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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume IX. by Robert Kerr

Part 8 out of 12

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Portuguese, for which the natives paid a small matter, to secure them
from being captured by the Portuguese cruizers; and the emoluments of
these passes came into the pockets of the chiefs of Diu, Damaun, and
Ormus. Even if all other difficulties were removed, yet will the caravan
of Lahore be never induced to take this passage, as it mostly consists
of returning Persians and Armenians, who know the journey from Jasques
to be almost as bad as that through Candahar; and the small trade from
the environs of Scindy is not worth mentioning. Yet, for his better
satisfaction, I am content that he may learn his errors by his own
experience, so that it be not done at the charges of the company: But I
suppose he will let it fall to the ground, not knowing at which end to

As to the third project, for uniting the trade of the Red Sea with this
of Surat, I recommended to him to use his endeavours; for it is already
begun. The peril of this trade in the Guzerat ships is very obvious,
owing to pirates in these seas; wherefore I have no doubt that many
merchants may be induced to load their goods in our ships on freight; by
which means we should make ourselves many useful friends among these
people, supply our own wants, save the export of bullion, and for this
year employ one of the ships belonging to the old account, that should
return in September, receiving the remains of this joint stock, which
will be sufficient to re-load a great ship, and would otherwise be
transported at great loss. This I explained and urged, shewing which
way it might be accomplished, and recommended by him to the commander,
the Cape merchants and your factors, as will appear by my letters. This
measure, if followed, must evidently be to your profit, even if nothing
were procured towards it by freight from the Guzerat merchants; as,
having so many empty vessels for so small a stock, and two pirate ships
fallen into your hands, they had better even go empty as not go. There
are many good chances in the Red Sea and in the way, and though they did
nothing else than bring back the goods you have at Mokha and other ports
in that sea, this would repay the charges of the voyage and be ready in

I find Mr Steel high in his conceits, insomuch that he seems to have
forgotten the respect due to me. He and Mr Kerridge are at variance,
which I use every endeavour to assuage. As for his wife, I have told
Steel that she cannot remain in this country without much inconvenience
to us, and injury to his masters, as she could not be allowed her
expences of travelling and living at the charges of the Company; that he
must live frugally and like a merchant, as others do, and must therefore
send home his wife. If he did so, he was welcome to remain in the
Company's service; but otherwise, I should have to take measures with
them both, much against my inclination. Having thus persuaded him, I
likewise endeavoured to deal in the same manner about Captain Towerson's
wife. You know not the danger, the trouble, and the inconvenience, of
granting these liberties. For this purpose, I persuaded Abraham, his
father-in-law, to hold fast; stating the gripings of this court, and the
small hope of any relief by this alliance, from which he expected great
matters, and endeavoured to persuade him to return quietly. To further
this, I wrote to your chief factor, that such things as he had brought
and were vendible, should be bought for your use by bill of exchange,
and at such profit to him as might answer both parties; but I utterly
prohibited the taking of his trash, to remain a dead stock on your
hands, on any conditions. Such inconveniences do you bring upon your
hands by these unreasonable liberties.

By the strict commands in your letter respecting private trade, as well
respecting your own servants as others, I find you do not mean him to
have that liberty he expects; for he is furnished to the value of above
L1000, first cost here, and Steel to at least L200. This, as he proposes
sending home his wife, and his merit is so good towards you, I shall
send home; as I presume you will admit of this to get rid of such
cattle. I will not buy these goods however, but order them to be marked
and consigned to you, by which you will have the measure in your own
hands. By these liberties, you discourage all your old servants. Some
may do all things for fair words, and some will do nothing for good
actions. I could instance some, gone home two years since, who only
employed themselves in managing their own stock, and did no other
business, who now live at home in pleasure; and others that raised their
fortunes on your monies, trading therewith from port to port, and are
now returned rich and unquestioned. Last year a mariner had twenty-six
_churles_ of indigo, others many fardles; another had to the value of
7000 mahmudies in bastas, chosen at Baroach and purchased with your
monies, and he would not probably chuse the worst for himself; a fourth
did the same to the value of above L150. I do not mention these things
out of spite or ill will, but to induce you to equality of proceeding
with your servants, that an impartial restraint be imposed upon all, and
that by such instances your profits may not be all swallowed up.

For effecting these purposes, the sending the woman home, and the
prosecution of trade to the Red Sea, I have sent back Richard Steel to
Surat with the necessary orders. As it is now declared that the king
intends going to Guzerat, I have altered my purpose about the goods and
presents; and have appointed Richard Steel, after having dispatched
other matters, to meet me there with the goods and presents, and his
engineers. I have also sent my advice and directions to Captain Pring,
to make out an inventory of all the monies and goods in the two pirate
ships, and to land the whole, making it over to your stock; to give a
passage home to some of the chiefs, and to take the rest into your
service, referring to you at home to deal with the owners. My own fixed
opinion is, that their capture is legal and justifiable, and all their
goods forfeited. If you are pleased to restore any thing, be it at your
pleasure; but the more rigour you show to these, the better example you
will give to such scandalous piracies; for, if this course be pursued,
you may bid adieu to all trade at Surat and in the Red Sea, and let the
Turkey Company stand clear of the revenge of the Grand Signior.

I went to Asaph Khan on the 6th November, and shewed him the pearls
according to promise. As I had been previously informed, he told me the
sorts were not fit for that country; yet he was so pleased that I had
kept my word with him, that I believe I may say to you in the words of
Pharaoh, "The land is before you, dwell where you will, you and your
servants." We talked not about the price, but he vowed the utmost
secrecy, and that for my sake he would give more for them than their
value, not returning any, and would pay ready money. Of this he
professed to be in no want, and even offered to lend me whatever I
needed. I have promised to visit his sister, whom he has made our
protectress; and indeed, every contentment that good words can give, I
have received, besides good deeds. When the presents arrive, I shall
take care not to be too liberal to your loss; a little shall serve in
that way. Indeed Asaph Khan himself has given me this advice, saying
that such things are as well taken in this country sold as given, which
I find by the experience of others to be true.

Finishing these conferences in his bed-chamber, Asaph Khan rose to go to
dinner, having invited me and my people; but he and his friends dined
without, appointing us our mess apart, for they scruple to eat with us.
I had good cheer, and was well attended, the residue being given to my
servants. After dinner, I moved about the debt due by Groo, and told him
of the delays. He desired me to say no more, as he had undertaken that
business; that Groo, at his orders, was finishing accounts with a
jeweller, and he had given orders, as the money was paid, that it should
remain in the hands of the cutwall for us. This I found afterwards to be
true, and the cutwall has promised to finish in three days, desiring me
to send no more to Asaph Khan on that business.

I must not omit to mention here, an anecdote of baseness or favour, call
it which you please. When the prisons are full of condemned men, the
king commands some to be executed, and sends others to his omrahs, to be
redeemed at a price. This he esteems a courtesy, as giving the means of
exercising charity: But he takes the money, and so sells the virtue.
About a month before our remove, he sent to me to buy three Abyssinians,
whom they suppose to be all Christians, at the price of forty rupees
each. I answered, that I could not purchase men as slaves, as was done
by others, by which they had profit for their money; but that I was
willing to give twenty rupees each for them in charity, to save their
lives and restore them to liberty. The king was well pleased with my
answer, and ordered them to be sent me. They expected the money, which I
was in no haste to give, and even hoped it had been forgotten. But the
king's words are all written down[217], and are as irrevocable decrees.
Seeing that I sent not for the malefactors, his officers delivered them
into the hands of my _procurator_, in my absence this day, taking his
note for the sixty rupees, which I paid at my return, and set free the

[Footnote 217: Dixit, et edictum est; fatur, et est factum.--_Purch_.]

Having notice of a new phirmaund sent down to Surat to disarm all the
English, and some other restrictions upon their liberty, owing to a
complaint sent up to the prince, that we intended to build a fort at
Swally, and that our ships were laden with bricks and lime for that
purpose, I visited Asaph Khan on the 10th November, to enquire into this
matter. This jealousy arose from our people having landed a few bricks
on shore, for building a furnace to refound the ship's bell; yet the
alarm was so hot at court, that I was called to make answer, when I
represented how absurd was this imaginary fear, how dishonourable for
the king, and how unfit the place was for any such purpose to us, having
neither water nor harbourage. The jealousy was however so very strongly
imprinted in their minds, because I had formerly asked a river at Gogo
for that purpose, that I could hardly satisfy the prince but that we
intended some such sinister end. You may judge from this how difficult
it were to get a port for yourselves, if you were so disposed.
Notwithstanding all remonstrances, this furnace must be demolished, and
a _huddey_ of horse sent down to see it done. The disarming of our men
was what chiefly disobliged our people, though the weapons were only
lodged in the custom-house, and those only belonging to the ship's
company. I told Asaph Khan, that we could not endure this slavery, nor
would I stay longer in the country, as the prince gave us one day a
phirmaund for our good usage, with a grant of privileges, and
countermand all the next by contradictory orders, in which proceedings
there was neither honour nor good faith, and I could not answer for my
continuing to reside among them. Asaph Khan said, he would speak to the
king at night on the subject, in the presence of the prince, and
afterwards give me an answer.

I went again to wait upon Asaph Khan on the 18th, when he made many
protestations of the Mogul's affection to my sovereign and nation, and
to me, and assured me he had risked the prince's disfavour for our
sakes, and had full assurance of a complete redress of all our
grievances: and that he proposed getting the _prigany_ of Surat
transferred to himself, which the prince would have to resign, as he had
been made governor of Ahmedabad, Cambay, and that territory. To satisfy
me that he did not dissemble, he desired me to come at night to court,
bringing the king my master's letter and the translation, as the time
was favourable for its delivery; desiring me at the same time to persist
in my complaint, and to offer taking leave, when I should see what he
would say for us. Accordingly, I went at night to wait upon the king,
whom I found surrounded by a very full court. The king was sitting on
the ground, and when I delivered the letter, it was laid before him, of
which he took no great notice, being busy at the time. Asaph Khan
whispered to his father, Etimon Dowlet, desiring him to read the letter
and assist us, which he could better do than himself. Etimon Dowlet took
up both letters, giving that in English into the king's hands, and read
the translation to the king, who answered many of the complaints. On
coming to that point, of procuring our quiet trade, by his authority
with the Portuguese, he demanded if we wanted him to make peace with
them? I answered, that his majesty knew long since I had offered to be
governed entirely by him, and referred that matter to his wisdom, and
waited therefore to know his pleasure. On this he said, that he would
undertake to reconcile us, and to cause agreement to be made in his
seas, which he would signify in his answer to my master's letter, in
which he would farther satisfy his majesty in all his other friendly

Notwithstanding of this, I asked leave to go before to Ahmedabad, to
meet the king's presents, and to prepare for my return home. Upon this,
a question arose between the king and the prince, who complained that he
derived no profit from us, and was very willing to be rid of us. Asaph
Khan then took up the discourse, and plainly told the king, that we
brought both profit and security to the port of Surat and to the
kingdom, but were very rudely treated by the prince's servants, and that
we could not continue our trade and residence, unless matters were
amended; for which reason it would be more honourable for his majesty to
licence and protect us, than to treat us discourteously. The prince
angrily replied, That he had never wronged us, and had lately given us a
phirmaund at the desire of Asaph Khan. It is true, replied Asaph Khan,
that you granted him a phirmaund to his satisfaction; but in ten days
you sent down another, virtually to contradict and annul the former; and
as he stood as surety between both, and had undertaken our redress on
the prince's word, the shame and dishonour of this double procedure fell
upon him. He said he spoke for no ends, but for the king's honour and
justice, as he owed me nothing, nor I him, and for the truth of his
words he appealed to me, who complained that our goods were taken away
from us by force, and that Rulph,[218] who began this two years ago,
would never pay us, and his officers continued the same procedure every
season. If the prince were weary of the English, he might turn us away;
but then he must expect that we would seek for redress at our own hands
upon the seas. He demanded whether the king or the prince gave me the
means of living, or, as they did not, at whose expence I was maintained?
saying, that I was an ambassador and a stranger, who lived in this
country and followed the progress of the king at great charges; and if
our goods continued to be taken from us by force, so that we could
neither get back our goods, nor yet their value in money, it would be
impossible for us to subsist.

[Footnote 218: On a former occasion, where this person is mentioned, it
has been said that his name, in the edition of this journal given by
Churchill, is written Sulph. From the circumstances in the context at
this place, it is possible that Sulpheckar Khan, or Zulfeccar Khan,
governor of Surat under Sultan Churrum, may be here meant.--E.]

This was delivered with some heat, and the king, catching at the word
force, repeated it to his son, whom he sharply reprehended. The prince
promised to see me paid for all that had been taken. He said likewise
that he had taken nothing, having only caused the presents to be sealed;
and, as his officers had received no customs on these, he desired to
have them opened in his presence. This I absolutely refused to consent
to, telling the king that I only did my duty to my master, in insisting
to deliver the presents free from duty, and that, when I had so done, I
should give the prince full satisfaction in all other things. At this
time, Etimon Dowlet, who had been made our friend by his son Asaph Khan,
whispered to the king, and read a clause or two from my master's letter,
on which the king made the prince stand aside. Asaph Khan joined in this
private conference, which they told me was for our good; and in
conclusion, the prince was commanded to suffer all the goods to come
quietly to me, and to give me such privileges for our trade as were fit,
and as should be proposed by Asaph Khan.

The prince would not yield the presents, unless Asaph Khan became his
surety that he should have a share, which he did, and we were then all
agreed on that point. The king paid me many compliments in words, and
even gave me two pieces of _pawne_ out of the dish then before him,
desiring me to partake of what he was eating. I then took my leave for
Ahmedabad; and that same night I began my journey, leaving my tents, as
I expected to reach that city the next day: But I had to ride two
nights, with the intermediate day and half of the next, with excessively
little accommodation or refreshment; and arrived at Ahmedabad on the
15th at noon.

The 8th January, 1618, there was some question about presents by the
prince, whom I told that his were ready whenever he was ready to receive
them. He asked me, why I had broken the seals? On which I said, that it
would have been dishonourable and discourteous in me to have delivered
the king's presents in bonds, and having waited his highness' licence
during twenty days, but seeing no hope of its arrival, I had been under
the necessity of breaking open the seals. Some heat was likely to have
arisen on this subject, but a gentleman from the king, who was sent to
observe what passed between us, told us both that the king commanded our
presence before him immediately, at a garden where he then was, on the
river side, a coss from the town. The prince went there immediately in
his palanquin, and I followed in a coach, well attended upon by the
servants of the king and prince. On my arrival, the women were going in,
on which occasion no man dare enter except the prince, who accordingly
made bitter complaints against me for having broke open the seals,
taking out from the packages whatever I pleased, without his knowledge.
Asaph Khan was called, who was my surety, and the prince laid the blame
of all this upon him, but he strenuously denied all knowledge or
participation; yet I had not accused him, but took it all upon myself,
knowing he would deny it, as is the custom, to excuse himself, and I
knew myself better able to bear it.

I was then sent for to the water-side, where the king had been sitting
in private, and went in, having the presents along with me, but the king
was gone into the female apartments. Asaph Khan blamed me for breaking
his word, saying, that the prince had shamed him. I answered, through
Jaddow, that he well knew I had his consent, of which this man was a
witness. He denied this to us both, and when I again said, that,
although I would not lay the blame on him, that it was still true, as
this man could witness; Jaddow refused to interpret my answer, saying,
that he durst not tell Asaph Khan to his face that he lied. This is a
quite usual thing among them; for if any command comes from the king
which he afterwards forgets or denies, he that brought the message will
deny it stoutly. I bore up as high as I could, on which some of the
great men said that it was a great affront, of which no other man durst
have been guilty, while others smiled. I answered, it was by no means so
great as the prince had often done to me. We thus spent the day, during
which the king never appeared, having privately stole away, leaving us
all in anxious expectation.

At night, word came that the king was gone, when I offered to have gone
home, but was so well attended, that I was in some measure constrained
to force my way. While on the road, new messengers came to seek me, and
I had to return to court, without having either eaten or drank. The king
was not however come back, and I could not get free from my attendants,
who yet used me very respectfully. After waiting an hour, a sudden order
was given to put out all the lights. The king now came in an open
waggon, drawn by bullocks, having his favourite Noormahal along with
him, himself acting as waggoner, and no man near. When he and his women
were housed, the prince came in on horseback, and immediately called for
me into the place where the king was. It was now midnight, and I found
the king and prince only attended upon by two or three eunuchs. Putting
on an angry countenance, the king, as he had been instructed by his son,
told me I had broken my word, and he would trust me no more. I answered
roundly, that I held it fit to give freely, not upon compulsion, and had
committed no offence, according to my judgment; and if their customs
were so very different from ours, I had erred only from ignorance, and
ought therefore to be pardoned. After many disputes, the prince offered
his friendship, with many fair promises, and we were all reconciled.

I then opened the chests, gave the king his presents, and the prince
his, and sent in those intended for Noormahal. We were about two hours
engaged in viewing them. The king was well pleased with the tapestry,
but said it was too coarse, and desired to have a suit of the same
quality with the sweet bags. Three articles were detained besides the
presents; and for these the prince said he would pay, as his father had
taken them. He likewise desired me to come to see him in the morning,
promising to be my protector and procurator, which I willingly accepted
in all things except the goods.

I waited upon the prince on the 10th, when I was well received, and had
orders for a phirmaund about the murdered man[219]. He likewise made a
public declaration of his reconcilement, desiring all his officers to
take notice of it, and act accordingly. He likewise ordered his chief
_Raia_ to be in future my procurator, and to draw out whatever
phirmaunds I required. I presented to him Captain Towerson, and some
others of the English, whom he received graciously; and, in confirmation
of our renewed friendship, he presented me with a robe of cloth of
silver, promising to be the protector of our nation in all things we
could desire. I then told him about Mr Steel and his workmen, when he
desired me to bring a small present at night to the king, to whom he
should present them, which I did. He kept his word, and spoke in our
favour to the king, who seemed disposed to entertain them. On this
occasion I presented Captain Towerson to the king, who called him up,
and after a few questions, rose. At the _Gitshel Choes_[220] I presented
Mr Steel and his workmen. The king called for Mr Paynter, and gave him
ten pounds, promising to take him and all the rest into his service. On
this occasion the king sat all night in a hat which I had given him.

[Footnote 219: This circumstance is perhaps explained in the sequel, as
relating to the death of a person at Burhanpoor.--E.]

[Footnote 220: This is probably meant for the same public audience
called, in other parts of the journal, the Gazul Khan.--E.]

The 13th, the Dutch came to court, bringing a great present of China
ware, saunders-wood, parrots, and cloves, but were not allowed to
approach the third degree, or raised platform. After some time, the
prince asked me, who they were? I answered, that they were Hollanders
who resided at Surat. He then enquired if they were our friends? I
answered, that they were of a nation which was dependent upon the king
of England, but not welcome in all parts, and that I did not know their
business. He then said, since they were our friends, that I ought to
call them up. So I was obliged to call upon them, that they might
deliver their presents, on which occasion they were placed beside our
merchants, yet without any farther speech or conference. Finally, every
thing I asked was complied with, or at least promised, and I now wait
for performance and money. I am satisfied, that, without this
contestation, I had never succeeded in our just demands; for I told the
prince's messenger, in the presence of all the English, that if he chose
to use force against me or my goods, he certainly might, but it should
cost blood, for I would set my _chop_ upon his master's ship, and send
her to England.

On the 18th I received notice from Surat of the imprisonment of Spragge
and Howard at Burhanpoor, where their house and goods were seized, and
their lives in question, on the following account:--The cutwall had been
drinking at their house, and one of his men had died that night, on
which they were accused of having poisoned him, and the cutwall, in
excuse for having been at their house, pretended that he had gone to
fetch away a man's wife who was detained by Thomas Spragge. What may be
the truth of this affair I know not; but information has been sent to
the king against them. I went therefore to the prince, who had promised
to undertake all our causes, but could not get speech of him, though I
had likewise to complain of force having been used against a caravan of
ours on the way, notwithstanding a phirmaund from the rajah of the
country, on both of which subjects I shall present a petition at night
to the king. My trouble with this barbarous and unjust people is beyond
all endurance. When at the prince's, I found the promised phirmaund
drawn up indeed, but half of the agreed conditions were omitted, upon
which I refused to accept it, and desired leave to depart, that I might
treat with them in the sea.[221]

[Footnote 221: This obscure expression seems to imply a threat of taking
vengeance, or making reprisals at sea, for the oppressions of the Mogul
government against the English trade.--E.]

On the 21st, a command was issued to set free the English at Burhanpoor,
and to restore their goods; on which occasion the king observed, that,
if they had killed the Mahometan who came to drink at their house, he
had only met with his just reward. Another order was issued, commanding
Partap-shah to repay us all exactions whatsoever, and that he should
hereafter take no duties upon our goods in their way to the sea-port,
threatening, in case of failure, to deliver his son into my hands. On
the 22d, I went in person to receive these phirmaunds, and carried the
merchants along with me, together with some pearls the prince was eager
to see, and which were pretended to belong to Mr Towerson. The prince
had received some vague accounts of our having pearls to the value of
twenty or thirty thousand pounds, which he hoped to have extracted from
us. When his secretary saw our small pearls, he observed that his master
had _maunds_ of such, and if we had no better, we might take these away.
You may judge how basely covetous these people are of jewels. I told him
that we had procured these from a gentlewoman to satisfy the prince, and
as they could not be made better, it was uncivil to be angry with
merchants who had done their best to shew their good will.

I then spoke to him about the phirmaunds, when he bluntly told me I
should have none; for as we had deceived the prince's hopes, he would
disappoint us. I had asked leave to depart, and I might come to take
leave whenever I pleased. To this I answered, that nothing could please
me more, but that I should requite their injustice in another place, for
I should now apply to the king, and depend no more on them, as I saw
their conduct was made up of covetousness and unworthiness. So I arose
to depart, but he recalled me, desiring that I might come next day to
the king and prince together, when I should have complete satisfaction.

* * * * *

"And now, reader, we are at a stand: some more idle, or more busy
spirits, willing either to take their rest, or to exchange their labour;
and some perhaps wishing they had the whole journal, and not thus
contracted into extracts of those things out of it which I conceived
more fit for the public. And, for the whole, myself could have wished
it, but neither with the honourable Company, nor elsewhere, could I
learn of it; the worthy knight himself being now employed in like
honourable embassage from his majesty to the Great Turk. Yet, to supply
the defect of the journal, I have given thee the chorography of the
country, together with certain letters of his, written from India to
honourable lords, and his friends in England; out of all which may be
hewed and framed a delightful commentary of the Mogul and his subjects.
Take them therefore, reader, and use them as a prospective glass, by
which thou mayst take easy and near view of these remote regions,
people, rites, and religions."--_Purchas_.

* * * * *

In the Pilgrims, in supplement to the journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Purchas
has inserted a formal complimentary letter from king James to the Great
Mogul, or emperor of Hindoostan, together with another from the Mogul to
king James, containing nothing besides hyperbolical expressions of
regard; both of which are here omitted, as entirely devoid of interest,
amusement, or information. Purchas has also added several letters said
to have been found among the papers of Sir Thomas Roe, with some others
which he says were transcribed from _Sir Thomas Roe's own book_. As
these letters merely repeat circumstances and opinions already more
fully and more methodically expressed in the preceding journal, they
could only have served unnecessarily to swell our pages, without any
adequate advantage, and are therefore omitted.

Purchas also informs us that Sir Thomas Roe, before he left the court of
the Great Mogul on his return for England, requested to be favoured with
a recommendatory letter from the Mogul to king James. This request was
granted with the utmost readiness, and a letter written accordingly; but
the Mogul, or his ministers, shewed much scrupulousness about the
placement of the seal to this letter, lest, if placed under the writing,
it might disparage the dignity of the Mogul, or, if placed over the
letter, king James might feel disobliged. On this account, the letter
was delivered to Sir Thomas unsealed, and the seal was sent separately,
that it might be afterwards affixed, according to the pleasure of the
king of England.

This seal was of silver, and Purchas has given an engraving, or _fac
simile_ of it, consisting of an inner and larger circle, bearing the
style or title of the reigning king, or _Padishah_ Jehanguire;
surrounded circularly by eight smaller circles, containing the series of
his direct ancestors, from Timor, or Tamerlane, downwards. These are all
of course in the Persian language and characters; but Purchas gives
likewise a copy or translation of the same in English letters. It seemed
quite superfluous to insert here the Persian _fac simile_, being merely
writing without ornament, armorial bearing, or cognizance. The following
is the series, expressed in English characters; the last being the
central circle, which contains the name and title of the reigning

1. Ebn Amir Temur Saheb Quran.
2. Ebn Miran Shah.
3. Ebn Mirza Soltan Mohamed.
4. Ebn Soltan Abu Said.
5. Ebn Mirza Amar Shah.
6. Ebn Bahar Padishah.
7. Ebn Humaiun Padishah.
8. Ebn Akbar Padishah.
9. Abu Amozaphar Nurdin Jebanguire Padishah.




According to Purchas, Mr Edward Terry was master of arts, and a student
of Christ Church in Oxford, and went out to India as chaplain to Sir
Thomas Roe. In the first subdivision of this narrative, we have combined
the observations of Captain Alexander Childe, who was commander of the
ship James, during the same voyage, under Captain Benjamin Joseph, of
the ship Charles, who was slain in a sea-fight with a Portuguese carack,
off one of the Komoro islands. The notes extracted by Purchas from the
journal of Captain Childe,[223] are so short and unsatisfactory, that we
have been induced to suppress them, except so far as they serve to
elucidate the narrative of Terry, in the first subdivision of this

[Footnote 222: Purch. Pilgr. II 1464.]

[Footnote 223: Id. I. 606.]

Sec.1. _Occurrences during the Voyage from England to Surat_.

Apologies often call truth into question, and having nothing but truth
to offer in excuse for this narrative, I omit all unnecessary preface,
desiring only that the reader may believe what I have faithfully
related. Our fleet, consisting of six goodly ships, the Charles,
Unicorn, James, Globe, Swan, and Rose, under the supreme command of
Captain Benjamin Joseph, who sailed as general in the Charles, our
admiral ship, fell down from Gravesend to Tilbury-hope on the 3d of
February, 1616.

After long and anxious expectation, it pleased God to send us a fair
wind at N.E. on the 9th March, when we departed from that road, and set
sail for the East Indies. The wind continued favourable till the 16th,
at night, when we were in the bay of Biscay, at which time we were
assailed by a most fearful storm, during which we lost sight both of the
Globe and the Rose. The Globe rejoined us on the 26th following, but the
Rose was no more heard of till six months afterwards, when she arrived
at Bantam. The storm continued with violence from the 16th to the 21st.
The 28th we got sight of the grand Canary, and of the Peak of Teneriffe,
which is so extremely high that it may be seen in a clear day more than
forty leagues out at sea, as the mariners report. The 31st, being
Easter-day, we passed under the tropic of Cancer, and on the 7th of
April had the sun in our zenith. The 16th, we met with these winds
called _tornadoes_, which are so variable and uncertain, as sometimes to
blow from all the thirty-two points of the compass within the space of a
single hour. These winds are accompanied by much thunder and lightning,
and excessive rains, of so noisome a nature, as immediately to cause
people's clothes to stink on their backs; and wherever this rain-water
stagnates, even for a short space of time, it brings forth many
offensive animalcules. The tornadoes began with us when in about 12 deg. of
N. latitude, and continued till we were two degrees to the south of the
equinoctial line, which we passed on the 28th of April. The 19th of May,
being Whitsunday, we passed the tropic of Capricorn, so that we were
complete seven weeks under the torrid zone.

Almost every day, while between the tropics, we saw various kinds of
fish, in greater abundance than elsewhere. As the whale, or mighty
_Leviathan_, whom God hath created to take his pastime in the seas;
Dolphins also, and Albicores, with Bonitoes, flying-fishes, and many
others. Some whales were of an exceeding greatness, which, in calm
weather, would often rise and shew themselves above the water, appearing
like vast rocks; and, while rising, they would spout up a great quantity
of water into the air, with much noise, which fell down again around
them like heavy rain. The dolphin is called, from the swiftness of its
motion, the arrow of the sea. This fish differs from many others, in
having teeth on the top of its tongue. It is pleasing to the eye, the
smell, and the taste, having a changeable colour, finned like a roach,
covered with very small scales, giving out a delightful scent above all
other fishes, and is in taste as good as any. These dolphins are very
apt to follow our ships, not, so far as I think, from any love they bear
for men, as some authors write, but to feed upon what may be thrown
overboard. Whence it comes to pass that they often become food to us;
for, when they swim close by the ships, they are struck by a broad
instrument full of barbed points, called a harping-iron, to which a rope
is fastened, by which to pull the instrument and the fish on board. This
beautiful dolphin may be taken as an emblem of a race of men, who, under
sweet countenances, carry sharp tongues. The bonitoes and albicores are
much like our mackerels in colour, shape, and taste, but grow to a very
large size. The flying-fishes live the most unhappy lives of all others,
as they are persecuted in the water by the dolphins, bonitoes, and
albicores, and when they endeavour to escape from their enemies in the
water, by rising up in flight, they are assailed by ravenous fowls in
the air, somewhat like our kites, which hover over the water in waiting
for their appearance in the other element. These flying-fishes are like
men who profess two trades and thrive in neither.

Early in the morning of the 12th June, we espied our long-wished-for
harbour, the bay of Saldanha, [Table-bay] about twelve leagues short
from the Cape of Good Hope, into which we came happily to anchor that
same forenoon. We here found one of the Company's ships, the Lion,
commanded by Captain Newport, come from Surat, and homeward-bound for
England. We made ourselves merry with each other on this happy meeting;
and having a fair gale, the Lion sailed on the night of the 14th. We
found here water in abundance, but little refreshments for our sick men,
except fresh fish, as the natives brought us nothing. We remained in
this harbour till the 28th, on which day we departed, the Swan steering
her course for Bantam. The 29th we doubled the Cape of Good Hope, in the
lat. of 35 deg. S. Off this cape there continually sets a most violent
current to the westwards, whence it happens, when it is met by a strong
contrary wind, their impetuous opposition occasions so rough a sea that
some ships have been swallowed up, and many more endangered among these
mountainous waves. Few ships pass this way without encountering a storm.

The 22d of July we got sight of the great island of Madagascar, commonly
called of St Lawrence, being between that island and the main, but
touched not there. Proceeding on our course, on the 1st of August we
fell in with a part of the main land of Africa, called Boobam,[224] in
lat. 16 deg. 35' S. the variation being 13 deg. 12'. The 5th we drew near the
little islands of Mohelia, Gazidia, and St Juan de Castro, [Moelia,
Hinzuan or Johanna, Mayotta or St Christopher, and Augasi,] generally
known by the name of the Komoro islands, in about the lat. of 12 deg. S.

[Footnote 224: The head-land of Mosambique is probably here meant.--E.]

Early in the morning of the 6th of August, our men in the tops looking
out for land, espied a sail about three or four leagues off directly in
our course. About noon, the Globe, which was our smallest ship, and
sailed better than the rest of the fleet, came up with her on the
broadside to windward, and hailed her according to the custom of the
sea, asking whence she came? She answered, indirectly, that she came
from the sea, and her people insulted ours most outrageously, calling
them thieves, rogues, heretics, and devils; and, in conclusion of their
rude compliments, spoke in the loud language of the cannon's roar,
discharging seven pieces of large artillery at our Globe, six of the
balls piercing her hull, and maiming some of her men, but killing none.
Our Globe replied in the same voice, and afterwards fell astern and
stood in for our general and the rest of our fleet, now four sail in
all, shewing us the discourtesy of the Portuguese.

About three in the afternoon, the Charles, our admiral, came up with the
Portuguese ship, which was the admiral of the caracks that sailed this
year from Lisbon, but had parted from all the rest of their fleet. When
within pistol-shot, Captain Benjamin Joseph, our commander, proceeded
deliberately to work, offering treaty before he attempted revenge. So we
saluted her with our trumpets, to which she replied with her
wind-instruments. Captain Joseph then called out, that their commander
might come on board, to make satisfaction for the wrong they had done to
our consort. They made answer, that they had no boat; on which our
general said he would send them one, and immediately caused his barge to
be manned and sent to the carack, which brought back one of their
officers and two mean men, with this answer from their commander, that
he had resolved never to leave his ship, to which he might be forced,
but would not be commanded to leave her.

On receiving this message, Captain Joseph used them civilly who had
brought it, and commanded them to be shewn our ship, and how she was
prepared to vindicate our honour. This made the poor Portuguese much
afraid, and they desired Captain Joseph to write a few words to their
commander, which, added to their persuasions, might perchance induce him
to come to terms. Willing to preserve his honour, and to prevent the
effusion of blood, Captain Joseph caused a few words to be written to
the Portuguese commander, to the following effect:--"Whereas the
commander of the carack has offered violence to our ship the Globe,
while sailing peaceably beside him, he is desired to come aboard
immediately, and give satisfaction for that wrong, or else at his
peril," &c. He then sent back the Portuguese, accompanied by one of our
master's mates, carrying the writing, together with this verbal message,
"That if he refused to come, he would force him, or sink by his side."
The words of dying men are said to be prophetic, so these his words came
to pass, for he was slain not long after by a great shot from the

Notwithstanding this message, the Portuguese commander remained firmly
to his resolute answer. Wherefore, on the return of our men, Captain
Joseph himself fired the three first shots, which surely did them much
mischief; as we conjectured, by the loud outcry we heard among them
after these shots were fired. The shot now flew thick from both sides;
and our captain, chearing his men to behave gallantly, ascended the
half-deck, where he had not been above ten minutes when a great shot
from the quarter of the carack deprived him of life in the twinkling of
an eye. It hit him fair in the breast, beating his heart and other parts
out of his body, which lay round him among his blood. After he was
slain, our master continued the fight for about half an hour, when,
considering that another person was to succeed in the supreme command,
and the night approaching, he thought proper to desist, and having
fallen astern, he hung out a flag as a signal of council, to call the
captain of the vice-admiral on board, Captain Henry Pepwell, who was to
succeed, together with the other masters, that they might consult about
the prosecution of this enterprize. As the night was now come, it was
resolved not to proceed any farther for the present. So the carack
proceeded on her course, putting up a light on her poop, as if in
defiance of us to follow, and about midnight came to anchor under the
island of Moelia; and when we perceived this island, we too let fall our

Early in the morning of the 7th, before day began to dawn, we prepared
for a new assault, first recommending ourselves to God in prayer. When
morning came, we found the carack so close to the shore, and the nearest
of our other ships at least a league from us, that we held our hands for
that day, waiting till the carack might weigh and stand out to sea, as
fitter there to deal with her. In the afternoon, we chested our slain
commander, and committed him to the deep, over against the isle of
Moelia, omitting any ceremony of firing funeral-guns usual on such
occasions, that the enemy might not know our loss.

A little before night the carack put to sea, when we also weighed and
made sail after her. The day now left us, and our proud enemy,
unwilling, as it seems, to have the appearance of escaping by flight,
put forth a light on his poop as before, as if for us to follow him,
which we did to some purpose. The night being well spent, we again
commended ourselves and our cause to God in prayer. Soon afterwards, the
day began to dawn, and appeared as if covered by a red mantle, which
proved a bloody one to many who now beheld the light for the last time.
It was now resolved that our four ships were to take their turns in
succession, to endeavour to force this proud Portuguese either to bend
or break. Our ship, the Charles, played her part first;[225] and ere she
had been half an hour engaged with her adversary, a shot from the carack
hitting one of our iron guns on the half-deck, flew all in pieces,
dangerously wounding our new general, and three other mariners who stood
beside him. Captain Pepwell's left eye was beaten out, and he received
two other wounds in his head, and a third in his leg, a ragged piece of
the broken shot sticking fast in the bone, which seemed, by his
complaining, to afflict him more than the rest. Thus was our new
commander welcomed to his authority, and we all considered his wounds as
mortal; but he lived till about fourteen months afterwards, when he died
peaceably in his bed, on his way back to England.

[Footnote 225: This account of the battle is chiefly taken from Terry,
who is more particular in his narrative; but Childe says that Captain
Pepwell, the new general, gave him leave to begin this day's action, as
his ship sailed better, and that, after three or four broadsides, he
gave place to the general. According to modern naval tactics, all four
at once would have assailed the enemy, taking vantage stations on her
quarters and bows.--E.]

By the same shot, Mr Richard Hounsell, the master of our ship, had a
great piece of the flesh of his arm carried off, which rendered him
unserviceable for a time. The captain and master being thus disabled,
deputed their authority to the chief master's mate, who behaved with
great prudence and resolution. Thus we continued one after the other to
fight all day, the vice-admiral and the Globe and James taking their
turns in succession. Between three and four in the afternoon, the
mainmast of the carack fell overboard, and presently afterwards the
foremast and mizen followed, and she had received so many and large
wounds in her thick sides, that her case was quite desperate, and she
must soon either yield or perish. Her commander, Don Emanuel de Meneses,
a brave and resolute person, stood in for the shore in this distressed
condition, being not far from the island of Gazidia.[226] We pursued as
far as we durst venture, without hazard of shipwreck, but gave over at
five o'clock, when about a league from the shore, which is extremely
steep, and no ground to be had within less than a cable's length of the
rocks, the shore being moreover to leeward.

[Footnote 226: According to Childe, it was the most northern of the
islands, named Komoro, or Augasi, not far north from Moelia, where the
fight began,--E.]

We now sent off our barge with a flag of truce to speak the carack, and
as he waved us with a similar flag, Mr Connock, our chief merchant, who
was employed on this occasion, boldly went aboard the carack, and
delivered a message to Don Emanuel, stating, that he brought an offer of
life and peace if he would accept it; and as he deserved well for his
undaunted valour, so he should be honourably and respectfully treated if
he would put himself into our hands, and sent to Goa in safety. He,
however, as an oak gathering strength from his wounds,[227] and
contemning the misery he could not prevent, resolutely answered Mr
Connock to the following purpose: "That no misfortune should make him
alter his former resolution; for he was determined again to stand out to
sea, if possible, and to encounter us again; and then, if forced by fire
and sword, he might by bad chance be taken, but he would never yield;
and, if taken alive, he hoped to find the respect due to a gentleman,
till when we had our answer."

[Footnote 227: Duris, ut ilex tonsa bipennibus-ducit opes animumque

Our messenger was thus dismissed, and shortly afterwards this sore
distressed ship, being entirely unmanageable for want of masts and
sails, was forced by the winds and waves upon the adjacent island of
Gazidia or Komoro, where she stuck fast between two rocks. Those who
remained alive in the carack got ashore by means of their boats; and
when all were landed, willing, as it would seem, to consume what they
could not keep, they set their carack on fire, that she might not become
our prize.[228] After leaving their ill-fated carack, the poor
Portuguese were most inhumanly used by the barbarous islanders, who
spoiled them of every thing they had brought on shore for their succour,
and slew some of them for opposing their cupidity. Doubtless they had
been all massacred, had they not been relieved by two small Arab vessels
who were there engaged in trade, and which, I suppose in hope of a great
reward, took them in, and conveyed them in safety to their own city of

[Footnote 228: Childe says, he could not say whether she was fired
accidentally or on purpose.--E.]

In the morning of the 9th, Mr Alexander Childe, who commanded one of the
English ships, sent his mate, Anthony Fugars, ashore in his long-boat,
to see if any of the Portuguese were saved, to fetch such away, and to
learn how she was set on fire. But the carack was still burning, and not
a man belonging to her was to be seen. There were many negro islanders
on the coast, over against the carack, who held up a flag of truce to
invite the English on shore, but it was impossible to land in that
place, or any where within three leagues to the east or west, as the
rocks were all extremely high and rugged.

In this long conflict, only five men were lost out of our four ships,
three belonging to the admiral, and two out of the James. Besides whom,
there were about twenty wounded in our fleet, all of whom afterwards
recovered. But, of 700 who sailed in the carack, there came not above
250 to Goa, as we were afterwards credibly informed. In this fearful
engagement, our ship, the Charles, discharged 375 great shot against the
adversary, as reported by our gunners, besides 100 musqueteers who plied
their small arms all the time. Neither were the enemy idle, for our ship
received at least 100 great shot from them, many of which dangerously
took place in her hull. Our foremast was shot through the middle, our
mainmast wounded, the main stay, and many of the main shrouds, cut

After we had seen the carack set on fire, which was about midnight of
the 8th, we stood off and on till morning, to see if we might find any
thing in her ashes. Finding this ineffectual, we sought about for some
place where we might find succour and refreshment for our sick and
wounded on shore. The land was very high, and the sea every where too
deep for anchoring, so that it was the 10th before we could find a good
harbour, which was in the S.W. part of the island, where we anchored.
The James came to anchor in twenty-two fathoms, with one of her anchors,
while the other was only in fourteen. This harbour was over against a
town called Mattoma.

This island seemed very pleasant, full of goodly trees, covered all over
with green pasture, and abounding in beeves, goats, poultry,
sugar-canes, rice, plantains, lemons, oranges, and cocoa-nuts, with many
other wholesome things; of all which we procured sufficient to relieve
our whole company for a small quantity of white paper, a few glass
beads, and penny knives. For instance, we bought as many oranges as
would fill a hat for half a quarter of a sheet of white paper, and all
other kinds of provision in the same proportion. The islanders brought
much of their fruits to us in their little canoes, which are long and
narrow boats, like troughs, hollowed out of single trees; but their
cattle we bought on shore. I observed the people to be straight,
well-limbed, and able-bodied men, of a very dark tawny colour. Most of
the men, and all the women, were entirely naked, except merely enough to
hide their parts of shame. Some few of the men wore long garments, after
the fashion of the Arabs, whose language they spoke, and were likewise
of the Mahometan religion, and so rigid, that they would not suffer us
to come near their places of worship. They have good convenient
dwellings, and fair sepulchres for their dead.

They scorned to live under strict obedience to a king, whose residence
was some miles up the country, as they required to have his leave, which
was sent for, before they would sell us any provisions. When informed of
our arrival, their king sent a message of welcome to our commander,
together with a present of beeves, goats, and choice fruits; in return
for which, he was well recompensed and contented, by a present of paper,
and other English toys. We saw some Spanish money among them, of which
they made so small account, that some of our men got rials of eight, in
exchange for a little paper, or a few beads. What use they made of the
paper, we could not guess. The cocoa-nut tree, of which this island has
abundance, may have the pre-eminence of all trees, in my opinion, by its
universal usefulness. Without the help of any other, one may build and
furnish out a ship for sea, with every thing requisite. Of the body of
this tree may be made timbers, planks, and masts; its gum may serve for
paying the bottom; the rind of the same tree will make sails and
cordage; and the large nut, being full of kernel and pleasant liquor,
will serve those who navigate the ship both for meat and drink, as also
for merchandize.

Being well stored with these nuts, and other good provisions, after six
days abode here, the breaches in our ships received in fight being all
repaired, and our men well refreshed, we put again to sea on the 16th of
August, with a prosperous wind. On the 24th, we passed under the line,
without any heat to offend us, bending our course for Socotora, near the
mouth of the Red Sea, an island whence comes our Socotorine aloes. But
an adverse wind from the coast of Arabia prevented us from being able to
fetch that island, which we passed on the 1st September.

In the year before, our English fleet touched at this island, on which
occasion the petty king came to the water-side, and hearing some of our
wind-instruments, asked if they ever played David's Psalms, which he had
heard of, being a Mahometan. He was answered by one who stood by, that
they did. On which he observed, that it was an evil invention of him who
first mingled music with religion; as God, before that, was worshipped
in heart, but by this only in sound. I mean not by this story to condemn
the use of music in churches; leaving it to him who bids us praise the
Lord with stringed instruments and organs, to plead that cause.

Missing our port of Socotora, we proceeded on our voyage; and, on the
4th of September, we celebrated a solemn funeral in memory of our slain
commander; when, after sermon, the great guns and small arms gave a loud
peal to his honourable remembrance. At night on the 6th September, to
our great admiration and fear, the water of the sea seemed as white as
milk. Others of our nation since, passing in the same course, have
observed the same phenomenon, of which I am yet to learn the cause, as
it was far from any shore, and we could find no ground.

On the 21st of September we discovered the main land of India; and on
the 22d had sight of Diu and Damaun, cities inhabited by the Portuguese.
The 25th we came safely to anchor in Swally roads, within the bay of
Cambay, which is the harbour for our fleet while in this part of India,
when we were visited by the merchants of the Surat factory, the
principal of whom was Mr Thomas Kerridge.

Sec.2. _Description of the Mogul Empire_

Although this account of Hindoostan, or the Mogul empire in India, be
very incorrect, and in some places hardly intelligible, it is here
retained, as a curious record of the knowledge possessed on that subject
by the English about 200 years ago. We have two editions of this account
in Purchas, one appended to his narrative of Sir Thomas Roe, and the
other in this relation by Terry, which he acknowledges to be the most
correct, and which therefore is alone retained. On the present occasion,
instead of encumbering the bottoms of our pages with the display of
numerous explanatory notes on this topographical list of places and
provinces, a running commentary has been introduced into the text, so
far as seemed necessary, yet distinguished sufficiently from the
original notices by Terry. The observations, by way of commentary, are
marked, as this paragraph.--E.

* * * * *

The large empire of the Great Mogul is bounded on the east by the
kingdom of Maug;[229] on the west by Persia; on the north by the
mountains of Caucasus [Hindoo-Kho] and Tartary; and on the south by the
ocean, the Deccan, and the bay of Bengal. The Deccan is divided among
three Mahometan kings and some Indian rajahs. This extensive monarchy of
the Mogul is called, in the Persian language, by the Mahometan
inhabitants, Indostan or Hindoostan, meaning the land of the Hindoos,
and is divided into _thirty-seven_ distinct and large provinces, which
were anciently separate kingdoms. Their several names, with their
principal cities, their rivers, situations, and borders, together with
their length and breadth, I shall now enumerate, beginning at the

[Footnote 229: Meckely, now a province of the Birman empire; perhaps
called Maug in the text, from a barbarous tribe called the Muggs, or
Maugs, who inhabit, or did inhabit, the mountains east of Bengal, and
who are said to have laid waste and depopulated the Sunderbunds, or
Delta of the Ganges.--E.] 1. _Candahar,_ the chief city of which is of
the same name, lies N.W. from the heart or centre of the Mogul
territory, bordering upon Persia, of which kingdom it was formerly a

2. _Cabul,_ with its chief city of the same name, lies in the extremest
north-west corner of this empire, bordering to the north on Tartary for
a great way. The river Nilab takes its rise in this country, and runs to
the southwards, till it discharges its waters into the Indus.--This is a
material error. The Nilab is the main stream of the Indus, and rises far
to the north in Little Thibet, a great way N.E. of Cabul. The river of
Cabul is the Kameh, which runs S.E. and joins the Nilab, Sinde, or
Indus, a few miles above Attock. Another river, in the south of Cabul,
called the Cow, or Coumul, follows a similar direction, and falls into
the western side of the Indus, about forty miles below the Kameh.--E.

3. _Multan,_ Moultan or Mooltan, having its chief city of the same name,
is south [south-east] from Cabul and Candahar, and on the west joins
with Persia.--This is an error, as Hajykan, to be noticed next in
order, is interposed.--E.

4. _Hajacan,_ or Hajykan, the kingdom of the Baloches, who are a stout
warlike people, has no renowned city. The famous river Indus, called
_Skind_ [Sind or Sindeh] by the inhabitants, borders it on the east, and
Lar, or Laristan, meets it on the west, a province belonging to Shah
Abbas, the present king of Persia.--In modern geography, the country of
the Ballogees, or Baloches, is placed considerably more to the
north-west, bordering on the south-east of Candahar; and the Sewees are
placed more immediately west of this province. The seats, however, of
barbarous hordes, in a waste and almost desert country, are seldom
stationary for any continuance; and the Ballogees and Sewees are
probably congeneric tribes, much intermixed, and having no fixed
boundaries. We have formerly seen the Baloches, or a tribe of that
nation, inhabiting the oceanic coast of Persia about Guadel, and one of
their tribes may have been in possession of Hajykan, which perhaps
derived its name from their chief or khan having made the Haji, or
pilgrimage of Mecca. The assertion that Hajykan joins with Lar, or
Laristan, is grossly erroneous, as the eastern provinces of Persia which
confine with Hindoostan, are Segistan in the north, bordering with
Candahar, and Mekran in the south, bordering with the provinces of
Hindoostan which are to the west of the Indus. Lar or Laristan is a
Persian province within the gulf of Persia, at least 850 English miles
from the most westerly part of Hindoostan.--E.

5. _Buckor_, or Backar, its chief city being Buckor-Suckor. The river
Indus pervades this province, which it greatly enriches.--In modern
maps, the city of Backar is placed in a small island in the middle of
the Indus, at the junction of the Dummoddy from the N.E. Suckar, whence
probably our word sugar is derived, is given as a distinct place, on the
western side of the Indus. Indeed, in the map of India given in the
Pilgrims, Backar and Suckar are made distinct places, but their
situations are reversed.--E.

6. _Tatta_, with its chief city of the same name. This province is
exceedingly fertile and pleasant, being divided into many islands by the
Indus, the chief arm of which meets the sea at Synde, a place very
famous for curious handicrafts.--The most western branch of the Indus,
called the Pitty river, from a place of that name on its western shore
near the mouth, is probably that here meant. That branch leads to
Larry-bunder, the sea-port of Tatta; and the Synde of Terry is probably
the Diul-sinde of other authors, a place situated somewhat in this
neighbourhood, but which is not to be found in modern maps.--E.

7. _Soret_, the chief city of which is called Janagur, is a small, but
rich province, which lies west from Guzerat, having the ocean to the
south.--Soret is not now recognized as a distinct province or district,
but seems the modern Werrear, the western district of Guzerat,
Rhadunpoor appearing to be its chief town. Janagur, in this district, is
on the west side of the river Butlass, or Banass, which runs into the
head of the gulf of Cutch.--E.

8. _Jesselmere_, of which the chief city has the same name, joins with
Soret Backar and Tatta, being to the south of Soret and Tatta, and
having Backar on the west.

9. _Attock_, the chief city being of the same name, lies on the east
side of the Indus, which parts it from Hajykan.--This account is
erroneous, as Attock-Benares is much farther up the river Indus than
Hajykan, having the eastern extremity of Cabul on the opposite side of
the Indus.--E.

10. _Punjab_, which signifies the _five waters_, because it is seated
among five rivers, all tributaries to the Indus, which, somewhat to the
south of Lahore, form only one river. This is a great kingdom, and
extremely rich and fertile. Lahore, the chief city, is well built, very
large, populous, and rich, being the chief mart of trade in all India.

11. _Chishmeere_, Kyshmir, Cachmir, or Cashmere, its chief city being
Siranakar. The river Phat passes through this country, and, after
creeping about many islands, falls into the Indus.--The rivers of
Cashmere, here called the Phat, are the Chota-sing, or Jellum, in the N.
and the Jellium, or Colhumah, in the S. which unite in the W. to form
the Jhylum or Babut, the Phat or Bhat of Terry and Purchas, and the
Hydaspes of the ancients, one of the _five rivers_ of the Indus. The
present capital of Cashmere is likewise named Cashmere; but has in its
close neighbourhood a town or fortress called Sheergur, the Siranakar of

12. _Banchish_, with its chief city named Bishur. It lies east southerly
from Cashmere, from which it is divided by the river Indus.--No such
province or city is to be found in the modern geography of Hindoostan,
neither any names in the indicated direction that have any resemblance
to these. In the map of the Mogul empire in the Pilgrims, appended to
the journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Banchish and Bishar are placed on a river
named the Kaul, being the _fourth_ of the Punjab or five rivers,
counting from the west, and therefore probably the Ravey, or Hydraotes
of the ancients. Near the head of that river, and to the east of
Cashmere, is a town, called Kishtewar, which may possibly have been the
Bishur of Terry: But there is a little-known district near the head of
the Jumna, S.S.E. from Cashmere, named Besseer, that has considerable
resemblance in sound to Bishur, and is in the indicated direction.--E.

13. _Jeugapor_, with its chief city likewise so named, lies on the Kaul,
one of the five rivers that water the Punjab.--The only place upon the
Ravey, which answers to the Kaul, which has the smallest resemblance
with Jengapor, or Jenupur, as it is likewise called by Purchas, is
Shawpoor, N.E. from Agra. Yet Jaypoor, otherwise called Jyenagur, in
Ajmeer, is more probably the district and city here meant, though not in
the Punjab.--E.

14. _Jenba_, its chief city so called, lies east of the Punjab.--This
may possibly be Jambae, north of Lahore.--E.

15. _Delli_, or Delhi, its chief city being of the same name, lies
between Jenba and Agra, the river Jemni, which runs through Agra and
falls into the Ganges, begins in this province. Delhi is a great and
ancient city, the seat of the Mogul's ancestors, and where most of them
are interred.--The Jumnah, or Jemni of Terry, rises far to the north of
Delhi, in the high-peaked mountain of Cantal to the east of

16. _Bando_, its chief city so called, borders with Agra on the
west.--No such name is to be found in modern maps.--E.

17. _Malwa_ is a very fertile province, of which Rantipore is the chief
city.--In the other edition of this list in the Pilgrims, Ugen, Nar, and
Sering, or Oojain, Indore, and Serong, are said to have been the
capitals of Malwa. The Rantipore of Terry may have been that now called

18. _Chitor_, an ancient and great kingdom, its chief city being of the
same name.--Chitore is in the south of Ajmeer. In the edition of this
list given by Purchas at the end of the journal of Sir Thomas Roe, he
gives the following account of Chitore: "Chitore stands upon a mighty
hill, and is walled round in a circuit of ten English miles. There still
remain at this place above an hundred temples, the palace of the
ancient kings, and many brave pillars of carved stone. There is but one
ascent to the place, cut out of the solid rock, and passing through four
magnificent gateways. Within the walls are the ruins of 100,000 houses
of stone, but it is now uninhabited. This was doubtless one of the
residences of Porus, and was won from the Ranna, his descendant, by
Akbar shah, the father of the reigning Mogul. The Ranna fled into the
fastnesses of his mountains, and took up his residence at Odeypoor; but
was at length induced, in 1614, to acknowledge the Mogul as his superior
lord, by Sultan Churrum, third son of the present emperor Shah
Jehanguire. This kingdom lies N.W. from Candeish, N.E. from Guzerat, and
in the way between Agra and Surat; the Ranna keeping among the hills to
the west of Ahmedabad.--"_Purch._

19. _Guzerat_ is a goodly and mighty kingdom, and exceedingly rich,
which incloses the bay of Cambay. The river Taptee waters the city of
Surat, which trades to the Red Sea, to Acheen, and to divers other

20. _Khamdesh_, the chief city of which is Brampore, [Boorhanpoor, or
Burhampore,] which is large and populous. Adjoining to this province is
a petty prince called Partap-shah, tributary to the Mogul; and this is
the most southerly part of the Mogul dominions.

21. _Berar_, the chief city of which is called Shahpoor. The
southernmost part of this province likewise bounds the Mogul
empire.--The Shahpoor of Terry may possibly be Saipoor in the north of
Berar. In modern days, the chief cities of the great province or kingdom
of Berar, now belonging to a Mahratta chief; are Nagpoor, Ruthunpoor,
and Sonepoor.--E.

22. _Narwar_, its chief city being Gohud, is watered by a fair river
that falls into the Ganges.--This province of Narwar, now called Gohud,
from its chief city, is to be carefully distinguished from Marwar to the

22. _Gualior_, with its chief city of the same name, in which the Mogul
has a great treasury in bullion. In this city likewise there is an
exceedingly strong castle, in which state prisoners are kept.--Gualior
is, properly speaking, in the same province or district with Gohud.--E.

24. _Agra_ is a principal and great province, its chief city being of
the same name. From Agra to Lahore, the two chief cities of this empire,
the distance is about 400 English miles, the country in all that
distance being without a hill, and the road being planted the whole way
with trees on both sides, forming a beautiful avenue.

25. _Sanbal_, with its chief city of the same name. The river Jumna
parts this province from that called Narwar.--This province and city are
not to be traced in modern maps.--E.

26. _Bakar_, the chief city of which is Bikaneer, lies on the west side
of the Ganges.--Nothing resembling either name can now be found in the
indicated situation in modern maps. Bicaneer is a district and town in
the desert, far west of the Ganges.--E.

27. _Nagracutt_, or Nakarkut, with its chief city of the same name, in
which there is a temple most richly adorned, the ceiling and pavement
being of plates of pure gold. In this place they have an idol called
Matta, visited yearly by many thousands of the Indians, who, from
devotion, cut out part of their tongues, which they sacrifice at his
altar. In this province likewise, there is another famous place of
pilgrimage, Jallamaka, where there are daily to be seen incessant
eruptions of fire, out of cold springs and hard rocks, before which the
idolaters fall down and worship.--In the edition of this list, appended
by Purchas to the journal of Sir Thomas Roe, this district and city are
said to be in the northeasternmost confines of the Mogul dominions, N.E.
from the head of the bay of Bengal. This description is however entirely
at variance with the accompanying map in the Pilgrims, in which
Nagracutt and its capital are placed east from the Punjab; the capital
being on the easternmost of the five rivers of the Setlege, and towards
its head. In the edition of this list given by Churchill, as an appendix
likewise to Sir Thomas Roe, Nagracutt is said to lie to the north,
between the Punjab and Jamboe. In our best modern maps, no district or
place, having the smallest resemblance in name, is to be found in any of
these indicated situations. Terry gives no reference as to situation; so
that we may conjecture that Nagracutt may refer to Nucker-gaut, the
passage of the Ganges through the Sewalick mountains, between Serinagur
and Hindoostan.--E.

28. _Siba_, the chief city of which is Hardwair, or Hurdwar, where the
famous river Ganges seems to begin, and issues out of a rock, which the
superstitious Gentiles imagine resembles a cow's head, which animal they
hold in the highest veneration; and to this place they resort daily in
great numbers to wash themselves.

29. _Kakares_, the principal cities being Dankalec and Purhola. This
country is very mountainous, and is divided from Tartary by the
mountains of Caucasus, being the farthest north of any part of the Mogul
dominions.--In the map of Purchas, this province or kingdom is called
Kares, and is placed directly to the north of where the Ganges breaks
through the Sewalick mountains, above Hurdwar, at the _Cow's-mouth_. In
that direction are the little-known districts of Serinagur,
Badry-cazram, and others; but no names either of towns or districts that
in the least resemble those given by Terry.--E.

30. _Gor_, its chief city of the same name. This province is full of
mountains, and in it begins the river Persilis, which discharges its
waters into the Ganges.--In the other copy of this list in Purchas, so
often already referred to, Gor is said to lie in the northern part of
the Mogul dominions. From this, and the mountainous nature of the
country, as stated by Terry, it may possibly be Gorcah, one of the
little-known _twenty-four rajahs_, to the west of Napaul; and the
Persilis of Terry may be the Sursutty or the Marshandy, both head
streams of the Gunduck.--E.

31. _Pitan_, and its chief city so named. The river Kanda waters this
province, and falls into the Ganges on its confines.--This is probably
one of the _twenty-four_ rajahs, called Peytahn, in the mountainous
country to the north of Oude, which is watered by several of the head
streams of the Gunduck and Booree or Rapty rivers.--E.

32. _Kanduana_, the chief city of which is called Karhakatenka. The
river Sersili parts it from Pitan; and this province, with Pitan and
Gor, are the north-east boundaries of this great monarchy.--The
indicated connection with Gor and Pitan, or Gorcah and Peytahn, would
lead to suppose that Napaul is here meant. Karhakatenka may possibly be
some name of Catmandoo, or may have some reference to Kyraut, a district
in the east of Napaul, bordering on Bootan. The river Sersili of this
district is evidently the Persilis mentioned in Gor, and may refer to
the Sursutty.--E.

33. _Patna_, the chief city of which has the same name. The river
Ganges bounds this province on the west, and the Sersilis on the east.
It is a very fertile province.--In the former edition of this list by
Purchas, this province is said to be watered by four rivers, the Ganges,
Jumna, Sersili, and Kanda, all of which rivers here unite. Patna is
seated on the south side of the Ganges, which is joined a little way
higher up by the Jumna. Opposite to Patna the Gunduck falls into the
Ganges, probably the Kanda of Purchas, of which the Sursutty, formerly
supposed to be the same with the Sersili, or Persilis, is one of the
feeders. Patna is well known as a principal city of Bahar.--E.

34. _Jesual_, the chief city of which is called Rajapore, lies east of
Patna.--This may possibly refer to the district and city of Hajipoor in
Bahar, to the N.E. of Patna.--E.

35. _Mevat_, the chief city of which province is Narnol, is a very
mountainous country.--In the map of the Pilgrims, Mevat and Narnol are
placed to the east of Jesual, but the geography of this part of
Hindoostan in that map is utterly unintelligible, and no conjecture can
be hazarded respecting either Mevat or Narnol.--E.

36. _Udessa_, the chief city of which is called Jokanat, is the most
easterly territory in the kingdom of the Mogul.--In the other edition of
this list given by Purchas, Udessa, or Udeza, is said to border on the
kingdom of Maug, a savage people dwelling between this province and the
kingdom of Pegu. Its eastern situation would lead to the province of
Chittagong or Islambabad. The Maugs, or Mugs, are probably the barbarous
mountaineers of Meckley to the north of Aracan; but no names in modern
maps have any reference to Udessa, Udeza, or Jokanat, unless Jokanat be
some strange corruption of Chittagong.--E.

37. _Bengal_, a mighty and fertile kingdom, bounded by the gulf or bay
of the same name, into which the river Ganges discharges itself by four
great branches, into which it divides.--In the other edition of this
list, by Purchas, so often referred to, Ragamahall and Dakaka, or
Rajemal and Dacca, are mentioned as the chief cities of Bengal. It would
require far too long a commentary, to explain some farther ignorant
indications of the havens and provinces of Bengal, contained in that
former list, and in the map of the Pilgrims; both being so faulty in
positions, and so corrupted in the names, as to be useless and
unintelligible. By the labours of Rennel, as since extended and improved
by Arrowsmith, the geography of Bengal is now as completely elucidated
as that of Britain.--E.

Here I must take notice of a material error in our geographers, who, in
their globes and maps, make Hindoostan and China neighbours, though many
large countries are interposed between them. Their great distance may
appear, from the long travels of the Indian merchants, who are usually
more than two years in their journey and return, between Agra and the
wall of China. The length of these before-named provinces, from N.W. to
S.E. is at least 1000 cosses, every Indian coss being two English miles.
From N. to S. the extent is about 1400 miles. The greatest breadth, from
N.E. to S.W. is about 1500 miles. The northernmost part is in 43 deg. of
north latitude.[230]

[Footnote 230: The northern mountains of Cashmere, are only in lat. 35 deg.
30' N. so that the 43 deg. of the text is probably a mistake for 34 deg..--E.]

To give an exact account of all these provinces, were more than I am
able to undertake; yet, from what I have observed of a few, I may
venture to conjecture concerning the rest, and I am convinced that the
Great Mogul, considering the extent of his territories, his wealth, and
the rich commodities of his dominions, is the greatest known monarch of
the east, if not in the whole world. This widely extended sovereignty is
so rich and fertile, and so abounding in all things for the use of man,
that it is able to subsist and flourish of itself, without the help of
any neighbour. To speak first of food, which nature requires most. This
land abounds in singularly good wheat, rice, barley, and various other
grains, from which to make bread, the staff of life. Their wheat grows
like ours, but the grain is somewhat larger and whiter, of which the
inhabitants make most pure and well-relished bread. The common people
make their bread in cakes, which they bake or fire on portable iron
hearths or plates, which they carry with them on their journeys, using
them in their tents. This seems to be an ancient custom, as appears from
the instance of Sarah in our bible, when she entertained the angels.

To their bread, they have great abundance of other excellent provisions,
as butter and cheese in great plenty, made from the milk of their
numerous cows, sheep, and goats. They have likewise a large animal,
called a buffalo, having a thick smooth skin without hair, the females
of which give excellent milk. Their flesh resembles beef, but is not so
sweet or wholesome. They have plenty of venison of several kinds, as red
and fallow deer, elks, and antelopes. These are not any where kept in
parks, the whole empire being as it were a forest, so that they are seen
every where in travelling through the country; and they are free game
for all men, except within a certain distance of where the king happens
to reside. They have also plenty of hares, with a variety of land and
water fowl, and abundance of fish, which it were too tedious to
enumerate. Of fowls, they have geese, ducks, pigeons, partridges,
quails, pheasants, and many other good sorts, all to be had at low
rates. I have seen a good sheep bought for about the value of our
shilling: four couple of hens for the same price; a hare for a penny;
three partridges for the same money; and so in proportion for other

The cattle of this country differ from ours, in having a great bunch of
grisly flesh on the meeting of their shoulders. Their sheep have great
bob-tails of considerable weight, and their flesh is as good as our
English mutton, but their wool is very coarse. They have also abundance
of salt, and sugar is so plentiful, that it sells, when well refined,
for two-pence a pound, or less. Their fruits are numerous, excellent,
abundant, and cheap; as musk-melons, water-melons, pomegranates,
pomecitrons, lemons, oranges, dates, figs, grapes, plantains, which are
long round yellow fruits, which taste like our Norwich pears; mangoes,
in shape and colour like our apricots, but more luscious, and ananas or
pine-apples, to crown all, which taste like a pleasing compound of
strawberries, claret-wine, rose-water, and sugar. In the northern parts
of the empire, they have plenty of apples and pears. They have every
where abundance of excellent roots, as carrots, potatoes, and others;
also garlic and onions, and choice herbs for sallads. In the southern
parts, ginger grows almost every where.

I must here mention a pleasant clear liquor called _taddy_, which issues
from a spungy tree, growing straight and tall without boughs to the top,
and there spreads out in branches resembling our English colewarts. They
make their incisions, under which they hang small earthenware pots; and
the liquor which flows out in the night is as pleasant to the taste as
any white wine, if drank in the morning early, but it alters in the day
by the sun's heat, becoming heady, ill-tasted and unwholesome. It is a
most penetrating medicinal drink, if taken early and in moderation, as
some have experienced to their great happiness, by relieving them from
the tortures of the stone, that tyrant of maladies and opprobrium of
the doctors.

At Surat, and thence to Agra and beyond, it only rains during one season
of the year, which begins when the sun comes to the northern tropic, and
continues till he returns again to the line. These violent rains are
ushered in, and take their leave, by most fearful tempests of thunder
and lightning, more terrible than I can express, but which seldom do any
harm. The reason of this may be the subtile nature of the air, breeding
fewer _thunder-stones_, than where the air is grosser and more cloudy.
In these three months, it rains every day more or less, and sometimes
for a whole quarter of the moon without intermission. Which abundance of
rain, together with the heat of the sun, so enriches the soil, which
they never force by manure, that it becomes fruitful for all the rest of
the year, as that of Egypt is by the inundations of the Nile. After this
season of rain is over, the sky becomes so clear, that scarcely is a
single cloud to be seen for the other nine months. The goodness of the
soil is evident from this circumstance, that though the ground, after
the nine months of dry weather, looks altogether like barren sands, it
puts on an universal coat of green within seven days after the rains
begin to fall. Farther to confirm this, among the many hundreds of acres
I have seen in corn in India, I never saw any that did not grow up as
thick as it could well stand. Their ground is tilled by ploughs drawn by
oxen; the seed-time being in May or the beginning of June, and the
harvest in November and December, the most temperate months in all the
year. The ground is not inclosed, except near towns and villages, which
stand very thick. They do not mow their grass for hay as we do; but cut
it either green or withered, when wanted. They sow abundance of tobacco,
but know not the way to cure it and make it strong, as is done in

The country is beautified by many woods, in which are a great variety of
goodly trees; but I never saw any there of the kinds we have in England.
In general their trees are full of sap, which I ascribe to the fatness
of the soil. Some have leaves as broad as bucklers; others are much
divided into small portions, like the leaves of ferns. Such are those of
the tamarind tree, which bears an acid fruit in a pod somewhat like our
beans, and is most wholesome to cool and purify the blood. One of their
trees is worthy of being particularly noticed: Out of its branches there
grow certain sprigs or fibres, which hang downwards, and extend till
they touch the ground, in which they strike roots, and become
afterwards new trunks and firm supporters to the boughs and arms; whence
these trees come in time to grow to a great height, and extend to an
incredible breadth.[231] All trees in the southern parts of India are
perpetually clothed in verdure Their flowers rather delight the eye than
please the sense of smelling, having beautiful colours, but few of them,
except roses and one or two other kinds, are any way fragrant.

[Footnote 231: The Banian tree, a species of Indian fig.--E.]

India is watered by many goodly rivers, the two chief of which are the
Indus and the Ganges. There is this remarkable in the water of the
Ganges, that a pint of it weighs less by an ounce than that of any other
river in the empire; and therefore, wherever the Mogul happens to
reside, it is brought to him for his drinking. Besides rivers, there are
abundance of well-fed springs, on which they bestow great cost in many
places, constructing many stone-buildings in the form of ponds, which
they call _tanks_, some of which exceed a mile or two in circuit, made
round or square or polygonal, girt all round with handsome stone-walls,
within which are steps of well-dressed stone encompassing the water, for
people to go down on every aide to procure supplies. These tanks are
filled during the rainy season, and contain water for the supply of
those who dwell far from springs or rivers, till the wet season again
returns. Water, the most ancient beverage in the world, is the common
drink of India, being more sweet and pleasant than ours, and agrees
better with the constitution in this hot country than any other liquor.
Some small quantity of wine is made among them, which they call arrack,
but is not common, being distilled from sugar, and the spicy rind of a
tree, which they call _jagra_. This is very wholesome, if used in
moderation. Many of the people, who are strict in their religion, use no
wine at all. They use a liquor which is more wholesome than pleasant,
called _cohha_; being a black seed boiled in water, which does not much
alter the taste of the water, but is an excellent helper of digestion,
serving to quicken the spirits, and to purify the blood.[232] There is
also another help for digestion and to comfort the stomach, used by
those who refrain from wine. This is an herb called betel, or _paune_,
its leaf resembling that of our ivy. They chew this leaf along with a
hard nut, called _areka_, somewhat like a nutmeg, mixing a little pure
white lime among the leaves; and when they have extracted the juice,
they throw away the remains. This has many rare qualities: It preserves
the teeth, comforts the brain, strengthens the stomach, and prevents a
bad breath.

[Footnote 232: The author here describes coffee, now so universally
known in Europe.--E.]

Their houses are generally very mean, except in the cities, where I have
seen many fair buildings. Many of the houses in these are high, with
flat roofs, where, in the cool of the mornings and evenings, they enjoy
the fresh air. Their houses have no chimneys, as they use no fires,
except for dressing their victuals. In their upper rooms, they have many
windows and doors, for admitting light and air, but use no glass. The
materials of their best houses are bricks and stone, well squared and
built, as I have observed in Ahmedabad, which may serve as an instance
for all. This is an extensive and rich city, compassed about with a
strong stone-wall, and entered by twelve handsome gates. Both in their
towns and villages, they have usually many fair trees among the houses,
being a great defence against the violence of the sun. These trees are
commonly so numerous and thick, that a city or town, when seen at a
distance from some commanding eminence, seems a wood or thicket.

The staple commodities of this empire are indigo and cotton. To produce
cotton, they sow seeds, which grow up into bushes like our rose-trees.
These produce first a yellow blossom, which falls off, and leaves a pod
about the size of a man's thumb, in which the substance at first is
moist and yellow. As this ripens, it swells larger, till at length it
bursts the covering, the cotton being then as white as snow. It is then
gathered. These shrubs continue to bear for three or four years, when
they have to be rooted out, and new ones substituted. Of this vegetable
wool, or cotton, they fabricate various kinds of pure white cloth, some
of which I have seen as fine as our best lawns, if not finer. Some of
the coarser sorts they dye in various colours, or stain with a variety
of curious figures.

The ships that go usually from Surat to Mokha, are of exceeding great
burden, some of them, as I believe, exceeding 1400 or 1600 tons; but
they are ill built, and though they have good ordnance, they are unable
for any defence. In these ships there are yearly a vast number of
passengers: As, for instance, in that year in which we left India, there
came 1700 persons, most of whom went not for profit, but out of
devotion, to visit the sepulchre of Mahomet at Medina near Mecca, about
150 leagues from Mokha. Those who have been upon this pilgrimage are
ever after called _hoggeis_, [_hajim_] or holy men. This ship, from
Surat for the Red Sea, begins her voyage about the 20th of March and
returns to Surat about the end of September following. The voyage is
short, and might easily be made in two months; but during the long
season of the rains, and a little before and after, the winds are mostly
so violent that there is no putting to sea without extreme hazard. The
cargo of this ship, on its return, is usually worth L200,000 sterling,
mostly in gold and silver. Besides this, and the quantities of money
which come yearly out of Europe, which I do not pretend to calculate,
many streams of silver flow continually thither, and there abide. It is
lawful for all to bring in silver, and to carry away commodities, but it
is a capital crime to carry away any great sums.

All the coin or bullion that comes to this country is presently melted
down and refined, and coined with the stamp of the Mogul, being his name
and title in Persian characters. This coin is purer silver than any
other that I know, being of virgin silver without alloy, so that in the
Spanish dollar, the purest money in Europe, there is some loss. Their
money is called _rupees_, which are of divers values, the meanest being
worth two shillings, and the best about two shillings and nine-pence.
This is their general money of account. There is in Guzerat a coin of
inferior value, called _mamoodies_, worth about twelve-pence each. Both
these and the rupees are likewise coined in halves and quarters; so that
three-pence is the smallest piece of current silver in the country. That
which passes current for small change is brass money, which they call
_pices_, of which three, or thereabout, are worth an English penny.
These are made so massy, that the brass in them, when put to other uses,
is well worth the quantity of silver at which they are rated. Their
silver money is made both square and round; but so thick, that it never
breaks or wears out.

For farther commodities; India yields great store of silk, which they
weave very ingeniously, sometimes mixed with gold or silver. They make
velvets, sattins, and taffetas, but not so rich as those of Italy. This
country also produces many drugs and gums, and particularly the gum-lac,
from which hard sealing-wax is made. The earth also yields abundant
minerals, as lead, iron, copper, and brass, and, as they say, silver;
yet, though this be true, they need not work their silver mines, being
already so abundantly supplied with that metal from other nations. They
have spices from other countries, and especially from Sumatra, Java, and
the Molucca islands. They have curious pleasure gardens, planted with
fruit-trees and delightful flowers, to which nature lends daily such
ample supply, that they seem never to fade. In these places they have
pleasant fountains, in which to bathe, and other delights by various
conveyances of water, whose silent murmurs sooth their senses to sleep,
in the hot season of the day.

Lest this remote country might seem an earthly paradise, without any
inconveniences, I must notice that it contains many lions, tigers,
wolves, and jackals, which are a kind of wild dogs, besides many other
noxious and hurtful animals. In their rivers they have many crocodiles,
and on the land many overgrown snakes and serpents, with other venomous
and pernicious creatures. In the houses we often meet with scorpions,
whose stinging is most painful and even deadly, unless the part be
immediately anointed with an oil made of scorpions.[233] The abundance
of flies in those parts is likewise an extreme annoyance; as, in the
heat of the day, their numbers are so prodigious, that we cannot have
peace or rest for them in any part. They cover our meat the moment it is
set on the table, wherefore we are obliged to have men standing ready to
drive them away with napkins, while we are eating. In the night,
likewise, we are much disquieted with musquetos, like our gnats, but
somewhat less; and, in the cities, there are such numbers of large
hungry rats, that they often bite people as they sleep in their beds.

[Footnote 233: This is a mere fancy, as any bland oil is equally

In this country the winds, which are called monsoons, blow constantly,
or altering only a few points, for six months from the south, and other
six months from the north. The months of April and May, and the
beginning of June, till the rains come, are extremely hot; and the wind,
which then sometimes blows gently over the parched ground, becomes so
heated, as much oppresses all who are exposed to it: Yet God so
mercifully provides for our relief, that most commonly he sends so
strong a gale as greatly tempers the sultry air. Sometimes the wind
blows very high during the hot and dry season, raising up vast
quantities of dust and sand, like dark clouds pregnant with rain, and
which often prodigiously annoy the people among whom they fall. But
there is no country without its inconveniences; for the wise Disposer of
all events hath attempered bitter things with sweet, to teach mankind
that there is no true or perfect contentment to be found, but only in
the kingdom of God.

This country has many excellent horses, which the inhabitants know well
how to manage. Besides those bred in the country, they have many of the
Tartarian, Persian, and Arabian breeds, which last is considered as the
best in the world. They are about as large as ours, and are valued among
them at as dear a rate as we usually esteem ours, perhaps higher. They
are kept very daintily, every good horse being allowed one man to dress
and feed him. Their provender is a species of grain called _donna_,
somewhat like our pease, which are boiled, and then given cold to the
horses, mixed with coarse sugar; and twice or thrice a week they have
butter given them to scour their bodies. There are likewise in this
country a great number of camels, dromedaries, mules, asses, and some
rhinoceroses. These are huge beasts, bigger than the fattest oxen to be
seen in England, and their skins lie upon their bodies in plaits or

They have many elephants, the Great Mogul having not fewer than 1400 for
his own use, and all the nobles of the country have more or less, some
having to the number of an hundred. Though the largest of all
terrestrial animals, the elephants are wonderfully tractable, except
that they are mad at times; but at all other times, a little boy is able
to rule the largest of them. I have seen some thirteen feet high; but I
have been often told that some are fifteen feet in height at the least.
Their colour is universally black, their skins very thick and smooth,
and without hair. They take much delight to bathe themselves in water,
and they swim better than any beast I know. They lie down and rise again
at pleasure, as other beasts do. Their pace is not swift, being only
about three miles an hour; but they are the surest footed beasts in the
world, as they never endanger their riders by stumbling. They are the
most docile of all creatures, and of those we account merely possessed
of instinct, they come nearest to reason. Lipsius, _Cent_. 1, _Epist_.
50, in his observations, taken from others, writes more concerning them
than I can confirm, or than any can credit, as I conceive; yet I can
vouch for many things which seem to be acts of reason rather than of
mere brute sense, which we call instinct. For instance, an elephant will
do almost any thing which his keeper commands. If he would have him
terrify a man, he will make towards him as if he meant to tread him in
pieces, yet does him no hurt. If he would have him to abuse a man, he
will take up dirt, or kennel water, in his trunk, and dash it in his
face. Their trunks are long grisly snouts, hanging down betwixt their
tusks, by some called their hand, which they use very dexterously on all

An English merchant, of good credit, told me the following story of an
elephant, as having happened to his own knowledge at Ajimeer, the place
where the Mogul then resided:--This elephant used often to pass through
the bazar, or market-place, where a woman who there sold herbs used to
give him a handful as he passed her stall. This elephant afterwards went
mad,[234] and, having broken his fetters, took his way furiously through
the market-place, whence all the people fled as quickly as possible to
get out of his way. Among these was his old friend the herb-woman, who,
in her haste and terror, forgot to take away her little child. On coming
to the place where this woman was in use to sit, the elephant stopped,
and seeing the child among the herbs, he took it up gently in his trunk,
and laid it carefully on a stall under the projecting roof of a house
hard by, without doing it the smallest injury, and then continued his
furious course. A travelling Jesuit, named Acosta, relates a similar
story of an elephant at Goa, as from his own experience.--The king keeps
certain elephants for the execution of malefactors. When one of these is
brought forth to dispatch a criminal, if his keeper desires that the
offender be destroyed speedily, this vast creature will instantly crush
him to atoms under his foot; but if desired to torture him, will break
his limbs successively, as men are broken on the wheel.

[Footnote 234: This temporary madness of the male elephants is usual in
the rutting season.--E.]

The Mogul takes great delight in these stately animals, and often, when
he sits in state, calls for some of the finest and largest to be
brought, which are taught to bend before him, as in reverence, when they
come into his presence. They often fight before him, beginning their
combats like rams, by running furiously against each other, and butting
with their foreheads. They afterwards use their tusks and teeth,
fighting with the utmost fury, yet are they most careful to preserve
their keepers, so that few of them receive any hurt in these
rencounters. They are governed by a hooked instrument of steel, made
like the iron end of a boat-hook, with which their keepers, who sit on
their necks, put them back, or goad them on, at pleasure.

The king has many of his elephants trained up for war; each of which
carries an iron gun about six feet long, which is fastened to a strong
square frame of wood on his back, made fast by strong girths or ropes
round his body. This gun carries a bullet about the size of a small
tennis-ball, and is let into the timber with a loop of iron. The four
corners of the wooden frame have each a silken banner on a short pole,
and a gunner sits within, to shoot as occasion serves, managing the gun
like a harquebuss, or large wall-piece. When the king travels, he is
attended by many elephants armed in this manner, as part of his guard.
He keeps many of them likewise, merely for state, which go before him,
and are adorned with bosses of brass, and some have their bosses made of
silver, or even of gold; having likewise many bells jingling about them,
in the sound of which the animal delights. They have handsome housings,
of cloth, or velvet, or of cloth of silver, or cloth of gold; and, for
the greater state, have large royal banners of silk carried before them,
on which the king's ensign is depicted, being a lion in the sun. These
state-elephants are each allowed three or four men at least to wait upon
them. Other elephants are appointed for carrying his women, who sit in
pretty convenient receptacles fastened on their backs, made of slight
turned pillars, richly covered, each holding four persons, who sit
within. These are represented by our painters as resembling castles.
Others again are employed to carry his baggage. He has one very fine
elephant that has submitted, like the rest, to wear feathers, but could
never be brought to endure a man, or any other burden, on his back.

Although the country be very fertile, and all kinds of provisions cheap,
yet these animals, because of their vast bulk, are very chargeable in
keeping; such as are well fed costing four or five shillings each,
daily. They are kept out of doors, being fastened with a strong chain by
one of their hind legs to a tree, or a strong post. Thus standing out in
the sun, the flies are often extremely troublesome to them; on which
occasions they tread the dry ground into dust with their feet, and throw
it over their bodies with their trunks, to drive away the flies. The
males are usually mad once a year after the females, at which time they
are extremely mischievous, and will strike any one who comes in their
way, except their own keeper; and such is their vast strength, that they
will kill a horse or a camel with one blow of their trunks. This fury
lasts only a few days; when they return to their usual docility. At
these times they are kept apart from all company, and fettered with
strong chains to prevent mischief. If by chance they get loose in their
state of phrenzy, they run at everything they see in motion; and, in
this case, the only possible means of stopping them is by lighting a
kind of artificial fire-works called wild-fire, the sparkling and
cracking of which make them stand still and tremble.

The king allows four females to each of his great elephants, which are
called their wives. The testes of the males are said to lie about his
forehead, and the teats of the female are between her fore-legs. She
goes twelve months with young. The elephant is thirty years old before
he attains his full growth, and they live to seventy or eighty years of
age. Although very numerous, elephants are yet so highly prized in
India, that some of the best are valued at a thousand pounds or more.

Sec.3. _Of the People of Hindoostan, and their Manners and Customs_.

The whole inhabitants of Hindoostan were anciently Gentiles, or
notorious idolaters, generally denominated Hindoos, hot ever since the
time of Tamerlane they have been mixed with Mahometans.[235] There are,
besides, many Persians, Tartars, Abyssinians, and Arminians, and some
few of almost every nation in Asia, if not in Europe, that reside here.
Among these are some Jews, but not esteemed, for their very name is
proverbial, as a term of reproach. In stature, the natives of Hindoostan
are equal to ourselves, being in general very straight and well-made,
for I never saw any deformed person in that country. They are of a dark
tawny or olive colour, having their hair as black as a raven, but not
curled. They love not to see either a man or a woman very fair, as they
say that is the colour of lepers, which are common among them. Most of
the Mahometans, except their molahs or priests, or such as are old and
retired, keep their chins shaved, but allow the hair on their upper-lips
to grow long. They usually shave all the hair from their heads, leaving
only one lock on their crowns for Mahomet to pull them by up to heaven.
Both among the Gentiles and Mahometans they have excellent barbers. The
people often bathe and wash their bodies, and anoint themselves with
perfumed oils.

[Footnote 235: The Mahomedans made extensive conquests in India long
before the era of Timor.--E.]

The dresses of the men and women differ very little from each other, and
are mostly made of white cotton cloth. In fashion, they sit close to
the shape to the middle, and from thence hang loose to below the knee.
Under this they wear long close breeches down to their ancles, crumpled
about the small of their legs like boots. Their feet are put bare into
their shoes, which are made like slippers, that they may be readily put
off on entering their houses, the floors of which are covered with
excellent carpets of the country manufacture, as good as any made in
Turkey or Persia. Instead of these carpets, some have other
floor-cloths, according to the quality of the owner. On these they sit
when conversing or eating, like tailors on the shop-board. The men's
heads are covered by turbans, being sashes, or long webs of thin cloth,
white or coloured, wreathed many times about. They do not uncover their
heads in making reverence, instead of which they bow their bodies,
placing the right hand on the top of the head, after which they touch
the earth with that hand, as if indicating that the party saluted may
tread upon them if he please. Those who are equals take each other by
the chin or beard, as Joab did Amasa; but salute in love, not in

The Mahometan women, except such as are poor or dishonest, never appear
abroad. Though not fair, they are all well favoured, have their heads
covered with veils, and their hair hanging down behind, twisted with
silk. Those of quality are decorated with many jewels hung around their
necks, and about their wrists and arms; and they have several holes
round their ears in which they hang pendents, besides that every woman
has a hole in her nostrils, in which to wear a ring, which seems to have
been an ancient ornament, being mentioned in the Old Testament. Their
women are happy above all others I have ever heard of; in the ease with
which they bear their children, being one day able to ride with their
infants unborn, and to ride again the next with their child in their

The language of the common people of this country, called Hindoostanee,
is smooth, and easily pronounced, and is written from left to right, as
we do. The learned tongues are the Persian and Arabic, which are written
backwards, from right to left, like the Hebrew. There is but little
learning among them, which may be owing to the scarcity of books, which
are all in manuscript, and therefore few and dear; but they are a people
of good capacity, and were they to cultivate literature among them,
would assuredly produce many excellent works. They have heard of
Aristotle, whom they name _Aplis_, and have some of his writings
translated into Arabic. The noble physician, Avicenna, was a native of
Samarcandia, the country of Tamerlane, and in this science they possess
good skill. The most prevalent diseases of this country are dysenteries,
hot fevers, and calentures, in all which they prescribe abstinence as a
principal remedy. The filthy disease produced by incontinence is
likewise common among them. They delight much in music, having many
instruments, both stringed and wind; but, to my ears, their music seemed
all discordant. They write many pretty poems, and compose histories and
annals of their own country. They profess great skill in astrology, and
the king places great confidence in men of that profession, so that he
will not undertake a journey, nor do any thing whatever of importance,
unless after his wizard has indicated a prosperous hour for the

The idolaters begin their year on the 1st of March, and the Mahometans
at the instant when the sun enters Aries, as calculated by their
astrologers. From which time the king keeps a festival, called the
_norose_, or nine days, for which time it continues, like that made by
Ahasuerus in the third year of his reign. On this occasion, all his
nobles assemble, bringing great gifts, which he repays with princely
rewards. Being myself present on this occasion, I beheld most incredible
riches, to my amazement, in gold, pearls, precious stones, and many
brilliant vanities. I saw this festival celebrated at Mandoa, where the
Mogul has a most spacious house or palace, larger than any I ever
beheld, in which the many beautiful vaults and arches evince the
exquisite skill of his artists in architecture. At Agra he has a palace,
in which are two large towers, at least ten feet square, covered with
plates of pure gold.

The walls of his houses have no hangings, on account of the heat, but
are either painted or beautified with a white lime, purer even than that
we term Spanish. The floors are either paved with stone or are made of
lime and sand, like our Paris plaster, and are spread with rich carpets.
None lodge within the King's house but his women and eunuchs, and some
little boys, whom he always keeps about him for a wicked use. He always
eats in private among his women, being served with a great variety of
exquisitely dressed meats, which being proved by his taster, are put
into golden vessels, as they say, covered and sealed up, and brought in
by the eunuchs. He has meats made ready at all hours, and calls for
them at pleasure. These people do not feed freely, as we do, on full
dishes of beef or mutton, but use much rice, boiled up along with pieces
of flesh, or dressed in a variety of ways. They have not many roasted or
baked meats, but stew most of their meat. Among their many dishes, I
shall only notice one, called by them _deupario_. This is made of
venison cut into slices, to which are put onions and sweet herbs, with
some roots, and a little spice and butter, forming the most savoury dish
I ever tasted; and I almost think it is the same dish that Jacob made
ready for his father Isaac when he got his blessing.

In this kingdom there are no inns or houses of entertainment for
travellers and strangers. But, in the cities and large towns, there are
handsome buildings for their reception, called _serais_, which are not
inhabited, in which any passengers may have rooms freely, but must bring
with them their bedding, cooks, and all other necessaries for dressing
their victuals. These things are usually carried by travellers on
camels, or in carts drawn by oxen; taking likewise tents along with
them, to use when they do not find serais. The inferior people ride on
oxen, horses, mules, camels, or dromedaries, the women riding in the
same manner as the men; or else they use a kind of slight coaches on two
wheels, covered at top, and close behind, but open before and at the
sides, unless when they contain women, in which case they are close all
round. These coaches will conveniently hold two persons, besides the
driver, and are drawn by a pair of oxen, matched in colour, many of them
being white, and not large. The oxen are guided by cords which go
through the middle cartilage of the nose, and so between the horns into
the hand of the driver. The oxen are dressed and harnessed like horses,
and being naturally nimble, use makes them so expert, that they will go
twenty miles a-day or more, at a good pace. The better sort ride on
elephants, or are carried singly on men's shoulders, in a slight thing
called a _palanquin_, like a couch, but covered by a canopy. This would
appear to have been an ancient effeminacy used in Rome, as Juvenal
describes a fat lawyer who filled one of them:

_Causidici nova, cam venial lectica Mathonis; plena ipso--_

They delight much in hawking, and in hunting hares, deer, and other wild
animals. Their dogs of chase somewhat resemble our greyhounds, but are
much less, and do not open when in pursuit of their game. They use
leopards also in hunting, which attain the game they pursue by leaping.
They have a very cunning device for catching wild-fowl, in the following
manner:--A fellow goes into the water, having the skin of any kind of
fowl he wishes to catch, so artificially stuffed, that it seems alive.
Keeping his whole body under water except his face, which is covered by
this counterfeit, he goes among the wild-fowl which swim in the water,
and pulls them under by the legs. They shoot much for their amusement
with bows, which are curiously made of buffaloe's horn, glewed together,
their arrows being made of small canes, excellently headed and
feathered, and are so expert in archery, that they will kill birds
flying. Others take great delight in managing their horses. Though they
have not a quarter of a mile to go, they will either ride on horseback
or be carried, as men of any quality hold it dishonourable to go on foot
any where.

In their houses, they play much at that most ingenious game which we
call chess, or else at draughts. They have likewise cards, but quite
different from ours. Sometimes they are amused by cunning jugglers, or
mountebanks, who allow themselves to be bitten by snakes which they
carry about in baskets, immediately curing themselves by means of
certain powders which they smell to. They are likewise often amused by
the tricks of apes and monkeys. In the southern parts of Hindoostan,
there are great numbers of large white apes, some of which are as tall
as our largest greyhounds. Some of those birds which make their nests on
trees are much afraid of the apes, and nature has instructed them in a
subtle device to secure themselves, by building their nests on the most
extreme twigs, and hanging them there like purse-nets, so that the apes
cannot possibly come to them.

Every city or great town in India has markets twice a-day, in the cool
of the morning just after sun-rise, and again in the evening a little
before it sets; and in these they sell almost every thing by weight. In
the heat of the day, every one keeps within doors, where those of any
rank lie on couches, or sit cross-legged on carpets, having servants
about them, who beat the air with fans of stiffened leather, or the
like, to cool them. While thus taking their ease, they often call their
barbers, who tenderly grip and beat upon their arms and other parts of
their bodies, instead of exercise, to stir the blood. This is a most
gratifying thing, and is much used in this hot climate.

The Mahometans and Hindoos are much to be commended for their
truthfulness as servants; for a stranger may safely travel alone among
them with a great charge of money or goods, all through the country,
having them for his guard, and will never be neglected or injured by
them. They follow their masters on foot, carrying swords and bucklers,
or bows and arrows, for their defence; and so plentiful are provisions
in this country, that one may hire them on very easy terms, as they do
not desire more than five shillings each moon, paid the day after the
change, to provide themselves in all necessaries; and for this small
pittance give diligent and faithful service. Such is their filial piety,
that they will often give the half of these pitiful wages to their
parents, to relieve their necessities, preferring almost to famish
themselves rather than see them want.

Both among the Mahometans and Hindoos there are many men of most
undaunted courage. The _Baloches_ are of great note on this account
among the Mahometans, being the inhabitants of _Hjykan_, adjoining to
the kingdom of Persia; as also the Patans, taking their denomination
from a province in the kingdom of Bengal.[236] These tribes dare look
their enemies in the face, and maintain the reputation of valour at the
hazard of their lives. Among the many sects of the Hindoos, there is but
one race of warriors, called _Rashbootes_, or Rajaputs, many of whom
subsist by plunder, laying in wait in great troops to surprise poor
passengers, and butchering all who have the misfortune to fall into
their hands. These excepted, all the rest of the natives are in general
pusillanimous, and had rather quarrel than fight, being so poor in
spirit, in comparison with Europeans, that the Mogul often says,
proverbially, That one Portuguese will beat three of them, and one
Englishman three Portuguese.

[Footnote 236: This is a strange mistake, confounding the city of Patna,
in Bengal, in the east of Hindoostan, with the Patans, a race of
mountaineers between Cabul and Candahar, far to the west of India,
called likewise Afgans, and their country Afghanistan.--E.]

In regard to arms for war, they have good ordnance, which, so far as I
could learn, were very anciently used in this country.[237] I have
already described the iron pieces carried on elephants. They have
smaller guns for the use of their foot-soldiers, who are somewhat long
in taking aim, but come as near the mark as any I ever saw. All their
pieces are fired with match, and they make excellent gun-powder. They
use also lances, swords, and targets, and bows and arrows. Their swords
are made crooked like faulchions, and very sharp; but, for want of skill
in tempering, will break rather than bend; wherefore our sword-blades,
which will bend and become straight again, are often sold at high
prices. I have seen horsemen in this country, thus accoutered, carrying
as it were a whole armory at once; a good sword by their sides, under
which a sheaf of arrows; on their back a gun fastened with belts, a
buckler on their shoulders; a bow in a case hanging on their left side,
and a good lance in their hand, two yards and a half long, with an
excellent steel head. Yet, for all these weapons, dare he not resist a
man of true courage, armed only with the worst of all these. The armies
in these eastern wars often consist of incredible multitudes, and they
talk of some which have exceeded that we read of in the Bible, which
Zerah, king of Ethiopia, brought against Asia. Their martial music
consists of kettle-drums and long wind-instruments. In their battles,
both sides usually begin with most furious onsets; but, in a short time,
for want of good discipline, they fall into disorder, and one side is
routed with much slaughter.

[Footnote 237: Vertoman says the Portuguese who deserted at the first
discovery of India, and entered into the service of the native princes,
taught them this art.--_Purch_.

I have somewhere read, many years ago, but cannot recollect the
authority, "That, when Alexander besieged a certain city in India, the
Brachmans, by the power of magic, raised a cloud of smoke around the
walls, whence broke frequent flashes of lightning, with thunder, and the
thunderbolts slew many of his soldiers." This would infer the very
ancient use of fire-arms of some kind in India.--E.]

The Mahometans have fair places of worship, which they call _mesquits_,
well built of stone. That side which looks to the westwards is a
close-built wall, while that towards the east is erected on pillars, the
length being from north to south. At the corners of their great mosques,
in the cities, there are high turrets or pinnacles, called _minarets_,
to the tops of which their molahs or priests resort at certain times of
day, proclaiming their prophet in Arabic, in these words,--_Alla illa
Alla, Mahomet resul Alla_; that is, There is no God but God, and Mahomet
is the ambassador of God. This is used instead of bells, which they
cannot endure in their temples, to put religious persons in mind of
their duty. On one occasion, while Mr Coryat was residing in Agra, he
got up into a turret over against the priest, and on hearing these
words, he contradicted him, calling out, in a loud voice,--_La Alla illa
Alla, Hazaret Esa Ebn-Alla_; there is no God but God, and Christ, the
Son of God, is his prophet. He farther added, that Mahomet was an
impostor, in any other country of Asia, in which Mahomet is zealously
followed, this bold attempt had surely forfeited his life, with all the
tortures which cruelty could invent, or tyranny inflict; but in this
country every one is permitted to follow his own religion, and may even
dispute against theirs with impunity.

In regard to their burials, every Mahometan of quality provides a fair
sepulchre for himself and his family, in his life-time, surrounding a
considerable space of ground with a high wall, and generally in the
neighbourhood of some tank, or else near springs of water, that they may
make pleasant fountains. Within the enclosure, he erects a round or
square tomb, either on pillars or of closed walls, with a door for
entrance. The rest of the enclosure is planted with trees and flowers,
as if they would make the elysian fields of the poets, in which their
souls may repose in delight. They have many such goodly monuments built
in memory of those they esteem as saints, of whom they have an ample
calendar, in these there are lamps continually burning, and thither many
resort in blind devotion, to contemplate the happiness enjoyed by these
_peires_, as they call the holy men. Among many sumptuous piles
dedicated to this use, the most splendid of them all is to be seen at
_Secuadra_, a village three miles from Agra. This was begun by Akbar
Shah, the father of the present king, and finished by his son, the
reigning Mogul. Akbar lies here interred, and Jehanguire Shah means to
be here buried when he dies.

The molahs, or priests of the Mahometans, employ much of their time as
scribes, doing business for other men, having liberty to marry as well
as the laity, from whom they are no way distinguished by their dress.
Some live retiredly, spending their time in meditation, or in delivering
precepts of morality to the people. They are in roach esteem, as are
another set called _Seids_, who derive their pedigree from Mahomet. The
priests neither read nor preach in the mosques; yet there is a set form
of prayers in Arabic, not understood by most of the people, but which
they repeat as fluently as the molahs. They likewise repeat the name of
God, and that of Mahomet, a certain number of times every day, telling
over their beads, like the misled papists, who seem to regard the number
of prayers more than their sincerity. Before going into their mosques
they wash their feet, and, in entering, put off their shoes. On
beginning their devotions, they stop their ears, and fix their eyes,
that no extraneous circumstances may divert their thoughts, and then
utter their prayers in a soft and still voice, using many words
significantly expressive of the omnipotence, goodness, eternity, and
other attributes of God. Likewise many words full of humility,
confessing their unworthiness with many submissive gestures. While
praying, they frequently prostrate themselves on their faces,
acknowledging that they are burdens upon the earth, poisonous to the
air, and the like, and therefore dare not look up to heaven, but comfort
themselves in the mercy of God, through the intercession of their false
prophet. Many among them, to the shame of us Christians, pray five tunes
a-day, whatever may happen to be their interruptions of pleasure or
profit. Their set times are at the hours of six, nine, twelve, three,
and six, respectively.

The manner in which they divide the day is quite different from us; as
they divide the day and the night each into four equal parts, which they
denominate _pores_, and these again are each subdivided into eight
smaller parts, called _grees_. [Hence each _pore_ contains three of our
hours, and each _gree_ is equal to 22-1/2 of our minutes.] These are
measured, according to an ancient custom, by means of water, dropping
from one small vessel into another, beside which there always stand
servants appointed for the purpose, who strike with a hammer upon a
concave plate of metal, like the inner portion of a plate, hung by a
wire, thus denoting the _pores_ and _grees_ successively as they
pass.[238] Like the mother and her seven sons, mentioned in the
Maccabees, such is the temperance of many, both among the Mahometans and
Gentiles, that they will rather die than eat or drink of any thing
forbidden by their law. Such meats and drinks as their law allows, they

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