the first watch was out, one of which I had been, the second watch
smelt a strong _funk_ of fire, as it was by that time much increased,
but they could not find out where it was after searching every corner.
One of them remembered a rat-hole behind his trunk, whence he could
plainly perceive the smoke steaming out, on which he came immediately to
me, and told me our cloth warehouse was on fire. Going down immediately,
and opening the doors of the warehouse, we were almost suffocated by the
smoke, which was so thick we could not perceive whence it came. We had
at this time two jars of gunpowder in this warehouse, which made us
greatly fear being blown up: But, laying aside fear, we pulled every
thing away that lay upon these jars, and got them out to our back-yard,
the jars being already very hot. We now searched boldly for the fire,
and at last found it. At length, by the aid of some Chinese merchants
and others, we cleared the room of above fifty packs of goods, sixteen
of which were on fire.

We wondered how this fire had come, suspecting the Portuguese had hired
some Malays to do it: But a Chinese bricklayer, who wrought at the Dutch
house, told a Hollander next morning, who had been long in the country,
that it was done by the Chinese brewer and his accomplices, who were now
fled, and if we looked well in the room we should find how it had been
done. The Dutchman told this to an English surgeon, desiring him to come
and tell us, while he, the Dutchman, being perfect in the native
language, would go and enquire after the incendiaries. The surgeon came
to me, and desired to see the room which had been on fire; on going into
which with a candle, he presently discovered a little round hole, burnt
quite through one of the planks of the floor, and putting down a long
stick, we could feel no bottom. I then called for an axe, with which we
wrenched up the plank as softly as possible, under which was a hole
through which the largest trunk or pack in our warehouse might have gone
down. I immediately took three of our men armed, and went to the house
whence the mine came. Leaving one at the door, with orders to let no
person out, I went into the house with the other two of my men, where we
found three men in one of the rooms. There were two more in another
room, who immediately fled on hearing us, by means of a back-door which
we did not know of. After a few blows, we made the three men prisoners,
and brought them away. One was an inhabitant of the brewer's house, but
we could prove nothing against the others, yet we laid all three in
irons. I immediately sent Mr Towerson to the regent, to give him an
account of the matter, and to desire the villains might be sought out
and punished. He promised this should be done, but was very slack in
performance. The Dutch merchants, hearing we had taken some of the
incendiaries, and fearing the Chinese might rise against us, came very
kindly to us armed, and swore they would live and die in our quarrel.

After laying out such of our goods to dry as had been wetted in
extinguishing the fire, we examined the person who dwelt with the
brewer, who told us the names of six who were fled, but would not
confess that he knew any thing about the mine, or setting our warehouse
on fire. Then threatening him with a hot iron, but not touching him, he
confessed the whole affair, and that he was concerned in it, saying,
that the two out-houses were built expressly for the purpose, though put
to other uses to avoid suspicion. I sent him next morning to execution;
and as he went out at our gate, the Javans reviled him, to which he
answered, that the English were rich and the Chinese poor, therefore why
should not they steal if they could from the English?

Next day the Javan admiral took one of the incendiaries, who was found
hid in a privy. This was he who put the fire to our house. He confessed
to the admiral that he had clipped many ryals, and had counterfeited
some; he even confessed some things concerning our matter, but not
much, and would tell us nothing. Because of his obstinacy, and that he
had set our house on fire, I caused him to be burnt, by means of sharp
irons thrust under the nails of his thumbs, fingers, and toes, and the
nails to be torn, off; and, because he never flinched, we thought his
hands and feet had been benumbed with tying, wherefore we burnt him in
other parts, as the hands, arms, shoulders, and neck, but even this had
no effect. We then burnt him quite through the hands, and tore out the
flesh and sinews with rasps, causing his shins to be knocked with hot
searing irons. I then caused cold iron screws to be screwed into the
bones of his arms, and suddenly snatched out, and to break all the bones
of his fingers and toes with pincers: Yet for all this he never shed a
tear, neither once turned his head aside, nor stirred hand or foot; but,
when we asked a question, he would put his tongue between his teeth, and
strike his chin on his knees to bite it off. After using the utmost
extremity of torture in vain, I made him be again laid fast in irons,
when the ants, which greatly abound there, got into his wounds, and
tormented him worse than we had done, as might be seen by his gestures.
The king's officers desired me to shoot him to death, which I thought
too good a death for such a villain; but as they insisted, we led him
out into the fields and made him fast to a stake. The first shot carried
away a piece of his arm, bone and all; the next went through his breast
near the shoulder, on which he bent down his head and looked at the
wound. At the third shot, one of our men used a bullet cut in three
pieces, which struck his breast in a triangle, on which he sunk as low
as the stake would allow. Finally, between, our men and the Hollanders
he was shot almost in pieces.[125]

[Footnote 125: This monster might have graced the holy office! He must
have delighted in cruelty, or he could not have devised such horrible
torments, and given a recital of them. The Dutch at Amboyna did not
inflict more savage tortures on the English. Had not these things been
related by the author himself, we could scarcely have believed such
cruelty could have existed in an Englishman.--_Astl._ I. 295, a.]

At this time the admiral and sabander sent us an armed guard every
night, lest the Chinese might rise against us. We were not, however, in
any fear of them; yet we kept four of them to be witnesses for us, in
case of their rising, that what we did was in our own defence. By means
of a bribe, I procured another of the incendiaries, who confessed
against his associates. These were _Uniete_ the chief; _Sawman_ his
partner, dwelling in the same house; _Hynting_, Omygpayo, Hewsamcow;
Utee_, who was shortly after _crissed_ for being caught with a woman;
the informant, named _Boyhoy; Irrow_ and _Lackow_, who were fled to
Jackatra, neither of whom I had before heard of. I used every means to
get them, but could not, unless I had been at great charges. Some of
them belonged to great men among the Javans, and had taken refuge in
their houses, so that we could not get at them: Yet some of their
masters offered to sell them, on which we higgled for their price as one
would do for an ox or calf, but they held them so dear that I could not
deal with them. I offered as much for each as would have bought a slave
in their stead; but they were fit instruments for their purpose, being
practised in all manner of villainy, so that they would not part with
them, except for large sums; for all the Javans and Chinese, from the
highest to the lowest, are thorough-paced villains, without one spark of
grace. Were it not for the sabander and admiral, and one or two more,
who are natives of _Clyn_, there would be no living for Christians among
them, without a fort, or a strong house all of brick or stone. We did
not torture _Boyhoy_, because he had confessed, but crissed him.

Among the other instruments of the devil on earth in Bantam, there was a
kinsman of the king, named _Pangram Mandelicko_, who kept one of the
incendiaries of our house under his protection. He came one day to our
house to buy cloth, when I desired him to deliver up this fellow into
our hands, telling him how good it would be for the country to root out
all such villains. "Tell them so," said he, "who have the government in
their hands, or care for the good of the country, for I do not." On
another time, wanting me to give him credit for cloth to the value of
six or seven hundred pieces of eight, because I refused to trust him, he
went away very angry, saying at the gate, it was a pity our house was
not again set on fire.

The regent or protector gave us all the houses and ground that joined
our inclosure, and had belonged to the incendiaries that undermined our
house, but made us pay enormously dear for the property. We bought also
from a _Pangram_, or gentleman, a house which came so near the door of
our pepper warehouse as to be very troublesome to us, so that now we had
a spacious yard.

The 9th September, the regent made proclamation, that no Chinese should
weigh pepper to the English and Hollanders; which proclamation was
procured by the Hollanders, for they told us themselves that day at
dinner, that the protector owed them 10,000 sacks of pepper; but I said
to them that it was not so, as they would not be such fools as to trust
them so largely. I went next morning to an old woman, who was called
queen of the land by the sabander and others, and commands the
protector, though not even of the royal blood, but is held in such
estimation among them for her wisdom, that she rules as though she were
queen of the country. Having made known our griefs, she sent for the
protector that I might talk with him in her presence. I asked the reason
why he had prohibited our trade, on which he said that he must buy
10,000 sacks of pepper for the king; but I then said that I was informed
by the Hollanders he owed them 10,000 sacks, and that he was working
underhand for them against us. He used many shifts; but the old queen,
who was our fast friend, said he should not hurt us. Finding they could
have no trade with the people for pepper, the Hollanders had bribed the
protector into this plan. But if we had possessed 10,000 pieces of eight
more than we had, the Hollanders would have got little pepper that year
in Bantam, for they are much disliked, and what trade they have is
through fear of their ships, which they have in great numbers in those

In the end of September, the _Pangran Mandelicko_ fell to robbing the
junks, and seized one from Johor laden with rice, and having a number of
men and women on board, all of whom he carried off as prisoners, and
converted the rice to his own use. This was a ready way to keep all
other junks from the place, and to starve the inhabitants, as the land
is not able to feed a quarter of its people. The king and protector sent
to command him to deliver up the people and goods, but he refused, and
fortified his house, being supported by all the other _pangrans_ of the
royal blood, who were all, like him, traitors to the king, so that the
king's officers durst not meddle with him. The protector, sabander, and
admiral, sent to us to take heed to ourselves, as the rebels grew
stronger every day. I borrowed some small pieces of cannon of the
Chinese merchants, who were our friends, causing our men to make
chain-shot, lang-ridge, and bar-shot, and fortified our quarters the
best way I could with bushes and chains. So much were the inhabitants in
fear of the rebels, that all trade was at an end. Every day some spies
of the rebels used to come into our yard, very inquisitive about what we
were doing, so that we looked nightly to be attacked, and made every
preparation to give them a warm reception.

About the 20th October, the King of Jackatra came to Bantam with 1500
fighting men, besides stragglers, and was to be followed by 1000 more.
He challenged the rebels and _pangrans_ to fight him, having a great
quarrel against them all, as they had endeavoured to have him deposed
from his kingdom. But the rebels kept within their fortifications. The
King of Jackatra and the Admiral of Bantam sent for us on the 26th
October, to know if there were any means to fire their fortifications
from a reasonable distance, beyond reach of their _bases_, of which they
had a great number. We told them, if we had a ship in the roads it might
have been easily done, but we hardly expected to find materials for the
purpose, such as camphor, salt-petre, and sulphur, having already some
other things, for the purpose of making fire-arrows. The admiral
proposed the use of a long bow and arrows for this service, but in my
opinion a musket would have answered better. We meant likewise to have
shot red-hot bullets among them from the king's ordnance, which would
have made sad work among their thatched houses and fortifications of
canes; for as Mandelicko had sought all means to set us on fire, we now
meant to try if we could return the compliment. But, whether from fear
of the King of Jackatra, or hearing that we were employed, the rebels
and pangrans came to an agreement two days after, by which Mandelicko
engaged to depart from the dominions of Bantam within six days, with
only thirty followers, which he did. The Javans are very unwilling to
fight if that can be avoided, as their wealth consists chiefly in
slaves, so that they are beggared if these be slain; wherefore they had
always rather come to a set feast than a pitched battle.

In November and the beginning of December, we were constantly busy in
completing our buildings, and getting in and cleaning pepper. A Dutch
pinnace came into the roads on the 14th December, by which we were
informed of the death of Queen Elizabeth, and the great plague and
sickness that had prevailed over all Christendom. This occasioned more
distress to us than all our late troubles; but they told us that the
King of Scots was crowned, that our land was in peace, and that peace
was likely to be concluded between England and Spain; which news was
very comfortable to us. They could give us no intelligence of our ships,
having no letters for us: But the Dutch fleet soon followed, on which I
went immediately on board their admiral to welcome him, and enquire for
letters, which were found in the vice-admiral.

_Uniete_, the chief of those who undermined and set fire to our house,
having long lurked in the mountains, was now forced by want of food to
repair to certain houses near Bantam, whence he was brought to the house
of the rich Chinese merchant. As soon as I heard of this, I sent Mr
Towerson to inform the protector, and that we meant shortly to execute
him. Since the time of the mischief this man occasioned, I had never
gone out of our house, but once when the protector crossed us about the
pepper, as before mentioned, being in constant fear that our house would
be fired before my return; and three times a week I used to search all
the Chinese houses in our neighbourhood, for fear of more undermining.

Sec. 5. _Arrival of General Middleton, and other Occurrences_.

In the evening of the 22d December, 1604, we joyfully descried our ships
coming into the roads; but when we went on board the admiral, and saw
their weakness, and also heard of the weakly state of the other three
ships, we were greatly grieved; well knowing that Bantam is not a place
for the recovery of sick men, but rather to kill men who come there in
health. At my first going on board, I found the general, Captain Henry
Middleton, very weak and sickly, to whom I made a brief relation of the
many troubles we had endured. I also told him we had lading ready for
two ships, which was some comfort to his mind, being much grieved for
the weakness of his men; as they had scarcely fifty sound men in the
four ships, and had lost many of their sick men. Even of those who came
here in health, many never went out of Bantam roads.

The 24th we executed the arch-villain _Uniete_, who was the fourth of
these rascals we had put to death, besides a fifth who was slain for
stealing a woman. At my coming away four remained alive; two of whom
were at Jackatra, one with the rebel Mandelicko, and one with _Cay
Sanapatta Lama_, whom we could not then get at. The same day our
vice-admiral, Captain Coulthurst, came on shore with some merchants, and
we accompanied him to court, to notify to the king that our general had
letters for him from the King of England, and a present, but being weary
and sick with his long voyage, would wait upon him as soon as he was

On Christmas-day we dined on board the general. But I ought to have
previously mentioned, that, on the 23d, it was agreed the Dragon and
Ascension were to be sent to the Moluccas, and the Hector and Susan to
be loaded with pepper, and sent home. We busied ourselves to procure
fresh victuals, vegetables, and fruits, for the recovery of our men, who
were in a most pitiable case with the scurvy.

The 31st December, our general came on shore, and being accompanied by
all the merchants who were in sufficient health, and by several others,
he went to court with the king's letter, which he delivered along with
the following present: A fair basin and ewer, with two handsome standing
cups, and a spoon, all of silver parell gilt, and six muskets with their
furniture. The general employed two or three days following in visiting
our chiefest friends, as the sabander, the admiral, and the rich Chinese
merchant, making them presents, which they thankfully received. We then
fell to work to pack up goods for the Moluccas; but as our men recovered
from the scurvy they fell ill of the flux, so that it seemed quite
impossible for us to accomplish our business.

The 7th January, 1605, the Dutch fleet, being nine tall ships,[126]
besides pinnaces and sloops, set sail for Amboyna and the Moluccas, so
that we were long in doubt of getting any loading in those parts this
year for our ships, so many having gone before us; nor was it possible
for ours to go earlier, owing to their weakness. The 10th January, our
two ships that were to go home began taking in pepper, but were so
oppressed with sickness that they could make no dispatch. The other two
having taken in all the goods we thought meet for those parts, set sail
on the 18th of January for the islands of Banda, their men being still
weak and sickly; but how they spent their time till their return to
Bantam, I must refer to their own reports. Immediately after the
departure of these ships under the general, the protector sent to us for
the custom, which we thought had been quite well understood, by what was
paid when the ships were here before; but he demanded many duties of
which we had never heard formerly, and because I refused payment, he
ordered the porters not to carry any more pepper for us. To prevent,
therefore, this hindrance in loading our ships, I was forced to pay him
in hand, as had been done on the former occasion, and to let the full
agreement remain open till the return of our general.

[Footnote 126: This expression, _tall ships_, so often used in these
early voyages, evidently means square-rigged vessels having top-masts;
as contradistinguished from low-masted vessels, such as sloops and

It pleased God to take away the two masters of the two ships which were
now loading, Samuel Spencer, master of the Hector, and Habakkuk Pery, of
the Susan; as also William Smith, master's mate of the Hector, and soon
afterwards Captain Styles, with several other principal men, and many of
their sailors, so that we were forced to hire men to ease them of their
work in loading, and also to engage as many as we could get of Guzerat
and Chinese mariners, to help to navigate the ships home, at a great
expence. With much ado we got them laden by the 16th February; but it
was the 4th of March before we could get ready for sea. They then
sailed, the Hector having on board 63 persons of all sorts, English and
others, but many of their own men were sick. The Susan had 47 of all
sorts, but likewise had many English sick: I pray God to send us good
news of them.

The 6th May a Holland ship came in, which came from the coast of Goa,
[Malabar,] where, along with two other Dutch ships bound for
Cambay,[127] they took four very rich Portuguese ships, one of which,
laden with great horses, they set on fire. This ship had left Holland in
June, 1604, but could give us no farther news than we had already got
from our own ships. The captain of this ship was Cornelius Syverson, a
proud boor, having neither wit, manners, honesty, nor humanity; and
presently after his arrival the Hollanders withdrew their familiarity
from us. I shall now, however, leave this despiser of courtesy and hater
of our nation, with his rascally crew, and give some account of the
ceremonial of the young king's circumcision, and the triumphs held daily
in consequence for more than a month before he went to church, [mosque]
in preparations for which all the better sort had been busied since
February or March, till the 24th of June.

[Footnote 127: Cambay, in this place, probably means Camboja, or
Cambodia, in Eastern India, not Cambay in Guzerat.--E.]

For this ceremonial a great pageant was prepared, the fore part of which
was made in the resemblance of a great devil, on which were placed three
chairs of state; that in the middle for the king, being elevated about
two feet above those on either side, which were for the two sons of
_Pangran Goban_, heir to the crown if the king should die without issue.
This pageant was placed on a green or open space, in front of the palace
gate, and railed in all round. The custom of the country is, when the
king comes to the throne, or at his circumcision, all that are able must
make the king presents publicly, and with as much shew as possible; such
as cannot do so of themselves, whether natives or strangers, join in
companies to make their compliments. About the 25th June these shews
began, and continued all that month and the next, every day except some
few when it rained. The protector or regent of the kingdom began on the
first day, and was succeeded daily by the nobles and others, each having
their day, not as they were in rank or birth, but as each happened to be
in readiness, sometimes two or three companies in one day.

As the Javans are not expert in the use of fire-arms, the protector
borrowed some shot both of us and the Hollanders. When these went forth,
there was great strife which should go foremost, whether our men or the
Hollanders, they despising our small number, and ours their sordid
appearance. Our men were in neat apparel, with coloured scarfs and
hat-bands; they in greasy thrum caps, tarred coats, and their shirts, or
at least such as had any, hanging between their legs. Our men,
therefore, chose to take the rearward, refusing to go next after the

Every morning the king's guard, consisting both of shot and pikes, was
placed round the inclosure without the rails, being usually three
hundred men; but on some principal days there were upwards of six
hundred, in files according to our martial discipline. In our marching,
we differ much from them, as we usually go in column of three, five,
seven, or nine abreast; while they always march in single file,
following as close as they can, and carrying their pikes upright. As for
their fire-arms, not being used to them, they are very unhandy. Their
drums are huge pans, [_gongs_,] made of tomback, which make a most
hellish sound. They have also colours to their companies; but their
standards and ensigns are not like ours. Their ensign staff is very long
and high, being bent at top like a bow; but the colours, hardly a yard
in breadth, hang down from the top like a long pendant. The first day,
being the greatest shew, there were certain forts made of canes and
other trash, set up in front of the king's pageant, in which some Javans
were placed to defend, and other companies to assault them, many times
the assailants firing upon the defenders. All this was only in jest
among the Javans with their pikes; but our men and the Hollanders were
in earnest with their shot, and were therefore forced to be kept

Meeting the Dutch merchants in the evening, I asked one of them if he
thought that Holland were able to wage war with England, that they
should make such contention with our men, striving who should go
foremost? I likewise told them all, that if the English had not once
gone before, they might have gone behind all the other nations of Europe
long ago. But they answered, that times and seasons change: And
doubtless, owing to their great numbers here in India, they hold
themselves able to withstand any other nation in the world. I cannot,
however, say what may be the opinion of their states at home, and of the
wiser of their nation.[128]

[Footnote 128: In this business of the Dutch, wherein many shewed their
pride and ingratitude, as the fault I hope is not in their nation, but
only personal, I have mollified the author's style, and left out some
harsher censures. _Beati pucifici.--Purch_. in a side note.]

Always, a little before the shews began, the king was brought out from
his palace, sitting on a man's shoulders bestriding his neck, and the
man holding him by the legs. Many rich _tirasols_, [parasols or
umbrellas,] were carried over and round about him. His principal guard
walked before him, and was placed within the rails, round about the
pageant. After the king, a number of the principal people followed,
seeming to have their stated days of attendance. The shews were in this
manner: First came a crew armed with match-locks, led by some
_gentleman-slave_; then come the pike-men, in the middle of whom were
the colours and music, being ten or twelve pans of tomback, carried on a
staff between two people. These were tuneable like a peal of bells, each
a note above the other, and always two people walked beside them who
were skilled in the country music, and struck upon them with something
they held in their hands. There was another kind of music, that went
both before and after; but these pans or _gongs_ formed the principal.
The pike-men were followed by a company of targeteers carrying darts.
Then followed many sorts of trees with their fruit hanging upon them;
and after these many sorts of beasts and birds, both alive, and also
artificially made, that they could not be distinguished from those that
were alive, unless one were near.

Then came a number of maskers, who danced and vaulted before the king,
shewing many strange tumbling tricks, some of these being men and others
women. After all these followed sometimes two hundred or even three
hundred women, all carrying presents of some kind; only that every ten
were headed by an old motherly woman empty handed, to keep them in order
like so many soldiers. These presents were commonly rice and
_cashes_[129] on frames of split canes, curiously laid out for show, and
adorned with gilt paper, but the present itself seldom exceeded the
value of twelve-pence. Then followed the rich presents, being commonly
some rich _tuck_,[130] or some fine cloth of the country fashion,
curiously wrought and gilded, or embroidered with gold, for the king's
own wearing. These were also carried by women, having two pikes borne
upright before them; and every present intended for the king's wearing
had a rich parasol carried over it. Last of all followed the heir to the
person sending the present, being his youngest son, if he had any, very
richly attired after their fashion, with many jewels at gold, diamonds,
rubies, and other precious stones, on their, arms and round their
waists, and attended by a number of men and women. After he has made
his obeisance to the king, he sits down on the ground on a mat, and all
the presents are carried past the king's pageant into the palace, where
certain officers are ready to receive them.

[Footnote 129: A species of coin formerly explained.--E.]

[Footnote 130: Tuck, tuke, or tuque, the old term for a turban, worn by
Mahometans, or for the sash of which it is made.--ASTL. I. 301. c.]

When all these were gone by, a person within the king's pageant spoke
out of the devil's mouth, commanding silence in the king's name. Then
begins the chief revels, accompanied with music, and now and then the
musketeers discharged a volley. The pikemen and targeteers also
exhibited their feats of arms, being very expert, but their shot
exceedingly unskilful. Always when the pikemen and targeteers go up to
charge, they go forwards dancing and skipping about, that their
adversaries may have no steady aim to throw their darts or thrust their
pikes. During the shews, there likewise came certain representations of
junks, as it were under sail, very artificially made, and laden with
rice and _cashes_. There were also representations of former history,
some from the Old Testament, and others from the chronicles of the Javan
kings. All these inventions have been learnt by the Javans from the
Chinese, or from the Guzerates, Turks, and others who come hither for
trade, for they are themselves ignorant blockheads.

Our present was preceded by a fine pomegranate tree full of fruit, some
ripe, half ripe, green, and only budded. It had been dug up by the
roots, and set in earth in a frame made of rattans like a cage. The
earth was covered with green sod, on which were three silver-haired
rabbits, given me by the vice-admiral of our fleet; and all among the
branches we had many small birds fastened by threads, which were
continually fluttering and singing. We had likewise four very furious
serpents, very artificially made by the Chinese, on which we hung the
cloths that were meant for the king's use, being five pieces very
curiously wrought and gilded in their fashion; together with other
pieces of stuff for the king to bestow on his followers. We likewise
presented a petronel, or horseman's pistol, and a brace of smaller
pistols, finely damasked and in rich cases, having silken strings and
gold tassels. Having no women to carry these things, we borrowed thirty
of the prettiest boys we could get, and two tall Javans to carry pikes
before them. Mr Towerson had a very pretty Chinese boy, whose father had
been lately slain by thieves, and we sent this youth as gallantly
attired as the king himself, to present these things, and to make a
speech to the king, signifying, if our numbers and ability had equalled
our good will, we would have presented his majesty with a much finer
shew. The king and those about him took much delight in our rabbits,
being great rarities, and also in some fire-works which our men played
off, but the women cried out, fearing they might set the palace on fire.

The Hollanders gave but a small present, though they made a mighty brag
about it. Neither do they spare bragging of their king, as they called
Prince Maurice, whom at every word in those parts they styled _Raia
Hollanda_. Many quarrels took place between their men and ours, the
Hollanders always beginning in their drink to brawl, and usually having
the worst. I had much ado to restrain our men, which yet was necessary,
considering our great charge of goods, all of which lay on me. We were
also in a dangerous country, and but badly housed; and if we had come to
blows, it was likely that a great number would come upon us, and we
being few, could not have defended ourselves without bloodshed, which
would occasion revenge. Now of them there were above an hundred men,
including those in their house, ship, and fly-boat, all of whom would
have come against us, while we were only thirteen in a straw house.

The king of Jackatra came on the 18th of July to present his shew before
the king, attended by a guard of several hundred persons. Immediately on
his coming in sight, the guards of the king of Bantam rose up, and
handled their weapons, not from fear of the king of Jackatra offering
any violence, but because there were a number of other petty kings
present, who were mortal enemies to the king of Jackatra. On coming near
the innermost rank of the Bantam guards, and seeing that he had to pass
through among a number of these inimical petty kings, and being afraid
of the cowardly stab so usual among this people, he appeared much
alarmed, though as brave as any in those parts; wherefore he would not
pass through them, but sat down on a piece of leather, which every
gentleman has carried along with him for that purpose. He then sent to
the king, to know if it was his pleasure he should wait upon him; upon
which the king sent two principal noblemen to escort him into the
presence. And when the king of Jackatra had made his obeisance, the
young king embraced him, and he of Jackatra took his seat in the place
appointed for him.

Then came the presents of the king of Jackatra, carried by about 300
women, and attended by about as many soldiers, consisting of rice,
cashes, and many strange beasts and birds, both alive and dead. Among
these was a furious beast, called by them a _Matchan_, somewhat larger
than a lion, and very princely to behold, if he had been at liberty. He
was spotted white and red, having many black streaks from the reins down
under his belly. I have seen one of them leap eighteen feet for his
prey. These _matchans_ often kill many people near Bantam; and often the
king and all the people go out to hunt them, sometimes even in the
night. This _matchan_ was in a great cage of wood, placed on the trucks
of old gun carriages, and being drawn by buffaloes, seemed like a
traitor drawn on a hurdle.[131] There were several other curious
articles in this shew, with many maskers, vaulters, and tumblers,
strangely and savagely attired. Last of all came the youngest son of the
king of Jackatra, riding in a chariot drawn by buffaloes, which had to
me an unseemly appearance. They have indeed few horses in this island,
which are mostly small nags, none of which I ever saw draw; being only
used for riding and running tilt, after the Barbary fashion, which
exercise they ordinarily use every Saturday towards evening, except in
their time of Lent or _ramadan_.

[Footnote 131: This matchan of Java is obviously the tiger.--E.]

The second day after this shew, the king was carried on his pageant to
the mosque, where he was circumcised; his pageant being carried aloft by
many men, four hundred, as the king's nurse told me, but I think she
lied, as in my opinion so many could not stand under it.

* * * * *

Sec. 6. _Account of Quarrels between the English and Dutch at Bantam, and
other Occurrences_.

Our general returned into the road of Bantam from Ternate on the 24th
July, 1605. As soon as we saw and knew the Dragon, I took a _praw_ and
went on board; when the general recounted all the dangers he had gone
through, and the unkind usage he had received of the Hollanders, though
he had saved some of their lives. He told me that he had procured a
good quantity of cloves towards his loading, though with much pains and
turmoil. For this good news, and especially because our general was
returned in safety, we gave hearty thanks to God, not doubting but we
should soon complete his loading. The 28th of the same month came in the
great Enkhusen of Holland from Ternate; and on the same day the king of
Jackatra came to visit our general.

The 1st August, in the afternoon, while the general and all our
merchants were very busy in the warehouse, taking an inventory of all
the prize goods remaining, and of all our other goods, word was brought
that the Hollanders had wounded two of our men, whom we presently
afterward saw enter the gate bleeding. Our general immediately ordered
every man to take his weapons, and to lay them soundly over the
Dutchmen's pates, which was done accordingly, and the Dutchmen were
banged home to their own house, one being run through the body, who was
said by some to have recovered afterwards; and two more lost their arms.
The Dutch merchants and several others came out with firearms; but
hearing that their men began the fray, they said they had only their
deserts: and, after taking a cup of wine in a friendly manner with our
general, they kindly look their leave. News was carried to court that
the Hollanders and us were by the ears, and that two were slain; on
which some of the king's attendants asked, whether the slain were Dutch
or English? and when told they were Hollanders, they said it was no
matter if they were all slain. I thank God that only two of our men were
hurt in this affair, which were those mentioned at the first; one having
a cut over the hand, and the other a stab with a knife in the side, but
not very deep. This was the first serious affray, but it was not long
before we were at it again pell-mell, again and again, when the
Hollanders sped as they did now.

The 11th August two ships came in from Cambaya, which had taken much
wealth from the Portuguese, and the same day one ship came from
Tenate.[132] The Ascension came in from Banda on the 16th. The 8th
September the Dutch merchants invited our general and his masters and
merchants to a feast, where we were treated with good cheer and much
friendship. The 15th September, two Dutch ships set sail for Holland,
one being a small ship laden with pepper at Bantam; and the other,
having taken in some cloves at Ternate, was loaded out with prize goods,
taken from the ships that came from Cambaya. The Dutch admiral came in
from Banda on the 21st, and next day our general sent some merchants to
the Dutch house to congratulate him; on which day a drunken Dutchman
caused a new fray, which began with our surgeon, but was augmented by
several on both sides, and some of the Hollanders were wounded.

[Footnote 132: Though not mentioned in the text, these three ships were
most probably Hollanders.--E.]

About one o'clock that same afternoon, while our general sat on a bench
at our gate, conversing with a Portuguese, a drunken Dutch swab came and
sat himself down between them, on which our general gave him a box in
the ear and thrust him away. Some of his comrades came presently round
our gate, drawing their knives and _sables_, [hangers,] and began to
swagger. Taking the butt-ends of our pikes and halberts, and some faggot
sticks, we drove them to an arrack house, where they shut the door upon
us; but we forced it open, knocked some of them down, and carried them
prisoners to our general. Soon after another troop of Hollanders came
down the street to take part with their comrades, on whom we laid such
load that they took to their heels, some being knocked down, and many
having their pates pitifully broken, while others had to run through a
miry ditch to escape us. The master of their admiral had occasioned this
tumult, as he had gone from ship to ship, desiring the men to go armed
on shore and kill all the English they could meet: and when some of our
people were going on board the Dutch ships, some Englishmen they had in
their ships called out to them not to come on board, as orders had been
given to slay as many English as they could, on board or on shore. These
frays were much wondered at by all foreigners in Bantam, that we should
dare to go to blows with the Hollanders, who had seven large tall ships
in the road, while we had but two. None of our men met with any harm in
this affray, except Mr Saris, one of our merchants, who got a cut on his
fore-finger with a hanger.

At the end of this fray, the Dutch general came to our house with a
great guard of captains, merchants, and others, and being met in a
similar manner in the street by our general, was invited into our
house. When the cause of this affray was reported to the Dutch general,
he approved of what we had done. When some of his people complained that
their men bore all the blows, as was apparent by their bloody pates and
shoulders, the Dutch general said he saw plainly the fault lay with his
men, and he would take order to prevent so many of his men coming on
shore in future. After much talk, a banquet of sweetmeats was served,
the Dutch general took a kindly leave of ours, and all the Dutch and
English merchants shook hands and parted.

Some Javans, who belonged to two of the principal men of Bantam under
the king, had stolen nine muskets and callivers from the gun-room of our
ship the Ascension; and two of them returning shortly after to steal
more, were taken by our people with the stolen goods upon them. Our
general sent me to examine into the matter, and to bring them on shore.
After some examination, they confessed whose slaves they were, and said
the pieces were forthcoming. After they came on shore, the general sent
to the king and protector, desiring to have the pieces back; but the
masters of these slaves said they had no pieces except what they had
bought with their money; yet they requested our general to defer
executing the slaves for two days, which he agreed to. But as these
nobles were not reckoned great good-wishers to the king, the protector
sent the executioner with a guard of pikes to put them to death. When
they came to the place of execution, our general wished to spare their
lives; but the executioner said he had the king's orders, and must
therefore put them to death, which was done accordingly. This the
thieves very patiently submitted to, as is the manner of their nation;
for they hold it their greatest glory to die resolutely, as I have seen
them do often, both men and women, in the most careless manner. One
would think these men ought to be excellent soldiers, but they are not;
as this valour is only when there is no remedy. Against their own
countrymen they are reasonably brave; but they will not venture with
Europeans, unless with manifest great advantage in numbers or otherwise.

The 3d October our general made a farewell feast, to which he invited
the Dutch admiral, with all his captains, masters, and merchants, and we
were all exceedingly merry on this occasion, with much friendship
between the two nations. Next day our general went to court,
accompanied by our merchants and others, to take leave of the king and
his nobles. The 6th, being Sunday, our general, with all who were bound
for England, went on board, and on passing the Dutch house, went in and
took leave of the Dutch general and merchants. Mr Gabriel Towerson, who
was to remain agent at Bantam, and some other merchants, accompanied us
on board, some returning on shore after dinner, and others staying till
next day. We weighed anchor about three o'clock, saluting the town and
Dutch ships with our cannon. About eleven at night we came to anchor
under an island, where next day we took in wood, which our general had
sent some men to get ready cut beforehand. Towards evening of the 7th
October, 1605, we again weighed anchor and set sail: Mr Towerson and
some other merchants now took their leaves to go on shore, whom we
committed to the protection of the Almighty, and ourselves to the
courtesy of the seas, praying God to bless them and us, and, if it be
his holy will, to send us a happy meeting again in England.

Sec. 7. _Observations by Mr John Saris, of Occurrences during his abode at
Bantam, from October, 1605, to October, 1609_.[133]

This, and the subsequent subdivisions of the present section, are given
by Purchas as a continuation of the foregoing observations by Mr Scot,
to which Purchas affixes the following extended title, for the better
understanding of which it is to be noticed, that Mr Saris was afterwards
captain or general, as it was then called, of the _eighth_ voyage fitted
out by the English East India Company, which sailed in 1611.

[Footnote 133: Purch. Pilg. I. 384.]

"Observations by _John Saris_, of Occurrences which happened in the
_East Indies_, during his Abode at Bantam, from October, 1605, to
October, 1609. As likewise touching the Marts and Merchandises of these
Parts; observed by his own Experience, or taken from the Relation of
Others; extracted out of his larger Book, and, here added as an Appendix
to his greater Voyage. These may serve as a continuation of the
preceding Observations by Mr Scot; and to these are added, certain
Observations by the same Author, touching the Towns and Merchandise of
principal Trade in those Parts of the World."--_Purch_.

In the Pilgrims, these observations are appended to the voyage of
Captain Saris to India and Japan, in 1611, but are here placed more
naturally as a continuation of the observations by Scot, because
considerably prior to that voyage, and precisely connected with these
observations. Several uninteresting particulars are omitted from these
observations in the present edition.--E.

* * * * *

On the 7th of October, 1605, our general Henry Middleton, and Captain
Christopher Coulthurst, departed from the road of Bantam, leaving
eighteen men in all, of whom five were mariners and thirteen
sailors.[134] The 23d there arrived a Dutch junk from Priaman, by which
we learnt that Sir Edward Mitchelburne and Captain Davis were upon the
coast, and that they had captured a Guzerat ship in the straits of
Sunda, bound from Bantam to Priaman. On the report of the Hollanders, we
of the English factory were summoned to court on the 25th, and wore
required to say if we knew Sir Edward, and why he had offered violence
to the king's friends, who had done him no wrong. We answered, that we
knew a person of that name, but knew not if he were upon the coast, nor
whether he had taken the Guzerat vessel, except by the report of the
Hollanders, which we held to be false, and were more apt to believe it
had been done by one of the Dutch-ships, which sailed from Bantam two
days before the departure of that Guzerat ship. We were then desired to
depart till further proof could be had.

[Footnote 134: This piece of information is placed as a marginal note by
Purchas, and confirms an idea formerly hazarded, that mariners were in
these old times of a higher description than sailors; the former being
thoroughbred seamen, the latter only ordinary.--E.]

Sir Edward Mitchelburne came here to anchor in the road of Bantam on the
29th, when Mr Towerson and I went on board to visit him, and were well
entertained. He then informed us of having taken the Guzerat vessel, and
we entreated of him that he would not capture the Chinese junks, which
he promised not to do on the word of a gentleman. He set sail from
Bantam on the 2d November, directing his course for the straits of

The 18th November, a small Dutch pinnace sailed for the exploration of
the land called New Guinea, which was said to produce great abundance of
gold. The 2d January, 1606, a junk set sail for Timor, freighted by
Chinese merchants. Besides English iron, coarse porcelain, taffetas,
Chinese pans and bells, they carried with them what are called _brand_
pieces of silver, being beaten out very thin and a hand-breadth in size.
On the 20th there arrived a Chinese junk, which Sir Edward Mitchelburne
had captured notwithstanding his promise to Mr Towerson and me. We were
called upon to make restitution, the _nokhada_ or pilot of the junk
alleging to have lost many rich commodities, and the governor and
principal courtiers were grievously offended; but by the favour of the
admiral and sabander we were let off.

On the 23d May, there arrived a small vessel belonging to the Hollanders
from Ternate, bringing away the merchants left there by _Bastianson_,
who were sent away by the Spaniards, by whom that island was now taken,
together with all their goods, the Spaniards having allowed them to
depart, but had carried off the King of Ternate as a prisoner to
Manilla; and it was said they meant to send him to Spain. While about
ten leagues from Jackatra, this small vessel fell in with the king of
Bantam's fleet, by which they were pillaged of every thing they had
saved from the Spaniards; and though they now used every endeavour to
procure restitution, they could have no redress.

On the 15th June, _Nokhada Tingall_, a _cling-man_, arrived in a Javan
junk from Banda with a cargo of mace and nutmegs, which be sold here to
the Guzerats for 150 dollars the Bantam _bahar_, which is 450 _cattees_.
He told me that the Dutch pinnace, which went upon discovery to New
Guinea, had found the island; but that, on sending their men ashore to
endeavour to procure trade, nine of them had been slain by the natives,
who are canibals or man-eaters; so that the Dutch were forced to come
away, and had gone, to Banda.

The 6th August, the moon was eclipsed about eight in the evening, and
continued so for two hours, during which time the Chinese and Javans
made a continual noise by beating on pots and pans, crying out that the
moon was dead. The 4th October, the whole Chinese quarter of Bantam was
burnt down, yet it pleased God to preserve our house. That same night a
Dutch ship sailed for Holland, laden with 15,000 sacks of pepper,
besides some raw silk, and great store of China sugar. The 9th, arrived
a pinnace from Succadanea in Borneo, laden with wax and _cavalacca_, and
great store of diamonds.

The 14th May, 1607, there arrived here at Bantam a junk from _Grese_, by
which we learnt that one Julius, a Dutchman, who went from hence on the
30th November, 1606, for Succadanea, had been put to death at
Banjarmassen, in Borneo, and all his goods confiscated by the king of
that place, because, as was reported, Julius had used certain insolent
speeches concerning the king, which came to his knowledge, upon which he
sent for Julius and the master of the junk, and had them slain by the

The 7th August arrived a pinnace from the island of _St Lucia_, in lat.
24 deg. 30' S. about a mile from the coast of Madagascar, where they were
forced to take shelter in the ship which left this on the 4th October,
1606, having been obliged to throw overboard 3000 sacks of pepper,
besides other commodities of great value, to lighten the ship and
preserve their lives. They found this island an excellent place for
refreshment, the natives having no knowledge of money; so that they
bought a fat ox for a tin spoon, and a sheep for a small piece of brass.
The anchorage, as they reported, was very good, being in seven or eight
fathoms; upon hard ground.

The 14th November, 1607, Captain David Middleton arrived here in the

[Footnote 135: Mr Saris gives here a long account of incidents
concerning a Dutch fleet outward bound, having no connection with the
affairs of Bantam, or with those of the English trade, and which is
therefore omitted.--E.]

The 2d October, 1608, the Dragon arrived here from Priaman, in which was
General William Keeling, commander in the third voyage fitted out by our
English East India Company. He went to court on the 7th, and delivered
our king's letter to the King of Bantam, together with a present of five
handsome muskets, a bason, an ewer, and a barrel of gunpowder.

Very early in the morning of the 13th, the governor of Bantam and his
_Jerotoolies_ were put to death by the _Pangavas_; the sabander, the
admiral, _Key Depatty Utennagarra_, and others. The conspirators
assembled over night at the house of _Keymas Patty_, and beset the
court, laying hold in the first place of the king and his mother. They
then hastened to the residence of the governor, thinking to have found
him in bed; but he hid himself at the back of the bed, where they found
him, and wounded him in the head. He then fled for protection to the
priest, called _Key Finkkey_, who came out to them, and entreated they
would spare his life; but they were inexorable, and having forced their
way in, they dispatched him.

The 9th November, Samuel Plummer went from hence for Succadanca in
Borneo, where he intended to remain. In the afternoon of Sunday the 4th
December, our general, William Keeling, set sail from hence for England;
but on the 6th he was forced back by bad weather and westerly winds. He
set sail again on the 10th, and returned a second time on the 13th,
having met with the Dragon in the straits of Sunda, the men belonging to
that ship being very weak in consequence of the scurvy; besides which
the Portuguese of Damaun had treacherously seized their boats at Surat,
taking nineteen of their men, together with cloths which had cost 9000
dollars at that place. In their way for Bantam, the Dragon had captured
a pinnace belonging to Columbo, out of which they took eleven packs of
cloth, containing in all 83 pieces, thirteen pieces being _poulings_,
which were sent to the island of Banda. On the 23d, the Dragon,
commanded by Captain Gabriel Towerson, set sail again for England.

The 1st January, 1609, our general, William Keeling, set sail in the
Hector for Banda. The 20th March, a Chinese house next to our warehouse
was burnt down, but it pleased God that our house escaped. Next day I
was sent for to court by Paugran Areaumgalla, the governor, and went
accordingly, carrying the following present: One piece of _mallee
goobaer_, one piece _mallayo pintado_, a musket with a bandeleer and a
roll of match, which the governor accepted very kindly. He then told me
he had sent for me, having heard that there were two men in chains at
our house for debt, and he desired to know by whose authority I thus
confined them. I said we had laid hold of them by order of the king, and
I hoped he would not take them from us till I were satisfied for the
debt, or at least some part of it, and in proof of its being due I
showed their bills. He said he knew that they were indebted, but knew
likewise that the king had not given us leave to chain them up, and
desired therefore they might be set free; but I persuaded him to allow
me to keep them till _Tanyomge_, who owed 420-1/2 dollars, should pay
100, and Bungoone, who owed 500 dollars and 100 sacks of pepper, should
pay 20 sacks of pepper and 100 dollars in money, pursuant to his
agreement and bill. The governor sent one of his slaves home along with
me, to inform the prisoners of this, and to desire them to pay me.

The 24th I was again sent for to court, where the Hollanders were
likewise; on which occasion the governor asked the Hollanders, whether
it were customary in their country to take a man prisoner for debt
without informing the king? The Hollanders said, it was not. Whereupon,
forgetting his promise made only three days before, he commanded me to
liberate the prisoners immediately, although I reminded him of his
promise to no purpose; and he sent one of the king's slaves to take them
out of our house. I am satisfied this rigid course was taken on the
suggestion of the Dutch, induced by _Lackmoy_, the great Chinese
merchant, on purpose to prevent us from giving credit to the Chinese,
that we might be constrained to deal only with himself: and, as he is
provided by the Hollanders with all kinds of commodities, he will
entirely overthrow our trade, as we cannot now give credit to any one,
justice being refused to us.

Captain William Keeling arrived here from Banda on the 26th of August,
having laden there 12,484-1/2 _cattees_ of mace and 59,846 _cattees_ of
nutmegs, which cost him 9,10, and 11 dollars the _bahar_. The _cattee_
there weighs 13-1/2 English ounces; the _small bahar_ of mace being ten
cattees, and the small bahar of nutmegs 100 _cattees_; while the _large
bahar_ is 100 _cattees_ of mace, or 1000 cattees of nutmegs: so that if
a person owe _ten_ cattees of mace, and pay 100 cattees of nutmegs, the
creditor cannot refuse payment in that manner.

Captain Keeling having taken in the rest of his loading at Bantam,
consisting of 4900 bags and 3 cattees of pepper, set sail in the Hector
for England on the 4th October, 1609; on which occasion I embarked in
that ship to return home, having been four years, nine months, and
eleven days in the country.

Sec. 8. _Rules for the Choice of sundry Drugs, with an Account of the
Places whence they are procured._[136]

_Lignum aloes_, a wood so called by us, is called _garroo_ by the
Mallays. The best comes from Malacca, Siam, and Cambodia,[137] being in
large round sticks and very massy, of a black colour interspersed with
ash-coloured veins. Its taste is somewhat bitter, and odoriferous; and
when a splinter is laid upon a burning coal it melts into bubbles like
pitch, continuing to fry till the whole is consumed, diffusing a most
delightful odour.

[Footnote 136: Purch. Pilgr. I. 389, being a continuation of the
Observations by Mr Saris.--E.]

[Footnote 137: In the Pilgrims this last place is called Cambaya, but
which we suspect of being an error of the press.--E.]

_Benjamin_, or _Benzoin_, is a gum called _Minnian_ by the Mallays. The
best kind comes from Siam, being very pure, clear, and white, with
little streaks of amber colour. Another sort, not altogether so white,
yet also very good, comes from Sumatra. A third sort comes from Priaman
and _Barrowse_, which is very coarse, and not vendible in England.[138]

[Footnote 138: On this subject Purchas has the following marginal note.
"Burrowse yieldeth _Tincal_, called _buris_ in England; worth at Bantam
a dollar the _cattee_, and here in England ten shillings the pound. It
is kept in grease."--Purch.

The substance of this note has not the smallest reference to benjamin or
benzoin, and evidently means borax, called _burris_ or _burrowse_, which
used likewise to be called _tincal_, a peculiar salt much used in
soldering, and which is now brought from Thibet by way of Bengal.--E.]

The best _civet_ is of a deep yellow colour, somewhat inclining to
golden yellow, and not whitish, as that kind is usually sophisticated
with grease. Yet when civet is newly taken from the animal, it is
whitish, and acquires a yellowish colour by keeping.

There are three sorts of _musk_, black, brown, and yellow; of which the
first is good for nothing, the second is good, and the last best. It
ought to be of the colour of spikenard, or of a deep amber yellow,
inclosed only in a single skin, and not one within another as it often
is. It should not be too moist, which adds to its weight, but of a
medium moisture, having a few hairs like bristles, but not many, and
quite free from stones, lead, or other mixed trash, and having a very
strong fragrant smell, which to many is very offensive. When chewed it
pierces the very brain with its scent; and should not dissolve too soon
in the mouth, neither yet to remain very long undissolved. Musk must not
be kept near any sweet spices, lest it lose its scent.

_Bezoar_, of which there are two kinds, one of which comes from the West
Indies, called _occidental_, and the other from the East Indies, called
_oriental_; which latter is worth double the price of the other. Both
are of divers forms; some round, others oblong like the stones of dates,
some like pigeons eggs; and others like the kidneys of a kid, and others
again like chesnuts; but most are blunt at both ends, and not sharp.
There is no less variety in the colours; some being light-red, others
like the colour of honey, many of a dark ash-colour, but most of a
waterish green. The East India or oriental bezoar consists of many
coats, artificially compacted together like the coats of an onion, each
inclosing the other, and all bright and shining, as if polished by art;
when one coat is broken off that immediately below being still brighter
than the former. These several coats are of different thicknesses, in
proportion to the size of the bezoars; and the larger is the stone so
much the more is it in request. There is one sure way to make trial of
bezoars: Take the exact weight of the stone, and then put it in water
for four hours; then see that it is not cracked, and wipe it quite dry;
and if it now weigh in the smallest degree heavier than before, you may
be assured that it is not good. I have ascertained this many times at
Bantam, having found many of them to turn out mere chalk, with a bit of
stick in the middle, that weighed a Javan _taile_, or two English
ounces. Most of the counterfeit bezoars come from Succadanea in Borneo.
The true oriental bezoars come from Patane, Banjarmassen, Succadanea,
Macasser, and the Isola das Vaccas at the entrance to Cambodia.[139]

[Footnote 139: In old times, oriental bezoar was prized at a high rate
in medicine, having many fancied valuable qualities, now found by
experience to be altogether imaginary; so that it is now confined to
cabinets of curiosities. It is merely an accidental concretion, which
takes place in the stomachs of various animals, somewhat similar to a

Of Amber,[140] in regard to colour, there are many different kinds, as
black, white, brown, and grey; of all which the black is usually the
worst, and the grey the best. That which is freest from filth or dross
of any kind, and purest in itself, ought to be chosen; of a colour
inclining to white, or ash-coloured, or intermixed with ash-coloured
veins, and other white veins. When put into water it ought to swim; and
though some that is sophisticated will likewise float, it is certain
that none which is pure will sink. The greatest quantity of this
commodity comes from Mozambique and Sofala.

[Footnote 140: Ambergris is assuredly meant in the text.--E.]

Sec. 9. _Of the principal Places of Trade in India, and the Commodities
they afford._[141]

Bantam, a town of Java Major, stands in latitude 6 deg. S. and the variation
here is 3 deg. W.[142] It is a place of great resort by various nations, and
where many different commodities are to be bought and sold, though of
itself it produce few things, besides provisions, cotton-wool, and
pepper. The quantity of this last at the yearly harvest, which is in
October, may be about 32,000 sacks, each containing 49-1/2 Chinese
cattees, and each cattee 21-1/2 rials English.[143] A sack is called a
_timbang_, two of which are one _pekul_, three pekuls a _small bahar_,
and 4-1/4 pekuls a _great bahar_, or 445-1/2 _cattees_. As the Javanese
are not very expert in using the beam, they mostly deal by means of a
weight called _coolack_, containing 7-1/4 cattees. Seven _coolacks_ are
one _timbang_, water-measure, being 1-1/4 cattees more than the beam
weight, although there ought to be no difference; but the weigher, who
is always a Chinese, gives advantages to his countrymen, whom he
favours, as he can fit them with greater or smaller weights at his

[Footnote 141: This subdivision is likewise a continuation of the
Observations of Saris, while factor at Bantam, and is to be found in the
Pilgrims, vol. I. p. 390.]

[Footnote 142: The latitude of Bantam is 6 deg. S. as in the text, and its
longitude is 106 deg. 10' W. from Greenwich.--E.]

[Footnote 143: This seems a mistake for English ounces. If so, the sack
weighs 1065-1/2 ounces, or 66 libs. 6-1/2 ounces.--E.]

In the months of December and January, there always come many junks and
proas to Bantam laden with pepper, from _Cherringin_ and _Jauby_,[144]
so that there is always enough of pepper to be had at the end of January
to load three large ships. There is no money coined here, all the
current coin being from China, called _cashes_, which are made from
very impure brass, in round thin pieces, having holes on which to string
them: 1000 cashes on a string is called a _pecoo_, which is of different
values, according as cashes rise or fall in demand. Their accounts are
kept in the following manner: 10 _pecoos_ are a _laxsau_, 10 _laxsaus_ a
_cattee_, 10 _cattees_ an _uta_, and 10 _utas_ a _bahar_. There are
two ways of stringing the _cashes_, one called China_ chuchuck_, and the
other Java_ chuchuck_, of which the Java is the best, as there ought to
be 200 _cashes_ upon a _tack_, but in the Chinese _tacks_ you will only
find 160 to 175; and as 5 tacks make a _pecoo_, you may lose 200
_cashes_, or 150, on each _pecoo_; which in extensive dealings will rise
to a considerable matter. By the law of the country there ought to be
just 1000 cashes upon a string or _pecoo_, or they must give _basse_,
which is allowance for the deficiency. On the departure of the junks,
you may buy 34 or 35 _pecoos_ for a dollar; which, before next year, you
may sell at 22 or even 20 pecoos for a dollar; so that there is great
profit to be made on this traffic; but the danger of loss by fire is

[Footnote 144: Cherringin, is probably that now called Cheribon on the
south side of Java; but Jauby is not to be recognised in our modern

The weight used in the purchase and sale of bezoars is called a _taile_
which is 2-1/4 dollars, or 2 English ounces. A Mallay _taile_ is only
equal to 1-1/2 dollar, or 1-1/3 English ounces. A China _taile_ is
1-7/20 dollars, or 1-1/5 English ounces; so that 10 China _tailes_ are
exactly equal to 6 Javan _tailes_.

The English commodities vendible here are as follow: English iron in
long thin bars, sells for six dollars the _pekul_. Lead in small pigs,
5-1/2 dollars the pekul. The barrel of fine corned powder 25 dollars.
Square pieces _sanguined_ 10 dollars each. Square pieces _damasked_ all
over, 6-1/2 feet long, 15 dollars each.[145] Broad-cloth, of ten pounds
the cloth, of Venice red colour, sells for 3 dollars the _gasse_, which
is 3/4 of a yard. Opium _misseree_,[146] which is the best, 8 dollars
the _cattee_. Amber, in large beads, one _wang_ and half a _taile_
mallay, for 6 dollars. Coral in large branches, 5 or 6 dollars the
_taile_ mallay. Dollars are the most profitable commodity that can be
carried to Bantam.

[Footnote 145: These _pieces_ were probably matchlocks.--E.]

[Footnote 146: Misseree here certainly means from Egypt.--E.]

In February and March every year, there come to Bantam three or four
junks from China, richly laden with raw silk, and wrought silks of
various stuffs, China _cashes_, porcelain, cotton cloth, and other
things. The prices of these are as follow: Raw silk of _Lanking_
[Nankin] which is the best, 190 dollars the pekul; raw silk of Canton,
which is coarser, 80 dollars the pekul; taffeta in bolts, 120 yards in
the piece, 46 dollars the _corge_, or 20 pieces; velvets of all colours,
13 yards the piece, for 12 dollars; Damasks of all colours, 12 yards the
piece, at 6 dollars; white sattins, in pieces of 12 yards, 8 dollars
each; _Burgones_, of 10 yards long the piece, 45 dollars the _corge_;
sleeve silk, the best made colours, 3 dollars the _cattee_; the best
musk, 22 dollars the _cattee_; the best sewing gold thread, 15 knots,
and every knot 30 threads, one dollar; velvet hangings with gold
embroidery, 18 dollars; upon sattins, 14 dollars; white curtain stuffs,
9 yards the piece, 50 dollars the _corge_; flat white damask, 9 yards
the piece, 4 dollars each; white sugar, very dry, 3-1/2 dollars the
pekul; very dry sugar-candy, 5 dollars the pekul; very fine broad
porcelain basons, 2 dollars the piece; coarse calico cloths, white or
brown, 15 dollars the _corge_. They bring likewise coarse porcelain,
drugs, and various other commodities; but as these are not suitable to
our country, I omit to mention them, but the following may be
enumerated: Very good and white benjamins, from 30 to 35 dollars the
pekul; alum, from China, as good as English, 2-1/2 dollars the pekul.
Coromandel cloths are a principal commodity here, and those most
vendible are _goobares_; pintadoes or chintz, of four or five colours;
fine _tappies_ from St Thomas; _ballachos_; Java girdles, otherwise
called _caine-goolong_; calico lawns; book calicos; and white calicos
made up in rolls.[147] A _goobar_ is double, and contains 12 yards, or 6
_hastaes_ single; coarse and fine _ballachos_ contain from 32 to 34
_hastaes_, but the finest are always longest. In general, all sorts of
cotton cloths that are broad and of good length are here in good

[Footnote 147: Probably turbans.--E.]

The king's custom, called _chuckey_, is 8 bags on the 100, rating pepper
always at 4 dollars the sack, whatever be its price. _Billa-billian_ is
another custom of this port, by which every ship that arrives here,
whatever be its lading, as cloth or the like, must in the first place
give notice to the king of all the sorts and quantities of commodities,
with their several prices, before landing any of them; upon which the
king sends his officers to look at the goods, who take for him such
goods as he inclines, at half the prices affixed to them, or somewhat
more, as can be agreed upon: Thus, if the cloths be rated at 20 dollars
per _corge_, the king will only give 15 or 16 dollars at the most.
Instead of this, the Hollanders have been in use to pay to the king 700
or 800 dollars at once for the freedom of a ship's loading, to clear
them of this troublesome _billa-billian_. By the custom of the country,
this duty upon 6000 sacks of pepper is fixed at 666 dollars, if you
purchase and load the pepper from the merchants; or otherwise to
purchase so many thousand sacks of pepper from the king, paying him half
or three quarters of a dollar more than the current price at the time.
Even if you have provided a loading beforehand, you must pay this
exaction before you can be permitted to load. _Rooba-rooba_ is the duty
of anchorage, and is 500 dollars upon 6000 sacks. The sabander's duty is
250 dollars on 6000 sacks. The weighers have one dollar on every 100
sacks; and the _jerotoolies_, or weighers belonging to the customhouse,
have a similar duty of one dollar the 100 sacks.

_Jortan_ is a place to the eastwards of _Jackatra_, called likewise
_Sourabaya_, which produces plenty of provisions, together with cotton
wool, and yarn ready spun. There come to this place many junks from
_Jauby_, laden with pepper, and several small proas belonging to this
place trade with Banda; so that some mace and nutmegs are to be had

_Macasser_ is an island not far from Celebes, having abundance of bezoar
stones, which are there to be had at reasonable rates. It has plenty of
rice and other provisions; and as it has some junks which trade with
Banda, nutmegs and mace are likewise to be procured there, but in no
great quantity.

_Balee_, or Bally, is an island to the eastward of Macasser, standing in
8 deg. 30' S. latitude.[148] It produces great abundance of rice,
cotton-yarn, slaves, and coarse white cloth, which is in great request
at Bantam. The commodities for sale there, are the smallest sort of blue
and white beads, iron, and coarse porcelain.

[Footnote 148: Instead of the eastwards, Bally is W.S.W. of Macasser, in
long. 115 deg. E. and lat. 8 deg. 30' S. while Macasser is in about the lat. of
5 deg. 15' S. and in 120 deg. E. long.--E.]

_Timor_ is an island to the eastwards of Bally, in the latitude of 10 deg.
40'. This island produces great quantities of _Chindanna_, called by us
white saunders, of which the largest logs are accounted the best, and
which sells at Bantam for 20 dollars the pekul, at the season when the
junks are here. Wax likewise is brought from thence in large cakes,
worth at Bantam 18, 19, 20, and even 30 dollars the pekul, according to
quantity and demand. Great frauds are practised with this article, so
that it requires great attention in the purchaser, and the cakes ought
to be broken, to see that nothing be mixed with it. The commodities
carried there for sale are chopping knives, small bugles, porcelain,
coloured taffetas, but not blacks, Chinese _frying-pans_,[149] Chinese
bells, and thin silver plates beaten out quite flat, and thin like a
wafer, about the breadth of a hand. There is much profit made in this
trade, as the Chinese have sometimes given four for one to our men who
had adventured with them.

[Footnote 149: Perhaps, as stated in conjunction with bells, _gongs_ are
here meant, which are not unlike frying-pans.--E.]

_Banda_ is in the latitude of 5 deg. S. and affords great store of mace and
nutmegs, together with oil of two sorts. It has no king, being ruled by
a sabander, who unites with the sabanders of Nero, Lentore, Puloway,
Pulorin, and Labatacca, islands near adjoining. These islands were all
formerly under the dominion of the King of Ternate, but now govern
themselves. In these islands they have three harvests of mace and
nutmegs every year; in the months of July, October, and February; but
the gathering in July is the greatest, and is called the _arepootee_
monsoon. Their manner of dealing is this: A _small bahar_ is ten cattees
of mace, and 100 of nutmegs; a great bahar being 100 cattees of mace,
and 1000 of nutmegs. The cattee is five libs. 13-1/2[150] ounces
English, and the prices are variable. The commodities in request at
these islands are, Coromandel cloth, _cheremallay_, _sarrasses_,
chintzes or pintadoes of five colours, fine _ballachos_, black girdles,
_chellyes_, white calicos, red or stammel broad-cloths, gold in coin,
such as English rose-nobles and Dutch ducats and dollars. But gold is so
much preferred, that you may have as much for the value of 70 dollars
in gold as would cost 90 dollars in silver. Fine china basons without
rims are likewise in request, together with damasks of light gay
colours, taffetas, velvets, china-boxes, gilded counters, gold chains,
gilt silver cups, bright and damasked head-pieces, fire-arms, but not
many sword blades, which must be _brandt_ and backed to the point.
Likewise Cambaya cloths, black and red calicos, calico lawns, and rice,
which last is a good commodity to carry there.

[Footnote 150: On a former occasion, the Banda _cattee_ was said to
contain only 13-1/2 ounces English, so that this account is quite
irreconcileable to the former.--E.]

The _Molucca_ islands are five in number; viz. Molucca Proper, Ternate,
Tidore, Gilolo, and Makian, and are under the equinoctial line. They
produce great abundance of cloves, not every year, but every third year.
The _cattee_ there is 3 libs. 5 ounces English, and the _bahar_ is 200
_cattees_. Thus 19 Molucca cattees make exactly 50 Bantam cattees. The
commodities most vendible in these islands are Coromandel
_cheremallays_, but fine, Siam girdles or sashes, _salalos_, but fine,
_ballachos_ and _chelleys_, are in most request. Likewise China
taffetas, velvets, damasks, great basons, varnished counters, crimson
broad-cloths, opium, benzoin, &c.

_Siam_ is in the lat. of 14 deg. 30' N. It produces great store of fine
benzoin, and many rich precious stones, which are brought from Pegu. A
_taile_ is 2-1/4 dollars. There is here much silver bullion, which comes
from Japan, but dollars are most in request, for 2-1/4 dollars in coin
will purchase the value of 2-1/2 dollars in bullion. Stammel
broad-cloth, iron, and handsome mirrors are in much request, as also all
kinds of Chinese commodities are to be had there better and cheaper than
at Bantam. The Guzerat vessels come to Siam in June and July, touching
by the way at the Maldive islands, and then at Tanasserim, whence they
go overland to Siam in twenty days. At Tanasserim there is always 5-1/2
to 6 fathoms water.

_Borneo_ is in lat. 3 deg. S.[151] This island affords great store of gold,
bezoar, wax, rattans, _cayulacca_, and dragons blood. At _Bernermassin_,
[Banjarmassen] one of the towns of this island, is the chief trade for
these articles; and at this place the following commodities are in
principal request: Coromandel cloths of all kinds, China silks,
damasks, taffetas, velvets of all colours but black, stammel
broad-cloths, and Spanish dollars. Bezoars are here sold by a weight
called _taile_, equal to a dollar and a half, and cost 5 or 6 dollars
the _taile_, being 1-1/3 ounce English. Succadanea is another town in
Borneo, in lat. 1 deg. 30' S. and is about 160 leagues N.E. of Bantam. The
entrance to its harbour has five fathoms water at the height of the
flow, and three at ebb, only a falcon shot from the shore, upon ooze.
There is great trade at this place, which produces great quantities of
the finest diamonds in the world, which are to be had in abundance at
all times of the year, but chiefly in January, April, July, and October,
but the greatest quantities in January and April, when they are brought
down the river _Lavee_ in proas. They are said to be procured by diving,
in the same manner with pearls; and the reason why they are to be had
more abundantly at one season than another is, that in July and October
there falls so much rain, that the river deepens to nine fathoms at the
place where they are got, and occasions so rapid a stream that the
people can hardly dive in search of them; whereas in other months it is
only four fathoms or four and a half; which is found to be the best
depth for diving.

[Footnote 151: This is rather a vague account of so large an island,
which reaches from the lat. of 4 deg. 20' S. to 6 deg. 40' N. and between the
longitudes of 100 deg. 12' and 119 deg. 25' E. from Greenwich; being above 700
English miles from N. to S. and 670 from E. to W.--E.]

The commodities most vendible at Succadanea are Malacca pintados, very
fine _sarapa, goobares, poulings, cherujava,_ calico lawns,
light-coloured China silks, sewing gold, sleeve silk, stammel
broad-cloth, all sorts of bugles, especially those blue ones which are
made at Bantam, shaped like a hogshead, but about the size of a bean.
These cost at Bantam a dollar for 400, and are worth at Succadanea a
_masse_ the 100, a _masse_ being three quarters of a dollar. Likewise
Chinese _cashes_ and dollars are in request, but more especially gold;
insomuch that you may have a stone for the value of a dollar in gold,
which you would hardly get for a dollar and a half, or a dollar and
three quarters, in silver. On this account, therefore, when intending to
sail for Succadanea, it is best to go in the first place to
Banjermassen, where you may exchange your commodities for gold, which
you may purchase at the rate of three _cattees_ of _cashes_ the Mallayan
_taile_, which is nine dollars, as I have been credibly informed it has
been worth of late years. Afterwards carrying the gold to Succadanea,
and paying it away for diamonds, at four _cattees_ of _cashes_ the
_taile_, each of which is the weight of 1-3/4 and 1/8 of a dollar, you
gain 3/4 of a dollar on each _taile_: Yet, after all, the principal
profit must be upon the diamonds.

The diamonds of Borneo are distinguished into _four waters_, which they
call _varna_, viz. Varna _Ambon_, varna _Loud_, varna _Sackar_, and
varna _Bessee_. These are respectively white, green, yellow, and a
colour between green and yellow; but the white water, or _varna ambon_,
is the best. Their weights are called _Sa-masse, Sa-copang, Sa-boosuck_,
and _Sa-pead_: 4 copangs are a masse; 2 boosucks a copang; and 1-1/2
pead is a boosuck. There is a weight called _pahaw_, which is four
masse, and 16 _masse_ are one _taile_. By these weights both diamonds
and gold are weighed.

In regard to goods from _China_, the best raw silk is made at Nankin,
and is called _howsa_, being worth there 80 dollars the pekul. The best
taffeta, called _tue_, is made at a small town called _Hoechu_, and is
worth 30 dollars the _corge_. The best damask, called _towa_, is made at
Canton, and is worth 50 dollars the _corge_. Sewing gold, called
_kimswa_, is sold by the _chippau_, or bundle, each containing ten
pahees; and in each paper are ten knots or skeins, sold for three
_pawes_, or two dollars, the best having 36 threads in each knot. Sewing
silk, called _couswa_, is worth 100 dollars the pekul. Embroidered
hangings, called _paey_, are worth for the best 10 dollars the piece.
Sattins, called _lyn_, are worth for the best one dollar the piece.
Great porcelain basons, Called _chopau_, are sold three for a dollar.
White sugar, called _petong_, the best is sold for half a dollar the
pekul. The small sorts of porcelain, called _poa_, of the best sort,
sell for one dollar the _cattee_. The best pearl boxes, called _chanab_,
are worth five dollars each. Sleeve silk, called _jounckes_, the best
sells for 150 dollars the pekul. Musk, called _saheo_, seven dollars the
cattee. Cashes, 60 _pecoos_ for one dollar.

Broad-cloth, called _toloney_, is worth seven dollars the _sasocke_,
which is 3/4 of a yard. Large mirrors, called _kea_, are worth 10
dollars each. Tin, called _sea_, worth 15 dollars the pekul. Wax, called
_la_, 15 dollars the pekul. Muskets, called _cauching_, each barrel
worth 20 dollars. Japan sabres or _cattans_, called _samto_, are worth 8
dollars each. The best and largest elephants teeth, called _ga_, worth
200 dollars the pekul, and small ones 100 dollars. White saunders,
called _toawheo_, the best large logs sell for 40 dollars the pekul.

In China, the custom of pepper inwards is one _taile_ upon a pekul, but
no custom is paid outwards. Great care is taken to prevent carrying any
kind of warlike ammunition out of the country. In March, the junks bound
for Manilla depart from _Chuchu_, in companies of four, five, ten, or
more, as they happen to be ready; their outward lading being raw and
wrought silks, but of far better quality than those they carry to
Bantam. The ordinary voyage from Canton to Manilla is made in ten days.
They return from Manilla in the beginning of June, bringing back
dollars, and there are not less than forty sail of junks yearly employed
in this trade. Their force is absolutely nothing, so that the whole
might be taken by a ship's boat. In China this year, 1608, pepper was
worth 6-1/2 tailes the pekul, while at the same time it was selling in
Bantam for 2-1/2 dollars the _timbang_.


_Second Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1604, under the
Command of Captain Henry Middleton_.[152]


There are two relations of this voyage in the Pilgrims of Purchas, or
rather accounts of two separate voyages by different ships of the fleet;
which consisted of four, the Red Dragon, admiral, Captain Henry
Middleton general; the Hector, vice-admiral, Captain Sorflet; the
Ascension, Captain Colthurst; and the Susan. These were, in all
probability, the same ships which had been in the former voyage under
Lancaster. The former of these journals, written on board the admiral,
confines itself chiefly to Captain Middleton's transactions at Bantam
and the Moluccas; having sent Captain Colthurst in the Ascension to
Banda. The latter contains the separate transactions of Captain
Colthurst, and is described as a brief extract from a larger discourse
written by Thomas Clayborne, who seems to have sailed in the Ascension;
and, besides describing what particularly relates to the trip to Banda,
gives some general account of the whole voyage. In the Pilgrims of
Purchas, these narratives are transposed, the former being given in vol.
I. p. 703, and the latter in vol. I. p. 185. "But should have come in
due place before, being the second voyage of the company, if we had then
had it: But better late than never." Such is the excuse of Purchas for
misplacement, and we have therefore here placed the two relations in
their proper order, in separate subdivisions of the section. The first
indeed is a very bald and inconclusive article, and gives hardly any
information respecting the object and success of the voyage to the

[Footnote 152: Purch. Pilgr. I.185, and I. 703. Astl. I.279, and I.

Sec. 1. _Voyage of the General, Henry Middleton, afterward Sir Henry, to
Bantam and the Moluccas, in 1604_.[153]

Being furnished with all necessaries, and having taken leave of the
company, we set sail from Gravesend on the 25th March, 1604, and arrived
about the 20th December, after various accidents, in the road of Bantam,
with our crews very weak and sickly. After many salutations, and
interchange of ordnance between us and the Hollanders, the general of
the Hollanders dined with our general on the 31st December. Next day,
being 1st January, 1605, the general went on shore with a letter and
presents from James I. King of England, to the King of Bantam, then a
youth of thirteen years of age, and governed by a protector. The 16th of
the same month, our general came on board to proceed for the Moluccas,
having appointed Captain Surtlet to go home in the Hector. The 7th
February, we anchored under the shore of _Veranula_, the people of which
having a deadly hatred against the Portuguese, had sent to the
Hollanders for aid against them, promising to become their subjects if
they would expel the Portuguese. In short, the castle of Amboyna was
surrendered to the Hollanders; after which, by their command, the
governor of the town debarred us from all trade.

[Footnote 153: Purch. Pilgr. I.708. Astl. I. 279.]

At this time there was war between the islands of Ternate and Tidor, the
former assisted by the Dutch, and the latter by the Portuguese. Shortly
after we got near the coast of Tidor, we saw, between Pulo Canally and
Tidor, two gallies or _coracoras_ belonging to Ternate, making great
haste towards us; and waving for us to shorten sail and wait for them.
At the same time, seven gallies of Tidor were rowing between us and the
shore to assault the Ternaters; and seeing them in danger, our general
lay to, to see what was the matter. In the foremost of the two gallies
were the King of Ternate with several of his nobles, and three Dutch
merchants, who were in great fear of their enemies, and prayed our
general for God's sake to save them from the Tidorians, who would shew
them no mercy if we did not protect them: They likewise entreated him to
save the other _coracora_, which followed them, in which were several
Dutchmen, who expected nothing but death if taken by their cruel
enemies. Our general thereupon commanded his gunner to fire at the Tidor
gallies; yet they boarded the second Ternate coracora even under our
guns, and put all on board to the sword, except three; who saved
themselves by swimming, and were taken up by our boat.

Being determined to go to Tidor, the Dutchmen entreated our general not
to allow the King of Ternate and them to fall into the hands of their
enemies, from whom he had so lately delivered them; promising him
mountains of cloves and other commodities at Ternate and Makeu, but
performing mole-hills, verifying the proverb, "When the danger is over
the saint is deceived." One thing I may not forget: When the King of
Ternate came on board, he was trembling for fear; which the general
supposing to be from cold, put on his back a black damask gown laced
with gold, and lined with unshorn velvet; which he had not the manners
to restore at his departure, but kept it as his own.

When we arrived at the Portuguese town in Tidor, the governor of the
fort sent one Thomas de Torres on board with a letter, stating that the
King of Ternate and the Hollanders reported there was nothing but
treachery and villainy to be expected from us; but that he believed
better of us; considering their reports to be entirely malicious: Such
was our recompence from these ungrateful men. Not long afterwards, on
coming to the town of the King of Ternate, our general sent Mr Grave on
board the Dutch admiral, who gave him only cold entertainment, affirming
that we had assisted the Portuguese in the late wars against the King
of Ternate and them, with ordnance and ammunition; which our general
proved to be untrue by some Portuguese they had taken in that conflict,
on which, being ashamed of this slander, the Dutch general pretended he
had been so informed by a renegado Guzerate, but did not believe it to
be true.

Not long afterwards, when the King of Ternate seemed to affect our
nation, the Dutch threatened to forsake him, and to join with his deadly
enemy the King of Tidor, if he suffered the English to have a factory,
or allowed them any trade; affirming that the English were thieves and
robbers, and that the _King of Holland_, as they called their
stadtholder, was stronger at sea than all the other powers of
Christendom; a just consideration for all nations, to think what this
insolent frothy nation[154] will do, if they gain possession of the East
Indies. To these insolent speeches, our general made answer, that
whatsoever Hollander made such reports lied like a traitor, and that he
would make it good against any one who dared to spread any such report;
affirming, if Queen Elizabeth had not taken pity upon them, they had
been utterly ruined and enslaved by the King of Spain, and branded for
rebels and traitors. The particular wrongs done by them to our nation
would fill volumes, and amaze the world to hear.

[Footnote 154: This is to be understood of the merchants who traded, or
warred rather; not of the whole country or best men of Holland. Losers
will have leave to speak, and merchants envy each other.--_Purch_.]

* * * * *

Appended to this very unsatisfactory notice of the voyage of Middleton
to the Moluccas, are two letters to the King of England, one from the
King of Ternate, and one from the King of Tidor. In the former, the King
of Ternate mentions, that one of his predecessors, about thirty years
before, had sent a ring by Sir Francis Drake to Queen Elizabeth. He
complains that the Hollanders had prevented him from permitting Captain
Middleton to establish a factory in the island, for which he craves
pardon, being against his will, and promises a better reception
afterwards to the English ships.

The letter from the King of Tidor requests the King of England to take
pity of him, and not permit him and his country to be oppressed by the
Hollanders and the King of Ternate, but to send him succours, which he
requests may be under the command of Captain Henry Middleton or his

There is a third letter likewise, from the King of Bantam to King James,
acknowledging having received a present by Captain Henry Middleton, and
announcing that he had sent in return, two _bezoars_, one weighing
fourteen _mas_, and the other three.

Sec. 2. _Voyage of Captain Colthurst, in the Ascension, to Banda_.[155]

The 2d of April, 1604, we had sight of the Lizard. The 23d we fell in
with the western part of St Jago bearing W. by N. six leagues; when we
stood eastward for Mayo, having the wind at north. The 24th we fell in
with Mayo, and stood to the southward of that island, coming to anchor
in fifteen fathoms. We landed on the 25th, when one of our merchants was
taken by the people of the island. Next day we landed 100 men to
endeavour to recover our merchant, but could not get near any of the
islanders, so that we had to leave him behind, setting sail that night
with the wind at north. We passed the equinoctial on the 16th May, and
got sight of the Cape of Good Hope on the 18th July.

[Footnote 155: Purch. Pilgr. I.185. Astl. I. 281.]

The 17th July we came to anchor in Saldanha bay, in lat. 33 deg. 56' S. or
34 deg., having sixty men bad of the scurvy, all of whom, God be praised,
recovered their health before we went from thence, where we remained
five weeks wanting one day. Here Mr Cole was drowned, who was master of
the Hector, our vice-admiral. We weighed anchor from Saldanha bay on the
20th August, standing to the westwards with the wind at south. On Sunday
the 23d December, 1604, we came to anchor in Bantam roads, where we
found six ships of Holland, and three or four pinnaces. The 18th
January, 1605, we sailed out of Bantam roads, with the Dragon and
Ascension, but parted at Amboyna, the general going with the Dragon to
the Moluccas, while the Ascension, Captain Colthurst, went for Banda,
The Hector and Susan laded pepper at Bantam, and sailed thence for
England about the middle of February.

We arrived in the Ascension at Banda on the 20th February, and anchored
in 4-1/2 fathoms beside _Nera_, the principal place in these islands.
From the south part of Amboyna to Banda, the course is E. by S. and to
the southwards, 30 leagues. The latitude of Banda is 4 deg. 40' N. and the
going in is to the westwards. There is a very high hill which burns
continually, which hill must be left to larboard, having the great
island on the starboard. The entry is very narrow, and cannot be seen
till within half a mile; but you may stand fearlessly to within two
cable's length of the island on which is the high hill, for so you must
do, and will have 20 fathoms. Then stand along that island, at the
distance of a cable's length, if the wind permit, when you will find the
water shoaling, 8, 7, 6 fathoms, and 5 in the narrowest part, which
depth continues till you get into the road of Nera. With God's help, a
man may go in without danger, keeping near the before-mentioned island.
It is somewhat shallow on the starboard side of the narrow passage, but
that will shew itself. There are two small islands, Pulo-way and
Pulo-rin, about three leagues west of this entrance, but there is no
danger about them that is not quite obvious; and you may leave these
islands on either side you find convenient, either in going in or out.

At this place we found the wind variable about the middle of March, and
it so continued till about the middle of April; when it became
stationary between E. and S.E. four months to our knowledge: But, as the
people of the country say, it continues so for five mouths; and likewise
five months between W. and N.W. the other two months being variable. In
the dark moons, they have here much gusty weather with rains. We staid
here twenty-one weeks and six days, in which time eleven of our men
died, mostly of the flux.

We sailed from Banda the 21st July, 1605, having the wind at E.S.E. and
stood to the westwards. The 22d we fell in with the south end of
_Bourro_. The 27th we fell in with _Deselem_, and then came about to the
south end of the island, leaving seven islands to starboard. We then
stood close by the wind to the northward, hard by the main island of
Deselem, to clear ourselves of a small island, and a shoal off the S.W.
part of Deselem; then, leaving this island, and all the other shoals on
our larboard side, we stood N.N.W. along the W. side of Deselem, till we
came into the latitude of 6 deg. 10' S. Then steered 18 leagues west, and
fell in with the shoal off the S.W. point of Celebes, the very southmost
part of which is in lat. 6 deg. S. [only 5 deg. 45',] and being clear of that, we
steered westwards, coming to anchor in Bantam roads on the 16th August.

We set sail from Bantam on the 6th October, the Dragon and Ascension in
company. The 15th November, we were in lat. 31 deg. 48' S. the wind W.N.W.
thick foggy weather, when about 10 a.m. we came within our ship's length
of a rock or sunken island, on which the water appeared very brown and
muddy, and in some places very blue. When a ship's breadth or two to the
north of it, the water by the ship's side was very black and thick, as
though it had earth or coarse sand boiling up from the bottom. The
variation here was 21 degrees westerly. The 16th December, in lat. 34 deg.
20' S. we had sight of the land of Ethiopia, [Africa] about 12 leagues
from us. The 26th, being in lat. 34 deg. 30' S. and within one league of the
Cape of Good Hope, we steered N.W. and N.N.W. and N. going round the

The 27th we came to anchor in Saldanha bay, where we found our admiral
and the Hector. Our admiral had fallen in with that ship seven days
before, driving up and down at sea, about four leagues from the Cape of
Good Hope, having only ten men in her; all the rest, to the number of
53, having died since leaving Bantam nine months before. Being in great
distress, three months after leaving Bantam, she lost company with the
Susan, which ship was never heard of afterwards. We came to anchor at
Saldanha bay in seven fathoms water, having the low point going in N.W.
by W. the sugar-loaf S.W. half W. the point of the breach of the Penguin
island N.W. by N. the hill between the sugar-loaf and the low point,
W.S.W. and the peak of the hill to the eastward of the Table S. by E.

In the morning of the 16th January, 1606, we sailed from Saldanha bay,
going to the northward of Penguin island, between it and the main. We
sounded when we had the land south from us about a mile and a half, and
had ground at 20 fathoms, white coral and broken shells. On clearing
the island, we stood W. by S. and W.S.W. till we brought the island to
bear S.E. by E. being now about six in the evening, when we saw the
Hector coming out by the south side of the island, having left her at
anchor when we weighed. The wind being at S. we stood all night
westwards, and in the morning had lost company with the Hector, when we
steered N.W. with little sail till noon, thinking to get sight of the
Hector, but could not. The 1st February, in lat. 16 deg. 20' S. we had sight
of St Helena, 12 or 13 leagues N.W. The 2d, having the wind at S.E. we
lay off and on east of the island most part of the night, and in the
following morning we stood to the north of the island, coming to anchor
about noon in the road of St Helena, in 20 fathoms, on blackish gravelly
sand. We had a point of land to the N.E. a sharp hill like a sugar-loaf,
with a cross upon it, N.E. by E. the church in the valley S.E. In this
valley there are many trees, the high land S.E. from the church, and the
entire valley being full of trees. We moored S.E. and N.W. the anchor in
the offing being in 21 fathoms.

At night of the 3d, we had sight of the Hector coming round the south
end of the island, but she could not fetch into the road, yet stood to
the northward as near as she could, having the wind at east. The 4th and
5th our boats went out to endeavour to help her into the road, but could
not. Having a little wind on the 6th, our boats towed her in, bringing
her to anchor in 35 fathoms, a mile and half from shore, bearing from us
S.W. by W. distant about two leagues. The 11th we set sail from St
Helena, the wind at E.N.E. and steering N.W. The N.W. part of St Helena
is in lat. 16 deg. S. and the variation is 7 deg. 45'. The church, that bore
S.E. of us when we were in the road, stands in the bottom of the fifth
valley from that point which bore N.E. from us. We came to anchor in the
Downs on the 6th May, 1606, where we lay at anchor eight days, waiting
for a fair wind.


_Third Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1607, by Captain
William Keeling_.[156]


In this voyage three ships were employed, with about 310 men; the
Dragon, admiral, Captain Keeling, who was chief commander or general;
the Hector, vice-admiral, commanded by Captain William Hawkins; and the
Consent, Captain David Middleton. The relation of the voyage, as appears
from its title in Purchas, was written by Keeling, the chief commander
or general, or, as he would now be called, the commodore: But, by a
side-note, Purchas informs us, that he had abbreviated the narrative
from the journals written at sea, by Captains Keeling and Hawkins, which
were very voluminous, occupying a hundred sheets of paper, and that he
had only retained the most necessary observations for sea and land

[Footnote 156: Purch. Pilgr. I. 188. Astl. I. 312.]

The editor of Astley's Collection observes, "That this narrative is
written very obscurely, in an abrupt, uncouth style, which he thinks
Purchas ought to have reformed when abridging it. The author seems to
have kept no regular journal, but only to have entered such things from
time to time as seemed most material. In many places it consists only of
loose imperfect hints, thrown together without connection, and often
referring to things not mentioned before. Possibly these defects may
have been owing to Purchas, in order to abbreviate the journal; and
indeed, whether from want of care or judgment, he spoiled almost every
thing he abridged. It contains, however, many valuable nautical remarks,
and many particulars respecting the conduct of the Dutch, who now began
to lord it in India, which may atone for its defects. If the dryness of
some of the details may disgust any of our readers, we hope they will
consider that our design is to give a series of _the English Voyages_;
and in so doing to steer equally between the two extremes of redundance
and imperfection."[157]

[Footnote 157: This paragraph is inserted from the _previous remarks_ to
the voyage of Keeling, by the editor of Astley's Collection.--E.]

Purchas remarks punningly in a side-note, "That the Consent held no
concent with the Dragon and Hector." Her voyage will be found in the
sequel of this section, with, several other articles connected with it,
which have not been noticed in Astley's Collection, and which appeared
necessary to elucidate the early commercial connections of England with
India, and the manners and customs of the eastern nations. We have
endeavoured to amend the uncouth and abrupt style of Purchas, but it was
impossible to clear up his obscurities; and in many instances we have
abbreviated or lopt off redundancies and unimportant particulars.--E.

Facebook Google Reddit Twitter Pinterest