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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume IX. by Robert Kerr

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as we found the cane by which it had been kindled sticking in the
thatch, for which we suspected a Spaniard named Francisco, who had
appostatized and turned Javan. The 2d October, Sophonee Cossock, a
merchant, came in a small pinnace from Puloway, accompanied by an
_Orancay_, to confer on trade with that place. The 22d, I went ashore,
accompanied by Mr Pring and Mr Bailey, to confer with the Dutch general,
concerning certain idle complaints made by them against our mariners. I
found him and the president of their factory very impatient, calling us
insolent English, threatening that our pride would have a fall, with
many other disgraceful and opprobrious words.[134] Such was the
entertainment we received from that boorish general, named Garrat
Reynes, in his own house. He had formerly shewn the like or worse to Mr
Ball, on going aboard his ship at Banda: And four of our men, who took
passage with him from thence to _Cambello_, were brought all the way in
the bilboes, for no cause.

[Footnote 134: Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes? It was
Dutch policy to cry _rogue_ first.--_Purch._]

I went ashore on the 3d November, when Captain Jordan called together
the merchants, and sent for the _orancay_ of Banda, whose letter he got
translated; the purport of which was, that, in regard to the ancient
friendship between them and the English, especially with Captain
Keeling, and provoked by the cruelty and injustice of the Hollanders,
their earnest desire was to trade only with the English for the spices
of Puloway, Puleron, and Nera, on condition that the English would
supply them with provisions, ordnance, and ammunition, and help them to
recover the castle of Nera, desiring that some person might be sent to
Banda, to confer with the orancays. To this we answered, That we could
not give them assistance to recover the castle of Nera, without orders
from England, and that at present we had no ordnance to spare; but would
willingly supply them with provisions, and every thing else in our
power, till we had farther orders from England, and would trade with
them for spices, for which purpose we proposed to send a ship, and a
person to confer with the _orancays_, and particularly to know how we
might have security, and whether they would grant us permission to build
a fort for that purpose.

The 23d five Hollanders anchored in the outer road, four of which came
last from the Mauritius, having been nineteen months on the voyage from
Holland. At that island they found that General Butt had been cast away
with three ships, two being totally lost, the men and goods of the third
being saved. A fourth, which was in company, went home under jury-masts,
along with a pinnace that came there by chance. One of these ships that
was at the Mauritius came away before the rest, and they found her
driving up and down off the mouth of the straits, having lost 160 men,
and having only eight remaining. The 25th, by letters from Priaman, we
had notice of the death of Mr Ozewicke and Samuel Negus.

Sec.2. _Brief Observations by Mr Edward Dodsworth, who returned to England
in the Hope_.

The 16th October, 1614, while in the bay of Surat, Mr Aldworth and Mr
Steel came on board, and next day Mr Aldworth was examined, according to
the company's commission and instructions,[135] concerning the behaviour
of Paul Canning to the king, and the king's conduct towards him. To
which he answered, That his behaviour was right, and the king's
entertainment of him satisfactory, till the Jesuits insinuated he was
only a merchant, and not sent immediately by the king of England. After
this he was neglected, and died since.[136] Also, that he thought it fit
that some one of our nation of good respect should remain at court, to
procure redress of any wrongs that might be offered; to which function
Mr Edwards was chosen to go to Agra, as the person most answerable to
the company's instructions, on which occasion some question was made,
whether it would be proper he should proceed in the character of a
merchant, according to the strict letter of the instructions, which Mr
Aldworth conceived would procure him disrespect with the king; and,
after some contest, some way was given to Mr Edwards in this affair,
lest they should disagree in their proceedings, especially as it had
been reported by some already, that he was a messenger from the king of

[Footnote 135: This commission had six questions, of which I only
insert what is fit for the public eye.--_Purch._]

[Footnote 136: It has been said on a former occasion, that he died of
poison, given, as was thought, by the jesuits.--_Purch._]

After much opposition to our desire of trade, there came a _firmaun_
from the king on the 24th November, which, according to custom, the
nabob met in state two miles from the city, attended by 600 horse. Next
day we were kindly entertained, and the nabob gave Mr Edwards 850
mahmoudies, thirty pieces of _topseels_, ten of fine calicoes, and other
things. The money being to bear the charges of carrying up the present
to the king, who was not willing we should incur any expence on that
account, and the stuffs as a gratification to those who carried them up.
To the merchants also he gave fifteen pieces of _topseels_, five to
each, with his _chop_ or licence for our departure, and promises of kind
usage, all this being done in presence of those who brought the
_firmaun_. The 30th, Mr Edwards and we set out for _Amadavar_

The 2d of December we reached Broach, whence the governor sent a guard
of horse with us to _Demylode_, and there we had a new escort of horse
and foot to _Charmondo_;[137] whence we departed on the 7th with
twenty-five soldiers, all notorious thieves, as we afterwards found.
With these we went ten coss, when we pitched our tents in a plain,
barricading ourselves as usual with our carts. While at supper, we had
nearly been assaulted by fifty horse, who passed close by us, but they
found us well provided for our defence, and it appeared that the charge
we carried was well known in all the country through which we travelled.
The 8th we came to _Brodera_, [Brodrah] and made a present to the
governor, who received it very kindly, and particularly requested to see
our mastiff dog. Brodrah stands in a plain, which seemed fertile, and is
well watered, a thing rather uncommon in those parts. We departed thence
with an escort of 100 horse and foot, voluntarily offered from respect
for the king's present, yet were they a considerable charge to us. We
came next to Arras,[138] a town mostly inhabited by banians, and where
their superstition of not killing any thing occasioned us to have very
bad fare. On the 13th we came to Ahmedabad, whence we gave a commission
to Richard Steel and John Crowther to proceed on their journey to
Persia; and hence Mr Edwards departed from us for Agra.

[Footnote 137: On this part of the indicated route, between Broach and
Brodrab, no stations are to be found in our best maps resembling these
two names, unless Simlode may have been corrupted into Demylode by
typographical error.--E.]

[Footnote 138: No such name is now to be found in the road between
Brodrah and Ahmedabad, neither is it of much importance in any view, as
the route is so vaguely indicated in the text.--E.]

All this time, the merchants at Ahmedabad, being in hopes of peace with
the Portuguese, held up the price of their indigos, on which we resolved
to proceed for _Sarques_ [Sarkess,] to make trial with the country
people who are the makers of that commodity. We did so on the 7th, and
found plenty of employment, packing in four days no less than 400 bales:
after which Mr Edwards returned to Ahmedabad, where he found the
merchants greatly more tractable. _Sarkess_ is a town of no great size,
three coss from Ahmedabad, its territory being considered the best soil
in all these parts for the production of indigo. All of the dealers in
this commodity are apt to put tricks upon us, by mingling or otherwise.
At Sarkess there are two of the most ancient monuments that are to be
found in all that country; one being the tomb of a saint or prophet who
was buried there, to which many pilgrims resort from great distances;
and the other is the sepulchres of their ancient kings. To the north of
the town, is the place where _Khan-Khana_ first put the Guzerates to
flight, who were the original inhabitants of the country, all the rest
of the kingdom being shortly after reduced under the subjection of
Akbar, father to the present Great Mogul. This field of victory is
strongly walled round with brick, about a mile and half in circuit, all
planted within with fruit-trees, and delightfully watered; having a
costly house called by a name signifying _Victory_; in which Khan-Khana
resided for some time, but he now resides at Burhanpoor.

The 24th of December we had leave from the governor of Ahmedabad to
depart; but hearing that several persons had been robbed and murdered
that night close by the city, order was given for us to wait till a
sufficient guard could be provided for us. The 26th we departed, having
with us forty carts, loaded with indigo and other goods, and came on the
27th to _Mundeves_,[139] where the gates were shut upon us by order of
_Sarder Khan_. This put us in much doubt, and we procured a person to
speak with the governor, who told him of letters he had received from
Mucrob Khan, nabob of Surat, informing of the gallant action of our
general at Swally and the safety of Surat from the Portuguese, through
the bravery of the English. It was therefore agreed that we should not
depart without a sufficient guard, which was to be ready for us next
day. We did not however depart till the 29th; and, at Brodrah, the men
belonging to Sarder Khan procured more soldiers to assist them, as there
were several companies of rajputs lying in the way to intercept us, and
many robberies and murders were committed daily in that part of the

[Footnote 139: This name also is so corrupted as not to have any
resemblance in the modern geography of Hindoostan.--E.]

On the 2d of February, while passing through a narrow lane inclosed on
both sides with hedges, we were assaulted by above 300 rajputs, where we
could not hurt them, as they did our caffila or caravan by their arrows
and shot. We therefore made all the haste we could to gain the plain,
while they in the mean time cut off two of our carriages. Having got to
the open ground we made a stand; but the rajputs betook themselves again
to their hedges, to look after their prey, lest one thief should rob
another. Many of our party were hurt on this occasion, among which was
Humphrey Elkington. Next day we got to Baroach, and on the 5th to Surat,
where we returned thanks to Macrob Khan for the care he had taken of our

Hearing of an assault to be made next day on our ships by the
Portuguese, we got his leave to go down to Swally and went aboard, but
the Portuguese deceived our expectation. On occasion of the last attempt
of the Portuguese to set our ships on fire, by means of four fire-boats
chained together, four of them were taken in smaller boats, which
captives confessed that this was the last attempt of the viceroy for
this year, as he was now under the necessity of returning to Goa, for
want of water and provisions. One of these captives, taken in Swally
roads, and carried aboard the New-year's Gilt, emitted the following

_Examination of Domingo Francisco, on the 20th of February_, 1615.

"He saith, that he was born in Lisbon, being the son of a mariner, and
served under Nunna d'Acunha in the seafight against Captain Best, in
one of the four galleons. He afterwards went to Macao on the coast of
China, and returned thence to Goa; where, after remaining ten months, he
was ordered on board a galleon called the St Antonio, in this expedition
for the road of Swally, where he was made prisoner on the 8th of this
month. The purpose of the viceroy, _Don Jeronimo de Savedo_, in this
expedition, as the examinant says, was to destroy the English at Surat.
The viceroy's ship was called the All-saints, of 800 tons, with 300 men,
and twenty-eight cannon. Michael de Souza was captain on the St Bennet
of 700 tons, 150 men, and twenty guns. John Cayatho of the St Lawrence,
of 600 tons, 160 men, and 18 guns. Francisco Henriques of the St
Christopher, of 600 tons, 155 men, and 18 guns. Francisco de Mirande of
the St Jeronymo, of 500 tons, 180 men, and 16 guns. Gaspar de Meall of
the St Antonio, of 400 tons, 140 men, and 14 guns. These were the
galleons: The ships were, the St Peter of 200 tons Captain Francisco
Cavaco, 150 men and eight guns; the St Paul of 200 tons, Captain Don
Juan de Mascarenha, 150 men and eight guns; a pinnace of 120 tons,
Captain Andrea de Quellio, eighty men and four guns. Lewis de Bruto was
captain of one galley, and Diego de Suro of the other, each having fifty
men. There were sixty barks or frigates, each having twenty soldiers,
and rowing eighteen oars of a side. The reinforcement which joined
afterwards, consisted of two ships of 200 tons each, two India junks,
and eight small boats, which were employed to endeavour to set us on
fire. In the viceroy's ship, the ordnance were all of brass, those in
the other galleons being half brass and half iron:" Against all which
the Almighty protected us, blessed be his name for ever.

On the 11th March, 1615, we parted from the general, he and the other
two ships being bound for Acheen and Bantam, and we in the Hope for
England. On the 12th we passed by the north end of the Maldives, where
we found many shoals and islands most falsely laid down in the charts,
as if purposely to render the navigation of these seas more dangerous.
We arrived on the 17th of June in Saldanha bay, where we found a fleet
of four English ships bound for Surat, under the command of Captain
Keeling; which fleet, after consultation held with us, and receiving
intelligence of the state of affairs there, departed on its voyage. On
the 20th I met with _Crosse_ and his company, left there for
discovery,[140] and entreated some of them to acquaint _Coree_ with my
arrival. These were set upon by the savages and wounded, wherefore I
delivered four muskets to Crosse at his earnest request; after which he
procured Coree to come down with his whole family, and we afterwards got
some cattle. He told me that there was discord among the savages,
through which the mountaineers had come down and robbed them. We
departed on the 26th June, leaving our longboat with Crosse, together
with powder, shot, and provisions.

[Footnote 140: Of Crosse and his company of condemned persons, set on
shore at the Cape of Good Hope, see afterwards in Peyton's

In the latitude of 29 deg. N. we fell in with a Dutch ship from the
Mauritius, having gone there to cut timber, which seemed a bastard
ebony. Contrary to their expectation, they found there the lamentable
wreck of four ships come from Bantam and the Moluccas, which had gone to
pieces on the rocks. The goods and men of two of these were totally
lost, most of the goods of the third were saved, with part of which this
ship was laden. The fourth was driven out to sea in a storm, and
returned under jury-masts. The master of this ship promised to keep us
company, but finding us a hindrance, he left us after ten days, without
so much as a farewell or offering to carry a letter, which I imputed to
their inbred boorish disposition. Ill weather followed, and we were much
weakened; yet, I thank God, we lost none till my arrival in Ireland off
the river of Limerick on the 27th October, 1615; where also we had to
endure a storm, till we hired a Scottish bark, detained by contrary
winds, to pilot us into harbour. There also, a remainder of Captain M.
his ungodly crew, who had lately obtained their pardon, put me in great
fear; till Sir Henry Foliat secured us by a supply of men, and I sent
off letters for London.


_Journey of Richard Steel and John Crowther, from Ajmeer in India, to
Ispahan in Persia, in the Years_ 1615 _and_ 1616.[141]

Having been detained at Agimere[142] from February, Mr Edwards received
a letter on the 17th March, 1615, from the Great Mogul, of which he
delivered a copy, together with his other letters, to Richard Steel,
promising to procure the king's firmaun for our safety and furtherance,
and to send it after us to Agra, where he directed us to wait for its
reception. We went that night two coss to _Mandill_.[143]We had four
servants, two horses, and a camel. The 18th we went twelve coss to
_Bander Sandree_, [Bunder-Sanory,] a small _aldea_.[144] The 19th, ten
coss to _Mosobade_, [Morabad.] The 20th to _Pipelo_, [Peped,] thirteen
coss. The 21st to a town called _Chadfoole_, [Gohd?] seven coss. The 22d
to _Lalscotte_, thirteen coss. The 23d to _Mogolserai_, twelve coss. The
24th to _Hindone_, fourteen coss. the 25th to _Bramobad_, twelve coss.
The 26th to _Futtipoor_, twelve coss. This has been a fair city, which
was built by Akbar, and contains a goodly palace belonging to the king.
It is walled round in a handsome manner, and has many spacious gardens
and sumptuous pleasure houses; but is now falling to ruin, and ranch
ground within the walls is now sown with corn, the king having carried
off much of the best stone to his new city of Agra. The 27th we went
twelve coss to Agra. In the English house there, we found one Richard
Barber, an apothecary, who came over with Sir Robert Shirley, and had
been sent here by Mr Kerridge to take care of Nicholas Whithington.

[Footnote 141: Purch. Pilgr. I. 519.--In the title of this article in
the Pilgrims, Agimere, or Azmere, as it is there called, is said to have
been the residence of the Great Mogul at the commencement of this
journey, and Spahan, or Ispahan, the royal seat of the kings of

[Footnote 142: This place, named Azmeer in the Pilgrims, is known in
modern geography under the name of Ajmeer, or Agimere.--E.]

[Footnote 143: A coss, or course, as it is uniformly denominated in the
Pilgrims, is stated on the margin by Purchas, to be equal to a mile and
a half, and in some places two English miles. As more precisely
determined in modern geography, the Hindoostanee coss is equal to 1
4/7th English miles, and the Rajput coss to 2 1/6th miles nearly. It
would overload this article to attempt critically following all the
stations in the present journal, in which the names of places are often
so corrupt as to be unintelligible. Such corrections of the text as can
be ventured upon are included within brackets.--E.]

[Footnote 144: This is a Spanish or Portuguese term, signifying country

Within two days journey of Agra, we passed by the country and city of
Biana, where the finest indigo is made, the best being then worth
thirty-six rupees the maund at Agra, but much cheaper in the country.
Finding the promised firmaun came not, and the hot season of the year
fast approaching, we departed on the 3d April in the prosecution of our
journey, leaving directions with Richard Barber to send it after us. We
came that night to a serai called Boutta, six coss. The 4th to the town
of _Matra_, fourteen coss, where we lay in a fair _serai_,[145] and
there we received the firmaun. The 5th we went twelve coss to a serai
called _Chatta_, [Chautra.] The 6th to a serai built by Azam Khan, nine
coss. The 7th to a serai built by Sheic Ferreede, called _Puhlwall_,
eleven coss. The 8th to a serai built by the same person, ten coss. The
9th to _Dillee_, [Delhi,] nine coss. This being a great and ancient
city, formerly the seat of the kings, where many of them are interred.
At this time, many of the great men have their gardens and pleasure
houses here, and are here buried, so that it is beautified with many
fine buildings. The inhabitants, who are mostly Banians or Hindoos, are
poor and beggarly, through the long absence of the court.

[Footnote 145: These are fair buildings for the accommodation of
travellers, many of which were erected by great men._Purch._]

The 10th we went ten coss from Delhi to _Bunira_. The 11th to
_Cullvower_, twelve coss. The 12th to _Pampette_, [Paniput,] twelve
coss. This is a small handsome city, where they manufacture various
sorts of girdles and sashes, and great quantities of cotton-cloth, and
have abundance of handicrafts. The 13th to _Carnanl_, twelve coss. The
14th to _Tanisera_, [Tahnessir,] fourteen coss. The 15th to _Shavade_,
[Shahabad,] ten coss. The 16th to _Mogol-Sera_, or _Gaugur_, fifteen
coss. The 17th to _Sinan_,[146] fourteen coss, which is an ancient city,
where they manufacture great store of cottons. The 18th to _Duratia_,
fifteen coss. The 19th to _Pullower_, [Bullolepoor,] eleven coss. We
this day passed in a boat over a great river called Sietmege[147] which
is very broad, but full of shoals, and runs westward to join the Sinde,
or Indus. The 20th we came to a small town called _Nicodar_, eleven
coss. The 21st to _Sultanpoor_, an old town having a river which comes
from the north, over which is a bridge of six arches. At this place
great store of cotton goods are made. Four coss beyond this place we
passed another small river. The 22d to _Chiurmul_,[148] eleven coss. We
were this day boated across a river as broad as the Thames at Gravesend,
called _Vian_, which runs westwards to join the Sinde. On its banks
Allom Khan, ambassador from the Great Mogul to the king of Persia, had
pitched his camp, which looked like a little city. The 23d we went to
_Khan Khanum Serai_, seventeen coss, and the 24th we reached Lahore,
seven coss.

[Footnote 146: This is probably Sirhind, which is directly in the route,
but so disguised in the text as to defy emendation.--E.]

[Footnote 147: This is clearly the Sutuluge, or Setlege, called likewise
the Beyah-Kussoor, and Chato dehr, being the easternmost of the Punjab
or five rivers, which form the Indus. It was called Hesudrus by the

[Footnote 148: From the river mentioned in the text as passed, on this
day's journey, this may have been what is now called Gundwall, a little
beyond the river Beyab, which is here 100 yards broad.--E.]

All the country between Agra and Lahore is exceedingly well cultivated,
being the best of India, and abounds in all things. It yields great
store of powdered sugar, [raw sugar] the best being worth two 1/2 to two
3/4 rupees the great _maund_ of forty pounds. The whole road is planted
on both sides with trees, most of which bear a species of mulberry. In
the night, this road is dangerously infested with thieves, but is quite
secure in the day. Every five or six coss, there are serais, built by
the king or some great man, which add greatly to the beauty of the road,
are very convenient for the accommodation of travellers, and serve to
perpetuate the memory of their founders. In these the traveller may have
a chamber for his own use, a place in which to tie up his horse, and can
be furnished with provender; but in many of them very little
accommodation can be had, by reason of the banians, as when once any
person has taken up his lodging, no other may dispossess him. At
day-break the gates of these serais are opened, and then all the
travellers prepare to depart; but no person is allowed to go away
sooner, for fear of robbers. This made the journey very oppressive to
us, as within two hours after the sun rose we were hardly able to endure
the heat.

Lahore is a great and goodly city, being one of the fairest and
ancientest in India. It stands on the river Indus or Sinde;[149] and
from this place came the most valuable of the Portuguese trade when they
were at peace with the Moguls, as it formed the centre of all their
traffic in Hindoostan. They here embarked their goods, which were
carried down the river to Tatta, and were thence transported by sea to
Ormus and Persia; and such native merchants as chose to go that way
between India and Persia, paid them freight. They had also a great trade
up this river, in pepper and other spices, with which they furnished
that part of India. At this time, the merchants of India assemble at
Lahore, where they invest a great part of their money in commodities,
and, joining in caravans, they pass over the mountains of Candahar into
Persia; by which way it is computed there now pass yearly twelve or
fourteen thousand camel loads, whereas formerly there did not go in this
way above three thousand, all the rest going by way of Ormus. These
merchants are put to great expences between Lahore and Ispaban, besides
being exposed to great cold in winter and fervent heat in summer, and to
bad and dangerous roads, usually spending six or seven months in the
journey, and they estimate the charges of each camel's load at 120 or
130 rupees. In this way Persia is furnished with spiceries, which are
brought all the way from Masulipatam by land. We remained in Lahore from
the 24th of April to the 13th of May, refreshing both ourselves and our
horses, and providing servants and necessaries for the journey. We also
procured here recommendatory letters from an ambassador to the king of

[Footnote 149: Lahore is upon the Ravey, the second of the five rivers
forming the Indus, counting from the east, and was the Hydroates of the
ancients. The Indus proper, or Nilab, is considerably farther west.--E.]

We left Lahore on the 13th May, proposing to overtake a caravan which
set out two months before, and went that day eleven c. to a small town
named _Chacksunder_. The 14th to _Non-serai_, fifteen c. The 15th to
_Mutteray_, eight c. The 16th to _Quemal khan_, nineteen c. The 17th to
_Herpae_, sixteen c. The 18th to _Alicasaca_, twelve c. The 19th
_Trumba_, twelve c. and this day we overtook a small caravan that left
Lahore eight days before us. The 20th to _Sedousehall_, fourteen c. The
21st to _Callixechebaut_, fifteen c. The 22d to _Multan_,[150] twelve c.
This is a great and ancient city, having the river Indus at the distance
of three coss. All caravans must remain here ten or twelve days, before
leave can be procured from the governor to proceed, on purpose that the
city may benefit by their stay. It yields white plain cotton cloth and
diaper. We remained five days, and were then glad to get leave to
depart, by means of a present.

[Footnote 150: In the whole of this itinerary, from Lahore to Multan or
Mooltan, down the Ravey river, not a single name in the text, except the
two extremities, bears the smallest resemblance to any of those in
modern geography.--E.]

We passed the river on the 28th, and went twenty c. to a small village
named _Pettoallee_. The 29th we passed another great river by a boat,
and came that same night to a small river called _Lacca_, where we
found the caravan we wished to overtake.[151] We presented the caravan
_basha_ with a mirror and knife, when he directed us to pitch our tent
near his own, that we might be more immediately under his protection.
This caravan had been here ten days, and remained till the 2d of June,
waiting for an escort of cavalry to convoy them to _Chatcza_,[152] a
small fort in the mountains, having received information that a former
caravan had been injured by the mountaineers. The 2d June we resumed our
journey, and travelled twelve c. entering into the mountains, where we
were much distressed for want of fresh water, what water we met with
being brackish. The 3d and 4th we travelled all night, climbing high
mountains, and following water-courses with various turnings and
windings, insomuch that in travelling twelve coss our direct course did
not exceed six c. The 5th we again followed the bed of a water-course or
river, full of large pebbles, travelling eight c. The 6th we rested. The
7th we went four c. still along the water-course, the 8th eight c. the
9th twelve c. and the 10th three c. when we came to _Chatcza_, [Chatzan]
a small fort with mud walls, inclosed with a ditch, where the Mogul
keeps a garrison of eighty or 100 horse, to scour the road from thieves,
yet these are as great thieves as any, where they find an opportunity.
The captain of this castle exacted two _abacees_ for each camel in the
caravan, though nothing was legally due, as he and his troops have their
pay from the king. In the whole of our way, from the river Lacca to
Chatzan, we found no sustenance for man or beast, except in some places
a little grass, so that we had to make provision at Lacca, hiring a
bullock to carry barley for our horses. The _Agwans_ or _Afgans_, as the
people of the mountains are called, came down to us every day at our
resting place, rather to look out what they might steal, than to buy as
they pretended.

[Footnote 151: The great river passed on the 29th must have been the
Sinde, Indus, or Nilab, and from the circumstance of falling in next day
with the _Lacca_ or Lucca, Pettoallee in the text may possibly be what
is named _Joghiwallah_, on the east side of the Indus, almost opposite
the mouth of the Lacca.--E.]

[Footnote 152: Chatzan, a town or fortress in Sewee, or the country of
the Balloges; to the west of a ridge of rocky mountains, described as
consisting of hard black stone, which skirt the western side of the vale
of the Indus, and on the north join the mountains of Wulli in Candahar.
Chatzan is in lat. 31 deg. 3' N. and long 69 deg. 42' W. from Greenwich--E.]

Having made provision for three days at Chatzan, we went thence on the
12th June, and travelled fourteen c. The 13th ten c. The 14th ten c.
This day the mountaineers brought down to us sheep, goats, meal, butter,
and barley, in abundance, sufficient both for us and our cattle, all of
which they sold at reasonable prices; and from this time forwards, they
did the same every day, sometimes also bringing felts and striped
carpets for sale. The 15th we went six c. the 16th four c. the 17th ten
c. the 18th nine c. the 19th nine c. when we came to a small town of the
Afgans called _Duckee_, [Dooky], where the Mogul keeps a garrison in a
small square mud fort, the walls of which are of a good height. This
fort is a mile from the town. We stopt here three days, as the caravan
could not agree with the captain of the fort, who demanded a duty on
every camel, and at last an _abacee_ and a half was paid for each camel.
The 23d we went six c. the 24th we passed a place called _Secotah_, or
the three castles, because of three villages standing near each other on
the side of a hill, forming a triangle. We this day went eight c. The
25th we rested, on account of bad weather. The 26th we went ten c. The
27th fourteen c. This day we passed through the _durues_ or gates of the
mountains, being narrow straits, with very high rocks on both sides,
whence with stones a few men might stop the passage of a multitude, and
where many caravans have been accordingly cut off. We this night, where
we lodged, suffered much insolence from the Afgans; and next day, as we
passed a small village called _Coasta_, they exacted from us two 1/2
_abacees_ for each camel. The 28th we went five c. the 29th, passing a
village called _Abdun_, eight c. the 30th six c. The 1st. July in seven
c. we came to a place called _Pesinga_ [Pusheng or Kooshinge], where
there is a small fort like that at _Dooky_ in which is a garrison for
securing the way. At this place the captain exacted half an _abacee_ for
each camel. The 3d we left the caravan and went forwards six c. The 4th
we passed over a mighty mountain, and descended into the plains beyond,
having travelled that day fourteen c. The 5th we went twenty c. and were
much distressed to get grain for our cattle. The 6th, in like distress
both for them and ourselves, we went twelve c. and on the 7th, after
eight c. we got to the city of Candahar.

These mountains of Candahar are inhabited by a fierce people, called
_Agwans_ or _Potans_, [Afgans or Patans] who are very strong of body,
somewhat fairer than the natives of Hindoostan, and are much addicted to
robbery, insomuch, that they often cut off whole caravans. At present
they have become more civil, partly from fear of the Mogul, and partly
from experiencing the advantages of trade, by selling their grain,
sheep, and goats, of which they have great store, and by purchasing
coarse cotton goods and other necessaries. Still, however, if they find
any one straggling or lagging behind, they are very apt to make them
slaves, selling them into the mountains, and houghing them to prevent
their running away, after which they are set to grind grain in
handmills, or to other servile employments. The chief city, called
likewise Candahar, is very ancient, and was in old times inhabited by
Banians. At this place the governor of the whole country resides, who
has a garrison of twelve or fifteen thousand horse, maintained there by
the Great Mogul, in regard of the neighbourhood of the Persians towards
the north. To the west, the city is environed by steep and craggy rocks,
and to the south and east by a strong wall. In consequence of the
frequent passage of caravans, it has been considerably increased of
late, so that the suburbs are larger than the city. Within the last two
years, in consequence of the Persian trade by way of Ormus being
stopped, through war with the Portuguese, all the caravans between
Persia and India must necessarily pass through this place; and here they
hire camels to go into India, and at their return for Persia have to do
the same. They cannot return without leave of the governor, who causes
them to stop a month here, or at the least fifteen or twenty days; owing
to which, it is inhabited by many lewd people, as all such places of
resort commonly are.

Victuals for man and beast are to be had in great abundance at Candahar,
yet are very dear owing to the great concourse of trade, occasioned by
the meeting at this place of many merchants of India, Persia, and
Turkey, who often conclude their exchanges of commodities here. At this
place the caravans going for India usually unite together, for greater
strength and security in passing through the mountains of Candahar; and
those that come here from India generally break into smaller companies,
because in many parts of the route through Persia, a greater number
would not find provisions, as all Persia, from hence to Ispahan, is
extremely barren, so that sometimes not a green thing is to be seen in
two or three days travel; and even water is scarce, and that which is to
be got is often brackish, or stinking and abominable. We remained at
this city for fourteen days, partly to procure company for our farther
journey, and partly for refreshment after the fatigues and heats of our
late journey, especially on account of John Crowther, who was so weak
that he at one time doubted being able to proceed any farther.

We joined ourselves to three Armenians and a dozen Persian merchants,
along with whom we left the city of Candahar on the 23d July, and went
ten c. to a village called _Seriabe_.[153] The 24th we came in twelve c.
to _Deabage_, a small _dea_ or village. The 25th in eight c. to
_Cashecunna,_ a small castle in which the Mogul has a garrison, being
the utmost boundary of his dominions westwards, and confining with
Persia. The 26th we travelled seventeen c. and lodged in the open fields
by the side of a river. The 27th, after four c. we came to a castle
called _Greece_, the first belonging to the king of Persia. Here we
delivered to the governor the letter we had got from the Persian
ambassador at Lahore, and presented him a mirror and three knives. He
would take nothing for our camels, while the others had to pay five
_abacees_ for each camel. He promised to give us a safe conduct under an
escort of horse to the next governor, but we saw none; neither were we
sorry for the omission, for he was little better than a rebel, and all
his people were thieves.

[Footnote 153: We here lose the almost infallible guide of Arrowsmith's
excellent map of Hindoostan, and are reduced to much inferior helps in
following the route through Persia.--E.]

The 28th we departed at night, going two _parasangs_, and lodged at a
_dea_ or village called _Malgee_. A _farcing_ or parasang is equal to
two Indian cosses and a half.[154] The 29th we went ten p. and lodged in
the open fields, where we could get nothing but water. The 30th we went
five p. to a small castle named _Gazikhan_. The 31st other five p. to an
old ruined fort, where we could get nothing but water, and that was
stinking. The 1st August we proceeded other five p. to an old fort
called _Dilaram_, where we paid an _abacee_ and a half for each camel.
We staid here one day to rest our cattle, which was termed making
_mochoane_; and on the 3d we went seven p. to an old castle called
_Bacon_. The 4th four p. and lodged in the open fields, where we found
nothing but water. The 5th four p. and the 6th five p. to _Farra_.[155]

[Footnote 154: In a side-note, Purchas says a parasang consists of sixty
furlongs. This is a most egregious error, as the parasang or farsang is
exactly equal to 2.78 English miles, or twenty-two two-5ths

[Footnote 155: Farra, the capital of a district of the same name in the
north of Segistan, is in lat 33 deg. 40' N. long. 62 deg. 40' E.--E.]

_Farra_ is a small town, surrounded by a high wall of bricks dried in
the sun, as are all the castles and most of the buildings in this
country, and is of a square form, about a mile in circuit. It has a
handsome bazar or market-place, vaulted over head to keep out the rain,
and in which all kinds of necessaries and commodities are sold. It is
situated in a fertile soil, having plenty of water, without which
nothing can be raised in this country; and it is wonderful to see with
what labour and ingenious industry they bring water to every spot of
good ground, which is but seldom to be found here, often carrying it
three or four miles in trenches under ground. At this town, all
merchants going into Persia must remain for seven, eight, or ten days;
and here the king's treasurer sees all their packs weighed, estimating
the value of their commodities at so much the maund, as he thinks fit,
and exacts a duty of three per cent. ad valorem on that estimate. On
their way into Persia, merchants are used with much favour, lest they
should make complaints to the king, who will have merchants kindly
treated; but on their return into India, they are treated with extreme
rigour, being searched to the very skin for money, as it is death to
transport any gold or silver coin from Persia, except that of the
reigning king. They likewise look narrowly for horses and slaves,
neither of which are allowed to be taken out of the country.

We remained here two days waiting for certain Armenians, with whom we
travelled the rest of the journey, leaving our former companions. The
9th of August we went only one parasang to a river. The 10th we
travelled seven p. and lodged in the open fields. The 11th, four p. to a
small village, where we had plenty of provisions. The 12th, four p.
where we had to dig for water. The 13th, eight p. and the 14th five p.
to a village named _Draw,_ [Durra,] where we remained a day, as it is
the custom of those who travel with camels to rest once in four or five
days. The 16th, we advanced three p. The 17th, four p. The 18th, five p.
to _Zaide-basha,_ [Sarbishe,] where abundance of carpets are to be had.
The 19th we came to a village named _Mude,_ [Moti,] where also are
carpets. The 20th, five p. to _Birchen,_ [Berdjan,] where are
manufactured great quantities of fine felts, and carpets of camels hair,
which are sold at the rates of from two to five abacees the _maund._ At
this place we rested a day. The 22d, we went to _Dea-zaide,_ [Descaden,]
where all the inhabitants pretend to be very religious, and sell their
carpets, of which they have great abundance, at a cheap rate. The 23d,
three p. The 24th, five p. to _Choore,_ [Cors or Corra,] an old ruined
town. The 25th, three p. The 26th, seven p. when we had brackish
stinking water. The 27th we came to _Dehuge,_ [Teuke,] where is a
considerable stream of hot water, which becomes cool and pleasant after
standing some time in any vessel. The 28th we went seven p. to

The 29th we went five p. to _Tobaz,_[156] where we had to pay half an
abacee for each camel. At this plce all caravans take four or five days
rest, the better to enable them to pass the adjoining salt desert, which
extends four long days journey, and in which many miscarry. We found
here a small caravan of an hundred camels, which set off the next day
after our arrival. Here, and in the former village, there is great store
of dates; and 3000 maunds of the finest silk in Persia are made here
yearly, and is carried to _Yades_, [Yezd,] a fair city, where likewise
they make much raw silk, and where it is manufactured into taffaties,
satins, and damasks. The king does not allow the exportation of raw
silk, especially into Turkey; but the Portuguese used to carry it to
Portugal. _Yades_, [Yezd,] is about twelve days journey from Ispahan,
and is twelve p. out of the way from the Indian route to the capital.

[Footnote 156: Tabaskili, or Tobas Kileke, in Cohestan, is probably the
place here meant, in which case the route appears to have passed from
Farra by the south of the inland sea or lake of Darrah, but which is not
noticed by our travellers. Our conjectural amendments of the names of
places on the route are placed within brackets.--E.]

The 30th of August we advanced nine p. into the desert, and lay on the
ground, having to send our beasts three miles out of the way for water,
which was very salt. The 31st, after travelling ten p. we came to water
which was not at all brackish. The 1st September we went five p. and had
to send two miles for water. The 2d we went nine p. to a small castle,
where we procured a small quantity of provisions. The 3d, five p. and
lay in the fields, having to send far for water. The 4th, ten p. to
_Seagan_. The 5th, four p. The 6th, ten p. to a castle called _Irabad_,
[Hirabad,] where we paid half an _abacee_ for each camel. The 7th, six
p. The 8th, eight p. to _Ardecan_, where we rested till the 10th, when
we went four p. to _Sellef_. The 11th, three p. to a small castle named
_Agea Gaurume_. The 12th, nine p. to a spring in the fields. The 13th,
three p. to _Beavas_. The 14th, four p. to _Goolabad_, whence Richard
Steel rode on to Ispahan, without waiting for the caravan. The 15th we
came to _Morea Shahabad_, five p. The 16th, to _Coopa_, five p. The
17th, to _Dea Sabs_, five p. The 18th, four p. and lay in the fields.
And on the 19th, after three p. we came to _Ispahan_.

Richard Steel reached this city on the 15th, at noon, and found Sir
Robert Shirley already provided with his dispatches from the king of
Persia as ambassador to the king of Spain. Sir Robert, attended by his
lady, a bare-footed friar as his chaplain, together with fifty-five
Portuguese prisoners, and his own followers, were preparing in all haste
to go to Ormus, and to embark thence for Lisbon. The purpose is, that
seeing the Portuguese not able to stand, the Spaniards may be brought
in.[157] Six friars remain as hostages for his safe return to Ispahan,
as otherwise the king has vowed to cut them all in pieces, which he is
likely enough to do, having put his own son to death, and committed a
thousand other severities.

[Footnote 157: The meaning of this passage is quite obscure in the
Pilgrims, and the editor does not presume upon clearing the

On his arrival at Ispahan, Richard Steel delivered his letters to Sir
Robert,[158] who durst hardly read them, except now and then, as by
stealth, fearing lest the Portuguese should know of them. He afterwards
said it was now too late to engage in the business of our nation, and
seemed much dissatisfied with the company, and with the merchants and
mariners who brought him out. But at length he said he was a
true-hearted Englishman, and promised to effect our desires. On the
19th, the friars being absent, he carried both of us to the master of
the ceremonies, or _Maimondare,_ and took us along with him to the Grand
Vizier, _Sarek Hogea_, who immediately called his scribes or
secretaries, and made draughts of what we desired: namely, three
_firmauns_, one of which John Crowther has to carry to Surat, one for
Richard Steel to carry to England, and the third to be sent to the
governor of _Jasques_, all sealed with the great seal of the king. The
same day that these firmauns were procured, being the last of September,
Sir Robert Shirley set out for Shiras in great pomp, and very honourably

[Footnote 158: Of the landing of Sir Robert Shirley, see Peyton's first
voyage before; and of the rest of his journey see the second voyage of
Peyton, in the sequel.--_Purch._]

_Copy of the Firmaun granted by the King of Persia._

"Firmaun or command given unto all our subjects, from the highest to the
lowest, and directed to the _Souf-basha_, or constable of our country,
kindly to receive and entertain the _English Franks_[159] or nation,
when any of their ships may arrive at Jasques, or any other of the
ports in our kingdom, to conduct them and their merchandize to what
place or places they may desire, and to see them safely defended upon
our coasts from any other Franks whomsoever. This I will and command you
to do, as you shall answer in the contrary. Given at our royal city,
this 12th of _Ramassan_, in the year of our _Tareag_, 1024. [October,

The chief commodities of Persia are raw silks, of which it yields,
according to the king's books, 7700 _batmans_ yearly. Rhubarb grows in
Chorassan, where also worm-seed grows.

[Footnote 159: Frank is a name given in the East to all western
Christians, ever since the expedition to the Holy Land, because the
French were the chief nation on that occasion, and because the French
council at Clermont was the cause of that event.--Purch.]

Carpets of all sorts, some of silk and gold, silk and silver, half silk,
half cotton, &c. The silver monies of Persia are the _abacee, mahamoody,
shakee_, and _biftee_, the rest being of copper, like the _tangas_ and
_pisos_ of India. The _abacee_ weighs two _meticals_, the _mahmoody_ is
half an abacee, and the _shahee_ is half a _mahamoody_. In the dollar or
rial of eight there are thirteen shahees.[160] In a shahee there are two
_biftees_ and a half, or ten cashbegs, one _biftee_ being four
_cashbegs_, or two _tangs_. The weights differ in different places; two
_mahans_ of Tauris being only one of Ispahan, and so of the _batman_.
The measure of length, for silks and other stuffs, is the same with the
pike of Aleppo, which we judge to be twenty-seven English inches.

[Footnote 160: Assuming the Spanish dollar at 4s. 6d. sterling, the
shahee ought therefore to be worth about 4d. 1-6, the mahamoody,8d. 1-3,
and the abecee, 1s. 4d. 2-3.--E.]

John Crowther returned into India, and Richard Steel went to England by
way of Turkey, by the following route. Leaving Ispahan on the 2d
December, 1615, he went five p. to a serail. The 3d, eight p. to another
serail. The 4th, six p. to a village. The 5th, seven p. to _Dreag_. The
6th, seven p. to a serail. The 7th, eight p. to _Golpigan_,
[Chulpaigan.] The 8th, seven p. to _Curouan_. The 9th, seven p. to
_Showgot_. The 10th, six p. to _Saro_, [Sari.] The 11th, eight p. to
_Dissabad_. The 12th, twelve p. to a fair town called _Tossarkhan_,
where he rested some days, because the country was covered deep with
snow. The 15th, six p. to _Kindaner_. The 16th, eight p. to _Sano_. The
17th to _Shar nuovo_, where I was stopped by the _daiga_; but on shewing
him letters from the vizier, he bade me depart in the name of God and of
Ali. The 18th we passed a bridge where all travellers have to give an
account of themselves, and to pay a tax of two _shakees_ for each camel.
The 19th we came to _Kassam-Khan_, the last place under the Persian
government, and made a present to the governor, that he might give me a
guard to protect me from the Turkomans, which he not only did, but gave
me a licence to procure provisions free at his villages without payment,
which yet I did not avail myself of.

The 21st of December I began to pass over a range of high mountains
which separate the two empires of Persia and Turkey, which are very
dangerous; and, on the 22d, at the end of eight p. I arrived at a
village. The 23d, after travelling seven p. I lay under a rock. The 24th
I came to _Mando_, eight p. a town belonging to the Turks. The 25th,
eight p. to _Emomester_. The 26th, eight p. to _Boroh_, passed over a
river in a boat, and came that night to Bagdat. I was here strictly
examined and searched for letters, which I hid under my saddle; but
observing one trying there also, I gave him a sign, on which he
desisted, and followed me to my lodging for his expected reward. I fared
better than an old Spaniard, only a fortnight before, who was imprisoned
in chains in the castle, and his letters read by a Maltese renegado. I
found here a Portuguese, who had arrived from Ormus only two days before
me. The pacha made us wait here twenty days for a sabandar of his.

The 16th of January, 1616, we passed the river Tigris, and lay on the
skirt of the desert. The 17th we travelled five _agatzas_, being leagues
or parasangs. The 18th we came to the Euphrates at _Tulquy_, where
merchandize disembarked for Bagdat, after paying a duty of five per
cent. passes to the Tigris, and thence to the Persian gulf. After a
tedious journey, partly by the river Euphrates, and partly through the
desert, and then by sea, we arrived at Marseilles, in France, on the
15th April, and on the 10th May at Dover.


_Voyage of Captain Walter Peyton to India, in 1615._[161]

This voyage seems to have been under the command of Captain Newport, who
sailed as general in the Lion; but is called, in the Pilgrims, The
_Second_ Voyage of Captain Peyton to the East Indies, because the former
voyage of Newport was written by Peyton, who, though he occasionally
mentions the general, never once names him. In this voyage Peyton sailed
in the Expedition; the fleet consisting of three other ships, the
Dragon, Lion, and Pepper-corn. The journal appears to have been
abbreviated by Purchas, as he tells us it was _gathered out of his
larger journal_. This voyage is chiefly remarkable as introductory to
the embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India, contained in the subsequent
section, as Sir Thomas and his suite embarked in this fleet. Instead of
giving the remarks of Sir Thomas Roe in his own journal, so far as they
apply to the voyage between England and Surat, these have been added in
the text of the present voyage, distinguishing those observations by
T.R. the initials of his name, and placing them all in separate

[Footnote 161: Purch. Pilgr. I. 528.]

We learn by a subsequent article in the Pilgrims, I. 603, That Captain
William Keeling was general, or chief commander of this fleet, and
sailed in the Dragon, Robert Bonner master. The other two ships were the
Pepper-corn, Captain Christopher Harris, and the Expedition, Captain
William Peyton.--E.

Sec.1. _Occurrences during the Voyage from England to Surat_.

We sailed from Gravesend on the 24th January, 1615, and on the 2d
February Sir Thomas Roe, ambassador from his majesty to the Great Mogul,
repaired on board the Lion, with fifteen attendants. At the same time,
Mr Humphry Boughton embarked in the Pepper-corn, being recommended by
the king to the company for a passage to India. We carried out in the
fleet eleven Japanese, who were brought to England in the Clove, divided
proportionally among the ships; likewise fourteen Guzerates, brought
home in the Dragon, together with nineteen condemned persons from
Newgate, to be left for the discovery of unknown places, the company
having obtained their pardons from the king for this purpose. On the
20th, some of the Dragon's men, among whom were the _Newgate birds_,
attempted to run away with the pinnace, but were prevented: Yet next
night one of these condemned men, and two of the crew of the
Pepper-corn, carried away her pinnace. Two of my men conspired to carry
away my boat that same night, but were discovered.

The 23d February we set sail from the Downs, and on the 6th March we
lost sight of the Lizard. The 26th we saw land, supposed to be the
western part of Fuerteventura, but it proved to be part of Barbary. One
of the points of land at the mouth of the river _Marhequena_, we found
to be laid down wrong, a whole degree more northerly than it ought to
be; as likewise cape Bajadore is misplaced a whole degree, which we
found by experience, escaping great danger caused by that error in our
charts. The 26th of April we got into the trade wind; and on the 10th
May, being by estimation 620 leagues west of the Cape of Good Hope, we
saw many _pintadoes, mangareludas_, and other fowls.

The 5th June we came to anchor in Saldanha bay, having only buried three
or four men since leaving England, out of our whole fleet, and had now
about thirty sick, for whom we erected five tents ashore. _Corey_[162]
came down and welcomed us after his manner, by whose means the savages
were not so fearful or thievish as at other times. They brought us
cattle in great abundance, which we bought for shreds of copper. Corey
shewed his house and his wife and children to some of our people, his
dwelling being at a town or _craal_ of about an hundred houses, five
English miles from the landing place. Most of these savages can say _Sir
Thomas Smith's English ships_, which they often repeat with much pride.
Their wives and children came often down to see us, whom we gratified
with bugles, or such trifles; and two or three of them expressed a
desire to go with us to England, seeing that Corey had sped so well, and
returned so rich, with his copper suit, which he preserves at his house
with much care. Corey also proposed to return with us, accompanied by
one of his sons, when our ships are homeward-bound. On the east side of
the _Table_ mountain there is another village of ten small houses, built
round like bee-hives, and covered with mats woven of bent grass.

[Footnote 162: Corey, or Coree, was a savage, or Hottentot chief; who
had been in England.--_Purch._]

"The land at the Cape of Good Hope, near Saldanha bay, [Table bay] is
fertile, but divided by high and inaccessible rocky mountains, covered
with snow, the river Dulce falling into the bay on the east side. The
natives are the most barbarous people in the world, eating carrion,
wearing the guts of sheep about their necks, and rubbing their heads,
the hair on which is curled like the negroes, with the dung of beasts
and other dirt. They have no clothing, except skins wrapped about their
shoulders, wearing the fleshy side next them in summer, and the hairy
side in winter. Their houses are only made of mats, rounded at the top
like an oven, and open on one side, which they turn as the wind
changes, having no door to keep out the weather. They have left off
their former custom of stealing, but are quite ignorant of God, and seem
to have no religion. The air and water here are both excellent, and the
country is very healthy. The country abounds in cattle, sheep,
antilopes, baboons, pheasants, partridges, larks, wild-geese, ducks, and
many other kinds of fowls. On the Penguin isle [Dassen or Robber's
island,] there is a bird called penguin, which walks upright, having no
feathers on its wings, which hang down like sleeves faced with white.
These birds cannot fly, but walk about in flocks, being a kind of
mixture, or intermediate link, between beast, bird, and fish, yet mostly
bird. The commodities here are cattle and _ningin_ roots; and I believe
there is a rock yielding quicksilver.[163]The Table mountain is 11,853
feet high.[164] The bay is full of whales and seals, and is in lat. 33 deg.
45' S."--T.R.

[Footnote 163: Ningin, or Ginseng, is mentioned afterwards. The
quicksilver rock has not been found.--E.]

[Footnote 164: This height is probably an exaggeration, or was measured
up its slope or talus, not ascertained perpendicularly.--E.]

On the 16th of June, after a consultation, we set ashore ten of our
condemned persons to remain at the Cape. These were John Crosse, Henry
Cocket, Clerke, Brand, Booth, Hunyard, Brigs, Pets, Metcalf, and
Skilligall. These men agreed that Crosse should be their chief, and we
gave them weapons for their defence against men and wild beasts,
together with provisions and clothes. The natives at this place are
especially desirous of brass, and care not much for copper, chiefly
wishing to have pieces of a foot square. They care little for iron
hoops. We caught seven or eight hundred fishes in the river, at one haul
of our seyne. The country people brought us for sale a root called
_Ningin_,[165] of which we bought a handful for a small piece of copper
an inch and half long. Our men got some of this, but not so good, this
not being the season when it is ripe; for, when in full perfection, it
is as tender and sweet as anise-seeds.

[Footnote 165: A medicinal root, much prized at Japan, somewhat like a
_skerrit_.--_Purch._ Probably that named Ginseng, in high repute in
China and Japan for its fancied restorative and provocative powers, like
the mandrake of holy writ, but deservedly despised in the Materia Medica
of Europe. Its whole virtues lay in some supposed resemblance to the
human figure, founded on the childish doctrine of signatures; whence,
at one time, every thing yellow was considered specific against
jaundice, with many other and similar absurd notions.--E.]

We sailed from Saldanha on the 20th June, and on the the 21st we had
sight of land in 34 deg. 28' S. being the land to the west of cape _de
Arecife_, laid down 28' more northwardly than it ought in the charts of
_Daniel_. On the 6th July we ought to have seen the coast of Madagascar,
by most of our computations, and according to Daniel's charts, upon
Mercator's projection, which proved false by seventy leagues in distance
of longitude between the coast of Ethiopia at cape Bona Speranza and the
isle of St Lawrence, as is evident from the charts projected _in plano_
by _Tottens_. The 22d all the four ships anchored at _Mohelia_, where we
had water from wells dug a little above high-water mark, eight or nine
feet deep, close by the roots of trees. _Doman_ is the chief town of
this island, where the sultan resides, to whom we gave a double-locked
piece and a sword. For very little money we were plentifully supplied
with provisions, as poultry, goats, bullocks, lemons, oranges, limes,
tamarinds, cocoa-nuts, pines, sugar-canes, and other fruits. Among the
inhabitants of this island there are Arabs, Turks, and Moors, many of
whom speak tolerable Portuguese. From them I had a curious account of
the current at this place, which they said ran alternately fifteen days
westerly, fifteen days easterly, and fifteen days not at all; and which
I partly observed to be true: For, at our first coming, the current set
westerly, and on the 28th it set easterly, and so continued during our
stay, which was six days, but we went away before trial could be
perfectly made of this report.

I learned here that the king of _Juanni_ [Joanna or Hinzuan] was
sovereign of this island, but entrusted its government to the sultan,
who resides here. The 29th, a vessel arrived at _Doman_ from
_Gangamora_, in the island of Madagascar, and I was desired by the
general to examine what were its commodities, which I found to consist
of rice, and a kind of cloth manufactured of the barks of trees, which
makes very cool garments. I enquired from the pilot, who spoke good
Portuguese, respecting Captain Rowles and the other Englishmen who were
betrayed on that island. He knew nothing of all this, but said that two
or three years before, an English boy was at Gangamora along with the
Portuguese, whom he now thought dead, but knew not how he came there.
This town of _Doman_ contains about an hundred houses, strongly built of
stone and lime, and its inhabitants are orderly and civil. They carry
on trade with the coasts of Melinda, Magadoxa, Mombaza, Arabia, and
Madagascar, carrying slaves taken in their wars, which they sell for
nine or ten dollars each, and which are sold afterwards in Portugal for
100 dollars a-head. At Mombaza and Magadoxa, they have considerable
trade in elephants teeth and drugs; and it was therefore agreed to
advise the honourable company of this, that they might consider of
sending a pinnace yearly to make trial of this trade. In Mohelia, we
bought two or three bullocks for a bar of iron of between twenty and
twenty-five pounds weight. We bought in all 200 head of cattle, and
forty goats, besides poultry, fruits, &c.

"_Malalia_ [Mohelia] is one of the Commora islands, the other three
being _Angazesia_, [Comoro] _Juanny_, [Joanna or Hinzuan] and Mayotta,
stretching almost east and west from each other. _Angazesia_ [Comoro]
bears N. by W. from Mohelia, and is the highest land I ever saw. It is
inhabited by Moors trading with the main and the other three eastern
islands, bartering their cattle and fruits for calicoes and other cloths
for garments. It is governed by ten petty kings, and has abundance of
cattle, goats, oranges, and lemons. The people are reckoned false and
treacherous. _Hinzuan_ lies east from Mohelia and Mayotta. All these
three islands are well stored with refreshments, but chiefly Mohelia,
and next to it Hinzuan. Here lived an old woman who was sultaness of all
these islands, and under her there were three deputies in Mohelia, who
were all her sons. The sultan in whose quarter we anchored is so
absolute, that none of his people dared to sell a single cocoa-nut
without his leave. Four boats were sent to his town to desire this
liberty, which was granted. Captain Newport went ashore with forty men,
and found the governor sitting on a mat, under the side of a junk which
was then building, and attended by fifty men. He was dressed in a mantle
of blue and red calico, wrapped about him to his knees, his legs and
feet bare, and his head covered by a close cap of checquer work. Being
presented with a gun and sword, he returned four cows, and proclaimed
liberty for the people to trade with us. He gave the English cocoa-nuts
to eat, while he chewed betel and areka-nut, tempered with lime of burnt
oister shells. It has a hot biting taste, voids rheum, cools the head,
and is all their physic. It makes those giddy who are not accustomed to
its use, producing red spittles, and in time colours the teeth black,
which they esteem handsome, and they use this continually. From the
governor they were conducted to the carpenter's house, who was a chief
man in the town. His house was built of stone and lime, low and little,
plaistered with white lime, roofed with rafters, which were covered with
leaves of the cocoa-nut tree, the outsides wattled with canes.

"Their houses are kept clean and neat, with good household stuff, having
gardens inclosed with canes, in which they grow tobacco and plantains.
For dinner, a board was set upon tressels, on which was spread a fine
new mat, and stone benches stood around, on which the guests sat. First,
water was brought to each in a cocoa-shell, and poured into a wooden
platter, and the rinds of cocoa-nuts were used instead of towels. There
was then set before the company boiled rice, roasted plantains, quarters
of hens, and pieces of goat's flesh broiled. After grace said, they fell
to their meat, using bread made of cocoa-nut kernels, beaten up with
honey, and fried. The drink was palamito wine, and the milk of the
cocoa-nuts. Those who went to see the sultan, named _Amir Adell_, found
all things much in the same manner, only that his behaviour was more
light, and he made haste to get drunk with some wine carried to him by
the English. The people of these islands are strict Mahomedans, and very
jealous of letting their women or mosques be seen. For, on some of the
English coming near a village, they shut them up, and threatened to kill
them if they came nearer. Many of them speak and write Arabic, and some
few of them Portuguese, as they trade with Mosambique in junks of forty
tons burden, built, caulked, and rigged all out of the cocoa-nut tree.
Here we bought oxen and cows, fat but small, Arabian sheep, hens,
oranges, lemons, and limes in abundance, paying for them in calicoes,
hollands, sword-blades, dollars, glasses, and other trifles."--T.R.

We sailed from Mohelia on the 2d August, and on the 17th got sight of
cape Guardafui, where the natives seemed afraid of us. The 20th we
anchored in the road of _Galencia_ in Socotora, where the fierceness of
the wind raised the sea into a continual surf all round about us, and by
the spray, blown about us like continual rain, our masts, yards, and
tackle were made white all over by the salt, like so much hoar-frost;
The 23d we anchored at _Tamara_, the town where the king resides, and on
the 24th at _Delisha_. They here demanded thirty dollars for the quintal
of aloes, which made us buy the less. The _Faiking_ told us that Captain
Downton had bought 100 quintals, and it was still so liquid, either
from newness, or because of the heat, that it was ready to run out of
the skins. The quintal of this place, as tried by our beam, weighed 103
1/2 pounds English. Aloes is made from the leaves of a plant resembling
our sempervivum, or house-leek, the roots and stalk being cut away, the
rest strongly pressed, and the juice boiled up to a certain height,
after which it is put into earthen pots, closely stopped for eight
months, and is then put into skins for sale. The north part of Socotora
is in 12 deg. 30', and the body in 120 deg. 25'.[166] It is fourteen leagues
from this island to _Abdul Curia_, and as much more from thence to cape
Guardafui. Such as mean to sail for Socotora, should touch at that cape,
and sail from thence next morning a little before day-break, to lose no
part of the day-light, the nights here being dark and obscure, with fogs
and boisterous winds, during the months of August and September. On
getting into _Abdul Curia_, they may anchor on the west side in seven or
eight fathoms, under the low land; or, if they cannot get to anchor,
should keep close hauled in the night to the southward, lest the wind
and northerly current put them too much to leeward before day.
Notwithstanding the monsoon, the winds do not blow steadily, being
sometimes S. by W. and S.S.W. but seldom to the east of south.

[Footnote 166: These two numbers unquestionably relate to the longitude
and latitude respectively, though strangely expressed. The true lat. is
13 deg. 20'N. and long. 53 deg. E. from Greenwich.--E.]

"Socotora is an island not far from the mouth of the Red Sea, being the
_Dioscuria_ or _Disoscordia_ of the ancients, in lat. 13 deg. 20' N. It was
governed when we were there by a sultan, named Amir Ben-said, son of the
king of Fartaque, in Arabia Felix, which lies between the latitudes of
15 deg. and 18 deg. N. on the coast of Arabia. This king was in peace with the
Turks, on condition of assisting them with 5000 men when required, and
then these troops to be paid and maintained by the Turks, to whom he
paid no other acknowledgement. Near to the sea about Dofar, there is
another petty Arab sovereign, whom he of Fartaque dare not meddle with,
because he is under the protection of the Grand Signior.

"The sultan of Socotora came down to meet us at the shore, accompanied
by 300 men, and had a tent set up for his accommodation. He was on
horseback, as were two of his principal attendants, and a third on a
camel, the people running before and behind him shouting. He had two
companies of guards, one composed of his own subjects, and the other
consisting of twelve hired Guzerates, some armed with Turkish bows, some
with pistols, and some with muskets, but all having good swords. He had
also a few kettle-drums, and one trumpet. He received the general in a
courteous manner, and was so absolute, that no person could sell any
thing except himself. His people sat about him very respectfully; his
clothes were of Surat cloths, made in the Arabian fashion, with a
cassock of red and white wrought velvet, and a robe of which the ground
was cloth of gold. He wore a handsome turban, but his legs and feet were

"Every night these people all stand or kneel towards the setting sun,
the _zerife_ throwing water on their heads, being all Mahomedans. The
king's town, named Tamara, is built of stone and lime, all whited over,
the houses built with battlements and pinnacles, and all flat-roofed. At
a distance it looks well, but within is very poor. Mr Boughton had leave
to see the king's house, and found it such as might serve an ordinary
gentleman in England. The lower rooms were used as warehouses and
wardrobe, a few changes of robes hanging about the walls, and along with
them were some twenty-five books of their law, religion, history, and
saints lives. No person could be permitted to go up stairs to see his
three wives, or the other women; but the ordinary sort might be seen in
the town, their ears all full of silver rings. In the mosque the priest
was seen at service. Mr Boughton had for his dinner three hens, with
rice, his drink being water, and a black liquor called _cahu_, [coffee]
drank as hot as could be endured.

"On a hill, a mile from Tamara, there is a square castle, but we could
not get leave to see it. The inhabitants are of four sorts. The first
are Arabs, who have come in by means of conquest, who dare not speak in
presence of the sultan without leave, and kissing his hand. The second
sort are slaves, who kiss his foot when they come into his presence, do
all his work, and make his aloes. The third sort are the old inhabitants
of the country, called Bedouins, though I think these are not the oldest
of all, whom I suppose to have been those commonly called Jacobite
Christians: For, on Mr Boughton going into a church of theirs, which the
Arabs had forced them to abandon, he found some images and a crucifix,
which he took away. The Mahomedans would not say much about these
people, lest other Christians might relieve or support them. These
Bedouins, having had wars with the Arabs, live apart from them in the
mountains. The fourth kind of people, or original natives, are very
savage, poor lean, naked, and wear their hair long. They eat nothing but
roots, ride about on buffaloes, conversing only among themselves, being
afraid of all others, having no houses, and live more like wild beasts
than men, and these we conjecture to have been the original natives of
the place.

"The island is very mountainous and barren, having some beeves, goats,
and sheep, a few dates and oranges, a little rice, and nothing else for
the food of man. All its commodities consist of aloes, the inspisated
juice of a plant having a leaf like our house-leek. The only manufacture
is a very poor kind of cloth, used only by slaves. The king had some
dragon's blood, and some Lahore indigo, as also a few civet cats and
civet. The dead are all buried in tombs, and the monuments of their
saints are held in much veneration. The chief of these was one _Sidy
Hachun_,[167] buried at Tamara, who was slain about an hundred years
before we were there, and who, as they pretend, still appears to them,
and warns them of approaching dangers. They hold him in wonderful
veneration, and impute high winds to his influence."--T.R.

[Footnote 167: Sidy, or Seid, signifies a descendant or relative of
Mahomet, and Hachem, a prophet.--E.]

The 31st of August we sailed from Socotora. The 10th September we had
quails, herons, and other land-birds blown from the land, and unable to
return. The 14th we had sight of Diu, and the 16th of Damaun, both
inhabited by the Portuguese, and strongly fortified. On the 18th we
passed the bar of Surat, and came to anchor in the road of Swally. Next
day we sent a messenger on shore, and our boat returned the same night,
bringing off Mr William Bidulph, who told us of all the affairs of the
country, and that _Zulphecar Khan_[168] was now governor of Surat. At
this place we bought sheep for half a dollar each, and got twenty hens
for a dollar. On the 22d Mr Barker and other merchants were sent to
Surat to provide furniture for a house to accommodate the lord
ambassador, Sir Thomas Roe. They were searched most narrowly, even their
pockets, and the most secret parts of their dress, according to the base
manner of this country, in which a man has to pay custom for a single
dollar in his purse, or a good knife in his pocket; and if one has any
thing rare, it is sure to be taken away by the governor, under pretence
of purchase.

[Footnote 168: In the Pilgrims this person is named Zuipher-Car-Chan,
but we believe the orthography in the text is more correct.--E.]

The lord ambassador landed on the 25th, accompanied by our general, all
the captains and merchants, and eighty men under arms, part pikes, and
part muskets. Forty-eight guns were fired off from the ships, which were
all dressed out with colours and streamers, flags and pendants. On
landing, he was received in a splendid tent by the chief men of Surat,
who welcomed him to India. There was much to do about their barbarous
search, which they would have executed on all his attendants, which he
strenuously resisted, and at length he and three or four of his
principal followers were exempted, while the rest were only slightly
handled for fashion-sake. A great deal passed on this occasion between
the governor and the ambassador, about these rude and barbarous
exactions, Sir Thomas justly contending for the honour and immunity of
an ambassador from an independent king; while they insisted to make no
difference between him and others of similar rank in those parts, and of
our own likewise, who had formerly assumed the name of ambassadors.
Their barbarous usage not only perplexed him there, and detained him
long till an order came from court, but gave him much plague all the
time he remained in the country, as will appear afterwards from his own
journal. They could not easily be persuaded to allow of any difference
between him and Mr Edwards, who had been considered by them in the same
light with Sir Thomas.

Mr Barwick's man, who had been inveigled to run away by a deserter from
Captain Best who had turned Mahomedan, was brought back from Surat on
the 1st of October. Others afterwards ran away to Damaun, and wrote to
their comrades to induce them to do the same. The 2d, two Hollanders
came on board, who had travelled by land from Petapulli, on the
Coromandel coast. On the 10th, the governor's brother came on board,
making many fair speeches, and had a present given him. The governor
impudently urged us to give him presents, though he had already received
three, but found fault with them, and even named what he would have
given him, being beggar and chooser both at once. We had this day news
of Mr Aldworth's death; and on the 5th November we received intelligence
of the lord ambassador having fallen sick at Burhanpoor, and that Mr
Boughton was dead.

The most current coin at Surat is rials of eight, or Spanish dollars, of
which the old with the plain cross passes for five mahmoodies each. The
new dollars, having flower-de-luces at the ends of the cross, if not
light, are worth four 3/4 mahmoodies. The _mahmoody_ is a coarse silver
coin, containing thirty _pice_, and twelve _drams_ make a _pice_. The
English shilling, if full weight, will yield thirty 1/2 pice. Larines
are worth much the same with mahmoodies.[169] There are sundry kinds of
rupees, some of which are worth half a dollar, and others less, by which
one may be easily deceived. The trade at Surat is conducted by brokers,
who are very subtle, and deceive both buyer and seller, if not carefully
looked after. In weights, each city of India differs from another. The
commodities are infinite, indigos being the chief, those of Lahore the
best, and those from Sarkess inferior. Great quantities of cloths made
of cotton, as white and coloured calicoes, containing fourteen yards the
book or piece, from 100 to 200 mahmoodies each. Pintadoes, chintzes,
chadors, sashes, girdles, cannakens, trekannies, serrabafs, aleias,
patollas, sellas, quilts, carpets, green ginger, suckets or confections,
lignum aloes, opium, sal amoniac, and abundance of other drugs. Vendible
commodities are knives, mirrors, pictures, and such like toys; English
cloth, China wares, silk, and porcelain, and all kinds of spices. The
Guzerates load their great ships, of nine, twelve, or fifteen hundred
tons, at Gogo, and steal out unknown to the Portuguese.

[Footnote 169: From this explanation, the _mahmoody_ and larine may be
assumed as worth one shilling; the _pice_ as equal to a farthing and a
half, and the dram at about 1-10th of a farthing.--E.]

The chief places for trade on the river Sinde, or Indus, are Tatta,
_Diul-sinde_, Mooltan, and Lahore. The Expedition, on her former voyage,
had landed the Persian ambassador, Sir Robert Shirley, at _Diul-sinde_;
and of him I have thought it right to give the following particulars, as
an appendix to my former voyage, having learnt them from some of his
followers at Agra. Being weary of _Diul-sinde_, through the evil conduct
of the governor, and the attempts of the Portuguese to molest him, who
even used their endeavours to cut him off, for which purpose twelve of
them had gone there from Ormus, he asked leave to proceed to Tatta; but,
being refused permission, he went without leave, and having by the way
to pass a river where none durst ferry him over, because prohibited by
the governor on pain of death, he constructed a raft of timber and
boards, on which he and Nazerbeg embarked. They were no sooner shoved
off than twenty or thirty horse came from the governor in great haste to
detain them. And as Nazerbeg was unable to guide the raft against the
tide, some men swam to the raft and brought them back, on which occasion
they narrowly escaped being drowned. Some of his followers being
indignant at this rude dealing, one Mr John Ward shot off his pistol in
their faces, and was instantly slain by another shot, and all the rest
were carried back prisoners to _Diul-sinde_, being pillaged by the
soldiers on their way. After some time in prison, they were permitted to
proceed to Tatta, where they were kindly entertained by the governor of
that place, who was a Persian. Before leaving Diul-sinde, Sir Thomas
Powell and Mr Francis Bub died. Sir Robert Shirley remained at Tatta
till a fit opportunity offered of proceeding to Agra, where he went at
last, finding the way long and tedious, and much infested by thieves. He
went there however in safety, going in company with a great man who had
a strong escort, and for whom he had to wait two months.

In this time Lady Powell was delivered of a son, but both she and her
child died soon after, together with Mr Michael Powell, brother to Sir
Thomas, losing their lives in this tedious waiting in boats for the
great man. On his arrival at Agra, Sir Robert was favourably entertained
by the Great Mogul, who sent for the Banian governor of Diul-sinde to
answer at court to the complaint, and promised Sir Robert to have his
own revenge if he would stay; but he hasted away to Persia, after
receiving many presents from the Mogul, who gave him an escort, and all
necessaries for his journey, in which he had not a single English
attendant, as John Heriot died at Agra, and Mr Richard Barber, his
apothecary, returned to Surat. Of all his company, three only remained
with him, his lady and her female attendant, two Persians, the old
Arminian, and the Circassian. His Dutch jeweller came to Surat along
with Mr Edwards.

Sec.2. _Occurrences at Calicut and Sumatra, Miscarriage of the English
Ships, Abuses of the Dutch, and Factories in India_.

We took a Portuguese prize on the 29th of February, 1616. The 3d March,
while at anchor in the road of Calicut, the deputy of the Zamorin came
aboard, attended by many boats, signifying the joy of his master at our
arrival, and his earnest desire to confer with our nation, and entreated
therefore that we would tarry a few days, that he might send to the
Zamorin, who was then at Cranganore besieging a castle belonging to the
Portuguese. We had here abundance of provisions brought to us on board,
and at reasonable rates. That same evening, there came a messenger from
the Zamorin, entreating us to anchor for two or three days off
Cranganore, which we accordingly did on the 5th, anchoring two leagues
off shore. About noon the Zamorin sent to request the general would come
ashore, to visit him, but this was not deemed right without a pledge,
and Mr George Barkley went ashore to wait upon him; but the Zamorin
refused to reveal his intentions to any one except our general, and
seemed much displeased at his not coming ashore.

The general accordingly landed on the 8th, and had an audience of the
Zamorin, who wished the English to establish a factory in his dominions,
for which purpose he offered a good house rent-free, freedom from custom
or other exactions, for all goods brought there or carried thence, and
made many protestations of affection for our nation. This was for the
present declined, because most of our goods had been left at Surat, and
because we were now bound for Bantam. To this the Zamorin answered, that
it was no matter whether any goods were left for the present, as he only
desired we might leave two or three Englishmen there, who should want
for nothing, as he only wanted to be assured of our return next year
with a supply of men and goods. He assured us we might be sure of
loading one ship yearly with pepper, and might make sale of our
commodities to a considerable extent. Upon this it was agreed to leave a
factory at this place, with such goods as we could spare, which went
accordingly on shore on the 9th; George Woolman being appointed chief of
this new factory at Cranganore, Peter Needham and Roger Hares
under-factors, together with Richard Stamford, and a boy named Edward
Peake, who was appointed to learn the language. The name of the king is
_Pendre Quone[170] Zamorin_, to whom was given, as a present, a minion
or small cannon, and a barrel of powder; on which he promised, if he won
the fort of Cranganore, to give it up to the English.

[Footnote 170: Named _Underecon Cheete_ in a subsequent article.--E.]

The 10th we received the Zamorin's letter of agreement for our
privileges, with many fair protestations of love. We sailed the same
day, passing before Cochin, which we could see distinctly. Next day we
had a view of the town and castle of Coulan, where was a ship riding at
anchor under the guns of the castle, which we boarded and brought forth
without any hurt from the guns, all the crew having fled ashore. This
was a Portuguese ship of four or five hundred tons, lately arrived from
Bengal and Pegu, laden with rice, grain, Bengal cloths, butter, sugar,
gum lack, hard wax, drugs, and other things. The 12th we espied another
ship, to which we gave chase, and came up with about midnight, when she
surrendered at the first shot.[171] I sent for her chief men on board my
ship, the others being three or four miles a-stern, and set some of my
people on board the prize, with strict charges to hurt no person. There
were in this ship eighteen or twenty Portuguese, and about eighty
others, men, women, and children. Her chief loading was rice, butter,
sugar, lack, drugs, and Bengal cloths. We offered these people our first
prize, with victuals to carry them ashore, which they refused, as
fearing to be ill-used by the Malabars, having lately escaped with
difficulty from a fleet of theirs of fourteen sail. Next day we landed
them where they desired, and allowed them to go away unsearched for
money or jewels. We had now three English ships[172] and three prizes.

[Footnote 171: These prizes were taken from the Portuguese in part
satisfaction for their unjust vexations and hostilities at Surat and
other places.--_Purch._]

[Footnote 172: No notice is taken of the fourth ship, the Lion, probably
left at Surat; indeed, the whole of this relation is exceedingly vague
and unsatisfactory, the name even of the general never being once

The 14th we arrived at _Brinion_, in lat. 8 deg. 30', where we took out of
the first prize what we thought useful, and then set her adrift. At
_Brinion_ there is a small town in a round bay, which may be known by a
long white beach to the north, and to the south is all high land, having
a red cliff two leagues to the south, close to the sea. From thence to
cape Comorin is sixteen leagues, the course being S.E. by S. along a
bold free coast. The inhabitants of Brinion[173] are no way subject to
the Portuguese. The 1st of April the island of Ceylon bore E. by S.
seven leagues off. On the 10th the Peak of Adam bore north. I this day
took my leave of the general, the Dragon and Pepper-corn being bound for
Acheen, while I, in the Expedition, went for Priaman, Tecoo, and Bantam.

[Footnote 173: In 8 deg. 22' N. at the distance indicated from cape Comorin,
is a place called Billingham, which may possibly be the Brinion of the

It is good to remain in Brinion till the end of March, when the easterly
monsoon ends, and not to pass cape Comorin sooner, on account of calms,
and because the southerly current sets towards the Maldives. All who
come from the west for Priaman and Tecoo, ought to continue so as to
have sufficient day-light for passing between _Nimptan_[174] and the
other adjacent islands, the best channel being to the north of that
island. On the 30th of April I met the Advice going for Tecoo; but, at
my request, she returned for Bantam, whence she was sent to Japan. I
arrived at Bantam on the 1st of May, where I found the Hosiander newly
arrived from Japan, and the Attendance from _Jambo_, most of their men
being sick or dead. I here learnt the death of Captain Downton, and of
the arrival of Captain Samuel Castleton with the Clove and Defence,
which, with the Thomas and Concord, were gone to the Moluccas, the
Thomas being appointed to proceed from thence to Japan.

[Footnote 174: Pulo Mintaon, off the S.W. coast of Sumatra, nearly under
the line, is probably here meant.--E.]

The 19th of May I sailed from Bantam, and the 10th June I put into
Tecoo. The 3d July I hove my ship down on the careen to sheath her. It
is of great use to double sheath such ships as go to Surat, as though
the outer sheathing may be eaten like a honey-comb by the worms, the
inner is not at all injured. It were also of great use to have the
rudder sheathed with thin copper,[175] to prevent the worms from eating
off its edges, which is very detrimental in steering, and cannot be
easily remedied, being so deep in the water. The natives of Sumatra
inhabiting Priaman are barbarous, deceitful, and continually craving
presents or bribes; and sometimes I have been in imminent hazard of
being murdered, a hundred of them drawing their crisses upon us at once,
because we refused to let them have our goods on trust, or at prices of
their own making. The 20th, Thomas Bonnar, master of the Expedition,
died, and was succeeded by John Row, who was the third master in this

[Footnote 175: We had formerly occasion to notice a ship sheathed with
iron at Japan, and this is the first indication or proposal for using
copper in that way. Iron sheathing has never been adopted into British
practice, while copper sheathing is now universal. Captain Peyton does
not appear to have been aware that copper sheathing is incompatible
with iron fastenings, which indeed was only learnt long after, by woeful
experience, and the loss of many ships and men. In consequence of a
strong predisposing chemical afinity, exerted by the contiguity of the
copper and iron in the sea water, the muriatic acid corrodes the iron
bolts and other fastenings, all of which are now made of copper in ships
that are to be copper sheathed.--E.]

The 26th, the Dragon and Pepper-corn arrived from Acheen, where they had
purchased pepper, carried there from Tecoo in large junks and praws,
which navigate between these places, but never out of sight of land. The
king of Acheen commands the people of Tecoo to bring their pepper to his
port, and allows none to purchase it there, but those who barter their
Surat goods at such rates as he pleases to impose. Often likewise, he
sends to Priaman and Tecoo the Surat commodities procured by him in that
manner, obliging the merchants there to buy at rates by him imposed, and
no person is allowed to buy or sell till his goods are sold. This makes
our trade with them the better.[176] _Jambo_ is on the east side of
Sumatra, and yields a similar large-grained pepper with what is procured
at Priaman, but is not under the dominion of the king of Acheen, as are
Baruse, Passaman, Tecoo, Priaman, Cottatinga, and other places on the
western side of that island. _Baruse_ is to the north of Passaman, and
yields considerable quantities of benzoin; _Cottatinga_ yields gold, and
the other places pepper. Our general brought the king of Acheen's letter
to these places, where the chief men received it with great submission,
each of them kissing it and laying it on his head, promising to obey its
injunctions, yet all failed in performance. It were proper, in these
letters from the king, to procure all the particulars of the trade to be
inserted. I set sail from Tecoo for Bantam on the 4th September.

[Footnote 176: It is so expressed in the Pilgrims; yet it would seem
that such arbitrary proceeding in the sovereign, assuming the character
of merchant, would be destructive of all trade.--E.]

The best gold, and the largest quantity, is to be had at the high hill
of Passaman, where likewise is the best, cheapest, and most abundant
produce of pepper. But the air is there so pestiferous, that there is no
going thither for our nation without great mortality among the men.
Fortunately this is not necessary in procuring pepper, as the Surat
commodities at Tecoo are sufficiently attractive. I have even observed
many of the natives to labour under infectious diseases, the limbs of
some being ready to drop off with rottenness, while others had huge
wens or swellings under their throats, as large as a two-penny loaf;
which they impute to the bad water.[177] Though a barbarous people, they
are yet acquainted with the means of curing their diseases. The people
of Tecoo are base, thievish, subtle, seeking gain by every kind of
fraud, or even by force when they dare; using false weights, false
reckonings, and even attempting to poison our meats and drinks while
dressing, and crissing our men when opportunity serves: But it is to be
hoped they may be inforced to keep better order, by the influence and
authority of the king of Acheen. At Acheen our Portuguese prizes were
disposed of, and shared according to the custom of the sea, a sixth part
being divided among the captors, and the rest carried to the account of
our employers. There were only five left in the factory. Many of our men
were sick, owing to their immoderate indulgence in drinking arrack.

[Footnote 177: The _goitre_ was long ignorantly imputed in Europe to
drinking snow water; but is now well known only to affect the
inhabitants of peculiar districts, as Derbyshire in England, and the
Valais in Switzerland, and this district in Sumatra, where certain
mineral impregnations render the water unwholesome.--E.]

When at Bantam, in October 1616, there were four English ships, and five
Hollanders at Jacatra, which raised the price of pepper; and that the
more, because the Dutch boasted of having brought this year in ready
money 1,600,000 dollars, which is probably a great exaggeration to brave
our nation. Their last fleet of six ships took two or three ships of the
Portuguese, of which they made great boasts. They endeavour to depress
our nation by every manner of abuse throughout the Indies, acting
towards us in a most unfriendly and unchristian manner. Even in Bantam,
where they acknowledge our equal right, they threaten to pull our people
out of our factory by the ears, sometimes picking quarrels with them in
the streets, and even imprisoning them; and when they themselves have
caused an uproar, complaining to the king of Bantam of our unquietness,
and bribing him to take their parts. He receives their money, and tells
us of their dealings, taking advantage of this disagreement to fleece
both sides. Even at Pulo-way, an island freely surrendered to the king
of England, they abused our people, leading them through the streets
with halters round their necks, carrying an hour-glass before them, and
proclaiming that they were to be hanged when the sand was run out. And
though they did not actually proceed to that extremity, they kept them
three or four days in irons, and afterwards sent them aboard the Concord
and Thomasine, under a forced composition never to return. Likewise, at
the return of the Hosiander from Japan, which brought thirty tons of
wood for them, free of freight and charges, they reported she would have
returned empty, but for their timber; which also they might have said of
my ship, which brought for them, from Surat to Bantam, thirty-one
_churles_ of indigo and a chest of pistoles, freight-free.

Captain Castleton went to the Moluccas with four ships, the Clove,
Defence, Thomas, and Concord, that he might be better able to defend
himself against the Hollanders; yet, being threatened by eleven of their
ships, they returned without doing much business, having only a few
cloves in the Clove. The captain died there of the flux; and the bad
success of that expedition, together with other faults, was laid to his
charge. The Trades-increase was twice set on fire by the Javans, and the
fire quenched by our people; but on a third attempt, she was fired in so
many places at once, that it was impossible to save her. The Darling was
laid up at Patane, in June 1615, by order of Mr Larkine and the factory,
as incapable of repair. Herrold, her master, was reported of having a
design to carry her off to the Portuguese; and, being prevented, he went
himself. The Thomasine was cast away, in September 1615, upon a shoal in
the night, seventeen leagues W. from Macasser, while returning from the
Moluccas. On this occasion her goods were lost, which were not of much
value, but they saved the money, being 2000 dollars, and all their
provisions, remaining fourteen days on a desolate island, where they
fitted up their boat, which brought themselves and their money to
Bantam. All their goods and other things were left behind, and seized by
the king of Macasser, who refused to make restitution. At Jacatra the
Hector sunk in three fathoms water while careening, her keel being
exceedingly worm-eaten. The Concord is there also laid up, so rotten
and leaky that they had to take out her provisions, and let her sink
close to the shore. The Hosiander, on the 15th October 1616, was
appointed to sail for the Coromandel coast.

The factories which are at present established for our company in the
East Indies, so far as I could hear, are these: Bantam, Jacatra,
Ahmedabad, Agra, Agimere, Burhanpoor, Calicut, Masulipatam, Patepulli,
Patane, Siam, Banjermassen, Succodania, Macasser, Acheen, Jambo, Tecoo,
Banda, and Firando in Japan. At Bantam, Mr George Barclay was chief,
with John Jordan, George Ball, Ralph Copendale, and several other
factors and assistants. The principal purpose of the factory at Acheen,
is to solicit for our better proceedings at Priaman and Tecoo. The place
is unwholesome, more especially for such as indulge in the use of hot
fiery drinks, as _arack_ and _aracape_, which bring many to untimely
graves; and throw discredit on the voyage. It is not to be imagined at
home, how unruly are the common men abroad, never being satisfied unless
when their brains are reeling with liquor. Even the king of Acheen is
said to have a strange habit of getting drunk when the English resort to
him, as if thereby to do them honour, and it seems dishonourable to them
not to conform with him, in sitting in the water, drinking hard, and
many other strange customs. He is very tyrannical and cruel to his
subjects, daily cutting off the hands, arms, and legs of many, on very
small and frivolous causes; or causing them to be thrown to the
elephants, he himself commanding a sagacious elephant to toss the
culprits so high and so often, as either to bruise or kill them,
according to his caprice at the time. No one that arrives at his port
may land without his _chop_ or licence. On one occasion, a Dutch general
came on shore without his licence, by desire of the principal factor,
who presumed on his favour with the king. When the general came to the
palace-gate, where another chop is necessary, the king found this
irregularity to have proceeded from the presumption of the resident,
whom he sent for and laid before the elephant, who tossed him three
times, but so gently as not to bruise him much, giving him thus a
warning how he should neglect the king's commands another time. The
Dutch general stood by the while, fearing to come in for his share of
this strange discipline; but the king forgave him, as ignorant of the
law. The poor factor, being called into the king's presence, humbly
acknowledged his punishment to have been merited, yet fled with the rest
of the factory at the departure of the ships; on which the king placed
us in their house.

We sailed from Bantam, homeward bound, on the 1st November 1616. The 5th
January 1617, I was unable to weigh our anchor, owing to the violence
of the wind, to follow the Dragon to Penguin island. Ships that go round
the Cape of Good Hope from India, at this season of the year, ought not
to anchor short of Saldanha road, [Table Bay,] but ought to bear to
leeward for Penguin island, and anchor there with two anchors at once,
till the wind serve. In December, January, and February, the S.S.E. wind
blows there with great violence from new to full moon. Yet I hold it
dangerous to neglect this place, trusting to refreshments at St Helena,
a certainty for an uncertainty; as the obscurity of the sun and moon,
owing to thick mists at this season, may disappoint the most experienced
navigators, and occasion the loss of ship, cargo, and men. While at the
Cape, Corey came down with three sheep, and promised more, but went away
in great haste to his wife and family, who dwelt now farther from the
bay than formerly. It appears that the Hollanders had frightened the
natives, by landing and going up the country with above an hundred men
at once. Owing to this, our chief refreshment here was fresh fish.

The 9th April 1617, we passed through great quantities of sea-weeds,
called _seragasso_, which float in long ridges or rows along with the
wind, and at considerable distances from each other. This plant has a
leaf like samphire, but not so thick, and carries a very small yellow
berry. It reaches from 22 deg. 20' to 32 deg. both of N. latitude. We anchored
in the Downs on the 29th of May 1617.

3. _Brief Notice of the Ports, Cities, and Towns, inhabited by, and
traded with, by the Portuguese between the Cape of Good Hope and Japan,
in_ 1616.

The river of _Quame_, or _Cuamo_, on the eastern coast of Africa, where
they are said to trade yearly for gold, elephants teeth, ambergris, and
slaves. _Mozambique_, an island on the same coast, where they trade for
gold, ambergris, and slaves, in barter for iron, lead, tin, and Cambay
commodities, _Magadoxo_, which has abundance of elephants teeth, some
ambergris, and various kinds of drugs. From these ports they trade
yearly to Cambay, the Red Sea, and other places, observing the monsoons,
which blow W. in April, May, June, July, August, and part of September,
and the E. monsoon prevails an the other months. A few days between the
cessation of one monsoon and the commencement of the other, the winds
are variable, attended by calms, but become regular in a few days. To
the east of Sumatra, however, the two monsoons continue only five months
each way, the two intermediate months having variable winds.

_Ormus_ in the gulf of Persia, whence the Portuguese trade to Persia,
Diul-sinde, Arabia, &c. They fetch much pearl from Bassora;[178] and
they load a ship or two with Persian commodities for Diul-sinde, where
they arrive between the end of August and middle of September, taking
likewise with them great store of dollars. Ormus is their best place in
the Indies except Goa. At _Muskat_ they have a fort and some small
trade, keeping the natives in such awe by land and sea, that they dare
not trade without their licence, and this practice they follow in all
parts of India where they are strong. _Diul-sinde_ on the Indus in the
dominions of the Great Mogul. _Diu_, where they have a strong castle.
Damaun, where they have a castle, and are said to have an hundred
villages under their authority. _Basseen_, or _Serra de Bazein_, a
little south from _Damaun_, and bordering on the Deccan; between which
and _Chaul_ they have three ports, _Gazein, Banda_, and _Maia_. _Chaul_
is a great city with a castle. At _Dabul_ they have a factory, but no

[Footnote 178: This is a mistake for the isle of Bahrein.--E.]

_Goa_ is their metropolitan city in India, which stands in a small
island, being the seat of their viceroy, and the anchoring place of
their caracks. _Onore_ has a small fort. _Barcellore_, a town and
castle, yields pepper, ginger, and many kinds of drugs. _Mangalore_, a
town and castle. _Cananore_, a city and castle, yielding similar
commodities with Barcellore. From _Calicut_ they have been expelled by
the Zamorin, who endeavours to do the same at _Crangator_, [Cranganore,]
where they have a fort. _Cochin_ is a strong city and castle, pleasantly
situated on the sea in a wholesome air, with a fine river for the
reception of ships. _Coulan_, a town with a small castle; near which is
a village named St Lawrence, chiefly inhabited by friars and jesuits.
_Quiloan_, a small city with a castle. _Tuckatra_, a town and castle,
the inhabitants being mostly Christians.

_Manaar_ is on the island of Ceylon, between Cape Comorin and
Point-de-Gale, where they have a town inhabited by Portuguese. In this
island also they have _Columbo_, and many other small places, having
conquered most of the island, which yields cinnamon and various drugs.
_Negopatnam_ is a city of great trade, on the coast of Coromandel, where
they have only a factory. St Thomas, or _Meliapoor_, is a walled town
inhabited by the Portuguese. In Bengal, up the river Ganges, they have a
town, besides some factories and many small habitations. They have a
factory in Pegu, another in Aracan, and one in the river of Martaban.
Also at _Junkceylon_ they have a great factory, whence they fetch
considerable quantities of tin to the Malabar coast.

_Malacca_ is a strong city and castle belonging to the Portuguese, and
the centre of a great trade in those parts of India. From this place the
king of Acheen has long sought to root them out, and has burnt and
plundered some of their ships this year, 1619. At _Macao_, an island on
the coast of China, they have a city with a castle, where they are said
to carry on much trade with the Chinese. They have a factory in Japan,
but neither town nor fort; and trade thence with the coast of China. The
Dutch are said to make much spoil of the vessels employed on this trade,
Portuguese, Chinese, and others, accounting all fish that fall into
their net.


_Notes, concerning the Proceedings of the Factory at Cranganore, from
the Journal of Roger Hawes.[179]_

[Footnote 179: Parch. Pilgr. I. 608.--Hawes sailed in the fleet under
Keeling, in 1615, which carried out Sir Thomas Roe, already related in
Sect. IV. of this chapter; and the present short article almost
exclusively relates to the new factory at Cranganore on the Malabar
coast, in which Hawes was left as one of the factors. This is a very
imperfect and inconclusive article, yet gives some idea of the manners
and customs of the Malabars.--E.]

On the 4th of March 1615, we chased a Portuguese frigate, which ran into
a creek and escaped. While on our way towards Cape Comorin, a Tony came
aboard of us, with messengers from the Zamorin to our general, Captain
William Keeling. Next day, the governor sent a present, and entreated
the general to proceed to Cranganore, which we did next day, taking with
us the messengers sent from the Zamorin, who requested the general to
come on shore to speak with him. But, while he was doing so, some
frigates came and anchored near the shore, by which he was constrained
to go on board the Expedition, Captain Walter Peyton. On this occasion
some shots were exchanged, but little harm was done. The general went
ashore on the 8th, accompanied by Mr Barclay, the cape merchant, and
several others. They were well used, and agreed to settle a factory in
the dominions of the Zamorin, the following being the articles agreed

_"UNDERECON CHEETE, Great Zamorin, &c. to JAMES, King of Britain, &c._
Whereas your servant and subject, William Keeling, arrived in my kingdom
at the port of Cranganore, in March 1615, with three ships, and at my
earnest solicitation came ashore to see me; there was concluded by me
for my part, and by him for the English nation, as followeth.

"As I have ever been at enmity with the Portuguese, and propose always
so to continue, I do hereby faithfully promise to be and to continue in
friendship with the English, both for myself and my successors: And, if
I succeed in taking the fort of Cranganore, I engage to give it to the
English, to possess as their own, together with the island belonging to
it, which is in length along the sea-coast nine miles, and three in
breadth; and I propose to build therein a house for my own people, to
the number of one hundred persons.

"I shall hereafter endeavour, with the aid of the English, to conquer
the town and fort of Cochin, which formerly belonged, to my crown and
kingdom, and shall then deliver it to the English as their own. Provided
that the charges of its capture be equally borne by both parties, one
half by me, and the other half by the English nation; and in that case,
the benefit of the plunder thereof, of whatsoever kind, shall belong
half to me, and half to the English. And thereafter, I shall claim no
right, title, or interest in the said town, precincts, or appurtenances

"I also covenant for myself, my heirs and successors, that the whole
trade of the English, in whatsoever commodities, brought in or carried
out, shall be entirely free from all custom, imposition, tax, toll, or
any other duty, of any quality or description."

"To these covenants, which the shortness of time did not permit to
extend in more ample form, I, the Zamorin, have sworn to perform, by the
great God whom I serve, and not only for myself but for my successors;
and in witness thereof have laid my hand upon this writing.[180] And the
said William Keeling promises to acquaint the king his master with the
premises, and to endeavour to procure his majesty's consent thereto."

[Footnote 180: This probably alludes to a custom mentioned in one of our
earlier volumes, of imprinting the form of the hand, smeared with ink,
on the paper, instead of signature or seal.--E.]

This being agreed upon, a stock was made out for a factory, such as the
shortness of time would permit, and three factors were appointed. These
were, George Woolman, chief, Peter Needham, second, who was one of the
general's servants, and I, Roger Hawes, third; together with a youth,
named Edward Peake, as our attendant, who was to learn the language.
John Stamford, a gunner, was likewise left to assist the Zamorin in his
wars. On the 10th the ships departed, leaving us and our goods in a
_shrambe_ at the water side, together with a present for the Zamorin. We
continued there till the 13th, at which time the last of our goods were
carried to the Zamorin's castle; whose integrity we much suspected,
after having thus got possession of our goods. On the 20th, he insisted
to see Mr Woolman's trunk, supposing we had plenty of money. Needham had
told him we had 500 rials; but finding little more than fifty, he
demanded the loan of that sum, which we could not refuse. He offered us
a pawn not worth half; which we refused to accept, hoping he would now
allow us to proceed to Calicut, but he put us off with delays. He
likewise urged us to give his brother a present.

On the 28th, the Zamorin came into the apartment where we were, and gave
Mr Woolman two gold rings, and one to each of the rest; and next day he
invited us to come to his tumbling sports. That same night, Stamford
went out with his sword in his hand, telling the boy that he would
return presently. The next news we had of him was, that he was in the
hands of the Cochin nayres. He had lost His way while drunk, and meeting
with some of them, they asked where he wished to go; he said to the
Zamorin, to whom they undertook to conduct him, and he knew not that he
was a prisoner, till he got to Cochin. This incident put us in great
fear, but the Zamorin gave us good words, saying he was better pleased
to find him a knave now, than after he had put trust in him.

We had leave in April to depart with our goods to Calicut, where we
arrived on the 22d of that month, and were well received; but had to
remain in the custom-house, till we could get a more convenient house,
which was made ready for us on the 6th of May, with promise of a better
after the rains. We were very desirous, according to our orders from
the general, to have sent a messenger with his and our letters to
Surat, to acquaint our countrymen that we were here; but the governor
would not consent till we had sold all our goods. On the 18th of June,
one was sent. On the 26th, part of our goods were sold to the merchants
of Calicut, by the governor's procurement, with fair promises of part
payment shortly. But it is not the custom of the best or the worst in
this country to keep their words, being certain only in dissembling. Mr
Woolman was desirous of going to Nassapore to make sales, but the
governor put him off with divers shifts from time to time. The 3d July,
our messenger for Surat returned, reporting that he had been set upon
when well forwards on his way, and had his money and letters taken from
him, after being well beaten. Among his letters was one from Captain
Keeling to the next general, the loss of which gave us much concern; yet
we strongly suspected that our messenger had been robbed by his own
consent, and had lost nothing but his honesty. A broker of Nassapore
told Mr Needham, that our dispatches had been sold to the Portuguese,
and when the governor heard of this, he hung down his head, as guilty.
We here sold some goods to merchants of Nassapore.

Mr Woolman died on the 17th of August. We could not procure payment of
our promised money, and were told by our broker, that some one of our
debtors would procure a respite from the governor, by means of a bribe,
on which the rest would refuse till they all paid. On the 24th, the
Zamorin's sister sent us word, that she would both cause our debtors to
pay us, and to lend us any money we needed; but we found her as false as
the rest The queen mother also made us fair promises, and several others
made offers to get letters conveyed for us to Surat; but all their words
were equally false. Thus wronged, Mr Needham farther wronged himself by
his indiscretion, threatening, in presence of a nayre who attended us,
and who revealed his threats, that he would go to the king of Cochin,
making shew of violent revenge to put the governor in fear. He behaved
outrageously likewise to a _scrivano_,[181] who is the same as a justice
with us, taking him by the throat, and making as if he would have cut
him down with his sword, for detaining some of our money which he had
received. Our broker also told Mr Needham, that it was not becoming to
go up and down the streets with a sword and buckler; and indeed his
whole conduct and behaviour more resembled those we call
_roaring-boys_,[182] than what became the character of a merchant. For
my admonitions, he requited me with ill language, disgracing himself and
injuring the affairs of the company.

[Footnote 181: This term is obviously Portuguese, and cannot be the
proper appellation for a judge on the Malabar coast.--E.]

[Footnote 182: This character is now only to be met with in some of our
old plays such as Captain Bobadil in Every Man in his Humour.--E.]

A Dutch ship, which had been trading in the Red Sea, arrived here on the
23d of September, with the intention of settling a factory, and they
were referred by the governor to the Zamorin, promising to carry a
letter for us, but went without it; so that our delays continued. Mr
Needham went himself to the Zamorin on the 4th November, and returned on
the 25th, having got a present of a gold chain, a jewel, and a gold
armlet, with orders also from the king to further our purposes; but the
performance was as slow as before. The 20th December, a Malabar captain
brought in a prize he had taken from the Portuguese, and would have
traded with us; but we could not get in any of our money, due long
before. We also heard that day of four English ships being at Surat. The
governor and people continued their wonted perfidiousness; the former
being more careful in taking, and the latter in giving bribes, than in
paying our debts. We used a strange contrivance of policy to get in some
of these; for, when we went to their houses, demanding payment, and
could get none, we threatened not to leave their house till they paid
us. We had heard it reported, that, according to their customs, they
could neither eat nor wash while we were in their houses; and by this
device we sometimes got fifty _fanos_ from one, and an hundred from
another. They would on no account permit us to sleep in their houses,
except one person, with whom we remained three days and nights, with
three or four nayres. They were paid for watching him, but we got
nothing. The nayre, who had been appointed by the king to gather in our
debts, came to demand a gratuity from us, though he had not recovered
any of our money. He would go to the debtor's houses, taking three or
four _fanos_, and then depart without any of our money.

On the 9th of January, 1616, Mr Needham went to demand payment of a
debt, and being refused permission to pass by a nayre who struck him, as
he says, he gave the nayre a dangerous wound in the head with his sword,
of which it is thought he cannot recover, and others of the natives were
hurt in the fray. Word was presently brought to us to shut up our doors,
lest the nayres should assemble to do us some mischief, as feuds or
kindred-quarrels and murders are common among them, having no other law
or means of vengeance. Our nayre with his kindred, to the number of
thirty or more, with pikes, swords, and bucklers, guarded Mr Needham
home, on which occasion we had to give a gratuity. Our house had to be
guarded for three or four days and nights, none of us daring to go out
into the streets for money or other business for a week, though before
we used to go about in safety. After that, our broker advised us never
to go out, unless attended by a nayre, as they had sworn to put one of
us to death, in revenge for him who was slain.

The 20th, the Portuguese armado of thirty-four sail, passed by from the
south, of which fourteen were ships, and the rest frigates or grabs.
They put into the harbour, in which three Malabar frigates lay at
anchor, and a hot fight ensued, in which the Portuguese were forced to
retreat with disgrace, having only cut the hawser of one of the
frigates, which drove on shore and was stove in pieces. This belonged to
the governor, who was well served, for he remained like a coward in the
country, keeping four or five great guns that were in the town locked
up, except one, and for it they had only powder and shot for two
discharges. Before the fight ended, some 4000 nayres were come in from
the country, and several were slain on both sides. Nine or ten
Portuguese were driven ashore, and two or three of the chiefs of these
were immediately hung up by the heels, and being taken down after two
days, were thrown to be devoured by wild beasts.

On the 28th of January, we were told by a Pattemar, that the governor
was only our friend outwardly, wishing rather to have the Portuguese in
our room, as we did no good in the country, bringing only goods to sell,
whereas the Portuguese did good by making purchases. The 8th of February
we had letters from Surat; and on the 4th of March, the Zamorin wrote to
us, that if our ships came, he wished them to come to Paniany, and that
we need not be anxious for our money, as he would pay us, even if he
were forced to sell his rings.


_Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Ambassador from King James I, to Shah
Jehanguiro, Mogul Emperor of Hindoostan_.[183]


There are two editions of this journal in our older Collections of
Voyages and Travels, but both exceeding defective and imperfect. The
_first_ of these is in the Pilgrims of Purchas, which is said to have
been "_Collected out_ of the Journal of Sir Thomas Roe, Knight, Lord
Ambassador from his Majesty of Great Britain, to the Great Mogul." It is
evidently to be considered as an _abridgement_ made by Purchas, which,
indeed, he fully acknowledges in a postscript, in the following
terms:--"Some readers may perhaps wish they had the whole journal, and
not thus contracted into _extracts_ of those things out of it which I
conceived more fit for the public. And for the whole, myself would have
wished it; but neither with the honourable Company, nor elsewhere, could
I learn of it, the worthy knight himself being now employed in like
honourable embassage from his majesty to the _Great Turk_." Besides that
it is a mere abridgement, often most confusedly, and almost
unintelligibly tacked together, this article in The Pilgrims breaks off
abruptly in a most interesting part of the narrative, which we have now
no means to supply. The full title of this article in The Pilgrims is as
follows:--"Observations collected out of the Journal of Sir Thomas Roe,
Knight, Lord Ambassador from his Majesty the King of Great Britain, to
the Great Mogul. Consisting of Occurrences worthy of Memory, in the way,
and at the Court of the Mogul; together with an Account of his Customs,
Cities, Countries, Subjects, and other Circumstances relating to India."

[Footnote 183: Purch. Pilgr. I. 535. Churchill's Collect. I. 617.]

The _other_ edition of this journal is in the collection published by
the Churchills, of which we quote from the third edition of 1744,
reprinted by Lintot and Osburn, booksellers in London. Of this edition
the editor of that collection gives the following account:--"Sir Thomas
Roe has before appeared in print, in part at least, in the collection of
Purchas, since translated into French, and published in the first volume
of the collection by Thevenot. He now comes again abroad with
considerable additions, not foisted in, but taken from his own original
manuscript, of which it would appear that Purchas only had an imperfect
copy. These additions, it is true, are not great in bulk, but they are
valuable for the subject; and several matters, which in the other
collection are brought in abruptly, are here continued in a more
methodical manner."

After an attentive comparison of these two former editions, it obviously
appears that the edition by Purchas, in 1625, is in general more
circumstantial and more satisfactory than that of Churchill, in 1744,
notwithstanding its superior pretensions, as above stated. Yet, on
several occasions, the edition in Churchill gives a more intelligible
account of particulars, and has enabled us, on these occasions, to
restore what Purchas, by careless abbreviation, had left an obscure and
almost unintelligible jumble of words. The present edition, therefore,
is formed upon a careful collation of these two former, supplying from
each what was defective in the other. On the present occasion, the
nautical and other observations made by Sir Thomas Roe during the voyage
from England to Surat, are omitted, having been already inserted into
the account of that voyage by Captain Peyton.

It were much to be desired that this first account of the political
intercourse between Britain and Hindoostan could have been given at full
length, more especially as that extensive, rich, populous, and fertile
country is now almost entirely reduced under the dominion of the British
crown; and as Sir Thomas Roe, even in the garbled state in which we are
forced to present his observations, clearly shews the inherent vices of
the Mogul government, through which it so rapidly fell into anarchy, and
was torn in pieces by its own cumbrous and ill-managed strength. Perhaps
the archives of the East India Company are still able to supply this
deficiency in the history of its original establishment; and it were
surely worthy of the more than princely grandeur of that great
commercial company, to patronise the publication of a collection of the
voyages, travels, negotiations, and events which have conduced to raise
it to a degree of splendour unexampled in the history of the world. The
importance of this first embassy from Great Britain to the Great Mogul,
and the vast consequences, both commercial and political, which have
since arisen from that early intercourse, have induced us to give the
following additional information respecting the mission of Sir Thomas
Roe, from the Annals of the East India Company, vol. I. p. 174, _et
sequ._, which will in some measure supply the defects in this journal,
as published by Purchas and Churchill.--E.

* * * * *

"The information which the Court [of Committees or Directors of the
East India Company] had received, in the preceding season, [1613-14]
induced them to apply to the king to grant his royal authority that an
ambassador should proceed in his name to the Great Mogul. King James, in
compliance with the wishes of the Company, on the 14th January, 1614-15,
granted his commission to the celebrated Sir Thomas Roe, "to be
ambassador to the Great Mogul, or king of India," the company agreeing
to defray the expence, in consideration, that, under their exclusive
privileges, they were to acquire such benefits as might result from this

"Sir Thomas Roe sailed from England in March 1615, on board the Lion,
Captain Newport, and arrived at Surat, whence he proceeded to the
Mogul's court at Agimere, which he reached in December, 1615; and on the
10th January, 1616, was presented to the Mogul as ambassador from the
king of England, when he delivered the king's letter and presents. Of
these, an English coach was the chief article, and with it the Mogul was
pleased to express his satisfaction, and to give the ambassador a
gracious reception. From the company's agents having already been too
profuse in their presents to the ministers and favourites, Sir Thomas
found that the articles which he carried out as presents were not so
highly estimated as he expected; he therefore informed the court that
nothing less than valuable jewels would be deemed worthy of acceptance;
and at the same time he advised that 'four or five cases of red wine'
should be sent as presents to the king and prince, as, in his own words,
'never were men more enamoured of that drinke as these two, and which
they would more highly esteem than all the jewels in Chepeside.'

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