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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume VI by Robert Kerr

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coast of Arabia[96].

[Footnote 95: Little did these poor Jacobite Christians suspect, that in
exchanging masters they were subjected to the more dreadful yoke of the
Portuguese Inquisition! The zeal of the Portuguese for the liberty of
the Christian inhabitants of Socotora soon cooled, when it was found
unable to pay the expence of a garrison, and it was soon abandoned to
the milder oppression of its former Mahometan masters.--E.]

[Footnote 96: From an after part of the text of Faria, we learn that
this fort in the island of Socotora was taken on the 20th of August,
probably of the year 1507.]

While these things occurred at Socotora, the zamorin of Calicut was
arming afresh against the Portuguese, relying on the promises of his
wizards and soothsayers; who, finding that the succours under Tristan de
Cunna were long delayed, assured him of success in that lucky
opportunity, and predicted a great change of affairs, as indicated by an
earthquake and a great eclipse of the sun, so complete that the stars
were seen at noon for a considerable time, and which they pretended was
a sure sign of the approaching destruction of the Portuguese. But on the
viceroy Almeyda receiving notice of the preparations at Calicut, he sent
his son Don Lorenzo thither with a squadron of ten ships. At this time
Gonzalo Vaz was in Cananor with his ship, taking in water; and on his
voyage to join Don Lorenzo he fell in with a ship belonging to Cananor
having a Portuguese pass, which he sunk with all her moorish crew sewed
up in a sail that they might never be seen. But this wicked action was
afterwards discovered, for which Vaz was broke; a very incompetent
punishment for so great a crime, owing to which the Portuguese
afterwards suffered severe calamities, as will appear in the sequel.

On his way towards Dabul in search of the Calicut fleet, Don Lorenzo
cast anchor at the entrance of the port of Chaul, into which seven
vessels belonging to the Moors entered without making any return to his
salute. On this Lorenzo followed them in his boats, and the Moors leaped
overboard to escape on shore, but many of them were slain by the
Portuguese in the water. Lorenzo then took possession of the ships,
which were laden with horses and other goods; and as the Moors
endeavoured to overreach him with regard to ransoming their vessels,
greatly underrating their cargoes, he ordered them all to be burnt.
Going thence to Dabul, where he found the Calicut fleet, he anchored off
the mouth of the river, and called a council of his officers to consult
on the proper measures for an attack; but owing to the narrowness of the
river it was carried in the council not to attack, contrary to the
opinion of Lorenzo, who was eager to destroy the enemies ships. Passing
on therefore to a river four leagues beyond Dabul, a brigantine and
parao which led the van saw a ship sailing up the river, and pursued the
vessel till it came to anchor over against a town, where there were many
other vessels. Seeing the two vessels in pursuit of the ship Lorenzo
sent a galley after them, and the three began to clear the shore with
their shot of many Moors who flocked thither to defend their ships.
Supposing from the noise of firing that his assistance was necessary,
Lorenzo made all possible haste up the river; but before his arrival the
others had taken all the vessels in the harbour, and had burnt a house
on shore full of valuable commodities. All the ships in this harbour
were burnt, except two from Ormuz having very rich cargoes, which were
carried away. On his return to Cochin with victory and rich spoil,
expecting to be received by his father with applause, he was astonished
to find himself threatened with severe punishment for not having fought
with and destroyed the Calicut fleet. He was however excused, as it
appeared he had been overruled by the votes of the other captains,
contrary to his own opinion. The viceroy broke them all therefore, and
sent them home in disgrace to Portugal. By this severity, Don Lorenzo
was much troubled, and in afterwards endeavouring to restore himself to
the esteem of his father, he lost his life in rashly displaying his

The body of one of the Moors who had been basely destroyed by Vaz, as
formerly mentioned, was washed on shore, and discovered to be the nephew
of _Mamale_, a rich merchant of Malabar. Founding on this circumstance,
the zamorin prevailed upon the rajah of Cananor to break with the
Portuguese; and as it was not known who had been guilty of that
barbarous act, the blame fell upon Lorenzo de Brito, captain of the fort
at Cananor, who got notice of his danger, and not being in sufficient
force to defend himself, sent intelligence to the viceroy. This message
was delivered to Almeyda while in church assisting at the service on
_Maunday_ Thursday; and was of so pressing a nature that he immediately
left the church, to give orders for the immediate shipment of provisions
and men to succour Brito; and these orders were executed with such
speed, that those who had lent their arms to others _to watch the
sepulchre_, as the custom is, had to go to the church to get them back.
Don Lorenzo was appointed to command this relief of Cananor, with orders
on his arrival at that place to put himself under the command of Brito,
who insisted that as son to the viceroy and an officer of reputation and
experience he should take the command: But Lorenzo was positive that he
would not take the command over Brito, pursuant to the orders of his
father; and being unable to prevail, he left the relief at Cananor, and
returned to Cochin.

By this time the rajah of Cananor had drawn together a force of 20,000
men, with which he besieged the Portuguese fort, which Brito determined
to defend to the last extremity, and used every possible means to
strengthen the place. Much blood was spilt about the possession of a
well, which the Portuguese at length made themselves masters of by means
of a mine. After this loss, the enemy retired to a wood of palm-trees,
meaning to prepare engines to batter the fort, of which circumstance
intelligence was conveyed to Brito by a nephew to the rajah of Cananor,
who wished to acquire the friendship of the Portuguese, so that Brito
was prepared to receive the intended assault. Having completed their
preparations, the enemy moved on to fill up the ditch and assault the
fort; but were opposed with so much energy, at first by incessant
discharges of cannon, and afterwards by means of a sally, that the ditch
was filled with dead bodies instead of fascines. After losing a
prodigious number of men, the enemy retreated to the wood; and next
night, which was cold and rainy, Brito sent out eighty men to beat up
their quarters under the command of a Spanish officer named Guadalaxara,
who was next in command. This enterprise was so vigorously executed,
that after the discharge of a few small pieces of artillery, the enemy
fled in every direction to save themselves, leaving 300 of their men
slain. The joy for this victory on the side of the Portuguese was soon
miserably abated in consequence of the destruction of their entire
magazine of provisions by fire, by which they were reduced to the
extremity of famine, and under the necessity of feeding on all kinds of
vermin that could be procured. In this extreme distress, they were
providentially relieved by a rough sea throwing up vast quantities of
crabs or lobsters on the point of land where the chapel of the Virgin
stands, which was the only food which could be procured by the garrison
for a long while. While in this situation, in consequence of powerful
assistance from the zamorin, the rajah of Cananor made a fresh assault
upon Brito with 50,000 men, and was again repulsed with prodigious
slaughter, without the loss of one man on the side of the Portuguese.
Immediately after this exploit, Tristan de Cunna arrived at Cananor with
a reinforcement and a supply of provisions, by which and the noble
defence made by Brito the rajah of Cananor was so much intimidated that
he sued for peace, which was granted upon conditions highly honourable
and advantageous to the Portuguese.

As Tristan de Cunna was now ready to depart for Portugal with the
homeward bound ships, the viceroy went along with him to Paniani, a town
belonging to Calicut which he proposed to destroy, as it was much
frequented by the Moors, who took in loadings of spices at that place
under the protection of four ships belonging to the zamorin commanded by
a valiant Moor named Cutiale[97]. The viceroy and Tristan, having
anchored off the bar, held a council of war to deliberate upon a plan of
attack, when it was determined to send their two sons in two barks and
several boats to attack the place, while the viceroy and admiral should
follow in a galley. When the foremost of the Portuguese assailants were
attacking the trenches, on which some of them had mounted, Pedro Cam
having even planted the colours of Lorenzo Almeyda on the summit, the
viceroy on coming up observed his son climbing up with some difficulty.
He immediately called out, "How comes it Lorenzo that you are so
backward?" When the young man answered, "I have given way, Sir, to him
who has gained the honour of the day." At this moment a gigantic Moor
assailed Lorenzo and even wounded him; but in return he cleft the head
of the Moor down to the breast. The town was now carried by storm, and
all its defenders put to the sword, after which all the ships in the
port were burnt. In this exploit the Portuguese lost only eighteen men,
none of whom were of any note; but above 500 of the enemy were slain.
Though the plunder of this place was of great value, it was all burnt
along with the town and ships, the artillery only being carried off.

[Footnote 97: In an after part of De Faria, this officer is said to have
been a Chinese.--E.]

After this the fleet and army returned to Cananor where De Cunna
completed his lading, and then set sail for Portugal. At Mozambique, on
his way home, he met several ships belonging to a squadron of twelve
sail sent from Lisbon in the former year; seven of which were to return
with goods, and the other five to cruise on the eastern coast of Africa,
under the command of Vasco Gomez de Abreu, who was likewise to command
in the fort of Sofala. There were also two other ships in this fleet,
destined to reinforce the squadron of Albuquerque on the coast of
Arabia. Of this fleet, the ship commanded by Juan Chanoca was lost in
the river Zanaga, that of Juan Gomez in another place, and Abreu was
lost with four vessels while going to Mozambique. Other vessels of this
fleet were driven to various parts, after enduring terrible storms and
imminent dangers; yet these dire misfortunes were insufficient to damp
the boldness of our nation in quest of riches, so prevalent is
covetousness over every consideration of difficulty or danger.

We must now return to Alfonso de Albuquerque, who parted from De Cunna,
after the taking of Socotora on the 20th of August, as formerly related,
being bound for the coasts of Arabia and Persia, pursuant to the
commands of the king, having with him seven ships and 460 soldiers. He
came first to Calayate, a beautiful and strong place in the kingdom of
Ormuz, built after the manner usual in Spain, but which had once been
more populous. Sending a message to the governor, he received supplies
of water and provisions, and entered into a treaty of peace. Proceeding
to Curiate, ten leagues farther on, he was very ill received, in revenge
for which he took the place by storm, losing only three of his own men,
while eighty of the defenders were slain. After plundering this place,
it was destroyed by fire along with fourteen vessels which were in the
harbour. From thence he sailed for Muscat, eight leagues farther, which
was stronger than the two former, and well filled with people, who had
resorted there from all quarters on hearing of the destruction of
Curiate. Being afraid of a similar disaster, the governor sent great
supplies of provisions to Albuquerque, and entered into a treaty of
peace; but while the boats were ashore for water, the cannon of the town
began unexpectedly to play upon the ships, doing, considerable damage,
and obliged them hastily to haul farther off, not knowing the cause of
these hostilities; but it was soon learnt that 2000 men had arrived to
defend the town, sent by the king of Ormuz, and that their commander
refused to concur in the peace which had been entered into by the
governor. Although Albuquerque had received considerable damage from the
smart cannonade, he landed his men early next morning, and attacked the
place with such resolution that the Moors fled at one gate, while the
Portuguese entered at another. The town was given up to plunder, all
except the residence of the governor, who had received the Portuguese in
a friendly manner, and had very honourably given them notice to retire,
when the troops of Ormuz arrived; but he was slain during the first
confusion, without being known.

After the destruction of Muscat, Albuquerque proceeded to Soar, all the
inhabitants of which fled, except the governor and some of the principal
Moors, who offered to surrender the town; but Albuquerque gave it back
to them, on condition of holding it in vassalage from the crown of
Portugal, and payment of the same tribute which used to be given to the
king of Ormuz. Fifteen leagues farther he came to Orfucam, which was
deserted by the inhabitants. Albuquerque sent his nephew, Don Antonio,
to pursue them at the head of 100 men; who, though he brought back
twenty-two prisoners, received almost as much damage from the Moors as
he did, as they were very numerous and fought bravely in defence of
their wives and children. The deserted town of Orfucam was plundered for
three days, during which time Albuquerque disposed all things in
readiness for proceeding against Ormuz, which was the chief object of
his voyage, deeming these previous exploits only a prelude to his grand
enterprise, and accounting them but trifles, though they might appear
considerable to others.

The city of Ormuz or Hormuz is situated on the small island of Jerun at
the mouth of the Persian Gulf, only three leagues in compass, and so
barren that it produces nothing but salt and sulphur. The buildings of
the city are sumptuous. It is the great mart for all the goods of
Africa, Arabia, and India; by which means, though having nothing of its
own, it abounds in all things. It is plentifully supplied with
provisions from the province of Mogostan or Laristan in Persia, and from
the islands of Kishom, Kissmis, or Kishmish, Larek, and others. About
the year 1273, Malek Kaez possessed all the land from the isle of Jerun
to that of Bahrayn, bordering on the kingdom of Gordunshah of the
province of Mogostan[98]. This king by subtile devices prevailed upon
Malek to give him the island of Jerun, being a place of no value
whatever; after which he fortified himself there, and transplanting the
inhabitants of the ancient city of Ormuz on the coast, where the king
used to reside to that island, the king of Persia, fearing he would
refuse the accustomed tribute, prepared to invade him: But the king of
Gordunshah diverted him from his purpose, by engaging to be responsible
for the tribute, and by doing homage by his ambassadors once in every
five years. By these means the city and kingdom of Ormuz was
established, which continued to be ruled over by the heirs of the first
possessor and others, mostly by violence[99].

[Footnote 98: The expression in the text is obscure. It appears that
Malek Kaez, ruled over the sea coast of the kingdom or province rather
of Mogostan, of which Gordunshah was king or governor.--E.]

[Footnote 99: The account in the text is unintelligible and
contradictory: But we fortunately have one more intelligible from the
editor of Astley's Collection, I. 65. c. which being too long for a
note, has been placed in the text between inverted commas.--E.]

"This account of the origin of the kingdom of Ormuz or Harmuz is related
differently in a history of that state written by one of its kings, and
given to us by Teixeira at the end of his history of Persia, as
follows.--In the year of _Hejirah_ 700, and of Christ 1302, when the
Turkomans, or Turks from Turkestan, overran Persia as far as the Persian
Gulf, _Mir Bahaddin Ayaz Seyfin_, the fifteenth king of Ormuz, resolved,
to leave the continent where his dominions then were, and to retire to
some of the adjacent islands. He first passed over with his people to
the large island of _Brokt_ or Kishmish[100], called Quixome by the
Portuguese, and afterwards removed to a desert isle two leagues distant
eastward, which he begged from _Neyn_ king of _Keys_, and built a new
city, calling it _Harmuz_ after the name of his former capital on the
coast, the ruins of which are still visible to the east of _Gamrun_ or
Gambroon. By the Arabs and Persians, this island is called _Jerun_, from
a fisherman who lived there at the time when Ayaz first took possession.
In the course of two hundred years, this new city and kingdom advanced
so much in wealth and power, that it extended its dominion over a great
part of the coasts of Arabia and Persia, all the way to _Basrah_ or
Basora. It became the chief mart of trade in all these parts, which had
formerly been established at Keys; but after the reduction of Ormuz, by
the Portuguese, its trade and consequence declined much, owing to their
tyranny and oppression. Ayaz Seyfin, was succeeded by Amir Ayas Oddin
Gordun Shah. Thus it appears distinctly, that the Malek Kaes in the text
of Faria, ought to have been called the Malek or king of Kaes or Keys;
and that instead of the kingdom of Gordunshah of the province of
Mogostan, it should have been Gordun Shah king of Mogostan; besides, the
island was not granted to him, but to his predecessor Ayaz. As a mark of
their sense of the riches of Ormuz, the orientals used to say
proverbially, if the world were considered as a ring, Ormuz was its

[Footnote 100: In a plan of Ormuz given in Astley's Collection, the isle
of Kishoma or Kishmis is placed at a small distance from that of Ormuz
or Jerun, and is said to be the place whence Ormuz is supplied with
water. In fact the island of Kismis or Kishom is of considerable size
and some fertility, though exceedingly unhealthy, while that of Jerun on
which Ormuz was built, though barren and without water, was
comparatively healthy. It was a commercial garrison town of the Arabs,
for the purpose of carrying on the trade of the Persian Gulf, and at the
same time withdrawing from the oppressive rule of the Turkoman
conquerors of Persia.--E.]

When Albuquerque arrived at Ormuz about the end of September 1507, Sayf
Oddin a youth of twelve years of age was sovereign, under the
guardianship of a slave named Khojah Attar, a man of courage but of a
subtile and crafty disposition. Hearing what had been done by
Albuquerque at the towns upon the coast, Attar made great preparations
for resisting the new enemy. For this purpose he laid an embargo on all
the ships in the port, and hired troops from all the neighbouring
countries, so that when the Portuguese entered the port there were
30,000 armed men in the city, of whom 4000 were Persians, the most
expert archers then in the world. There were at that time 400 vessels in
the harbour, 60 of which were of considerable size, the crews of which
amounted to 2500 men. Albuquerque was not ignorant of the warlike
preparations which had been made for his reception; but to shew his
determined resolution, he came immediately to anchor in the midst of
five of the largest ships riding in the harbour, firing his cannon as he
sailed along to strike a terror into the inhabitants, and the shore was
soon lined by 8000 troops. As no message was sent to him by the king, he
commanded the captain of the largest ship, which seemed admiral over the
rest, to repair on board of him, who immediately complied, and was
received with much civility, but in great state. He then desired this
man to go on shore and inform the king of Ormuz, that he had orders from
the king of Portugal to take him under the protection of that crown, and
to grant him leave to trade in the Indian seas, on condition that he
submitted himself as vassal to the crown of Portugal, and agreed to pay
a reasonable tribute: But if these proposals were rejected, his orders
were to subdue Ormuz by force of arms. It was assuredly no small
presumption to offer such degrading terms to a king who was at the head
of above 30,000 fighting men, and 400 ships, while all the force he had
against such prodigious force, was only 460 soldiers and seven ships.
The Moorish captain, who was from Cambaya, went on shore and delivered
this insolent message to the king and his governor Attar; who
immediately sent Khojah Beyram with a message to Albuquerque, excusing
them for not having sent to inquire what the Portuguese wanted in their
port, and promising that the governor should wait upon him next day.
Attar however did not perform this promise, but endeavoured to spin out
the time by a repetition of messages, in order to strengthen the
fortifications of the city, and to receive farther supplies. Albuquerque
immediately perceived the purport of these messages, and told Beyram
that he would listen only to the acceptation of peace on the terms
proposed, or an immediate declaration of war. To this insolent demand,
Beyram brought back for answer, that Ormuz was accustomed to receive,
and not to pay tribute.

During the night, the noise of warlike instruments, and the shouts of
the troops collected in Ormuz were heard from all parts of the city; and
when morning came, the whole walls, the shore, and the vessels in the
harbour were seen crowded with armed men, while the windows and flat
tops of all the houses were filled with people of both sexes and all
ages, anxious to behold the expected events. Albuquerque immediately
began to cannonade the city and the large Moorish ships, and was
spiritedly answered by the enemy, who took advantage of the obscurity
occasioned by the smoke to send a large party of armed men in 130 boats
to attack the ships, and did some damage among the Portuguese by
incessant and prodigious discharges of arrows and stones. But as many of
the boats were sunk by the Portuguese artillery, and numbers of the men
slain and drowned, they were forced to retire. They returned again to
the charge with fresh numbers; but after a severe conflict were again
obliged to retreat with prodigious loss, the sea being dyed with blood,
and great numbers of them slain. By this time, Albuquerque had sunk two
of the largest ships in the port and taken a third, not without
considerable opposition on the part of the enemy, forcing the surviving
Moors to leap into the sea; and the other captains of his squadron had
captured three ships, and had set above thirty more on fire. The crews
of these cut their cables and drifted over to the Persian shore to
enable themselves to escape; but by this means communicated the
conflagration to other vessels that were lying aground. These disasters
struck such terror into the people of Ormuz that they all fled in dismay
within their walls, and Khojah Attar sent a message to Albuquerque
offering to submit to his proposals; on which he put a stop to farther
hostilities, yet suspecting the governor of treachery, he threatened to
inflict still heavier calamities on the city unless the terms were
performed with good faith. Thus, with the loss only of ten men on the
side of the Portuguese, most of the numerous vessels belonging to the
enemy, full of various rich commodities, were taken, burnt, sunk, or
torn to pieces, and above seventeen hundred of the Moors were slain,
numbers of whose bodies were seen floating in the harbour. Many of these
were seen to have ornaments of gold, which the Portuguese anxiously
sought after, and on this occasion it was noticed that several of the
enemy had been slain by their own arrows, none being used by the

Khojah Attar, dismayed by the prodigious injury sustained in the
conflict, and afraid of still heavier calamities, called a council of
the chief officers of the kingdom to deliberate on what was best to be
done, when it was agreed to submit for the present to the demands of
Albuquerque; after which articles of pacification were drawn up and
sworn to between the parties. The two principal articles were, that the
king of Ormuz submitted to pay a tribute to the king of Portugal of
15,000 _Xerephines_ yearly[101], and that ground should be allowed for
the Portuguese on which to build a fort. The fort was accordingly
immediately commenced, and considerable progress was made in its
construction in a few days. On purpose to avoid the payment of the
tribute, Khojah Attar dressed up a pretended embassy from the king of
Persia demanding payment of the usual tribute, and required that
Albuquerque should give them an answer, as the king of Ormuz was now
subject to the crown of Portugal. Albuquerque penetrated into this
design, and desired Attar to send some one to him to receive the answer.
The pretended Persian ambassador accordingly waited upon him, to whom he
gave some spears and bullets, saying such was the coin in which the
tribute should be paid in future. Finding this contrivance fail, Attar
endeavoured to corrupt some of the Portuguese, and actually prevailed on
five seamen to desert, one of whom had been bred a founder, who cast
some cannon like those belonging to the Portuguese. Being informed by
these deserters that Albuquerque had only about 450 soldiers, Attar
began to pick up fresh courage, and entered into contrivances for
breaking the peace, pretending at the same time to lay the blame on
Albuquerque, and refused to deliver up the deserters.

[Footnote 101: A Xerephine being worth about half a crown, this tribute
amounted to about L. 1875 sterling.--Astl. I. 66. a.--According to
Purchas a Xerephine is worth 3s. 9d; so that the yearly tribute in the
text is equal to L. 2812 20s. sterling.--E.]

The high spirit of Albuquerque could not brook this conduct, and
determined upon taking vengeance, but had little success in the attempt
being badly seconded by the officers serving under him. Taking advantage
of this spirit of insubordination, of which he had ample intelligence as
it was occasioned by his own intrigues, Attar one night set fire to a
bark which the Portuguese were building on the shore; and at the same
time one of the deserters called aloud from the wall on Albuquerque, to
defend his boat with his 400 men, and he should meet 7000 archers. At
this time some of the Portuguese captains gave intelligence to the
enemy, and had even assisted the five renegades to desert. Enraged at
this affront in burning his bark, Albuquerque endeavoured to set some
ships on fire which were building or repairing in the arsenal of Ormuz,
but failed in the attempt. He next undertook to besiege the city; and
having taken several persons who were carrying provisions thither, he
cut off their hands, ears, and noses, and sent them into the city in
that miserable condition, to the great terror of the inhabitants. About
this time there was a hot dispute between the Portuguese and the
garrison of Ormuz, about some wells which supplied the inhabitants with
water, which Albuquerque endeavoured to fill up, in which the Moorish
captain and the guard over the wells were all slain, and the wells
filled with the carcasses of their men and horses. The young king and
his governor sallied out from the city to drive the Portuguese away, and
actually cut off the retreat of Albuquerque; but a lucky cannon-ball
opened the way, by throwing the cavalry of the enemy into confusion.

In these actions with the Ormuzians, Albuquerque was ill seconded by his
people, three of his captains having resolved to leave him and to sail
for India. These men drew up a letter or remonstrance, assigning reasons
why he should desist from his present enterprise; which Albuquerque
ordered one of the masons to lay beneath a stone in the wall of the
fort, saying that he had there deposited his answer, and would be glad
to see if any one dared to remove the stone to read what he had written.
Though much offended by this, these captains did not venture to make any
reply; yet jealous about the command of the fort, when it should be
built, the three captains actually sailed away for India. Though much
troubled at this shameful desertion, Albuquerque determined upon
continuing his enterprise, notwithstanding that two other captains who
still remained opposed him, and were desirous to follow the example of
the other three; but by proper severity he deterred them from executing
their designs. Learning that a fleet was on its way from Bahrayn for
Keyshom with a reinforcement of men and provisions, Albuquerque
endeavoured ineffectually to intercept it. After failing in this, he
fell upon a country palace belonging to the king which was guarded by
three hundred foot and sixty horse, whom he defeated with the loss of
one man, killing eighty of the enemy. He then fell upon Keyshom or
Queixome, which was defended by five hundred archers sent to Ormuz by
the king of Lar or Laristan in Persia under the command of two of his
nephews, both of whom were slain with most of their men, and the bodies
of the two slain princes were sent by Albuquerque as a present to Attar.
The town of Keyshom was plundered and burnt. Among the plunder was taken
a large Persian carpet, which the soldiers were going to cut in pieces
to divide among them, and for the greater convenience of removal, which
Albuquerque purchased from them, and sent afterwards to the shrine of St
Jago in Gallicia.

Having but few men left who were much harassed, and winter approaching,
Albuquerque resolved to go to Socotora, and gave leave to Juan de Nova
to sail for India, where he had formerly had the command of a fleet. He
accordingly wintered at Socotora, where he relieved the Portuguese
garrison, then much distressed by famine; for which purpose he went in
his own ship to Cape Guardafu, and sent others to Melinda and Cape Fum,
to seize some ships for the sake of their provisions. When winter was
over, be resolved to return to Ormuz, though too weak to carry his
designs into execution, yet to see in what disposition were the young
king and his governor. On his way thither he determined to take revenge
upon the town of Kalayat, for some injury that had been done there to
the Portuguese. Kalayat is situated on the coast of Arabia beyond Cape
Siagro, called also Cape Rasalgat, at the mouth of the Persian Gulf.
Behind this town there is a rugged mountain, in which are some passes
which open a communication with the interior; and by one of these
opposite the town almost all the trade of Yemen or Arabia Felix, which
is a fertile country of much trade and full of populous cities, is
conveyed to this port. Immediately on his arrival, Albuquerque landed
his troops and took possession of the town, most of the inhabitants
escaping to the mountains and some being slain in the streets. He
remained here three nights, on one of which a thousand Moors entered the
town by surprise and did considerable damage before the Portuguese could
be collected to oppose them, but were at length put to flight with great
slaughter. Having secured all the provisions of Kalayat, which was the
principal booty, Albuquerque set the place on fire and proceeded to
Ormuz, where he arrived on the 13th of September[102]. He immediately
sent notice of his return to the king and governor; on which Attar sent
him a message, saying they were ready to pay the tribute of 15,000
Xerephins, but would on no account consent to the erection of the
intended fort. Albuquerque therefore determined to recommence the siege
of Ormuz, and ordered Martin Coello to guard with his ship the point of
_Turumbaka_[103], where the wells are situated, and Diego de Melo to
prevent intercourse with the island of Keyshom; while he and Francisco
de Tavora anchored before the city. He there observed that Khojah Attar
had completed the fort formerly begun by the Portuguese. In this new
attempt the success was no greater than it had been formerly. On one
occasion Diego de Melo and eight private men were slain; and on another
Albuquerque was himself in much danger. Finding himself unable to
effectuate any thing of importance, he returned to India, having taken a
ship in which was a great quantity of valuable pearls from Bahrayn, and
Francisco de Tavora took another ship belonging to Mecca.

[Footnote 102: No year is mentioned in the text of Faria, which is
throughout extremely defective in dates; but from the context it was now
probably the year 1508--E.]

[Footnote 103: Turumbaka, in the plan of Ormuz mentioned in a former
note, is a palace belonging to the king of Ormuz, in the same island
with the city. The Isle of Keyshom has already been stated as the place
whence Ormuz was supplied with water; but there may have been tanks or
cisterns at Turumbaka.--E]

During the time when Albuquerque was employed before Ormuz, the Soldan
of Egypt fitted out a fleet of twelve sail with 1500 Mamelukes, which he
sent under the command of Mir Husseyn to oppose the Portuguese in India.
While on his voyage up the Red Sea, Husseyn attacked the towns of Yembo
and Jiddah, putting the sheikhs of both places to death, and making
great plunder. He then sailed for Diu, where Malek Azz commanded for the
king of Cambaya, with whom he was ordered to join his forces to oppose
the Portuguese. The timber of which these ships were built was cut in
the mountains of Dalmatia, by procurement as it was said of the
Venetians, as the Soldan and the Turks were then at variance. It was
conveyed from Dalmatia to Egypt in twenty-five vessels, commanded by a
nephew of the Soldan, who had a force of 800 Mamelukes on board, besides
mariners. At this time the gallies of Malta were commanded by a
Portuguese knight, Andrea de Amarall; who, learning that the timber was
designed to be employed against his countrymen in India, attacked the
Egyptian fleet with six ships and four gallies, in which he had 600
soldiers. After a sharp engagement of three hours, he took seven ships
and sunk five; but the rest escaped to Alexandria, whence the timber was
carried up the Nile to Cairo, and thence on camels to Suez.

At this time the viceroy Almeyda was on the coast of Malabar, and had
sent his son Don Lorenzo with eight ships to scour the coast as far as
_Chaul_, a town of considerable size and importance seated on the banks
of a river about two leagues from the sea, and subject to the
Nizam-al-Mulk[104], by whose orders Don Lorenzo was well received. They
had some intelligence of the fleet of the Soldan, but believed it an
unfounded rumour, till it appeared in sight while Don Lorenzo was on
shore with most of his officers. They hastened immediately on board,
giving such orders as the time permitted, and were hardly on board when
the enemy entered the harbour, making great demonstrations of joy at
having so opportunely found the enemy of whom they were in search.
Husseyn thought himself secure of victory, as he had surprised the
Portuguese ships, and determined himself to board the ship commanded by
Don Lorenzo. For this purpose he ran her on board, pouring in balls,
arrows, hand-grenades, and other fireworks; but was answered with such
determined bravery, that he gave over his intention of boarding, though
the Portuguese vessel was much smaller than his. The other Egyptian
vessels had no better success; and as night approached, both parties
gave over the engagement to prepare for its renewal next morning.

[Footnote 104: Called Nizamaluco by De Faria.]

As soon as day appeared Don Lorenzo gave the signal to renew the fight;
and in his turn endeavoured to board the Egyptian admiral, in which he
was imitated by the other captains: Only two of them succeeded in
capturing two gallies belonging to the enemy, all the men on board which
were put to the sword. The battle was carried on with much bravery on
both sides, and the Portuguese seemed fast gaining the superiority; when
Malek Azz, lord of Diu, made his appearance with a great number of small
vessels well manned, coming to the assistance of Husseyn. Don Lorenzo
immediately dispatched two gallies and three caravels to hinder the
approach of this reinforcement to his enemies, which executed their
orders so effectually that Azz was obliged to flee for shelter to
another place. The battle still continued between Lorenzo and Husseyn
till night again parted them, both endeavouring to conceal their loss
from the other. In the evening after the cessation of the battle, the
Portuguese captains met in council on board the admiral to deliberate on
what was best to be done; and were unanimously of opinion that it was
rash to continue to defend themselves in the river of Chaul, especially
as Malek Azz was so near with such a powerful reinforcement, and
strongly recommended that they should go out to the open sea, where they
might fight with less disadvantage, and would have it in their power to
escape if circumstances rendered it necessary. But, remembering the
displeasure of his father for not having attacked the fleet of Calicut
in the river of Dabul, and fearing his retreat into the open sea might
be construed as flight, Lorenzo determined resolutely to await the
events of the next morning, only making some change in the disposition
of his force, in order to protect some ships belonging to Cochin which
were much exposed to the enemy.

Next morning, on observing the change of posture in the Portuguese
ships, Malek Azz conceived that they meant to retreat; he immediately
came out therefore from the place where he had taken shelter, and boldly
charged them, undismayed at the havock which was made among his small
vessels by the Portuguese cannon. Most unfortunately at this time the
ship of Don Lorenzo ran foul of some stakes in the bed of the river, and
let in so much water that she was in danger of sinking. The brave
Lorenzo exerted himself to the utmost in this perilous situation, till a
ball broke his thigh; then ordering himself to be set up leaning against
the main-mast, he continued to encourage his men till another ball broke
his back and killed him. His body was thrown below deck, where it was
followed by his page Gato, who lamented the fate of his master with
tears mixed with blood, having been shot through the eye by an arrow.
After a vigorous resistance, the Moors boarded the ship, and found Gato
beside his masters body. He immediately rose and slew as many of the
Moors as covered the body of Lorenzo, and then fell dead among them. At
length the ship sunk, and of above an hundred men who belonged to her
only nineteen escaped. In all the Portuguese ships an hundred and forty
men were slain, while the enemy lost upwards of six hundred. The other
captains got to Cochin, where the viceroy then was, and who received the
intelligence of his sons glorious death with wonderful resolution.

Soon after the defeat of the Portuguese fleet at Chaul, Almeyda received
a letter from Malek Azz. This man was born in slavery, being descended
of heretic Christian parents of Russia, and had risen by degrees to the
rank he now held. The origin of his advancement was owing to the
following trivial incident. One day a kite flying over the king of
Cambaya, muted on his head, on which the king was so enraged that he
declared he would give all he was worth to have the kite killed. Malek
Azz who heard this, was an excellent bowman, and immediately let fly an
arrow which brought down the kite. The king of Cambaya rewarded this
lucky shot so bountifully, that the archer soon rose to be lord of Diu,
a famous sea-port in Guzerat, seated on a triangular peninsula, which is
joined to the continent by so small an isthmus that it is generally
reputed an island. In this letter to the viceroy, Malek Azz craftily
endeavoured to secure himself at the same time both in the favour of the
king of Cambaya, and to conciliate the Portuguese, though he mortally
hated them for the injury they had done to the trade of Diu. While he
pretended to condole with the viceroy on the death of his son, whose
bravery he extolled in exalted terms, he sent him the nineteen men saved
from his sons ship, who had been made prisoners in the late battle;
endeavouring by this conciliatory conduct to appease his wrath for
having aided Mir Husseyn and occasioned the defeat of the Portuguese.

In this same year 1508, seventeen vessels sailed for India from Lisbon
about the beginning of April, which were all separated by bad weather,
but all rejoined at Mozambique, except one which was lost on the Islands
of Tristan de Cunna. These ships, with those of the former year, coming
all together to India about the close of the year 1508, greatly raised
the courage of the Portuguese, which had been much depressed by their
defeat at Chaul. By this fleet an order came from the king for Don
Francisco de Almeyda to resign the government of India to Don Alfonso de
Albuquerque, and to return to Portugal in one of the trading ships. But
Almeyda took upon him to suspend the execution of this order, under
pretence that he had already made preparations for taking revenge upon
Mir Husseyn, and the Rums or Turks[105] who had slain his son. Owing to
this a controversy arose between Albuquerque and Almeyda, the former
demanding possession of the government, which the latter refused to
demit; which became a precedent for succeeding governors to protract the
time of their command. Albuquerque, much offended by this conduct of
Almeyda, retired to Cochin, where he appears to have lived in private
till the departure of Almeyda from India.

[Footnote 105: The Turks, as having conquered the eastern Roman empire,
have succeeded in India to the name of Rums, Rumi, or Romans. The
Circassian Mamelukes of Egypt are here named Turks, because so soon
afterwards conquered by that nation.--E.]

Having dispatched the homeward bound ships under the command of Fernando
Soarez and Ruy de Cunna, who perished by the way, Almeyda sailed on the
12th of November, 1508 from Cananor towards Diu in pursuit of Mir
Husseyn. On this expedition he had nineteen vessels of different sizes,
with 1600 soldiers and mariners, 400 of whom were native Malabars. All
western India was alarmed at this armament, but chiefly the zamorin and
Malek Azz, who had used every precaution in his power to ward off the
danger. Having landed with his officers in the delightful island of
Anchediva, Almeyda called a council of war, in which it was unanimously
determined to attack Dabul in the first place. This city was one of the
most noted on the coast[106], seated on a navigable river at the
distance of two leagues from the sea. Its buildings were then
magnificent and stately, and it enjoyed considerable trade, the
inhabitants being a mixture of Pagans and Moors, subject to Sabay king
of the Decan. It was always defended by a considerable garrison, which
was at present augmented by 6000 men, being in fear of an attack from
the Portuguese, and new works had been raised for its defence, which
were planted with cannon. On the approach of the Portuguese fleet, the
inhabitants began to remove their families and goods into the country,
but were forbidden by the governor under pain of death; and the more to
encourage them he brought his own wife into the town, in which example
he was followed by many of the principal inhabitants, whose wives were
brought in from their country-houses.

[Footnote 106: Dabul is on the coast of Canara, in lat. 17 deg. 46' N. in
that part usually called the Pirates coast, which is occupied by a
number of half independent Mahratta chieftains, who often plunder
defenceless trading ships, by means of armed grabs full of

On the 30th of December 1508, the fleet entered the harbour, and the
troops immediately landed with the utmost promptitude, dividing into
three bodies to attack three several gates at once. The Moors made a
brave resistance at each attack, but the works being high, their shot
flew over the heads of the assailants, who were more obstructed by the
dead bodies than by the defenders or their works. Nunno Vaz Pereyra, who
was sent with a detachment to force an entrance at another place, put
the numerous troops who resisted him to flight after a brave resistance;
but they now fled in such haste towards the mountain, though pursued by
ten Portuguese only, that they tumbled over each other in their haste,
and retarded their own escape. In this fight, which lasted five hours,
fifteen hundred of the enemy were slain with the loss only of sixteen
Portuguese. Having gained possession, Almeyda distributed his men in
several quarters of the streets, with orders to keep strict guard, lest
the enemy might return; which they accordingly did by stealth in the
night, in order to recover their wives, children, and goods. In the
morning, the viceroy gave permission to his troops to plunder the town;
but this was speedily prevented by the houses taking fire, which in a
few hours reduced the whole to ashes, so that the booty did not exceed
150,000 ducats. In fact the town was purposely set on fire by the
private orders of the viceroy, lest the men might have been so satiated
by the riches of the place as to retard his ulterior designs. The ships
in the harbour were likewise destroyed by fire, to the no small risk of
the Portuguese ships which were very near.

In fitting out for this expedition, the viceroy had not laid in any
considerable store of provisions, as he expected to have got supplies on
the coast; but on sending to the neighbouring villages none was to be
had, as the last crop had been utterly eaten up by locusts, many of
which were found preserved in pots for food by the natives, and being
tasted by the Portuguese were found palatable, and not unlike shrimps.
This made them conclude that there were land shrimps, as in some places,
particularly in the vineyards about Rome, there are crabs found not
unlike those of the sea. Hence if locusts were not so numerous and
destructive, so as to blast the hopes of harvest and to be dreaded like
a plague, they might be useful as food; and we know from Scripture that
St John fed upon them in the desert.

Leaving Dabul, the viceroy proceeded for Diu, expecting to procure
provisions along the coast. Payo de Sousa, having seen some cattle
feeding on the banks of a river, went up the stream in his galley in
hopes of procuring some; but was opposed by the natives, and he and
George Guedez were both slain. Diego Mendez succeeded in the command of
that galley, and while continuing the voyage towards Diu he met one of
the Mameluke galleys going from Diu to Dabul, which was well manned and
commanded by a courageous and experienced Turk; who, on discovering the
Portuguese galley ordered all his soldiers to conceal themselves, so
that Mendez immediately boarded without suspecting any danger, on which
the Turks rushed out from their concealment and had almost gained the
Portuguese galley; but the Portuguese recovered from their surprise, and
made themselves masters of the Turkish galley, slaying every one of the
enemy without losing a single man on their side. The chief booty taken
on this occasion consisted of a young and beautiful Hungarian lady of
noble birth, who was brought to the viceroy, and given by him to Gaspard
de la India, who gave her to Diego Pereyra, who afterwards married her.
Farther on, they took in the river of Bombaim, now called Bombay, a bark
with twenty-four Moors belonging to Guzerat, by whose means they
procured a supply of sheep and rice, while some cattle were procured in
other places, and a farther supply was got at the fort of Maim, all the
people flying to the mountains from terror of the Portuguese, having
heard of what had happened at Dabul.

On the 2d of February 1509, the viceroy arrived at Diu, which from the
ships appeared a grand and spacious place, girt with strong walls and
lofty towers, all handsomely built and well laid out like towns in
Portugal, which recalled in the men the memory of their own country, and
animated their courage to achieve the conquest. Malek Azz the lord of
Diu was at this time with his army about twenty leagues distant, making
war upon the Rajaputs; but immediately on receiving notice of the
approach of the Portuguese fleet, he hastened to his capital with all
possible celerity. He had already used such precautions as not to excite
suspicions in Husseyn of his fidelity, though little inclined to assist
him, and he was now anxious not to exasperate the viceroy in case of his
proving victorious. Taking into consideration the strength of the place,
the courage and conduct of Azz and Husseyn, and above all that there
were above two hundred vessels well manned and armed, he thought it
necessary to proceed with the greatest circumspection, and accordingly
it was settled in a council of war, that Nunna Vaz Pereyra should lead
in with his ship, in which there were 120 fighting men, many of them
gentlemen of tried valour. Pereyra was to be seconded by George de Melo,
whose crew was equally numerous; after which the rest of the ships were
to follow in succession, having from 80 down to 25 men in each according
to their size. The night was spent by the Portuguese in anxious
preparation for the approaching conflict, by exercises of religion and
putting their arms of all kinds in order.

Between nine and ten next morning, when the tide had risen sufficiently
to float the ships over the bar, the viceroy gave the signal for
entering the port in the appointed order, and the fleet moved on amid
the noise of loud shouts and the din of warlike instruments from both
sides. The vessels belonging to Malek Azz made haste to oppose the
entrance of the Portuguese, and poured in a shower of bullets and arrows
into the galley commanded by Diego Perez who led the way for Nunno Vaz,
by which ten men were slain; yet Nunno courageously continued his
course, pouring his shot among the large ships of the enemy and sunk one
of them. Vaz was in great danger between two ships of the enemy, when
Melo came up gallantly to his rescue, and ran so furiously upon one of
these ships that he drove it up against the ship commanded by Vaz, so
much disabled that it was immediately boarded and taken by the next ship
in succession commanded by Sebastian de Miranda. All the ships having
penetrated into the harbour, pushed on in emulation of each other who
should do most damage to the enemy; while the viceroy, placing himself
in the midst of the enemy, directed his shot wherever it seemed most
calculated to annoy the enemy and to aid his own ships. In this manner
the action continued to rage for some time with reciprocal courage and
violence, till at length the paraos belonging to Calicut fled along the
coast, giving out every where that the _Rumis_ or Mamelukes were

On the flight of the Moors of Calicut, and seeing many of his fleet
destroyed, Mir Husseyn, who was wounded, went on shore in disguise; and
mounting on horseback, went in all haste to the king of Cambaya, being
no less fearful of the fury of the Portuguese than of the treachery of
Malek Azz, against whom he made loud complaints, that though he had
given aid in the battle with his vessels, he had not assisted in person.
Yet did not the absence of Husseyn discourage his men, for those of his
own vessel being boarded disdained to yield, and fought valiantly till
they were all slain. The Portuguese now attempted to carry a large ship
belonging to Malek Azz by boarding, but being unable to succeed, the
ship commanded by the viceroy in person sunk her by repeated broadsides.
Antonio de Campo boarded and took a large galleon. Ruy Soarez, who was
next in order to enter the harbour, dashed boldly through the thickest
of the enemies ships and placed his vessel in front of the city, where
he fought his ship in so gallant a style, forcing the crews to abandon
two gallies, which he took, that being noticed by the viceroy he
exclaimed, "Who is this who so nobly excels the rest? I wish I were he!"
The victory was now complete, and the viceroy and all the captains
assailed the smaller vessels, whose crews endeavoured to escape by
swimming; but the gallies and boats of the Portuguese being sent among
them, killed such numbers that the sea was dyed in blood. In this great
battle, the enemy lost above 1500 men, and the Portuguese only 40. Vast
riches were acquired by plunder in the captured vessels; and by the
great variety of books which were found in different languages, it was
concluded that the crews were made up of various nations. Some of these
books were in Latin, some in Italian, and others in Portuguese.[107] The
colours of the Soldan and of his admiral Mir Husseyn were taken, and
afterwards sent to the king of Portugal. Of all the vessels taken in
this glorious and decisive victory, four ships and two gallies only were
preserved, all the rest being ordered to be burnt by Almeyda. This great
victory would have much more redounded to the honour of the Portuguese
arms, had not the conquered been treated with barbarous cruelty: owing
to which, many persons very reasonably considered the unhappy end of
Almeyda and other gentlemen, as a just punishment for their crimes on
this occasion.[108]

[Footnote 107: It is hardly necessary to observe that these books
belonged in all probability to Christian galley slaves serving under the

[Footnote 108: Though not called upon to vindicate the conduct of
Albuquerque and the Portuguese on this occasion; it may be noticed that
the almost interminable war which subsisted for many centuries between
the Christians and Moors of the Peninsula, and after the expulsion of
the latter, with the states of Barbary; joined to the hellish
Inquisition on the one side, and the most degrading slavery inflicted on
both by their enemies, long nourished the most rancorous spirit of
enmity and hatred, now farther exalted by commercial rivalship.--E.]

Next morning Malek Azz sent a message to Almeyda by one of his principal
officers, in which he congratulated the Portuguese viceroy on his
glorious victory, with which he pretended to be well pleased. It was
reported in the Portuguese fleet that the city of Diu was in the utmost
consternation, being afraid of an assault from the victors; and when the
Portuguese saw that Almeyda seemed inclined to accept the congratulatory
compliments of Azz in good part, they complained of him for checking
them in the career of fortune. On being informed of these murmurs, the
viceroy convened his principal officers, and represented to them that he
did not act on the present occasion from any regard to Malek Azz, but
out of respect for the king of Cambaya who was still the friend of the
Portuguese, and to whom the city of Diu belonged. He requested them
likewise to consider that the city was strongly fortified, and defended
by a numerous garrison; That they were already fatigued by the exertions
of the late battle; and that between the men who had been slain and
wounded, and those who were sick, out of 1200 there were now only 600
fit to carry arms in the assault of Diu: Even supposing they were to
succeed in capturing the place, it would be utterly impossible to
maintain possession of it; and that they might easily revenge themselves
of Malek Azz by the capture of his trading ships. All the officers being
completely satisfied by these reasons, the viceroy received the envoy of
Malek Azz very graciously, and told him that two motives had principally
induced him to make the late assault on Diu; one of which was to be
revenged on the _Rumi_ or Mamelukes, and the other to recover the
Portuguese prisoners who had been taken by them at Chaul, as he
considered them in the same light as the son he had lost on that former
occasion. The first object he had already completely attained, and he
demanded immediately to obtain the second, by having all the Portuguese
prisoners in the power of Malek Azz delivered up to him. He demanded in
addition to these, that all the artillery and ammunition which had
belonged to the _Rumi_, still remaining in such of their ships as had
been hawled on shore, should be delivered up, and these ships burnt; and
that Malek Azz should supply the Portuguese fleet with provisions.

All these conditions were readily agreed to by Malek Azz, and executed
with the utmost readiness and punctuality; in consequence of which a
treaty of peace and friendship was settled between Azz and the viceroy.
Almeyda left one of the liberated Portuguese prisoners at Diu, to load
two ships with such articles as were in request at Cochin and Cananor;
and besides supplying his own fleet with provisions, he dispatched
Norenha with a supply of provisions, and some of the booty procured in
the late battle, to his brother Don Alfonso at Socotora. These important
affairs being dispatched, the viceroy left Diu and proceeded to Chaul,
where the king was so much intimidated by the accounts he had received
of the late victory, that he submitted to pay an yearly tribute. Passing
thence to Cananor, he was received in the most honourable manner; and
entered afterwards into Cochin in triumph. Even before he had laid aside
his festive ornaments, Albuquerque pressed him to resign the government,
pursuant to the royal orders; but the viceroy begged he would give him
time to divest himself of his present heavy robes, after which there
would be sufficient opportunity to talk of those matters. Evil
councillors fomented the dispute on both sides, some persuading the
viceroy to retain the government in his hands, while others incited
Albuquerque to insist upon his resignation. The rajah of Cochin even
became in some measure a party in these dispute, insomuch that he
delayed loading two homeward bound ships with pepper, till Albuquerque
should be installed in the government. Disputes at length rose so high,
that Almeyda sent Albuquerque as a prisoner to Cananor, where he was
courteously received by Lorenzo de Brito who commanded there; and to
whom Almeyda wrote a few days afterwards to conduct himself towards the
prisoner as one who was soon to be viceroy of India.

Some considerable time before this, the king of Portugal having been
informed of the preparations which were making by the Soldan of Egypt,
resolved to send a powerful reinforcement to India. This consisted of
fifteen sail of ships commanded by Don Fernando Coutinno, who had an
extraordinary power given him to regulate all matters that might happen
to be amiss, as if the king had even surmised the probability of a
disagreement between Almeyda and Albuquerque. Coutinno arrived safely at
Cananor, whence he carried Alfonso de Albuquerque along with him to
Cochin as viceroy. At first Coutinno treated Almeyda with much civility,
but afterwards thwarted him, as he refused to let him have a ship which
he had purposely prepared and fitted out for his return to Lisbon, and
was obliged to put up with another which he had no mind to.

Don Francisco de Almeyda, now divested of the viceroyalty which indeed
he had for some time unlawfully retained, sailed from Cochin on the 19th
of November 1509, with two more ships in company. Before leaving Cochin
some of the sorcerers or astrologers of that place predicted that he
would not pass the Cape of Good Hope. He did pass the Cape however, but
was slain and buried at the Bay of Saldanna only a few leagues beyond
that place. Having passed the Cape of Good Hope with fine weather, he
observed to some of his attendants, "Now God be praised! the witches of
Cochin are liars." Near that place, he put into the Bay of Saldanna to
procure a supply of water; and as some of the people went on shore to
exchange goods with the natives for provisions, a servant belonging to
the ex-viceroy treated two of the Hottentots so ill that they knocked
out two of his teeth and sent him away bleeding. Some of the attendants
upon Almeyda thought proper to consider this as an affront which ought
to be avenged, and persuaded him to go on shore for that purpose, when
they ought to have counselled him to punish the servant for abusing
people among whom they sought relief. Almeyda yielded to their improper
suggestions, though against his inclination, being heard to exclaim as
he went into the boat, "Ah! whether and for what end do they now carry
my old age?" Accompanied by about 150 men, the choice of the ships, they
went to a miserable village, whence they carried off some cattle and
children. When on their return to the boats, they were attacked by 170
natives, who had fled to the mountains, but now took courage in defence
of their children; and though these naked savages were only armed with
pointed stakes hardened in the fire, they soon killed fifty of the
Portuguese and Almeyda among them, who was struck through the throat,
and died kneeling on the sea-shores with his hands and eyes raised to
heaven. Melo returned with the wounded men to the ships, and when the
natives were withdrawn from the shore, he again landed with a party and
buried Almeyda and the others who had been slain. This was a manifest
judgment of God, that so few unarmed savages should so easily overcome
those who had performed such heroic actions in India.

Don Francisco de Almeyda was the seventh son of Don Lope de Almeyda,
Count of Abrantes, and was a knight of the order of St Jago. He was
graceful in his person, ripe in council, continent in his actions, an
enemy to avarice, liberal and grateful for services, and obliging in his
carriage. In his ordinary dress, he wore a black coat, instead of the
cloak now used, a doublet of crimson satin of which the sleeves were
seen, and black breeches reaching from the waist to the feet. He is
represented in his portrait as carrying a truncheon in his right hand,
while the left rests on the guard of his sword, which hangs almost
directly before him[109].

[Footnote 109: De Faria uniformly gives some description, as here, of
the persons and dress of the successive viceroys and governors of
Portuguese India; which however has been generally omitted in the

Among the ships which were dispatched from Lisbon for India in 1508,
were two squadrons under the command of Duarte de Lemos and Diego Lopez
de Sequeira, which were sent upon separate services, and which could not
be conveniently taken notice of in their proper place. After
encountering a storm, Lemos arrived at a place called _Medones de Oro_,
whence he went to Madagascar, and thence to Mozambique, where he was
rejoined by the rest of the squadron, except one ship commanded by
George de Aguilar, which was lost. He now assumed the government of the
coasts of Ethiopia and Arabia, according to his commission from the
king. From Mozambique he sailed for Melinda, whence he proceeded to
visit the several islands and towns along the eastern coast of Africa to
compel payment of the tribute they had been in use to pay to Quiloa, and
which was now considered as belonging of right to the crown of Portugal
by the conquest of that place. Monfia submitted. Zanzibar resisted, but
the inhabitants were driven to the mountains and the town plundered.
Pemba acted in a similar manner, the inhabitants taking refuge in
Mombaza, and leaving their houses empty; but some plunder was taken in a
small fort in which the sheikh had left such things as he had not been
able to remove. Returning to Melinda, he gave the necessary orders for
conducting the trade of Sofala.

Lemos departed from Melinda for the coast of Arabia with seven ships,
one of which was separated from the rest in the night on the coast of
Magadoxa, and carried by the current to the port of Zeyla near the mouth
of the Red Sea, and there taken by the Moors. In his progress along the
Arabian coast, Lemos managed the towns more by cunning than force. Using
the same conduct at Ormuz, he was well treated by the king and Khojah
Attar, and received from them the stipulated tribute of 15,000
xerephines. From this place he dispatched Vasco de Sylveyra to India,
who was afterwards killed at Calicut. He then went to Socotora, of which
he gave the command to Pedro Ferreira, sending Don Antonio Noronha to
India, who fell in with and took a richly laden ship belonging to the
Moors. Noronha manned the prize with some Portuguese; but she was cast
away in a storm between Dabul and Goa and the men made prisoners. His
own ship was stranded in the Bay of Cambaya, where he and some others
who attempted to get on shore in the boat were all lost, while about
thirty who remained in the ship were made prisoners by the Moors and
sent to the king of Cambaya. On his return to Melinda, Lemos took a
Moorish vessel with a rich loading. When the winter was passed, he
returned to Socotora, where he found Francisco Pantaja, who had come
from India with provisions, and had made prize of a rich ship belonging
to Cambaya; the great wealth procured in which he generously shared with
Lemos and his men, saying they had a right to it as being taken within
the limits of his government. Finding himself now too weak for any
farther enterprises, Lemos sailed for India, where he was received with
much civility by Albuquerque, who was now in possession of the

Diego Lopez de Sequeira, the other captain who sailed from Lisbon at the
same time with Lemos, was entrusted with the discovery of Madagascar and
Malacca. Arriving at the port of St Sebastian in the island of
Madagascar, he run along the coast of that island, using a Portuguese as
his interpreter, who had been left there[110] and had acquired the
language. In the course of this part of his voyage he had some
intercourse with a king or prince of the natives named _Diaman_, by whom
he was civilly treated; but being unable to procure intelligence of any
spices or silver, the great object of his voyage, and finding much
trouble and no profit, he proceeded to India in the prosecution of the
farther orders he had received from the king. He was well received by
Almeyda, then viceroy, who gave him an additional ship commanded by
Garcia de Sousa, to assist in the discovery of Malacca. In the
prosecution of his voyage, he was well treated by the kings of Pedir and
Pacem[111], who sent him presents, and at both places he erected crosses
indicating discovery and possession. He at length cast anchor in the
port of Malacca, where he terrified the people by the thunder of his
cannon, so that every one hastened on board their ships to endeavour to
defend themselves from this new and unwelcome guest.

[Footnote 110: Probably a malefactor left on purpose, as has been
formerly mentioned from Castaneda in our _second_ volume.--E.]

[Footnote 111: Pedier and Pisang; as called by the English.--Astl. I.
70. b.] A boat came off with a message from the town, to inquire who
they were and what they wanted, to which Lopez sent back for answer that
he brought an ambassador from the king of Portugal, to propose entering
into a treaty of peace and commerce advantageous for the king and city
of Malacca. The king sent back a message in dubious language, such as is
usual among the orientals when they mean to act treacherously, as some
of the Moorish merchants, from enmity to the Portuguese, had prevailed
upon him and his favourite Bandara, by means of rich presents, to
destroy Lopez and the Portuguese. On the third day, Lopez sent Hierom
Teixeyra in the character of ambassador, attended by a splendid retinue,
who was well received on shore, and conducted on an elephant to the
king, from whom he returned well pleased. All this was only a bait to
entrap the Portuguese to their destruction; and in addition, the king
sent an invitation to Lopez to dine with him in public. Lopez accepted
this invitation, but was informed by a friend of _Jao-Utimuti-rajah_,
that the king intended to murder him, on which he sent an excuse under
pretence of indisposition. Credit was now given to an advice sent by a
Persian woman to Duarte Fernandez, after she had been prevented by
Sequeira from coming on board under night, thinking she came on an
amorous errand, but which contributed to save the ships. Another
contrivance was put in practice to destroy Lopez and his ships, by
offering a lading of spice, and pretending that it was requisite to send
for it to three several places. This succeeded in part; as while thirty
men were sent on shore according to agreement, a fleet of small vessels
was secretly prepared under cover of a point of land, ready to assault
the ships, while the thirty men were to be murdered in the town. At this
time likewise, a son of Utimuti-rajah came on board under pretence of a
visit to Lopez, and finding him engaged at draughts requested him to
continue his game, that he might have the better opportunity of
assassinating him unobserved; and in fact he frequently put his hand to
his dagger for that purpose, but waited till the other branches of the
intended treachery should begin. At this time, a seaman on one of the
tops who was on the outlook, seeing a throng in the town and hearing a
considerable noise, called out 'Treachery! Treachery! they kill our
men.' Lopez instantly threw away the draught board, calling out to arms;
and the son of Utimuti, perceiving the treacherous designs discovered,
leapt into his boat with his attendants in great consternation. The
fleet of boats now came round the point and attacked the Portuguese, who
exerted themselves as well as possible in their defence, considering the
suddenness of the attack; and after sinking many of the enemies boats,
forced the rest to retire. Not having a sufficient force to take
vengeance for this treachery, Lopez was under the necessity of quitting
Malacca, where he left sixty of his men in slavery, who were made
prisoners on shore, and having eight slain. On his way back he took two
Moorish ships bound for Malacca; and, having arrived at Cape Comorin, he
sent on Teixeyra and Sousa with their ships to Cochin; resolving, though
ill provided, to return alone to Portugal, being afraid of Albuquerque,
as he had sided with Almeyda in the late disputes respecting the
government of India. He reached the island of Tercera with much
difficulty, and from thence proceeded to Lisbon.


_Transactions of the Portuguese in India under the Government of Don
Alfonso de Albuquerque, from the end of 1509, to the year 1515_.

Being put into possession of the government of India in November 1509,
Albuquerque prepared for an expedition against Calicut, in conjunction
with Fernando Coutinno. The design was kept secret, yet the zamorin and
all the other princes along the coast provided for their defence, on
hearing that the Portuguese were making preparations for war. Setting
out from Cochin with thirty vessels of various sizes and 1800 land
forces, besides several boats full of Malabars who followed in hopes of
plunder, he arrived at Calicut on the 2d of January 1510; and consulting
on the difficulties attending the enterprise, it was determined that the
division of the fleet belonging to Albuquerque should be left in charge
of Don Antonio de Noronha, while that belonging to Coutinno was to be
commanded by Rodrigo Rabelo. Every one strove to be so posted as to land
first, and the men were so eager for landing that they were under arms
all night, and so tired in the morning that they were fitter for sleep
than fighting, yet soon recovered when the signal was given and the
cannon began to roar.

The troops landed in two divisions; that under Coutinno consisting of
800 men with some field-pieces, and that commanded by Albuquerque of the
same number of Portuguese troops, together with 600 Malabars. They
marched in strange confusion, each striving to be foremost. The first
attack was made on the bulwark or bastion of Ceram by De Cunna and De
Sousa, who were bravely resisted by 600 men, till on the coming up of
Albuquerque, the defenders fled and the Portuguese got possession of the
bulwark. Being fearful of some disastrous event from the confusion of
his men, Albuquerque sent notice to Coutinno, who came with all speed to
his assistance. On seeing the Portuguese colours flying on the bulwark,
Coutinno believed he had been called back by a contrivance of the
viceroy to prevent him from acquiring honour, and addressed him in the
following terms. "Were you ambitious, Sir, that the rabble of Lisbon
should report you were the first in storming Cochin, that you thus recal
me? I shall tell the king that I could have entered it with only this
cane in my hand; and since I find no one to fight with, I am resolved to
proceed to the palace of the zamorin!" Without waiting any reply from
Albuquerque, Coutinno immediately marched his men to the palace. Being
above five leagues from the shore, and the road much encumbered with
palm trees, and having met some opposition by the way, Coutinno and his
people were tired by their long march, and rested some time in a plain
before the palace. He then attacked it, and though well defended, the
Moors[112] were forced to fly to the woods and mountains. The Portuguese
soldiers being now possessed of the palace, quitted their ranks and
began plundering in a disorderly manner, as if they had been close to
the shore under protection of their ships, and had no enemy to fear. But
the enemy having procured reinforcements, returned to the palace, and
fell upon the disordered Portuguese, many of whom they killed while
loaded with plunder, and did much harm to Coutinno and his men, though
Vasco de Sylveira signalized himself by killing two of three chiefs
called _Caymals_.

[Footnote 112: The author here very improperly calls the Nayres, or
Malabar soldiers of the zamorin, Moors; though in all probability there
might be some Mahometans among the defenders of Calicut.--E.]

In the meantime Albuquerque had got possession of the city of Cochin,
which he set on fire; and finding no enemy to oppose him, he thought
proper to march to the palace to see what Coutinno was about. On his
arrival he found the palace surrounded by armed men, and that Coutinno
was within in the most imminent danger. Having cleared the way from the
enemy, he sent word to Coutinno that he waited for him; and after the
third message, Coutinno sent back word that Albuquerque might march on
and he would follow, being busy in collecting his men who were dispersed
over the palace. Albuquerque accordingly began his march, much pressed
upon by the enemy, and had not marched far when he received notice that
Coutinno was in great danger. He immediately endeavoured to return to
his relief, but was impeded by the multitude of the enemy, who slew
many of his men, and he was himself so severely wounded by a dart in the
throat, and a stone on the head, that he was carried senseless to the

By this time Coutinno and many more were slain in the palace, and
several others on their way back to the shore; being oppressed by the
multitude of the enemy, spent with labour and heat, and almost stifled
by the great dust. The whole of Coutinnos division had certainly been
cut off, if Vasconcelles and Andrada, who had been left in the city with
a reserve of 200[113] men had not checked the fury of the enemy and
forced them to retire. There was now as keen a contest about who should
get first on board, as had been about landing first, not considering
that all their misfortunes had been occasioned by hurry and confusion.
At length they got on board and sailed on their return to Cochin, having
lost 80[114] men in this ill conducted enterprise, among whom were
Coutinno and many persons of note. On recovering his senses while at
sea, Albuquerque gave orders for the dispatch of the homeward bound
ships; and on his arrival at Cochin, immediately made preparations for
an attempt to reduce Ormuz.

[Footnote 113: In Paris, this reserve is stated at 2000 men, obviously a
typographical error, yet copied in Astley's Collection, without
considering that the whole original force was only 1800.--E.]

[Footnote 114: The loss acknowledged in the text is ridiculously small
for so disastrous an enterprise, and we are almost tempted to suspect
the converse of the error noticed in the preceding note, and that the
loss might have been 800.--E.]

Being recovered from his wounds, all the preparations made for his
expedition to Ormuz, and the homeward trading ships dispatched,
Albuquerque set sail from Cochin with 1700 troops in 21 vessels of
various sorts and sizes. On arriving at the river of Onor, he sent for
the pirate _Timoja_, who being powerful and desirous of acquiring the
friendship of the Portuguese, came immediately and supplied Albuquerque
with provisions. Being skilful in the political affairs of India,
Albuquerque consulted Timoja respecting his intended enterprise against
Ormuz; but he endeavoured to dissuade him from that attempt,
endeavouring to shew that Goa would be a more advantageous conquest, and
might be easily taken as quite unprovided for defence. This advice
pleased Albuquerque, and it was resolved upon in a council of war to
change the destination of the armament, for which Timoja agreed to
supply twelve ships, but gave out that he meant to accompany the
Portuguese to Ormuz, that the governor of Goa might not be provided for
defence. Timoja had been dispossessed of his inheritance and ill treated
by his kindred and neighbours, and the desire of vengeance and of
recovering his losses caused him to embrace the alliance of the
Portuguese against the interest of his own countrymen.

The small island of Ticuari, in which the city of Goa stands, is
situated in lat. 15 deg. 30' N. in a bay at the mouth of the river Gasim on
the coast of Canara, being about three leagues long and one broad. It
contains both hill and level ground, has good water, and is fertile,
pleasant, and healthy. The city of Goa, now seated on the northern part
of the island, was formerly in its southern part. The present city was
built by a Moor named Malek Husseyn about 40 years before the arrival of
the Portuguese in India. It is not known when the old city was founded,
but some authentic writings mention that _Martrasat_, king of that city
above 100 years before, believed in one God, the incarnation of the Son,
and the Trinity in Unity; besides which, a copper crucifix was found
affixed to a wall when the city was taken. These Christians may have
been descendants from the converts to the true faith through the
ministration of the holy apostle Thomas.

About the year 1300 the Mahometans began to conquer India[115]. The
first who attempted this with great power was Shah Mahmud
Nasraddin[116], king of Delhi, who came down with a powerful army from
the north, and conquered all the gentiles as far as the kingdom of
Canara. He returned to Delhi, leaving Habed Shah to prosecute the
conquest, who became so powerful by his valour and conduct that he coped
with his master; and his nephew Madura prosecuting his enterprise after
the decease of Habed, cast off his allegiance to the king of Delhi, and
having possessed himself of the kingdom of Canara, called it the Deccan,
from the various nations composing his army, this word having that
import in their language[117]. Too great an empire is always in danger
of falling to pieces. Mahmud Shah[118], being aware of this, used every
possible precaution for his safety, which was effectual for some time;
but at length several of the governors of this extensive empire erected
their provinces into independent sovereignties. The greatest of these
was he of Goa, the sovereign of which about the time of the Portuguese
coming into India was named Sabayo, who died about the time that
Albuquerque went against Goa; upon which Kufo Adel Khan, king of
Bisnagar possessed himself of Goa, and placed it in the hands of his son
Ismael. The other princes were Nizamaluco, Mudremaluco, Melek Verido,
Khojah Mozadan, Abexeiassado, and Cotemaluco, all powerful but some of
them exceedingly so[119]. Sabayo was born of very mean parentage at Saba
in Persia, whence his name; but having long served the king of the
Deccan with great fidelity, had a grant of the city of Calberga, whence
he extended his conquests over the Pagans of Bisnagar, and reduced Goa
which had belonged to the Moors of Onor, killing Malek Husseyn its
prince or ruler who defended it with a garrison of twelve hundred men.
Goa had several dependencies, with which and the other territories he
had acquired Sabayo, became the most powerful prince in these parts, and
was consequently hated by them all. He maintained himself however
against all his neighbours while he lived, sometimes by means of force,
and at other times by profound policy; but his death produced great

[Footnote 115: From various circumstances in the context, the word
India, is here evidently confined to the peninsula to the south of the
Nerbudda, called generally Deccan, or the south.--E]

[Footnote 116: He was the sixth king of a dynasty of Turks from Persia,
which founded the kingdom of Delhi in 12O2, or rather usurped it from
the family of Ghaur, who conquered it in 1155 from that of Ghazni, which
had subdued all India in 1001 as far as the Ganges. Mahmud Shah Nasr
Addin began his reign in 1246, so that the conquests mentioned in the
text must have happened considerably before 1300.--Astl. I. 71. 2.]

[Footnote 117: Deccan or Dakshin signifies the _south,_ and is properly
that portion of India which lies between the Nerbudda and Kistna river.
It would far exceed the bounds of a note to illustrate the Indian
history, which is very confusedly, and imperfectly stated in the

[Footnote 118: In the text of Faria named Mamud-xa, and probably the
same person named immediately before Madura.--E.]

[Footnote 119: These names are strangely corrupted in the Portuguese
orthography of Faria, and the princes are not well distinguished. Only
three of them were very considerable: Nizam Shah, or Nizam-al-Mulk, to
whom belonged Viziapour; Koth, or Kothb-shah, or Kothb-al-Mulk, the same
with Cotamaluco of the text, who possessed Golconda; and Kufo Adel Khan,
called Cufo king of Hidalcan in Faria, who held Bisnagar.--Astley, I.
71. d.--The great king of Narsinga is here omitted; which Hindoo
sovereignty seems at that time to have comprised the whole of southern
India, from the western Gauts to the Bay of Bengal, now the high and low
Carnatic with Mysore.--E.]

Having sailed from Onor accompanied by Timoja, Albuquerque came to
anchor off the bar of Goa on the 25th of February 1510. As it was
necessary to sail up the northern arm of the bay or river, on the bank
of which the city was situated, Albuquerque sent his nephew Antonio de
Noronha, accompanied by Timoja, to sound the channel. A light vessel of
easy draught of water which led the way gave chase to a brigantine
belonging to the Moors, which took shelter under protection of a fort or
blockhouse, erected for protecting the entrance of the harbour, which
was well provided with artillery and garrisoned by 400 men, commanded by
Yazu Gorji, a valiant Turk. Seeing the other vessel in chase, Noronha
pressed after him; and though the fort seemed strong, they attacked and
took it after a stout resistance, during which the commandant lost
greater part of one of his hands, yet persisted to defend his post till
deserted by his men, when he too retired into the city. In the mean
time, in emulation of his new allies, Timoja attacked and took another
blockhouse on the continental shore of the channel leading to Goa, which
was defended by some artillery and forty men. After these exploits the
channel was sounded without any farther obstruction.

Next day, as Albuquerque was sailing up the channel to proceed in his
enterprise, he was met by Mir Ali and other chief men of the city, who
came to surrender it to him, only stipulating, that their lives,
liberties, and goods should be secured. The reason of this surrender was
because Gorji had terrified them by his account of the astonishing and
irresistible prowess of the Portuguese, and because a _Joghi_, or native
religious saint, had predicted a short time before, that Goa was soon to
be subjected by strangers. Albuquerque readily accepted the surrender on
the terms proposed, and having anchored before the town on the 27th of
February, was received on shore by the inhabitants with as much honour
and respect, as if he had been their native prince. Mounting on a
superbly caparisoned horse which was brought for his use, he received
the keys of the city gates, and rode in great pomp to the palace which
had been built by Sabayo, where he found a great quantity of cannon,
arms, warlike ammunition, and horses. Having issued orders and
regulations which were much to the satisfaction of the inhabitants, he
dispatched several messages or embassies to the neighbouring sovereigns,
the only effect, of which was to shew his high spirit. Such of the
neighbouring towns as were dependent upon God, sent deputations without
delay to proffer their obedience and submission. The command of the
fort or castle was given to Don Antonio de Noronha, the government of
the infidels to Timoja, and the other offices were disposed of to the
general satisfaction. Understanding that several ships belonging to
Ormuz and other places on the Arabian coast, were lading in the port of
Baticala, four Portuguese vessels were sent thither, which took and
carried them to Cochin, and sent an ample supply of provisions to Goa.

About four months after the easy conquest of Goa, the fortune of
Albuquerque began to change its appearance, as those persons in Goa on
whose fidelity he had reposed most confidence, in spite of the
remonstrances of Timoja, entered into plots to deliver up the place to
its former master Ismael. They had submitted so easily to Albuquerque,
because unprovided for effectual resistance, to save their properties,
and to gain time till Ismael Adel Khan was prepared to come to their
relief. Having at length completed his preparations, he sent on before
him in June 1510 his general-in-chief Kamul Khan with 1500 horse and
8000 foot, on which Albuquerque took proper measures to defend his
recent acquisition. Having detected a conspiracy of the Moors to deliver
up the city, his first step was to secure and punish the chief
conspirators; among these were Mir Cassem and his nephew, to whom he had
confided the command of four hundred Moors, whom he caused to be hewed
in pieces by his guards; several others were hanged in the most public
places of the city, and the rest were rigorously imprisoned, above 100
being convicted of participating in the plot. By these rigid measures
the city was terrified into submission.

Soon afterwards Kamul Khan approached with the van of the army of
Ismael, and attempted to pass over into the island by means of boats
which he had provided for that purpose. He was courageously opposed by
Noronha, who captured twelve of the boats; many of the enemy were killed
by the Portuguese, and many others devoured by the alligators which
swarmed in the channel round the island; but at length Kamul Khan
effected a landing in force on the island, and the Portuguese were
obliged to take refuge within the walls of the city. Kamul Khan then
invested the city with his army, which he began to batter with his
cannon, and Albuquerque used every possible effort to defend the place.
Ismael Adel Khan now came up to second his general, at the head of
60,000 men, 5000 of whom were cavalry. Part of this great army passed
over into the island to strengthen the besiegers, and the rest took post
in two divisions on the continent to prevent the introduction of
provisions, one of these being commanded by an officer of reputation,
and the other by the mother and women belonging to Ismael, who
maintained their troops by _the gain from 4000 prostitutes_, who
followed the camp. By the arrival of this vast army the city of Goa was
completely surrounded, and no opportunity was left for Albuquerque to
execute any enterprise against the numerous assailants. Making what was
necessary prudent, he and his officers resolved to abandon the city
before day, which was accordingly executed though with much hazard, the
way being occupied by the troops of the enemy, and Albuquerque had his
horse killed under him; yet he got off all his men without loss after a
siege of twenty days.

After this retreat, it was resolved to spend the winter in these seas,
for which purpose the fleet came to anchor in a bay, which although not
commodious was the best that could be had on this part of the coast; and
being incommoded by a fort named _Pangi_ which had a considerable number
of cannon, it became necessary to gain possession[120]. Accordingly 300
Portuguese troops were appointed for the assault, while Noronha had the
command of a body of reserve, and Albuquerque guarded the shore. While
the Portuguese prepared during the night to assail the fort next
morning, 500 men marched by order of Ismael to reinforce the garrison;
and when the Portuguese marched to the assault, both the Moorish
garrison and the relief, being all drunk, mistook the Portuguese for
friends; the garrison believing them to be the reinforcement, and the
relief conceiving them to have been the garrison coming out to meet
them. They were soon however fatally undeceived by the attack of the
Portuguese, in which 340 of them were slain, and the rest put to the
rout, while the Portuguese only lost one man who was drowned
accidentally. A similar circumstance happened at the bulwark which had
been formerly won by Timoja at _Bardes_. By these two severe defeats of
his people, Ismael was so excessively alarmed that he left Goa, and his
fear was much increased as some conjurer had foretold that he was to be
killed by a cannon-shot near some river. He sent several ceremonious
messages to Albuquerque, on purpose to discover what was doing on board
the ships, and by the threatening answers he received his fears were
materially augmented. In consequence of this intercourse of messages,
Ismael was prevailed on to exchange some Portuguese, who had necessarily
been left behind when Goa was abandoned; for the Moors engaged in the
late conspiracy who remained prisoners with Albuquerque.

[Footnote 120: From the context it is obvious that this bay and the fort
of Pangi were in the close neighbourhood, of Goa; in fact the bay
appears to have been the channel leading to Goa, and the fort one of
those bulwarks on the continental shore which defended the navigation of
that channel.--E.]

About this time Albuquerque received intelligence that some vessels were
preparing at Goa to set his ships on fire, on which he anticipated the
intentions of the Moors by sending a force up the river to burn these
vessels, which was effected, but Don Antonio de Noronha was slain in
this enterprise; Noronha used to moderate the violent passions of his
uncle Albuquerque, who after his death allowed the severity of his
temper to proceed to extremities. Having detected a soldier in an amour
with one of the female slaves he used to call his daughters, and whom he
was accustomed to give away in marriage, he ordered him immediately to
be hanged; and as some of his officers demanded to know by what
authority he had done this arbitrary and cruel deed, he ordered them all
below deck, and flourishing his sword said that was his commission for
punishing all who were disobedient, and immediately cashiered them all.
During the continuance of this winter, the Portuguese fleet suffered
extreme hardships, especially from scarcity of provisions; and on
sailing from thence after the cessation of winter[121], they discovered
four sail which they supposed to have been Turks, or Mamelukes rather,
but on coming nearer, they were found to be a squadron from Portugal
under the command of Diego Mendez. Besides these, the king had sent out
this year other seven ships, under Sequeira, who arrived at Cananor soon
after Albuquerque; and a third armament of two ships to settle a trade
at Madagascar.

[Footnote 121: By winter on the coast of Malabar, must only be
understood, the period of storms and excessive bad weather which occurs
at the change of the monsoons, when it is imminently perilous to be at

On the return of Albuquerque from Goa to Cananor, he was much rejoiced
at the prospect of such powerful succours, and communicated his
intentions of immediately resuming his enterprise against Goa, but was
overruled in the council by Sequeira, on which Albuquerque went to
Cochin, and obtained a victory over the Malabars of Calicut, who
endeavoured to obstruct the Portuguese from loading pepper. Having
dispatched Sequeira with the homeward bound ships, and soon afterwards
Lemos with four more, he determined to resume the enterprise upon Goa.
As Diego Mendez, who had formerly been favourable to this design, and
several other captains, now opposed it, because it interfered with their
intentions of going to Malacca, as directed by the king, Albuquerque
commanded them all under the severest penalties not to quit the coast
without his orders. Though much dissatisfied, they were obliged to obey.
Accordingly, having fitted out twenty-three ships at Cananor, in which
he embarked with 1500 soldiers, he proceeded to Onor to join his ally
Timoja, whom he found busied in the celebration of his marriage with the
daughter of a queen; and being anxious to have the honour of the
viceroys presence at the wedding he invited him to land, which proved
very dangerous, as they were kept on shore for three days in consequence
of a storm, and when Albuquerque returned to the ships a boat with
thirty men was lost. On leaving Onor for Goa, Timoja sent three of his
ships along with Albuquerque, and promised to join him at Goa with 6000

Albuquerque anchored for the second time before the bar of Goa on the
22d of November 1510. Impressed with a strong recollection of the
dangers he had escaped from on the former attempt, and anxious to sooth
the discontent which he well knew subsisted among some of his principal
officers on account of having been reluctantly compelled to engage in
this expedition, he addressed them in a conciliatory harangue by which
he won them over entirely to concur with him in bringing the hazardous
enterprise in which he was engaged to a favourable issue. Having made
the proper dispositions for the assault, the troops were landed at early
dawn on the 25th of November, and attacked the enemy who defended the
shore with such determined intrepidity that they were put to flight with
great slaughter, and without the loss of a man on the side of the
Portuguese. The enemy fled and endeavoured to get into the city by one
of the gates, and being closely pursued by the Portuguese who
endeavoured to enter along with them, the fight was there renewed, till
at length many of the Portuguese forced their way into the city doing
prodigious execution, and the battle was transferred to the streets.
These were successively cleared of the enemy by dint of hard fighting
all the way to the palace, in which time the Portuguese had lost five
officers of some note, and the fight was here renewed with much valour
on both sides. Albuquerque, who had exerted himself during the whole
action with equal courage and conduct, now came up with the reserve, and
the Moors were completely defeated, flying in all directions from the
city and endeavouring to escape to the continent, but through haste and
confusion many of them perished in the river. After this decisive
victory, it was found that of 9000 men who defended the city, 6000 had
perished, while the Portuguese lost fifty men. _Medeorao_[122], or
_Melrao_, nephew to the king of Onore, who commanded the three ships
sent by Timoja, behaved with great courage and fidelity on this
occasion; Timoja came himself to Goa with a reinforcement of 3000 men,
but too late to assist in the attack, and was only a witness to the
carnage which had taken place. The booty in horses, artillery, arms,
provisions, and ships, was immense, and contributed materially to enable
Albuquerque to accomplish the great designs he had in contemplation.

[Footnote 122: This person is afterwards named by Faria _Melrao_, and is
said to have been nephew to the king of Onore; the editor of Astley
calls him _Melrau_. Perhaps his real name might have been _Madeo row_,
and both he and Timoja may have been of the Mahrana nation.--E.]

The Portuguese who were slain in this brilliant exploit were all
honourably interred; those of the enemy were made food for the
alligators who swarmed in the river. All the surviving Moors were
expelled from the city, island, and dependencies of Goa, and all the
farms were restored to the gentiles, over whom Timoja was appointed
governor, and after him Medeorao, formerly mentioned. While employed in
settling the affairs of his conquest, ambassadors came from several of
the princes along the coast to congratulate Albuquerque on his brilliant
success. Both then and afterwards, many of the officers of Adel Khan
made inroads to the neighbourhood of Goa, but were always repelled with
loss. At this time, Diego Mendez and other two captains belonging to his
squadron, having been appointed by the king of Portugal for an
expedition to Malacca, stole away from the port of Goa under night in
direct contravention of the orders of Albuquerque, intending to proceed
for Malacca. Albuquerque sent immediately after them and had them
brought back prisoners; on which he deprived them of their commands,
ordering them to be carried to Portugal to answer to the king for their
conduct, and condemned the two pilots who had conducted their ships from
the harbour to be immediately hung at the yard-arm. Some alleged that
Albuquerque emulously detained Diego Mendez from going against Malacca,
which enterprise he designed for himself, while others said that he
prevented him from running into the same danger which had been already
met with by Sequeira at that place, the force under Mendez being
altogether inadequate to the enterprise.

To provide for the future safety of Goa, Albuquerque laid the
foundations of a fort, which he named _Manuel_, after the reigning king
of Portugal. On this occasion, he caused the names of all the captains
who had been engaged in the capture of Goa to be engraven on a stone,
which he meant to have put up as a monument to their honour; but as
every one was desirous of being named before the others, he turned down
the stone so as to hide all their names, leaving the following

_Lapidem quem reprobaverant aedificantes_.

Thus they were all pleased, rather wishing their own individual praises
to be forgotten, than that others should partake. Albuquerque assuming
all the powers of sovereignty in his new conquest for the king of
Portugal, coined money of gold, silver, and copper, calling the first
_Manuels_, the second _Esperas_, and the third half esperas. Resolving
to establish a permanent colony at this place, he engaged several of the
Portuguese to intermarry with the women of the country, giving them
marriage portions in lands, houses, and offices as an encouragement. On
one night that some of these marriages were celebrated, the brides
became so mixed and confounded together, that some of the bridegrooms
went to bed to those who belonged to others; and when the mistake was
discovered next morning, each took back his own wife, all being equal in
regard to the point of honour. This gave occasion to some of the
gentlemen to throw ridicule on the measures pursued by Albuquerque; but
he persisted with firmness in his plans, and succeeded in establishing
Goa as the metropolis or centre of the Portuguese power in India.

The king of Portugal had earnestly recommended to Albuquerque the
capture of the city of Aden on the coast of Arabia near the entrance of
the Red Sea; and being now in possession of Goa, he thought his time
mispent when not occupied in military expeditions, and resolved upon
attempting the conquest of Malacca; but to cover his design, he
pretended that he meant to go against Aden, and even sent off some ships
in that direction the better to conceal his real intentions. Leaving Don
Rodrigo de Castel Branco in the command of Goa with a garrison of 400
Portuguese troops, while the defence of the dependencies and the
collection of the revenue was confided to Medeorao with 5000 native
soldiers, Albuquerque went to Cochin to prepare for his expedition
against Malacca.

The city of Malacca is situated on the peninsula of that name, anciently
called _Aurea Chersonesus_, or the Golden Peninsula, and on the coast of
the channel which separates the island of Sumatra from the continent,
being about the middle of these straits. It is in somewhat more than two
degrees of north latitude[123], stretching along the shore for about a
league, and divided in two nearly equal parts by a river over which
there is a bridge. It has a fine appearance from the sea, but all the
buildings of the city are of wood, except the mosque and palace which
are of stone. Its port was then frequented by great numbers of ships,
being the universal mart of all eastern India beyond the bay of Bengal.
It was first built by the _Celates_, a people who chiefly subsisted by
fishing, and who united themselves with the _Malays_ who inhabited the
mountains. Their first chief was Paramisora, who had been a person of
high rank in the island of Java, whence he was expelled by another chief
who usurped his lordship, on which occasion he fled to Cincapura, where
he was well received by the lord of that place and raised to high
employment. But having rebelled against his benefactor, he was driven
from thence by the king of Siam, and was forced to wander about Malacca,
as a just punishment for his ingratitude. Having drawn together a number
of the before-mentioned natives, with whom he established a new colony,
he gave the name of _Malacca_ to the rising city, signifying in the
language of the country _a banished man_, as a memorial of his own
fortunes. The first king of Malacca was _Xuque Darxa_, or sheikh
Dar-shah, called by some authors _Raal Sabu_, or Ra-el-Saib, who was the
son of Paramisora, and was subject to the kings of Siam; but from whom
his successors revolted. The country of Malacca is subject to
inundations, full of thick woods, and infested by dangerous and savage
beasts, particularly tigers, so that travellers are often forced to pass
the nights on the tops of high trees, as the tigers can easily take them
off from such as are low by leaping. The men of Malacca are courageous,
and the women very wanton. At this time the city of Malacca was rich and
populous, being the centre of trade between the eastern and western
parts of India, Mahomet was then king of Malacca, against whom the king
of Siam had sent an army of 40,000 men, most of whom perished by sundry
misfortunes, but chiefly through similar treacherous devices with those
which had been put in practice against Sequeira. But now Albuquerque
approached to revenge them all. Mahomet, fearing to meet the reward of
his former treachery to the Portuguese, had procured the assistance of
the king of _Pam_[124], who brought an army of 30,000 men with a great
number of pieces of artillery[125].

[Footnote 123: In lat. 2 deg. 25' N.]

[Footnote 124: Named Pahang or Pahan, by the editor of Astleys

[Footnote 125: In the text of Faria, and following him in Astley, the
number of cannon is said to have been 8000; a number so incredible that
we have used a general expression only on this occasion in the

On the 2d of May 1511, Albuquerque sailed from Cochin on his expedition
against Malacca, with 19 ships and 1400 soldiers, 800 of whom were
Portuguese, and 600 Malabars. While off the island of Ceylon he fell in
with and captured five vessels belonging to the Moors, which were bound
for Malacca. On arriving at the island of Sumatra, the kings of Pedier
and Pisang sent friendly messages to Albuquerque, on which occasion Juan
de Viegas, one of the men left behind by Sequeira was restored to
freedom, he and others having made their escape from Malacca. About this
time likewise, Nehoada Beguea, who had been one of the principal authors
of the treachery practiced against Sequeira, fled from Pedier and being
taken at sea by Ayres Pereira, to the great astonishment of every one
shed not one drop of blood, though pierced by several mortal wounds; but
on taking off a bracelet of bone from his arm the blood gushed out. The
Indians, who discovered the secret, said this bracelet was made from the
bone of a certain beast which is found in Java, and has this wonderful
virtue. It was esteemed a great prize and brought to Albuquerque. After
this, they fell in with another ship in which were 300 Moors[126] who
made so resolute a defence, that Albuquerque was obliged to come up in
person to assist in the capture, which was not accomplished without
considerable danger. In this vessel was _Geniall_, the rightful king of
Pisang; who had been banished by an usurper. Three other vessels were
taken soon after, from one of which a minute account was procured of the
military preparations at Malacca.

[Footnote 126: All are Moors with Faria, particularly Mahometans. The
crew of this vessel were probably Malays, perhaps the most ferociously
desperate people of the whole world.--E.]

On the 1st of July 1511, the Portuguese fleet cast anchor in the roads
of Malacca, infusing terror and dismay among multitudes that covered the
whole shore, by the clangour of their warlike instruments, and the noise
of repeated discharges of cannon; being sensible of their guilty conduct
to Sequeira and conscious that the present armament was designed for
their condign punishment. Next day a Moor came off in great state with a
message from the king, and was received with much courtesy and
ceremonious pomp by Albuquerque[127], to whom he said that if he came
for trade, the king was ready to supply whatever merchandise he wanted.
Albuquerque made answer that the merchandise he sought for was the
restitution of the Portuguese who had been left there by Sequeira, and
when they were restored, he should then say what farther demands he had
to make from the king. On his return to the city, the Moor spread
universal consternation by this answer, and it was agreed to endeavour
to avert the threatened danger, by restoring the Portuguese, and by
paying a large sum of money. But Prince Al'oddin, the son of the king of
Malacca, and his brother-in-law the king of Pahang opposed this, and
made ready for defence. Upon this Albuquerque began some military
execution, and the king restored the captives. After this some farther
negotiations ensued, as the king was desirous of peace, which
Albuquerque offered to agree to, on condition of having permission to
build a fortress at Malacca, and that the king should repay the entire
charges incurred by Sequeira and the present armament, all the damage
having been occasioned by his own treachery and falsehood; but he
demanded to have an immediate answer; whether the king chose peace or
war. The king was willing to have submitted to the terms demanded by the
Portuguese viceroy, but his son and the king of Pahang opposed him, and
it was at length determined to stand on their defence.

[Footnote 127: On this occasion, Faria mentions that Albuquerque wore
his beard so long that it was fastened to his girdle; having made a vow
when he was forced to retreat from Ormuz, that it should never be
trimmed till he sat on the back of Khojah Attar for that purpose.--E.]

On the 24th of July, being the eve of St James the apostle, every thing
being disposed in order for attack, the signal was given for landing, by
the discharge of artillery, and immediately the Portuguese leapt on
shore and charged the enemy with loud shouts. The hottest of the battle
was about gaining and defending the bridge, which enterprise Albuquerque
undertook in person, and where the enemy after a vigorous defence, in
which great numbers of them were slain, were forced to leap into the
river, where many of them were drowned. The prince and the king of
Pahang bravely opposed another party of the Portuguese who endeavoured
to force their way to the bridge to join the viceroy, and at the same
time King Mahomet came out on a large elephant, attended by two others
having castles on their backs, whence numbers of darts were launched
against the Portuguese. But the elephants being soon severely wounded,
turned and fled through among their own men, trampling many of them to
death and making way for the Portuguese to join those who had possession
of the bridge. At this place Albuquerque fortified himself, and as
considerable harm was done to his men by poisoned arrows discharged from
the tops of the adjoining houses, he caused them to be set on fire.
After bestowing great praises on his captains for their courageous
behaviour, and perceiving that his people began to grow faint by long
exertions, excessive heat, and want of food, he withdrew to the ships
towards night. Ten of the Portuguese died in consequence of their wounds
from the poisoned arrows. The loss of the enemy was not known. The king
of Pahang withdrew to his own country, under pretence of bringing a
reinforcement, but never returned.

While Albuquerque rested and refreshed his men on board, Mahomet was
busily employed in making every possible preparation for defending the
city. For this purpose he undermined the streets in several places, in
hopes to blow up the assailants, and strewed poisoned thorns in the way,
covering them over to prevent their being observed. He likewise
fortified the bridge, and planted cannon in many places. As a prelude
to the second assault, Albuquerque sent Antonio de Abren in a vessel
well manned to gain possession of the bridge. On his way thither he had
to pass through showers of bullets from both sides of the river and from
the battlements of the bridge, and though desperately wounded, refused
to be brought off, when Deniz Fernandez Melo, who came up to his rescue
proposed sending him to the ships to have his wounds dressed, saying,
"Though he neither had strength to fight nor voice to command, he would
not quit his post while life remained." Floats of wildfire were sent
down the river to burn the vessel; but at length Albuquerque in person
gained possession of the bridge, and the vessel being freed from the
fire rafts, had liberty to act against the enemy. Having rested his men
a short time on the bridge, Albuquerque penetrated the city, through
showers of bullets, darts, and arrows; and having been apprised of the
mines in the principal street, he took, another way and gained the
mosque. At length, after a prodigious slaughter of the enemy, he gained
entire possession of the city, having only with him in this action 800
Portuguese and 200 Malabars.

At the end of nine days every one of the Moors who inhabited this great
city were either slain or driven out, and it was repeopled with
strangers and some Malays, who were permitted to take possession of the
vacant houses. Among these last was Utimuti rajah, whose son had
formerly endeavoured to assassinate Sequeira. Utimuti was a rich and
powerful native of Java, of whom more hereafter. The soldiers were
allowed to plunder the city during three days. There were found 3000
pieces of _great cannon_, out of 8000[128] which King Mahomet had relied
upon for the defence of his city, the rest having been carried off to
_Bintang_, where the king and prince Al'oddin had fortified themselves.
As it might have been of dangerous consequence to permit these princes
to establish themselves so near the city of Malacca, Albuquerque sent a
force to dislodge them, consisting of 400 Portuguese, 400 Malays
belonging to Utimuti, and 300 men belonging to the merchants of Pegu who
resided in Malacca. On the approach of these troops, the king and prince
took flight, leaving seven elephants with all their costly trappings,
and the Portuguese returned to Malacca. Now reduced to wander in the
woods and mountains of the interior, Mahomet so severely reflected upon
the obstinacy of his son and the king of Pahang, that he and his son
quarrelled and separated, each shifting for himself.

[Footnote 128: This prodigious train of artillery is quite incredible,
though, twice repeated in the same terms, but it is impossible to form
any rational conjecture for correcting the gross error or exaggeration
in the text.--E.]

To secure this important conquest, Albuquerque built a fort or citadel
at Malacca, which from its beauty was called _Hermosa_. He likewise
built a church, which was dedicated to the _Visitation of our Lady_; and
coined money of different values and denominations, which was ordered to
pass current by proclamation, and some of which he caused to be
scattered among the populace. By these and other prudent measures he
gained the hearts of the people, attracted strangers to settle in
Malacca, and secured this important emporium of trade. Although
Albuquerque was perfectly conscious of the deceitful character of
Utimuti rajah, yet considering it to be sometimes prudent to trust an
enemy under proper precautions, he gave him authority over all the Moors
that remained in Malacca. It was soon discovered however, that Utimuti
carried on a private correspondence with Prince Al'oddin, under pretence
of restoring him to the sovereignty of Malacca, but in reality for the
purpose of using his remaining influence among the people to set himself
up. On receiving authentic information of these underhand practices,
Albuquerque caused Utimuti with his son and son-in-law to be
apprehended, and on conviction of their treason, he ordered them to be
publicly executed on the same scaffold which they had formerly destined
for Sequeira. This was the first public exertion of sovereign justice
which was attempted by the Portuguese in India, but was soon followed by
others. _Pate Quitir_, another native of Java, whom Albuquerque
appointed to succeed Utimuti in the government of the Moors in Malacca,
was gained by the widow of Utimuti, by promise of her daughter in
marriage with a portion of 100,000 ducats, to revenge the death of her
husband on the Portuguese, and to assassinate Albuquerque. Quitir
accepted her offer, meaning to seize the city for himself. About the
same time also, the king of Campar formed a similar design, for the
attainment of which purpose he sent a congratulatory embassy to
Albuquerque, from whom he demanded the office which had been conferred
on Quitir. These plots having no consequences at this time, shall be
farther explained in the sequel.

During his residence at Malacca, Albuquerque received embassies from
several princes, particularly from the king of Siam; and he sent
likewise embassies in return, to the kings of Siam and Pegu. He sent
also two ships to discover the Molucca islands and Banda[129], and gave
orders to let it be known in all quarters that Malacca was now under the
dominion of Portugal, and that merchants from every part of India would
be received there on more favourable terms than formerly. Having now
established every thing in Malacca to his mind, Albuquerque determined
upon returning to Cochin, leaving Ruy de Brito Patalim to command the
fort with a garrison of 300 men. He left at the same time Fernando Perez
de Andrada with ten ships and 300 soldiers to protect the trade, and
carried four ships with himself on his return to Cochin.

[Footnote 129: According to some authors these were commanded by Lopez
de Azevedo and Antonio de Abreu, who set out in 1511 and returned in
1513; but according to others Antonio de Abreu, Francisco Serrano, and
Ferdinand Magalhaens were the officers employed on this occasion, during
which Magalhaens projected his circumnavigation of the globe.--Astley,
I. 74. 2.]

During these transactions at Malacca a rebellion broke out among the
natives at Goa, taking advantage of which, _Pulate Khan_, an officer in
the service of Kufo Adel Khan king of Bisnagar passed over into the
island of Goa with considerable army, and laid siege to the city. One of
the principal exploits during this siege was a sally made by Rodrigo
Robello de Castello Franco the governor, in which the besiegers suffered
considerable loss. But Rodrigo was soon afterwards slain, and Diego
Mendez de Vasconcellos was chosen to take the command by the universal
suffrages of the besieged. At this time Adel Khan became jealous that
his general Pulate Khan intended to usurp the sovereignty over the
territory of Goa, on which account he sent his brother-in-law, Rotzomo
Khan to supersede him, who entered into a treaty with Diego Mendez, by
whose assistance he got the mastery over Pulate Khan. Finding himself at
the head of 7000 men, while there were not above 1200 troops in the city
of Goa, 400 only of whom were Portuguese, Rotzomo resolved to endeavour
to drive them out, and resumed the siege. Being short of provisions, the
besieged began to suffer severely from famine, and several of the men
deserted to the enemy, some of whom repented and returned to the city.
In this critical situation, Emanuel de la Cerda who had wintered at
Cochin fortunately arrived with succours, and was followed soon after by
Diego Fernandez de Beja, who had been sent to demolish the fort at
Socotora, and to receive the tribute at Onnuz. By these the besieged
were abundantly relieved and succoured with recruits and provisions when
almost reduced to extremity. Soon afterwards arrived Juan Serram who had
gone from Portugal the year before with Peyo de Sa, in order to settle a
trade in the island of Madagascar, but ineffectually; and Christopher de
Brito, who happened to be at Cananor with a large ship and four smaller
vessels, where he heard of the distressed situation of Goa, went
immediately thither with a strong reinforcement and an ample supply of

On his voyage from Malacca to Cochin, the ship in which Albuquerque was
embarked struck during the night on a rock off Cape Timia in the kingdom
of _Aru_ on the coast of Sumatra. Being completely separated a midships,
the people who had taken refuge on the poop and forecastle were unable
to communicate with each other, and the night was so exceedingly dark
that no assistance could be sent from the other vessels. When day-light
appeared next morning, Albuquerque was seen holding a girl in his arms,
whom chance had conducted to him during the confusion. Pedro de Alpoem
came up to his relief, though with much difficulty and danger. On this
occasion some of the men were lost, and much valuable commodities, but
what Albuquerque most regretted was the wonderful bone which prevented
the wounded Moor from bleeding, and some iron lions of curious
workmanship, which he had intended for supporters to his tomb.
Albuquerque continued his voyage after this disaster in the ship
commanded by Alpoem; and on his way back took two Moorish ships, which,
though rich did not make amends for the loss he had sustained in the
wreck of his own. Immediately on his arrival at Cochin, being informed
of the distress of Goa, he dispatched eight vessels to that place with
men and provisions, promising soon to repair thither in person. There
were then in the town 1000 men, who were besieged by an army of 20,000

It being now the year 1512, six ships arrived in India from Portugal,
having spent a whole year on the voyage without touching at any port;
and though the men were tired and sick, they relieved several places. At
this time likewise a fleet of thirteen ships arrived from Portugal, one
of which was lost on the island of _Angoxa_. This fleet, which carried
1800 soldiers, anchored off the bar of Goa on the 15th of August 1512.
They immediately drove the enemy from a fort which they had constructed
at Benistarim; after which Don Garcia and George de Melo passed on with
their squadrons, accompanied by Juan Machado and others, who had been
recently delivered from slavery in Cambaya. Albuquerque was much
rejoiced at the great reinforcements brought out by his nephew Don
Garcia and Melo, and by the relief of the captives, as they enabled him
to proceed in the enterprises which he had in contemplation. His
satisfaction was much increased by the arrival of Antonio de Saldanna
with the garrison of Quiloa, which had been abandoned as a place of
small importance. About the same time there arrived ambassadors from
Persia and Ormuz, the latter of whom had orders from his master to
proceed to Portugal.

Having arranged everything at Cochin, and appointed Melo to the command
of Cananor, Albuquerque proceeded to Goa, where he was received with
every demonstration of joy and respect. After visiting the
fortifications, he endeavoured to concert measures for driving Rotzomo
Khan from the works which he had constructed for besieging Goa. On the
sixth day after his arrival, being on an eminence with several officers
taking a view of the works of the enemy, 4000 Moors, 200 of whom were
horse, were seen sporting on the plain, it being Friday, which is the
sabbath of the Mahometans. On this occasion, a detachment of the
Portuguese made a sudden attack on the Moors, and after a hot skirmish
drove them for shelter to their works, having slain above an hundred of
the enemy, with the loss of one officer and one private, and several
wounded. Having resolved to take possession of a strong fort which the
enemy had erected near Goa for the protection of their camp, Albuquerque
caused it to be attacked both by sea and land at the same time; and
thinking that the sea attack was not conducted with sufficient vigour,
he went himself in a boat to give orders, and came so near that a
cannon-shot struck the head of a Canara who steered his boat, dashing
the blood and brains on his beard. Enraged at this incident, he offered
a high reward to any one who should destroy that cannon; on which one of
his gunners aimed a shot so exactly that it struck the muzzle of the
cannon which flew in pieces, and killed the Moorish cannoneer. By this
fortunate circumstance, the Portuguese were able to get farther up the
river and to get close to the fort. At this time _Zufolari_, one of the
generals of the Moors, appeared with 7000 men on the continental shore
to relieve the fort; but being unable to effectuate his purpose, was
forced to retire after sustaining some loss by a distant cannonade.
Albuquerque now closely invested the fort with 4000 men, 3000 of whom
were Portuguese. He divided these into two bodies, one under his own
immediate command, and the other under the charge of his nephew Don
Garcia. At first the Portuguese received some damage; but in the end
Rotzomo Khan agreed to surrender the fort with all its cannon and
ammunition, to deliver up all the Portuguese prisoners and deserters,
and to evacuate the island of Goa and its dependencies. The Portuguese
deserters were severely punished by order of Albuquerque, having their
ears, noses, right hands, and the thumbs of their left cut off, in which
mutilated condition they were sent home to Portugal. One of these, named
Ferdinando Lopez, as a penance for his crimes, voluntarily remained with
a negro at the island of St Helena, where he began some cultivation, and
was afterwards serviceable to several ships that called in there, by
furnishing them with refreshments.

Having thus completely relieved Goa, Albuquerque endeavoured to gain
over Rotzomo Khan to the Portuguese service, but unsuccessfully; but his
good fortune made a great impression on many of the native princes,
several of whom sent pacific embassies to the viceroy. The king of
Calicut, terrified at the growing power of the Portuguese, concluded a
treaty of peace with Don Garcia, whom his uncle had sent to take the
command at Cochin[130]. The kings of Narsinga, Visiapour, Bisnagar, and
other districts of India, sent ambassadors to the viceroy; who
endeavoured in his answers to impress them powerfully with the value of
amity with the Portuguese, and dread of encountering their arms, and
sent back envoys of his own to these princes, to acquire intelligence
respecting their power and resources. There arrived likewise at Goa an
ambassador from the Christian sovereign of Abyssinia, whom the
Europeans denominate Prester John[131], who was destined to go over to
Portugal, carrying a piece of the _true cross_, and letters for the king
of Portugal from the queen-mother _Helena_, who governed Abyssinia
during the minority of her son David. The purport of this embassy was to
arrange a treaty of amity with the king of Portugal, and to procure
military aid against the Moors who were in constant hostility with that
kingdom. This ambassador reported that there were then three Portuguese
at the Abyssinian court, one of whom, named Juan, called himself
ambassador from the king of Portugal; and two others, named Juan Gomez
and Juan Sanchez, who had been lately set on shore at Cape Guardafu, by
order of Albuquerque, in order to explore the country.

[Footnote 130: The editor of Astleys Collection adds, _with liberty to
build a fort_; but this condition is not to be found in the text of
Faria, which is followed in that work literally on most occasions,
though often much abridged.--E.]

[Footnote 131: In our early volumes it will be seen that this imaginary
_Prete Jani_, Prester John, or the Christian Priest-king, had been
sought for in vain among the wandering tribes of eastern Tartary. The
Portuguese now absurdly gave that appellation to the Negus of Habesh, or
Emperor of the Abyssinians; where a degraded species of Christianity
prevails among a barbarous race, continually engaged in sanguinary war
and interminable revolution.--E.]

Every thing at Goa being placed in order, the viceroy now determined
upon carrying the enterprise against Aden into execution, which had been
formerly ordered by the king of Portugal. Without communicating his
intentions to any one, he caused twenty ships to be fitted out, in which
he embarked with 1700 Portuguese troops, and 800 native Canaras and
Malabars. When just ready to sail, he acquainted the captains with the
object of his expedition, that they might know where to rendezvous in
case of separation. Setting sail from Goa on the 18th of February 1513,
the armament arrived safe at Aden. This city, called Modocan by Ptolemy,
is situated on the coast of Yemen or Arabia Felix, in lat. 12 deg. 45' N.
near the mouth of the Red Sea, and looks beautiful and strong from the
sea, being rich and populous owing to the resort of many nations for
trade. But Immediately behind are the barren and rocky mountains of
Arzira, which present numerous cliffs and precipices. The soil is arid,
having very little water, which is procured from a few wells and
cisterns, as this part of the country is scarcely watered from the
heavens above once in two or three years. Hence it is devoid of all
trees, and has neither gardens nor orchards.

Immediately on the arrival of the Portuguese fleet, Miramirzan the
governor sent a complimentary message to the viceroy with a present of
provisions; but as there was no prospect of voluntary submission or
surrender, Albuquerque resolved upon carrying the place by assault, but
found the enterprise more difficult than he expected. Having landed his
men early in the morning, the troops advanced to the walls with scaling
ladders: but after a considerable number had got up to the top of the
wall, the ladders broke under the weight of the multitudes who pressed
to get up; so that Albuquerque was obliged to order down those who had
already ascended, by means of a single ladder constructed out of the
broken fragments of the rest. Thus, after four hours engagement, the
Portuguese were forced to desist from the attack with some loss,
occasioned more by the insufficiency of the ladders than by the prowess
of the enemy. George Sylveyra and five men were killed on the spot, but
several others died afterwards of their wounds, and some from bruises
occasioned by falling from the walls and ladders. Submitting to his bad
fortune, and by the persuasion of his officers, Albuquerque resolved to
abandon this enterprise, that he might have sufficient time remaining to

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